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Dutch Culture
in a
European Perspective
Volume 5
Accounting for the Past:
1650-2000
edited by
Douwe Fokkema and Frans Grijzenhout
translated from the Dutch b y Paul Vincent
2004 3 » ROYAL VAN GORCUM / p a l Q f a V G
macmiUan
© 2004 the editors and authors.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or trans­
mitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, with­
out the prior permission of the Publisher.
No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission
or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright- Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of
any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court
Road, London W iT 4LP.
Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prose­
cution and civil claims for damages.
Published in the United Kingdom and throughout the World excluding continental Europe by Palgrave
Macmillan Ltd, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS, United Kingdom and 175 Fifth Avenue,
New York N Y 10010, USA.
Published in continental Europe by Royal Van Gorcum, P.O. Box 43, 9400 A A Assen, The Netherlands.
PALGRAVE M ACM ILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St.
Martin's Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United
States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and
other countries.
The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
Originally published in Dutch as Rekenschap: 1650-2000 by Sdu Publishers, The Hague. © 2001 the editors
and authors.
The translation and publication of Dutch Culture in a European Perspective in five volumes has been gener­
ously supported by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO).
ISBN
90-232-3967-9 (Royal Van Gorcum)
1-4039-3440-1 (Palgrave Macmillan)
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
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Layout and printing: Royal Van Gorcum, Assen, The Netherlands
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ACCOUNTING
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Contents
Preface
Chapter 1
9
Introduction
li
Douwe Fokkema and Frans Grijzenhout
Chapter 2
Ways of accounting for the past
The concept of "culture"
Art, science, and society
The European context
The relationship with Flanders
The importance of language
The sliding panels of cultural identity
31
34
The Netherlands: a historical phenomenon
41
n
15
19
22
26
Niek van Sas
Chapter 3
1798 as a turning point
Theoretical perspective
The Republic: structure and culture
In praise of bluntness
The miracle of the Golden Age
The separation of state and society
From Enlightenment to Pillarization
The osmosis of state and society
41
43
46
The Netherlands as a problem
The end of history
6i
64
Image and counterimage of the colonial past
67
48
50
52
54
57
Reinier Salverda
The importance of the Indies
69
The Indies of Colijn
Van Vollenhoven: the Netherlands as guide and liberator
72
79
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The legacy of Multatuli
Accounting for the past through research
84
89
Religion and secularization: the continuing
Iconoclastic Fury
93
Jan Art
Chapter 5
A "Protestant" relationship between church and state
during the Dutch Republic
A "Protestant" kingdom: the continuing influence of the
republican tradition in the contemporary Netherlands
A "Protestant" Catholicism
A "Protestant" permissive society
Conclusion
98
106
107
109
Tolerance and democracy
113
95
Kees Schuyt
Chapter 6
The concept of "tolerance"
Gradations and manifestations of tolerance
The Biblical-humanist idea of tolerance: fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries
The rational foundation for tolerance in the
seventeenth century
The urge for freedom and tolerance: the eighteenth century
Political tolerance and emancipation
114
116
123
127
130
Tolerance and consensus after the Second World War
Contemporary tolerance
Concluding remark
133
135
139
Battle for the public sphere: gender, culture,
and politics in the Netherlands
143
12 1
Marjan Schwegman
Fluidity
145
Awakening as a project
Caesuras
Suffering and struggling
Visions
A festive final chord
147
150
153
157
163
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CONTENTS
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Chapter 7
Town and country: work in progress
175
Auke van der Woud
Chapter 8
The Netherlands as "work in progress"
Geographical conditions and economic prosperity
Demographic expansion
Stagnation and renewal
17 7
180
18 1
185
The Kingdom: a centralized state
Environmental planning and a constructible future
187
19 1
Education
197
Sarah Blom
Chapter 9
An accessible humanism
Reluctantly modem
Pillarized unity
Policy in an impasse
Concluding remarks
198
204
209
219
226
Literature
229
Willem van den Berg
Chapter 10
Dutch as the language of literature
Book production and literary production
The growth of the reading public
The organization of literary life
The literary magazine
The promotion of literature
National and international
Literature: one flag, many cargoes
The decline in reading and denationalization
230
231
233
234
239
240
242
247
250
Music and musical life
253
Em ile Wennekes
Stylistic history: a bird's-eye view
Court, church, and town
Opera culture
256
257
263
Orchestra culture
Ensemble culture
265
268
Elite and nonelite musical culture
270
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Visual arts: the doom of the Golden Age
273
Corel Blotkamp
Chapter 12
Seventeenth-century painting as a national school
The invisibility of modem Dutch art
274
278
The mobility of Dutch artists
Openness to older non-Dutch art
The acquisition of modem foreign art
Concluding remark
281
286
289
294
The people conquer the media
297
Henri Beunders
Chapter 13
A n edifying dumbing down
The European context
Dutch media culture
From cultural citadel to a market with something for all
297
299
304
3 13
Epilogue
315
Lastingly affluent, constantly tolerant?
General explanations of Dutch peculiarities
317
Wout Ultee
Three questions
3 17
The main questions posed from the various vantage points 318
Increasing prosperity and expanding rights
325
A theoretical synthesis
332
Concluding remark
339
Chapter 14
Conclusion
341
Douwe Fokkema
Cultural change
The Netherlands, the world's most postmodern country?
A European perspective
341
343
346
Notes
Works cited
Chronological table
Index of names
Subject index
List of the illustrations
About the authors
351
371
395
4 17
427
435
437
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3
Lastingly affluent, constantly tolerant?
General explanations of Dutch peculiarities
Wout Ultee
)
In recent years the theme of Dutch Culture in a European Perspective has been high on the
agenda of the humanities in the Netherlands. The Netherlands Organization for
Scientific Research allotted several million euros to a research program on Dutch culture
in the European context. The project revolved around four points in time: 1650, 1800,
1900, and 1950. M y discussion of the results of the program centers on three questions. I
chose them as a sociologist with an interest in overarching questions, general theories,
and systematic research.
Three questions
}
First I want to know what are the main questions posed in the preceding four volumes
on the various "vantage points," what component questions they contain, and whether
they can be sharpened if the series of questions addressed is extended with questions
drawn from sociology. To give an example: Frijhoff and Spies wanted to know what
bonds people of a particular religion in the Netherlands around 1650 had with people of
different faiths. They argued that an "ecumenicity of daily life" existed, and supported
their view with, for example, information on religiously mixed neighborhood associa­
tions and guilds. In dealing with research into the cohesion of societies, sociologists con­
cern themselves with questions such as: who offers charity to whom, who buys from
whom, and who marries whom. To what extent did the Dutch distinguish between
denominations in these respects? In looking for such clusters of questions I felt strength­
ened by Huizinga's remark of 1929 that historical studies suffer from an inadequate for­
mulation of questions.1
My second question has its starting point in a certain regularity to be found in the
individual vantage point volumes. Again and again the Netherlands appears, compared
with the rest of Europe, to have been both decidedly prosperous and decidedly tolerant.
Is this combination based on coincidence? Or does prosperity contribute to the degree to
which the established inhabitants alleviate difficulties faced by the socially disadvan­
taged, innovators, and foreigners; and do favors and rights in turn increase prosperity?
And if prosperity and tolerance are mutually reinforcing, how does that process operate,
and is there no end to the upward spiral? This is the second question posed in this chapter.
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The industrialization of the Netherlands and its social consequences have received less
attention from historians in recent years. The history of mentalities is in the ascendant.
