Attitudes to inequality in South Africa David McLennan & Michael Noble University of Oxford Ben Roberts, Temba Masilela & Hope Magidimisha Human Sciences Research Council Outline of presentation Methodological overview General beliefs about inequality Preferences for state-led redistribution Support for specific redress policies Concluding reflections and next steps Why inequality attitudes matter Inequality remains an indelible feature of the socio-economic structure of South Africa Growing interest in inequality due to evidence that a high level of inequality may cause socio-economic problems Government’s transformative social policy programme to address colonial and apartheid legacies of deprivation and marginalisation Increasing prominence of inequality reduction alongside poverty alleviation and economic growth as national objectives (NDP) Continuing waves of service delivery protests, coupled with recent developments in the mining and agricultural sectors Raises fundamental questions about the nature of mass and elite opinion regarding inequality in our society Why inequality attitudes matter Argument: Need for a nuanced understanding of the general beliefs, preferences and policy attitudes in relation to inequality and redress and how these are changing over time. We know relatively little about public attitudes to inequality and redistribution Possible association with political behaviour or action: incl. electoral participation /choice; social movements; protest action Perceived fairness of policies may facilitate or impede their effective implementation Examining and understanding recent trends in inequality attitudes may serve as a basis for predicting and monitoring changes in the medium- to long-term Why inequality attitudes matter This component of the study examined three principal questions What are public attitudes to economic inequality? What is the public preference for state-led redistribution? What are public attitudes to policy responses to economic inequality? A number of additional sub-questions also examined: What variations in attitudes are there by key dimensions, e.g. social class, gender, race and age? How have public attitudes to inequality changed over time? How do attitudes in the South Africa compare with other countries? Methodology South African Social Attitudes Survey (SASAS) • Collected by face-to-face interviewing in Qtr. 4 Nationally representative conducted annually since 2003 • Gathers information on the attitudes, beliefs, behaviour patterns and values of a representative sample of South African individuals aged 16 and older in private households Use of SASAS rounds 20032012 with a particular focus on Round 7 (2009). • SASAS part of International Social Survey Programme (ISSP): 48 countries annually field an agreed module on a predefined topic Intention: measure specific attitudes and opinions on a diverse set of topics of national relevance. • 2009 module focused on social inequalities. General beliefs about inequality Aversion to Income Inequality “Income differences in South Africa are too large” 100 90 85 81 80 70 Percent 60 50 40 40 38 30 20 10 0 2003 2004 2005 Total agreement (%) Source: HSRC SASAS 2003-2011 2006 95% CI 2007 2008 2009 Strong agreement (%) 2010 95% CI 2011 Aversion to Income Inequality “Differences in income in [country] are too large” (ISSP) 100 94 90 85 70 60 70 50 65 60 40 50 30 40 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 Total agreement (%) Source: ISSP 2009; SASAS 2009 Gini index Gini coefficient (0-100) 80 Aversion to Income Inequality 100 100 90 90 80 80 70 70 60 60 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 Total agreement (%) Source: ISSP 2009; SASAS 2009 Gross National Income per capita ($'000, 2010) Gross National Income per capita ($'000) “Differences in income in [country] are too large” (ISSP) Aversion to Income Inequality Type of society Type of society South South Africa is today Africa ought to be like Type A Type B Type C Type D Type E A small group of rich people at the top, very few people in the middle and the great 50 3 majority of people at the bottom. A society with a small group of rich people at Perceived stratification realities and aspirations in South Africa (2009) the top, more people in the middle, and most 29 8 at the bottom. Similar to Type B except that just a few people 8 9 are at the bottom A society with most people in the middle. 