With changes in technology came changes in views of the nature of human beings, the
natural environment, and society; what do those changes in world view consist of and
how did they contribute to industrialization and other developments? Since a shift from
a materialistic to an idealistic explanatory principle seems less fruitful, I shall be looking
in the preceding volumes for indications of an interplay of factors. Do the production
techniques used in a society have consequences in themselves and does the same apply
to widespread conceptions of the nature of things, or do technology and ideology have
a combined effect? In order to answer this question about societies I resort to the hypoth­
esis that an individual's opportunity to carry out a particular action and the meaning
assigned by the individual to that action have consequences only in combination. This
brings us to the third question raised in this chapter: the relationship between "inven­
tions" and "world views," and between "external opportunities or hindrances" and
"inner impulse or aversion." The key to the explanation of the specific developments
that have taken place in the Netherlands seems to reside in the interplay of the tech­
nologies and ideologies of a society and in the combination of the opportunities and
motivations of people.
The main questions posed from the various vantage points
The question of the cohesion of the Netherlands in 1650
In an intelligent review of the Dutch edition of 1650: Hard-Won Unity, Van Gelder put
into words the question on which the book turns. Frijhoff and Spies argue that the
Netherlands exhibited increasing unity, while at the same time hammering on the cen­
trifugal forces. Having commented on this Van Gelder spells out the question that pro­
pels their argument: "The characteristic feature of the Netherlands was that there was no
absolute power that could cut Gordian knots. How on earth was it possible that the
country made a peaceful impression, saw its economy and culture flourish to a remark­
able degree, and that there was continuing marked cohesion?2
The nonviolent character of the Republic cannot, according to Frijhoff and Spies, be
explained by reference to the constitution. In that respect the Netherlands was an odd
man out in the Europe of 1650: it remained a federation of states and did not acquire a
head of state. Nor did the Dutch live together in peace because they all believed in the
same God, whose commandments forbade killing. In 1566 measures taken by Catholic
rulers led to resistance by Protestants. In 1618 disagreements among Protestants on reli­
gious principles culminated in the beheading of an elderly statesman. The Seven United
Provinces, recognized in 1648 as an independent state, revealed themselves as a country
with great religious diversity. The Calvinist church was accorded privileges but did not
become a state church, the percentage of Catholics remained high, and there was indi­
vidual freedom of conscience.
But if the peacefulness of life in the Netherlands cannot be understood even in terms
y
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of religion, how can it be understood? Following the argument in 1650, the explanation
can be partly found in the convention whereby weighty matters required a unanimous
vote in the States General and consultation with the constituent states. The pressure
exerted by this requirement brought about a preference for unanimity in other bodies
and led to a debating culture in daily life. The counterpart of the striving for consensus
is the custom of settling disputes by fisticuffs, and people learned during the religious
disputes that such behavior did no one any good. In this w ay Frijhoff and Spies point to
a generally shared basic attitude as the cause of a peaceful society. Another reason why
the adherents of different religions did not attack each other was because they all pro­
fessed freedom of conscience. The very absence of a state church meant that every
denomination had its place in the sun. In addition Frijhoff and Spies claim that in neigh­
borhood associations, guilds, militias, and chambers of rhetoric bonds were forged
between members of very different denominations. Those mutual dependencies also
contributed to a keeping of the peace.
The components of the cohesion question
It is time to subdivide the question about the cohesion of a society into its components.
The expression "peaceful coexistence" has two counterparts. The first involves people
being at daggers drawn, the second means that the inhabitants of a country lead self-contained lives. A land where scarcely any violence is used need not have a high degree of
cohesion. The more bonds there are between people, the greater the cohesion. The ques­
tion about violence is a subquestion, that about bonds another, and the cohesion question
is an overarching one.
Besides the question to what extent the inhabitants of a country are at daggers drawn
when the state supervises compliance with legislation designed to protect life and prop­
erty, there is the question of how often they offend against that legislation if they are not
united in one church. The argument that the will not to use force against members of
other denominations was deeply rooted in the human spirit, is one answer to those ques­
tions. Is it an adequate answer in all respects? Human beings quickly find reasons to set
their resolutions aside, and how can one - apart from resorting to arms - maintain that
something is part of someone's habitual behavior? Here a second hypothesis is helpful:
attachments to others make people abandon violence, and bonds strengthen people in
the fundamental view that consultation is more effective than conflict. Therefore the
question about the extent to which in the Netherlands around 1650, in neighborhood
associations, guilds, chambers of rhetoric, and militias, people of different religion asso­
ciated with each other, is an important component of the cohesion problem.
The answer given by the authors of 1650 is that these institutions contributed greatly
to the creation of bonds. This answer can be supported by the denominations of the syn­
dics of the Amsterdam clothmakers' guild, depicted in Rembrandt's painting of 1662: a
Mennonite, a Calvinist, two Roman Catholics, and one person christened in the Nieuwe
Kerk whose brothers and sisters were baptized as Remonstrants.3 Yet there remains a
"but": even if adherents of any religion whatsoever could become members of the neigh­
borhood council, people of the same faith tended to live together. Amsterdam had a
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"Jewish quarter," Delft a "Papists' comer," and the Jordaan district of Amsterdam con­
tained relatively large numbers of Catholics.4
More important than this empirical criticism is the further unraveling of the cohesion
question. Institutions in the "social midfield" create bonds between people, and people
enter into direct relationships with each other. Questions should therefore be asked
about who makes friends with whom, who marries whom, who buys from whom, and
what well-off people support what needy people with money and goods. That at any
rate was what the sociologists Durkheim, Weber, and Kruijt maintained.5 The more the
adherents of the various denominations in a country make friends, find their life's com­
panion, purchase goods or buy services, and support the poor in their own religious cir­
cle, those religions themselves become closer-knit groups, but the cohesion of society is
reduced.6
In the light of these components of the cohesion question it is striking that Frijhoff
and Spies say that friendship went hand in hand with the exchange of favors, and neg­
lect the consequences of religious concord for making friends. Zijlmans showed that the­
ological discussion groups in seventeenth-century Rotterdam were recruited from within
one church, but because of a lack of data said nothing about philosophical discussion
groups and music societies. Even more remarkable is the conclusion that 1650 attaches
to Roodenburg's figures. These show that in seventeenth-century Amsterdam scarcely
any marriages were contracted between people from different denominations. 1650 says
that "in most fields" there was "a fair degree" of ecumenicity of everyday life. The excep­
tion was the family, characterized previously in 1650 as the most important association
in people's lives.7 To what extent did members of a particular denomination around 1650
buy from their coreligionists? If we look at the work of artists, it may appear at first sight
to be seldom, but on closer inspection it may be more often. Frijhoff and Spies note that
the poet Joost van den Vondel, bom of Mennonite parents and converted to Roman
Catholicism in 1641, received a silver bowl from the (Protestant) magistrates of
Amsterdam for his poem on the inauguration of the Amsterdam town hall in 1655.8
According to Schwartz and Bok, the Calvinist painter Pieter Saenredam was apprenticed
to a devout Catholic artist. Later Saenredam painted the exterior of Protestant churches,
which for the benefit of Catholic patrons he embellished with representations that indi­
cated that the churches had once been Catholic.9But is it coincidence that various mem­
bers of the wealthy Catholic merchant dynasty Cromhout from Amsterdam should have
had their town houses and country seats designed by the Catholic architect Philips
Vingboons?10 In a study of the Haarlem portrait painter Johannes Verspronck, Ekkart is
reluctant to go further than note the "possible link" whereby a Catholic carried out com­
missions for other Catholics. Calvinist regents also made use of Verspronck's services.
Biesboer, however, added that Verspronck did not paint any Protestant clergymen or the­
ologians. They would prefer to give commissions to their coreligionist Frans Hals.
Verspronck did, however, paint a portrait of Augustinus Alstenius Bloemaert, a priest in
Haarlem.11 In this case it should be said that, while historians often accept or reject argu­
ments on the basis of a few cases, sociologists regard their hypotheses not as determin­
istic (a causes b, without exception), but as probabilistic (it is likely that a will lead to b ),
and hence require more and more information.12
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The question from whom the maidservants of the syndics of the Amsterdam clothinakers' guild bought bread, vegetables, and meat for their masters, will probably never
be answered. But perhaps documents still preserved will reveal the religion of those
maids. The denomination of their masters is sometimes already known, and with it a
part of the answer to the question concerning who "bought" services from whom.
Finally the question about relationships between people involving a special bond:
care for the needy. Who helped those in need? 1650 bypasses this subquestion. Certainly
little is known about direct help, but more information is available about the efforts of
charitable institutions. They received contributions from people of a particular religion
and served the needy of- precisely that denomination. In seventeenth-century
Amsterdam there was a public, a Roman Catholic, a Lutheran, and a Walloon orphan­
age. The parish authorities of the individual churches provided help only to the poor of
their own faith. Each congregation also had its own old people's home. The only hospi­
tal in Amsterdam was open to all congregations.13 The conclusion is that, although vir­
tually every person in need was helped, cohesion in the Netherlands around 1650 was
limited because the charity of a church drew a line at the hungry of other congregations.
Of course, charity among one's own did lessen tensions between rich and poor.
Cohesion, rationalization, inequality
The question of cohesion played a major part in 2650 and it proved useful to break this
question down into component parts. Cohesion is a major question in sociology, and it
seems helpful to consider two other main questions.14 They relate to the extent to which
societies are rationalized and to the extent of social inequalities. I shall divide them into
component parts and then apply these subquestions to the arguments in the preceding
volumes.
According to Weber, the more efficient production of goods is a manifestation of
rationalization. So is the formalization of the state, the transition from empirical knowl­
edge and philosophical reflection to theoretical-empirical science, and the expansion of
the spectrum of media used by artists. Underlying the question about the conditions that
make for more rapid rationalization processes and sometimes cause a regression, are
questions concerning the prosperity of a country, the increasing or decreasing effective­
ness of the state, and advances in science. The art historian Ernst Gombrich created a
narrative of painting as a gradual accumulation of greater and lesser discoveries, in the
course of which older discoveries are sometimes more or less obliterated.15
According to the jurist Millar inequalities in a society occur between rulers and sub­
jects, masters and servants (nowadays we say: employers and employees), men/hus­
bands and women/wives, and parents and children. The sociologist Sombart argues
that, besides questions about inequalities between individuals at a certain point in time,
there are questions concerning ascending and descending the social ladder. Some soci­
eties consist of nickels and dimes, and ten nickels never make a dollar. But in less closed
societies two nickels acquire the value of three. In addition statesmen are sometimes
toppled, and the wealthy go bankrupt. And if it is cheaper for the sons of guild masters
to become apprentices in their fathers' guilds, that rule favors the hereditary principle in
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occupations. If questions about social mobility are posed, a clearer picture of inequality
emerges.
Questions about rationalization in 1800 and 1950
The title 1800: Blueprints for a National Community can very easily be grouped under the
heading of rationalization. Kloek and Mijnhardt are dealing with a new phase in the
formation of the Dutch state. The States General of the Seven Provinces consisted of peo­
ple who made decisions after consultation and on more important matters by unani­
mous votes; the National Assembly of the Batavian Republic decided without a mandate
and by majority vote. This change accelerated decision-making and contributed to
rationalization in politics. In the Kingdom of the Netherlands the unity of administra­
tion, finances, jurisprudence and legislation was completed. Laws that varied from
province to province and town to town were replaced by a constitution and a Civil and
Criminal Code that was compatible with it. Those provisions were sequenced and
ordered, avoiding old anomalies and filling previous gaps.
In this context it is striking that 1800 contains little about the abolition of the guilds.
Their disappearance led to the creation of freer markets: a form of rationalization of the
Dutch economy. Kloek and Mijnhardt do, however, mention that a Royal Decree of 18 17
regulated vocational art education. The highest level of education was to be given in a
national Academy of Art. This was launched in 1820 in Amsterdam. Did the abolition of
the guilds of St. Luke contribute to the inauguration of this institution and what long­
term effects did this have on innovation in painting? Since this subquestion falls partly
outside the scope of the vantage point of 1800, it is not surprising that 1800 does not con­
tain an answer. Apart from that, the authors point out that in 1782 Aagje Deken and Betje
Wolff, with an epistolary novel about everyday life, brought about a literary renewal in
the Netherlands. There is also an implicit hypothesis that this invention contributed to
the spread of virtues such as entering into matrimony, marital faithfulness, domestic
peace, and the loving rearing of children.
1950: Prosperity and Welfare deals with economic rationalization between 1948 and
1973. The ravages of the Second World War were repaired, and industry became increas­
ingly computerized. The Dutch state influenced this process. Thanks to budget surpluses
in times of boom and budget deficits in times of bust, the high unemployment levels of
the 1930s gave w ay to full employment. In addition the Dutch government gradually ini­
tiated an industrial policy. At the time the question to what extent this policy had a pos­
itive or a negative effect was a cause for dispute. It is now acknowledged that the closure
of the Limburg coal mines proceeded without any noteworthy problems because of the
investment of natural gas profits in expansion of the automobile company d a f and the
d sm chemical works. According to Schuyt and Taveme, the Policy Document for Spatial
Planning of i960 and the Spatial Planning Act of 1965 helped protect the landscape to
some extent. What was harmful in this respect was land consolidation. In comparison
with other countries environmental legislation emerged quite quickly. In 1972 the
Emergency Policy Document on the Environment appeared. In the 1970s the Dutch state
began promoting the wellbeing of the population; in the 1980s it became clear that it had
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overreached itself. At this period too the government lost control of unemployment.
Another new concern of government in the postwar years was responsibility for social
security. The state provided the disabled, the elderly, widows, the unemployed, and
orphans with more favorable prospects than contracts of employment, churches, and
municipal institutions had once done. In the 1980s benefits were reduced.
Questions about painting and literature as questions about innovation
Each of the preceding four volumes devotes ample attention to Culture with a capital let­
ter. Yet as one reads, one is struck by the fact that questions about Culture remain vague
and fragmented. The expression "flourishing of culture" in 1900 is an image, as is
"movement in culture" in 1950. What one mainly sees are titles of works of art, names of
artists and designations of styles, and sometimes the authors raise the question of the
extent to which an artist represents a style. Yet in each volume the development of the
arts is charted by way of particular discoveries, in the sense of Weber and Gombrich. In
this way it becomes clear how forms of culture exhibit dynamism and according to what
criterion a high-point has been reached.
One such discovery has already been mentioned: in 1800 we find the statement that
two ladies brought about a literary renewal with their novels. In addition, in the other
volumes a development in painting is described as a discovery. On the cover of 1650 is
an illustration of a seventeenth-century discovery. Whereas in the work of Saenredam
one could look straight into churches, Emanuel de Witte affords the viewer a panorama
diagonally through the church. This requires a style of painting in which lines vanish not
into a single point but into two points, on the left and on the right.16 In 1900 the work of
Piet Mondrian is analyzed. In the view of Bank and Van Buuren it first reduced the out­
lines of trees and other recognizable items to "ensembles of vertical and horizontal
lines." Later pieces represent nothing at all, but consist of a number of rectangles in var­
ious colors divided by black lines, and constitute an even more severe limitation of the
palette.17 Mondrian's discovery does not mean that the viewer is offered more of any­
thing; on the contrary his discovery consists in showing less. In Mondrian's paintings
figures, derivative colors, and curved lines disappear. In addition, in 1950 we find the
comment that the work of Karel Appel ignores the frame around the picture, makes the
viewer an actual participant, and constitutes a color explosion. But these cases, in which
questions concerning individual artists issue into questions of general import, are an
exception. And the conditions under which innovations are produced in literature and
painting are rarely developed into a theme.