45 3 3 100 30.9 32 4 100 87.6 Many people near the top, and only a few near the bottom. (Can’t choose) Source: HSRC SASAS 2009 Total *Mean level of inequality in the social structure, scored using Evans et al (1992) Mean* 8 Image of Society: Current and Ideal Type of society country is currently perceived to be, compared with ideal structure of society (ranked by mean current image score, n=40) 90 31 20 50 40 Norway Denmark Iceland Finland Switzerland Sweden Australia Cyprus New Zealand Belgium Japan Austria Great Britain USA Germany South Korea Spain Taiwan France Slovenia All countries China Israel Chile Czech Rep. Venezuela Philippines Poland Italy Estonia Russia Turkey Portugal Slovakia Argentina South Africa Croatia Hungary Bulgaria Latvia Ukraine Source: ISSP 2009; SASAS 2009 Ideal Current 92 89 88 100 80 84 70 60 50 30 10 0 Perceived Class Tensions Perceived level of tension between different social classes (%) 100 5 5 18 18 5 8 80 5 17 21 23 23 24 60 35 40 32 32 23 23 Poor and rich people Working class and middle class 33 20 32 22 0 Very strong conflicts Strong conflicts Source: HSRC SASAS 2009 Workers and management Not very strong conflicts People at top and bottom of society There are no conflicts (Can’t choose) Perceived Class Tensions Perceived level of tension between different social classes (ranked mean scores, n=40) (1=no conflicts; 2=Not very strong conflicts; 3=Strong conflicts; 4=Very strong conflicts) Perceived tension between rich & poor 4.00 Highest ranked: 1=Hungary 3.50 S. Korea 3=Russia 4=Turkey 3.00 5=Italy 6=Venezuela 10=RSA 2.50 Lowest ranked: 2.00 35=Norway 37=Iceland 38=Taiwan 1.50 39=Denmark 40=Cyprus 1.00 Source: ISSP 2009; SASAS 2009 Perceived tension between management & workers 4.00 3.50 2.96 3.00 2.63 2.50 2.49 2.00 1.50 1.00 Highest ranked: 1=S.Korea 2=Hungary 3=France 4=Portugal 5=RSA 2.54 Lowest ranked: 35=Latvia 37=Bulgaria 38=Iceland 39=Denmark 40=Cyprus Perceptions of pay differentials Individual subjective estimates of actual and preferred occupational earnings for different types of jobs in 2009 ZAR, gross per month Unskilled worker in a factory Shop assistant Doctor in general practice Chairperson of a large national company Cabinet minister Perceived actual Preferred ethical Difference monthly wage wage (Preferred vs. Rands Ratio Rands Ratio actual) (%) R 2 308 1.0 R 3 334 1.0 +44.5 R 2 882 1.2 R 4 023 1.2 +39.6 R 33 287 14.4 R 28 918 8.7 -13.1 R 41 809 18.1 R 39 974 12.0 -4.4 R 86 745 37.6 R 62 755 18.8 -27.7 Source: HSRCSASAS 2009 South Africans perceive sizable differences in earnings between occupations Strong preference for wages of unskilled / low-skilled workers to increase, and lower pay among higher skilled occupations Ranking of occupations remain unchanged; fairly broad tolerance of large earnings differentials despite recognition of need for narrowing the gap. Preferences for state-led redistribution and support for redress policies Preferences for Redistribution “It is the responsibility of the government to reduce the differences in income between people with high incomes and those with low incomes” 100 90 78 80 66 70 60 50 40 35 26 30 20 10 0 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Total agreement Strong agreement Linear (Total agreement) Linear (Strong agreement) Source: HSRC SASAS 2006-2012 2012 Source: ISSP 2009; HSRC SASAS 2006, 2009, 2012 Mean Support for Government-led Redress Ukraine Portugal Italy Hungary Turkey Russia Slovenia Croatia Latvia France Israel Bulgaria Slovakia Estonia Argentina Poland 3.85 South Africa (2006) Spain China South Korea Austria Finland All countries 3.78 Iceland Chile Belgium South Africa (2009) 3.70 Czech Rep. South Africa (2012) 4.00 Cyprus Germany Taiwan Great Britain Switzerland Sweden Japan Venezuela Philippines Australia Norway Denmark 3.00 USA 4.50 New Zealand Cross National Preferences for Redistribution “It is the responsibility of the government to reduce the differences in income between people with high incomes and those with low incomes” 5.00 4.45 4.00 3.50 2.67 2.50 2.00 1.50 1.00 Preferences for Redistribution “It is the responsibility of the government to reduce the differences in income between people with high incomes and those with low incomes” South Africans: less uniformity in preferences about role of government in redistributing income Significant differences based on: race, education, employment status, subjective poverty status, and geographic location. Nonetheless, more than half of white, tertiary educated and nonpoor South Africans support stateled redress in principle African Rural farms 80 Rural traditional authority areas 70 Urban informal Coloured Indian White 60 50 Urban formal No schooling 40 30 Non-poor Primary 20 Just getting by Incomplete secondary Poor Complete secondary Other labour inactive Student Pensioner Total agreement (%) Tertiary Employed Unemployed South African average (M=69) Source: HSRC SASAS 2006-2012 Support for Redress Policies Support for different types of redress measures, 2009 (percentage agreeing and mean scores) Class-based redress measures: The government should provide a decent standard of living for the unemployed. The children of the economically well-off and the poor should be educated together The government should provide more chances for children from poor families to go to university, even if it has to increase taxes Race-based redress measures: Government should redistribute land to black South Africans. There should be preferential hiring and promotion of black South Africans in employment There should be racial quotas in national sports teams. % support Mean* 81.7 4.06 79.3 4.01 75.2 3.95 67.7 63.7 3.77 3.62 53.2 