Questions about upward social mobility and the hereditary principle in occupations
In the title 1900: The Age of Bourgeois Culture, Bank and Van Buuren are referring to the
bourgeoisie, as distinct from the aristocracy and the working class. The bourgeois were
those inhabitants of the Netherlands of the time who had investments, pursued a wellpaid profession or were in possession of a valuable school diploma, and on the basis of
these economic resources had the privilege of voting for representative bodies at elections.
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That the culture flourishing in this society should be bourgeois, is obvious. But why did
it flourish in the Netherlands around 1900? Because the bourgeoisie had become more
prosperous and because the differences in income between it and "the common people"
- who had no right to vote and could not be elected - were considerable? At this point it
is useful to investigate the hypothesis that the increasing affluence of the bourgeoisie and
the wide disparity in income between this class and the working class went hand in hand
with an increase in upward social mobility, and the more specific hypothesis that the
phenomenon of people climbing the social ladder contributed to the burgeoning of
bourgeois culture.
These hypotheses, suggested by the segmentation of a major question in sociology,
find support in data found in Bank and Van Buuren. The foundation of higher public
schools ( h b s ) contributed from 1863 onward to the takeoff of the natural sciences in the
Netherlands and to the award of Nobel prizes to Dutch scientists. The pursuit of science
was not aristocratic, but preeminently bourgeois. What remains is the question as to why
prosperity increased around 1900. I shall return to this when considering the question
about the relationship between technology and ideology.
In addition, Schuyt and Taveme ask a question about the consequences for social
mobility of reforms in education. Did, as a result of the introduction of the Mammoth Act
in the 1960s, opportunities for children from lower class backgrounds to achieve the
highest secondary school diplomas, gradually come to resemble those of pupils from a
higher social class? In 1900 Bank and Van Buuren say of the extent to which the
Compulsory Education Act of 1900 reduced poverty, that the immediate effect was rela­
tive. Almost everyone already attended school.
Although many artists' names are mentioned in the preceding volumes, questions
about the extent to which the profession of painter is inherited are not given much
prominence. Yet that question is an important one: people are trained, not bom as
painters. In this respect great changes occurred between 1650 and 1950: in 1650 one
became apprenticed to a master of the Guild of St. Luke, in 1950 one went to art school.
Partly because of the rules of the guilds, the sons of painters followed in their fathers'
footsteps. And because the children of painters had no special privileges at art school,
these institutions helped social mobility. Against this background the question arises as
to how continuity and change related in the old system of painter training, and what in
the later system the mix of traditions and innovations is like. The preceding four vol­
umes provide very few leads for such a subquestion about rationalization in painting.
Yet it is patently obvious that under the guild system developments amounted to an
accumulation of minor inventions, and that the founding of art schools contributed to
the rejection of established practices and led to abrupt changes. In the first case people
learn at a young age and in small groups from a single person, who controlled a pupil's
every action. In the second case people went to work at a later age, in larger groups, and
under the supervision of several people at once, who concerned themselves only with
their pupils' progress in class.
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Increasing prosperity and expanding rights
From the mid-seventeenth century until far into the eighteenth century the Seven United
Provinces were the center of world trade. Wilson wrote in 1968 of the prosperity of that
period that, while other countries, especially England, progressed, the Netherlands
"remained virtually where it stood in 1648."18 Later findings supplement this argument
on important points. What was the ranking of the Netherlands among European states
as regards technological level, firstly around 1650, and secondly shortly before 1800? By
the mid-seventeenth century technology had reached its greatest heights in the
Netherlands, and according to Davids and Israel19 the Netherlands' lead over its neigh­
boring countries, including England, remained considerable until 1740. The prosperity
of the Netherlands was also greater than elsewhere. According to Jan de Vries and Van
der Woude” wages in the construction industry in Holland around 1650 and 1750 were
higher than in Germany, England, and Flanders, while by the end of the eighteenth cen­
tury only English wages had overtaken the Dutch. The first sharp rise in charity in the
Netherlands was in the 1770s. Wars triggered a decline in Holland's prosperity, but these
were always temporary. According to Joh. de Vries*1 trade remained buoyant even after
1795. The Netherlands overcame the decline of 1810 -1813 only later. It became clear once
and for all that the Netherlands was no longer number one.
A heyday of bourgeois culture could only have been possible in the Netherlands
around 1900 if the bourgeoisie was prospering. Although the inventions of the first wave
of the Industrial Revolution reached the Netherlands late, by the First World War the
Netherlands had largely caught up technologically. Maddison's estimates“ indicate that
in 1913 the gross per capita domestic product in the Netherlands, if that in the United
Kingdom is set at 100, was 78. In Germany it was 76, France 69, Italy 50, and the United
States 105. If the gross domestic product of a country is not divided by the number of
inhabitants in a country but by the number of hours per annum worked in that country
and if the United Kingdom is set at 100, the gross domestic product per hour worked in
the Netherlands is 91. For Germany the figure is 80, France 65, Italy 48, and the United
States 116. This means that in 19 13 the productivity of Dutch people in paid employment
approached the level of the United Kingdom. Obviously the criteria for prosperity and
productivity do not rise in tandem, and in the Netherlands in 19 13 a significantly higher
proportion of the population was not in paid employment. Even today the Netherlands
is up with the economic leaders. A comparison of the 29 members of the Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development ( o e c d ) shows that in 1996 in terms of per
capita gross domestic product the Netherlands was in thirteenth place among the club
of rich nations and in fifth based on GNP per hour worked. Setting the average of all OECD
countries at 100, one arrives at a GNP per capita (hours worked) for the Netherlands of
103 (132). For Germany this is 105 (121), France 106 (136), Italy 100 (132), the United
Kingdom 98 (111), and the United States 138 (131).23
Besides the fact that over the past few centuries prosperity in the Netherlands has
been high and for a long time higher than elsewhere, tolerance of unfamiliar ideas and
behavior was greater. Every book about the Netherlands in the seventeenth century writ­
ten for a wide public praises the tolerance in the country. Taking my cue from Schuyt's
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discussion in this volume,241 want to emphasise that the people living in the Netherlands
had certain rights that the inhabitants of surrounding countries did not have. The
Netherlands did not formally have freedom of religion, but freedom of conscience pre­
vailed. The use of buildings for Catholic worship was tolerated, provided the church was
not visible from the street. Politics were reserved for Calvinists. Recognition as a burgher
brought with it the right to join a guild, though in Amsterdam Jews were permitted to
become burghers but not guild members. In most states of continental Europe there was
prior censorship, but this was absent in the Netherlands. Supervision of compliance with
placards in which the States banned books after publication, was in the hands of local
authorities. That was an arrangement in which the weakest link became decisive for the
whole. There was freedom of the press, not de jure but de facto.*5 People who elsewhere
were persecuted for their beliefs, were given permission to live in the Netherlands. They
did not have a right to do so. When at the beginning of the sixteenth century Jews came
to the Netherlands from Portugal, they were allowed to live within the walls of some,
but not all towns. After the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 French Huguenots
came to the Netherlands. Collections were taken up on their behalf.
In 1795 the Batavian Republic issued a proclamation conferring human rights. All
inhabitants of the Netherlands were accorded the same rights, such as freedom, security,
and property. The question was who actually counted as inhabitants of the Netherlands.
In 1796 the National Assembly decided that Jews were to be included. After the French
period equality of political rights was rescinded: the nobility and ruling classes were again
given privileges. The equal status of Jews remained. Freedom of organization was
enshrined in the 1848 constitution and was used by the Catholics to found bishoprics in
the Netherlands in 1853. Freedom of association was less restricted than in Germany,
where Bismarck banned a party committed to the elevation of the working class. In the
second half of the nineteenth century the privileges of the nobility and ruling classes
decreased, as criteria for eligibility to vote were gradually widened. Complete equality of
political rights came shortly after the First World War. In the nineteenth century the state
initially funded only public education. Since the First World War the treasury has treated
denominational schools on an equal basis with public schools. After the Second World War
the world began to look on the Netherlands as a model because of the social rights to
which each inhabitant can lay claim. Later international interest shifted to the legal treat­
ment of abortion, euthanasia, same-sex marriages, and use of hemp-based substances.
Méchoulan's thesis: prosperity and freedom of conscience go hand in hand
In 1990 the historian Méchoulan26refuted the argument that money and freedom are like
fire and water, and maintained that they were mutually sustaining. I shall also mention
the mirror image of the statement that growing prosperity and expanding freedoms are
mutually reinforcing developments: if a ruler oppresses his subjects, the country
becomes poor, and this fall in the standard of living causes exploitation to increase.
Méchoulan demonstrates the way in which money and freedom reinforce each other,
using the example of seventeenth-century Amsterdam. In so doing he distinguishes
types of money and types of freedom. There is freedom of conscience, freedom of religion,
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and freedom of property. A ruler may infringe his subject's right of property by raising
taxes on merchandise or restricting trade in some other way. On the one hand there are
the gold in the coffers of the ruler and the estates of great landlords, on the other hand
industrial activity and trade in a country and the standard of living of the middle class
and the common people.
In agrarian societies at the beginning of the modem era it was common for a sole ruler
to place one religion above others. Sometimes he would also combat religious noncon­
formism by force. The latter required money, especially where a new religion had won a
following. That money had to come from higher taxes, and the merchants in the towns
were a favorite target of rulers when bills for the purchase of weapons and the hiring of
soldiery had to be settled. For other reasons too rulers levied taxes on agrarian societies.
They did so, for example, to pay for the armies for the expansion of their kingdom. As a
result agrarian societies conducted little trade. For that matter, trade declines anyway in
wartime: goods ordered are not delivered because transport is difficult, while because of
wartime conditions there is also less demand for goods that originally found a ready
market. A merchant who is out for continuing high profits is not concerned with the reli­
gion of the people from whom he sources goods. Nor does he inquire about the faith of
potential buyers. Not only does freedom of religion lead to lower taxes and increased
trade, but free trade leads to the acceptance of foreigners as suppliers and customers.
Trade also contributes to freedom of conscience: the right not attend any church.
Freedom of conscience goes further than the recognition that people cannot be forced to
believe. Unbelief becomes a right, as does the expression of unbelief in word and deed.
In Amsterdam merchants ensured that the Calvinist church did not meddle with town
government. The link between money (in the sense of trade and prosperity) and freedom
(in the form of freedom of religion and conscience and with low taxes) is, according to
Méchoulan, not coincidental. The Republic of the Seven United Provinces was one of the
few states in Europe with freedom of religion and conscience and with low taxes, and
partly for that reason prosperous. The availability of money from overseas trade, for that
matter, meant that some people were untroubled by any unpleasantness caused by those
of different faiths in their everyday lives.
The findings of the research program Dutch Culture in a European Context provide lit­
tle scope for testing the thesis that prosperity and religious tolerance are mutually rein­
forcing. There is a long catalogue of all religious denominations in the Netherlands
around 1650 and 1900, and a reader learns a great deal about doctrinal differences, but
there is little about relationships between the groups. Is the reader to conclude from the
absence of reference to mutual violence that members of various denominations never
came to blows? In fact, the relationship in everyday life between people of divergent reli­
gious denominations is apparent from the extent to which members of different denom­
inations intermarried. This was allowed, but happened infrequently.
De Swaan: how universal rights become rooted in groups that reject them
If a right applies to few people it is a privilege, if it applies to everyone it is universal. In
the contemporary Netherlands civil rights, economic rights, and social rights are well-
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nigh universal. Some rights are controversial, as is clear from debates about the level of
social benefits. There are also groups that find it difficult to reconcile the existence of cer­
tain rights with their faith. The sociologist De Swaan pointed to a mechanism that causes
them to accept freedom of religion. He wrote in 198527 that the idea that there are norms
that apply to all people - without respect of persons, regardless of origin, birthmark, or
religious conviction - is a core concept of Western civilization (or at least has been so
since the Enlightenment). However, minorities within Europe that demand a right of
their own appeal to that core concept. And the more strongly a minority emphasizes its
individuality, the more it affirms universalism, the rights of all people to some degree of
individual freedom and group autonomy.
De Swaan adduces two examples. One concerns Jews outside Israel. Orthodox Jewish
doctrine provides scarcely any grounds for allowing people of another religion to pro­
fess their faith freely. The more strongly Jews in the diaspora insist on their own freedom
of religion, the more they are basing themselves on a right that applies regardless of the
truth content of a doctrine. One striking detail is that in the period when the Netherlands
still had conscription, Jewish soldiers were stationed at the same location so that they
could keep a kosher diet. After the departure of the French in 18 13 Jewish leaders
demanded the restoration of their own jurisdiction, but later they followed the constitu­
tion. De Swaan's other example relates to Islam. This is freely practiced in the
Netherlands, not because many Dutch people believe that this religion contains much
truth but, just as in the case of the cult leader Lou de Palingboer and the Baghwan,
because the Netherlands has freedom of religion. However special Islam may be for its
adherents, the religion is not special for the Dutch sense of justice. This explains the set­
ting up of Muslim schools.
Of course the question is what happens in the long run, when a minority that initially
does not accept universal rights nevertheless appeals to them. An example of this would
be the Anti-Revolutionary Party in the Netherlands. Groen van Prinsterer was opposed
to human rights, but a century or more later the same cannot be said of his successors.
The appeal made by religious groups to freedom of religion leads to a self-reinfordng
process.
Marshall's thesis: one right leads to another
If tolerance results in certain rights and if economic freedoms underlie prosperity, have
other universal rights consequently reached a high level in a country like the
Netherlands? If so, is that due to self-reinfordng processes in which rights and respon­
sibilities play a part, and changing power relationships?
In Méchoulan's reasoning there are two main rights that affect any member of society:
freedom of religion and entrepreneurial freedom. A s opposed to these rights that later
became universally applicable, there was once a ruler's privilege of raising taxes and his
privilege of deciding what religion was best for his subjects. These privileges led to the
general duty of the inhabitants of a country to pay taxes for whatever purpose - even for
religious wars. However, a system of heavy responsibilities and limited rights is inher­
ently unstable. It offends against the norm of reciprocity implicit in every population:
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"every good turn deserves a favor." The situation remains unstable or becomes even
more so if taxes and religion are imposed by force.
In 1949 the British sociologist T.H. Marshall,28 basing himself on English history,
argued that civil rights lead to economic rights, economic ones to political ones, and
political ones to social rights. The cause of these expansions always resides in the some­
times unintentional, sometimes intentional consequences of the granting of rights. I shall
now sketch this explanation. According to Marshall the freedom of movement in
England was firmly anchored in the provision in the Magna Charta (1215), that those in
authority could only take freemen into custody after a public trial in which a verdict
would be based on an indictment. The result was that the property of freemen increased.