3.36 Note: * The mean scores are based on reversed scales where 1=strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neither nor, 4=agree and 5=strongly agree. ‘Do not know’ responses were excluded from analysis. Source: authors’ calculations based on HSRC SASAS (2009) Support for Redress Policies: Race Race Black (A) Race-based redress measures: 1. Land reform 2. Affirmative action 3. Sports quotas 4. Apartheid compensation (B) Class-based redress measures: 5. Support for unemployed 6. School integration 7. Tertiary education opportunities for poor 8. Satisfaction with social grant provision 9. Increased social grant spending 10. Progressive taxation Source: HSRC SASAS 2003-2012, pooled data. White Diff. high to low Coloured Indian 80 76 63 74 32 29 40 37 31 27 45 24 17 16 23 20 63 60 40 54 84 77 78 77 68 67 79 75 78 54 67 65 82 83 45 54 53 64 65 69 62 34 50 51 19 14 33 43 18 16 Support for Redress Policies: Class Class (A) Race-based redress measures: 1. Land reform 2. Affirmative action 3. Sports quotas 4. Apartheid compensation (B) Class-based redress measures: 5. Support for unemployed 6. School integration 7. Tertiary education opportunities for poor 8. Satisfaction with social grant provision 9. Increased social grant spending 10. Progressive taxation Source: HSRC SASAS 2003-2012, pooled data. Poor Just getting by Diff. high to low Non-poor 76 72 62 71 69 66 57 65 53 51 49 48 23 21 13 23 89 76 85 72 76 70 82 78 75 74 65 67 74 74 67 63 57 59 15 4 18 11 19 11 Support for Redress Policies: Cohort differences within race groups Black Coloured Indian White Cohort differences: 16-19 years 20-29 years 30-49 years 50+ years 16-19 years 20-29 years 30-49 years 50+ years 16-19 years 20-29 years 30-49 years 50+ years 16-19 years 20-29 years 30-49 years 50+ years Source: HSRC SASAS 2003-2012, pooled data. Land reform 77** 80 80 81 33n.s. 34 31 31 32n.s. 32 29 33 16** 13 17 20 Affirmative action 73** 77 76 78 36** 33 29 26 27n.s. 28 26 28 16n.s. 17 16 15 Sports quotas 60** 66 63 62 46** 42 40 37 58** 44 47 42 25n.s. 23 24 21 Unempl support 85n.s. 84 84 83 79n.s. 79 79 80 84n.s. 83 80 86 64n.s. 72 63 64 School Grant integration satisfaction 77n.s. 80n.s. 78 78 77 77 77 77 80** 63** 75 57 76 50 72 53 76* 69** 82 53 84 55 84 50 78** 45** 69 34 66 35 70 33 Support for Redress Policies: Class differences within race groups Black Coloured Indian White Class differences: Poor Just getting by Non-poor Poor Just getting by Non-poor Poor Just getting by Non-poor Poor Just getting by Non-poor Source: HSRC SASAS 2003-2012, pooled data. Land reform 82** 80 76 33n.s. 31 32 46** 33 27 16n.s. 18 17 Affirmative action 78** 76 73 32n.s. 29 28 36** 28 25 14n.s. 15 16 Sports quotas 66** 62 61 39n.s. 40 40 51* 43 45 23* 20 23 Unempl support 89** 84 77 86** 80 75 88** 88 79 68n.s. 67 64 School Grant integration satisfaction 77** 74** 79 80 76 77 72* 50* 76 55 76 54 76** 62** 86 59 82 50 64** 34* 72 31 69 35 Concluding reflections Conclusions (1) Considerable - and unwavering - public concern with economic inequality in country Acute awareness of inequality, and a strong preference for a more equitable social structure, especially in relation to the labour market. Majority support for state action to reduce inequality, despite declining trend Confirmatory evidence for a principle-implementation gap: Redress policy support lags behind general support for social justice Greater opposition for policies that are more race-preferential in nature relative to those designed more as anti-poverty measures. Links to current debate about race-based versus class-based redress Conclusions (2) Signs of generational change: ‘Born Free’ generation seem to exhibit similar ideological preferences to redress as older cohorts in relation to redistributive policies Firmer basis for a social compact about preferences for interventions designed to produce a more just society than typically assumed. South Africans may not fully agree on specific elements comprising a socially just response to persistently high levels of inequality.... Yet, common recognition of and concern with injustice AND a broadbased commitment to government redistribution and class-based social policies.... This could serve as a solid foundation on which to promote social solidarity and forge progress towards a more equitable society. Next Steps Final phase of the analysis is underway Dataset has been produced into which exposure measures have been merged with SASAS 2009 data Currently working with Oxford University Department of Statistics on multi-level models to examine the associations between exposure and inequality attitudes among the poor and non-poor Academic papers prepared and submitted linked to the spatial inequality and attitudes to inequality components of the project Project report will be made freely available Project is demonstrating the value of South African datasets and added value of linking them together for policy research purposes. David McLennan (Oxford): david.mclennan@spi.ox.ac.uk Ben Roberts (HSRC): BRoberts@hsrc.ac.za