When people feel secure in their lives some of them set up in business and start amass­
ing property. In addition the call for economic rights among serfs and liegemen increases
as ownership becomes secure and more people acquire possessions. In time the new
property owners began claiming the same rights that the old landed nobility already
enjoyed. Rulers made concessions in order to facilitate the levying of taxes. This expan­
sion of the right to representation eventually strengthened the call for the franchise
among those remaining. When the income of some rose, they were granted the right to
vote, and when universal male conscription was introduced, a tax in kind, universal suf­
frage arrived. Finally: because people who had first been denied the vote because of their
low incomes voted for a party committed to improving the lot of the poor, subsistence in
times of illness and adversity was no longer a favor. It became a right. The expansion of
rights was a self-propelling process.
Schuyt’s argument that the Catholic People's Party promoted the welfare state
In 1988 De Swaan characterized the advent of the Dutch welfare state "a slowly hissing
damp squib followed by a late explosion."29 The train took a long time to get moving but
traveled fast once it was underway. De Swaan rejected the claim that the introduction of
social laws in Europe was the result of a shift in political power, with the power of the
working class increasing as the political rights of its members equaled those of the mem­
bers of the higher classes. In Germany there were social laws before the introduction of
universal suffrage. In De Swaan's view there were four players in the field: the working
class, which was highly organized, the petty bourgeoisie, which was in decline numeri­
cally but sometimes put up fierce resistance, the great entrepreneurs, for whom higher
wages could mean higher turnover, and civil servants. In Germany, where the state was
new and the population had few close links with the state, civil servants accelerated the
social legislation. Because of a lack of information on the Netherlands, De Swaan maintains
that he does not know what coalition of players was responsible for the introduction into
the Netherlands, at first slow then sudden, of social legislation. For that matter, there was
also social legislation in the Netherlands before the introduction of universal suffrage.
With Schuyt and Taveme I argue that in the Netherlands there was a fifth player in
the field, but my reasoning goes further. In the early twentieth century the churches
increased their power and the expansion of political and social rights at certain times can
only be explained by assigning them an important role. To begin with, the political parties
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argued about the introduction of universal suffrage. In parliament there was a majority
against, with only the Social Democrats in favor. Then there was the school funding con­
troversy. Freedom of conscience and religion are not complete if the nonreligious can
have their children taught in the spirit of their own ideology at no extra expense at pub­
lic schools, and Christian parents, if they wish to impart their religion to their children,
have to contribute additional money. That means that the state is treating the different
ideologies unequally. In the Netherlands only the Christian parties were initially in favor
of parity of funding, and they did not constitute a majority. What happened?3” During
the First World War a coalition of Social Democrats and Christian parties against the
Liberals led to the introduction of both universal suffrage and parity of funding for
Christian and public education. Politicians swapped votes.
Schuyt and Taveme oppose the explanation that the Netherlands acquired a welfare
state after the Second World War because the Socialists were riding their hobby horses.
The social legislation was not only a compromise between Liberals and Socialists, but
equally between right-wing and left-wing Catholics.31 Here too there may have been
vote-trading. In order to rebuild the Netherlands, which had suffered severe damage
during the war, the state kept wages low. In order to sustain this over an extended period
the Catholics were "bought off" with child benefit and the Socialists with the old age
pension. In this line of reasoning the Catholics were not enthusiastic about this latter
insurance - it relieved children of the duty to support their parents through financial dif­
ficulties and reduced the importance of church care of the poor. For this reason the intro­
duction of social legislation in the Netherlands was a damp squib that went on hissing
for a considerable time. However, the Catholic People's Party was prepared, in exchange
for child benefit - Catholics had more children - to water down its proposals. So was the
Labour Party, which to a certain extent preached income according to need and could not
deny that larger families have greater needs, as long as a general old age pension was
introduced. And so there was a trade-off, which led to a belated bang.
A process without regression and without end?
The above explanatory sketches ignore at least two questions. Was there never any
regression between 1650 and 1950? And can it be expected that the process of increasing
welfare and expanding rights will simply continue?
As regards the first question, the volume 1800 states that at the end of the eighteenth
century the favors granted to people without means of subsistence were declining. Also
in that volume events in 1834 are mentioned in which the constitutional freedom of reli­
gion was at issue. I shall now discuss these two examples of regression, and in addition
the persecution of the Jews in the Netherlands in 1940-1945.
According to Kloek and Mijnhardt in the last quarter of the eighteenth century pro­
vision for the poor was in a sorry state. In their view this situation partly resulted from
the increasing number of those in need. That provision for the poor should come under
pressure when prosperity declines, is not surprising. Kloek and Mijnhardt note that in
addition municipal authorities where possible offloaded their responsibilities onto
church institutions. And these differed in financial capacity, so that the support received
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by the needy became dependent on their faith. Kloek and Mijnhardt appear charmed by
the hypothesis that the ever narrower gap between charity and earned income resulted
in a fall in the number of those employed.52 When social rights are generous, they are not
conducive to prosperity in the long term. It is also obvious that municipal authorities
should offload responsibilities in a situation of falling revenues and rising costs. The lat­
ter were offloaded not only onto church institutions but also onto other municipal
authorities, for example in the cases of people who had only recently moved house. In
general one can say that rights involving considerable immediate expense for govern­
ment, are implemented slowly, and that rights once introduced may nevertheless be
toned down. Apart from that, a rise in taxes amounts to a restriction of property rights.
Kloek and Mijnhardt also point out that in 1834 in many localities in the Netherlands
people seceded from the Dutch Reformed Church. By the end of 1834 seventy seces­
sionist congregations had beeft set up, and in April 1836 4,000 heads of families had
signed the Act of Secession. The Secessionist minister H. de Cock was sentenced as early
as 1834 for disrupting a public act of worship at Ulrum. Since the Secessionists had been
denied control of church property, they originally gathered in the open air. Local author­
ities often banned these gatherings, in defiance of the constitutional freedom of religion.
They appealed to the Netherlands Criminal Code, according to which prior permission
was required for gatherings of a religious nature involving more than twenty people.
This ban was difficult to sustain, but in 1836 it was enforced by billeting soldiers in the
homes of Secessionists, with the residents footing the bill. Later the Secessionists
obtained government recognition as independent congregations, but in return had to
delete the word "Reformed" from their title. It has to be said that Kloek and Mijnhardt
do not get very far in trying to explain this infringement of the constitution by the gov­
ernment.33 They maintain that it was not only a matter of dissatisfaction with the enlight­
ened course taken by the Dutch Reformed Church among groups that felt oppressed, but
also of cultural protest against the public stance of the Dutch Reformed Church. The lat­
ter spent less and less time proclaiming its dogmas on God's intentions with the world
and mankind, and had begun increasingly to exhort its flock to observe virtue in social
life. It is not clear how that explains the deployment of troops. This was not a case of gen­
tle exhortation but of tough action. An additional hypothesis is that there were few
obstacles to government intervention in general, such as a court that tests the constitu­
tionality of legislation and a parliament elected by universal suffrage that can dismiss
cabinet members.
The year 1941, when Jewish inhabitants of the Netherlands were required to report to
the authorities and the Amsterdam area witnessed strikes in protest at the rounding up
of Jews, did not serve as a vantage point for a cross section of Dutch cultural history.
Nevertheless it can be argued that "the war" revealed a great deal about prewar Dutch
culture and deeply influenced postwar culture. A t any rate the assertion that rights sim­
ply continue to expand is contradicted by the fact that of the 140,000 Jews resident in the
Netherlands in 1941, 100,000 were gassed within three years. According to the sociolo­
gist Helen Fein,34 who compared eighteen countries / territories occupied by Nazi
Germany, the percentage of Dutch Jews who lost their lives is higher than might have
been expected on the basis of prewar anti-Semitism, and higher than might have been
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expected on the basis of the severity of the German occupation of the Netherlands. One
contemporary explanation is that there was more anti-Semitism in the Netherlands than
was once thought. An example quoted is the turning away of Jewish refugees at the
Dutch border in the 1930s. That hypothesis does not seem adequate. In 1941 there were
20,000 Jews resident in the Netherlands who had fled there after Hitler came to power.
In 1943 the Danish resistance took virtually all Jews living in Denmark to Sweden. These
totaled 6,000, a small minority of whom had sought refuge in Denmark since 1933. I
think it more plausible that in the case of the Netherlands the influence of the German
occupying power and its Dutch supporters has been underestimated. Half of Dutch Jews
lived in Amsterdam. The strike in 1941 after the raids in the Jewish quarter led to the
appointment of a pro-German mayor of Amsterdam, and a Dutch Nazi chief-of-police
followed by an ss one. In addition, a Jewish Affairs department consisting of Dutch Nazi
police was set up. In this chapter I can do no more than point to this regression.
Secondly, it is questionable whether the process of increasing prosperity and expand­
ing rights will continue indefinitely. Clearly, this has not always been the case. In the
1980s, for example, benefits were cut. In the case of the putative decline in provision for
the poor after 1770, the declining Dutch economy in comparison with other European
countries was an important factor, and with the reduction of benefits since the 1980s the
international situation was also significant. A welfare state is a statutory complex, but
must have the resources to realize the goals enshrined in it. In the 1970s a number of
countries, members of OPEC, joined forces in extracting and selling crude oil, the most
important contemporary energy source. The upward pressure on prices led to a fall in
employment and a rise in social security payments, while tax revenues fell. A state may
have a big agenda, but the government must have the means to achieve it. The presentday discussion on numbers of asylum seekers makes it clear that a wide interpretation
of the right to asylum is self-defeating if surrounding countries interpret this right in a
strict sense.
A theoretical synthesis
Whatever the phenomenon, various explanations are offered for it in the preceding vol­
umes. This is not in itself unsatisfactory. Less desirable is future research that focuses on
eliminating factors. After all, findings show that there is at least some virtue in the vari­
ous hypotheses. The main point is not to allow the factors adduced to become a simple
catalogue: they must be linked together. One way of doing this is to start from the prem­
ise that there is an interaction between factors. That happened in the section of this chap­
ter on prosperity and tolerance. This frees one from becoming ensnared in phony issues
such as whether the substructure or the superstructure is decisive or, conversely, mind
or matter. Another way of relating factors to each other is to arrange them according the
scope of their consequences. But where is the theory capable of predicting that one fac­
tor has greater consequences than another? In addition it is virtually impossible to
demonstrate how important a factor is. Historians are forced to work with the sources
that have been preserved, and there are never enough sources for such precise questions.*5
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In a period when historical materialism was very influential, Weber tried to salvage
idealism. He sometimes said that ideal factors had an influence alongside material ones,
leaving aside the question of the degree of such effects. On another occasion he argued
that the ideal factor had been decisive, without indicating the difference between an inde­
pendent and a crucial factor. What form does a substantive hypothesis take that says that
a factor is decisive? In order to answer this question, I shall discuss below the construc­
tion of a Weberian explanation and the structure of "technological-ideological evolution­
ism." Following that I shall look for corresponding notions in the preceding four volumes.
Inner motives and outward opportunities
In the thinking of Weber, who as a student specialized in legal history, industrial capi­
talism boils down to a cluster of freedoms. For example, all the inhabitants of a country
have the right to found their own business (in the past the number had been laid down
in guild provisions). In addition, any entrepreneur wishing to sell his goods at a price
lower than that of other suppliers requires no one's permission to do so. Weber argues
that the more the economic rights applicable in a country are exercised, the greater the
quantity of goods produced in that country will be. He also holds that rights, of what­
ever kind, are not always exercised. An example of this are the thirty percent of Dutch
voters who at present fail to vote. The degree to which people make use of the rights of
industrial capitalism is greater the stronger their urge to do so. The strength of that moti­
vation depends on people's image of the relationship between the individual and the
world, and every religion contains such a world view. Weber's general thesis is that the
more an image of the world lends itself to vigorous action, the more the inhabitants of a
country will exercise their economic rights and the greater the prosperity in that country
will be.
Weber argued that the world view of Hinduism is that man is part of an essentially
unchanging world, and that the premise of the Protestantism of the sixteenth and sev­
enteenth centuries was that man can master the world.56 Of these two world views,
claims Weber, Protestantism attaches greater significance to vigorous action than
Hinduism. For a Protestant, founding his own business means essentially the systematic
control of a small part of God's creation. For a Hindu such an action is pointless, since it
does not accord with the notion that the world is essentially unchanging.
What form does Weber's general hypothesis take? The possibility of action has in
itself no consequences, nor does the will to act. When both the outward opportunity is
greater and the inner urge stronger, it will be more likely that action is taken. Weber's
reference to what is now called a mentality, does not shift the explanation from a mate­
rial to an ideal factor, but links the two together. If "possibilities" have consequences
apart from "motives," then the first factor is a stand-alone factor; if "impulse" has an
influence regardless of the "opportunity," that factor is operating autonomously. Weber
offered a theory according to which consequences only occur with a combination of fac­
tors: only where the motivation is strong and the scope for action great will something
happen. A single factor can never be called "decisive"; what is decisive is the whole con­
stellation of factors.
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Technologies and ideologies
’
,
Weber's general hypothesis is widely applicable for two reasons. Firstly, because possi­
bilities for action are not only legal in nature. The ubiquity of money facilitates trade, the
location of a country may provide trade opportunities, as may the presence of raw mate­
rials. Moreover, technological progress means in effect that things that were once impos­
sible prove after all to be feasible. Weber's thesis can therefore be applied to societies that
differ in technological level. Apart from that, the impulse to act in a certain w ay need not
spring only from a world view grounded in religion. Political ideologies also contain
such ideas. The Liberal ideology maintains that the state can offer everyone - not only
the aristocracy or the bourgeoisie - opportunities for action, and that competition
between people in free markets, guided as it were by an invisible hand and without the
intervention of the state, guarantees the greatest good for the greatest number. The Social
Democrat ideology implies that state action may lessen inequalities step by step. This
means that Weber's general hypothesis is applicable to societies that differ in the degree
to which the views of the state to which people subscribe show "activism."
However, in terms of Weber's general hypothesis the wide diffusion of an activist
view has scarcely any consequences for inequalities in a society if the technological level
is low or technology is stagnant; the consequences of activist ideologies are greater the
higher the level of technology in a country and the more a country's technological supe­
riority increases. So it can be deduced that if both a society's level of technology is higher
and its dominant ideology more activist, the inequalities in that society will be less.
This "technological-ideological evolutionism,"37 though, does not assume continuous
uninterrupted technological advance. New discoveries may in the long run prove to be
less momentous than was at first thought. Schuyt and Taveme maintain that the Dutch
state began investing less money in nuclear energy, when more opposition emerged in
society around 1970.38 In addition technological-ideological evolutionism does not
assume that earlier ideologies were extremely passivist and that ideologies gradually
become more activist. Sorcery is an ancient phenomenon, and some denominations in
the contemporary Netherlands are more passivist than those from which they originated.
Bank and Van Buuren showed that in the second half of the nineteenth century the Dutch
Reformed ideology was so activist for some members of that church, that they took the
step of founding their own churches.39 At that time they rejected vaccination against
smallpox, now they reject vaccination against poliomyelitis as human interference in a
God given world.
1950: Views of the state, crude oil, and natural gas
The first explanation for the rise of the welfare state in the Netherlands after the Second
World War is that a Social Democrat party joined the government and wanted a welfare
state. It has already become clear that this hypothesis does not hold water. Nor does it
accord with Weber's general hypothesis and technological-ideological evolutionism. But
to begin with there is something wrong about the question why after 1945 the Dutch state
started concerning itself with the welfare of its citizens. It is wrong because previously the
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German occupiers issued the so-called Health Service Decree (Z iekenfondsbesluit), and
because the Child Allowance Act, passed in 1939, came into force in 1941. The Health
Service Decree is important, because an explanation for the issuing of this decree refers
to the circumstances in which those involved were acting. Of course the German occu­
pying powers wanted a National Health Service, but Dutch politicians had wanted the
same already shortly after the First World War. A t that time, however, they could not
agree among themselves about implementation. For all those involved the institution of
a National Health Service was cheaper than the existing situation. But for some a certain
form of implementation was cheaper than for others. The parties were unable to resolve
this stalemate,40and it took the German occupiers to do so. Even before the advent of the
Batavian Republic it was clear to everyone that a unitary state offered greater advantages
than the existing federation^ However, some provinces had more interest in a particular
kind of centralization than others. Hence it took until the French occupation before
Dutch unity was achieved.
That the arrival of the welfare state was partly due to the Catholics has already been
said. The question, however, is not just why the Netherlands became a welfare state, but
equally why it remained one. And if readers believe that as a result of all the cutbacks
since the 1980s the welfare state has been demolished, the question still remains why
benefits in the Netherlands remained so high for so long. In answering this question one
can, with Duyvendak,41 point to the fact that for a long time certain political parties clung
to the belief that society is perfectible - and finally abandoned it. But a hypothesis about
the combination of Dutch technology and ideology is more attractive.
Social legislation costs money, which comes from somewhere. People do not like pay­
ing taxes. If their incomes rise in absolute terms, they are less worried, but what if the
economy is in a slump? The Netherlands and its neighbors imported oil. In the 1970s the
price of this raw material, which is scarcely found in Dutch soil, rose when OPEC pushed
prices up. A s a result economic growth and employment in oil-importing countries fell.
At first the Netherlands seemed to be escaping growing unemployment, but by the mid1980s the Netherlands was among the rich countries with a particularly high percentage
of unemployment. Social expenditure was growing faster than taxation and contribu­
tions. How was that possible?
In the first half of the twentieth century exploration work was carried out in the
Netherlands in search of deposits of coal and rock salt. In the process crude oil and nat­
ural gas were accidentally discovered. Since these sources of energy gained in impor­
tance with every wave of industrialization, companies later began searching in a focused
way for crude oil and natural gas. Besides the traditional gravitational method of map­
ping the earth's crust, the more accurate seismic method emerged, while, as a result of
the transition from dry percussion drilling to hydraulic rotating drilling, depths of 3,000
meters could be reached. In the Netherlands these techniques led to the discovery of a
gas field near Slochteren in 1959, with a size estimated a few years later at 1850 billion
cubic meters. Overnight that field made the Netherlands a mineral-rich and gas-export­
ing country. The price of natural gas on the world market was linked to that of crude oil,
and the Dutch state negotiated a high share of profits. It did so on the basis of a Mining
Act dating from 1810. When in the 1970s the price of crude oil shot up, the natural gas
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revenues of the Dutch state rose proportionally. In the mid-1980s they comprised 15 per­
cent of state income.42. This is w hy in the 1970s government expenditure was initially not
under pressure. However, because the Dutch balance of payments showed a surplus and
the guilder became harder, the export of goods other than natural gas declined. In those
branches of industry there was harsh rationalization. Consequently unemployment rose
after all. Rises in taxation and contributions led to a rise in wage costs, which made
Dutch goods dearer on the world market and led to more unemployment. Prime
Minister Lubbers was fully aware of this spiral and looked for suitable measures. First
natural gas revenues provided the answer, then civil service salaries were cut, and later
benefits.
)
The conclusion is that, however widespread the ideology is that society is perfectible,
social engineering designed to address inequalities costs money. The money comes in
when the economy grows, but not when it contracts. The Weberian and technologicalideological hypothesis on the rise and fall of the Dutch welfare state is: when a society is
both governed by parties with an activist ideology and technology advances, social leg­
islation is introduced and maintained; when either the ruling ideology becomes more
passivist, or technological developments are absent, benefits will fall. The presumption
is not that economic setbacks make ideologies less activist. The policy of an activist gov­
ernment produces more effect in a period of economic prosperity and less when times
get hard economically.
1900; Why did prosperity increase?
The years around 1900 were a time of economic prosperity and, partly because of that,
bourgeois culture reached its pinnacle. But why did the standard of living rise in the
Netherlands? The answer given here is partly derived from the work of economic histo­
rians. It boils down to a combination of the factors of opportunity and disposition.
In the first industrial revolution the Netherlands missed the steamboat and in the sec­
ond the train. Only between i860 and 1870 did it finally "happen." Initially historians
blamed the "living off interest" mentality among the bourgeoisie for the late industrial-
)
ization of the Netherlands, but according to Weber's hypothesis, explanations in terms
of mentality alone are incomplete. Brugmans pointed to public apathy and lack of enter­
prise, but also observed that goods imported into the Netherlands were liable to duty.
This lined the coffers of the state, but did not favor the flourishing of trade. Furthermore
Brugmans argued that levies limited transit traffic. In 1867 traffic on the Rhine was finally
made completely free by treaty.43
Subsequently Mokyr and Griffiths44sought the cause of the Netherlands' slow indus­
trialization in the late building of railways and waterways. Since Dutch soil contained
scarcely any coal or iron at extractable depths, the Netherlands was dependent in this
respect on the Ruhrgebiet and Wallonia. This hinterland was inaccessible and long­
distance trade was hampered by poor sea communications. Under King William I canals
had been built, but the first bridge over the Moerdijk was not completed until 1872 and
the short canals from Rotterdam and Amsterdam to the North Sea in 1871 and 1876. Still
more recent research by Van Zanden45 pointed to another inhibiting circumstance. In
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________________
order to recruit staff, manufacturers had to compete with thriving agricultural businesses,
which led to high wages. The "agricultural depression" of the 1880s put an end to this.
Another circumstance that gradually began to favor industrialization was that between
1869 and 19 12 the Netherlands recognized no patents. According to Schiff/ this may
have reduced the number of Dutch inventions, but the application of foreign inventions
increased: entrepreneurs dodged patents.47 Examples of this are the electric light bulb
industry (now Philips) and the margarine industry (now Unilever).
With the findings of this research the explanation for the late industrialization of the
Netherlands and the increasing prosperity around 1900 shifted from a mentality to an
opportunity explanation. How far did this shift go? In 1987 Van Zanden48 argued that in
the first half of the nineteenth century economic conditions were so unfavorable for large
scale industrial capitalism that potentially entrepreneurial individuals were bound to be
deterred. Or put differently: mentality alone is not decisive. Van Zanden also gave a neg­
ative answer to the question whether circumstances are decisive. Referring to Schumpeter
he argued that the introduction of new production techniques was closely connected with
the availability of sufficient entrepreneurial flair. In this way Van Zanden's explanation
appealed to the combination of the factors of opportunity and urge.
Van Zanden stresses that economic circumstances cannot be separated from political
relationships. In the 1830s the national debt had risen sharply because of the deployment
of troops during the Belgian Revolt. Van Hall eased the pressure in 1847 through a com­
pulsory low-interest bond issue. (If anyone undersubscribed, a wealth tax would be
levied). The apathy explanation implies that people did not want to invest in new enter­
prises and preferred to put their money into government bonds. This explanation is incor­
rect: people were obliged to lend the state money. Only when Thorbecke cleared the
national debt in the 1860s did economic growth take off.49 Looked at closely, the state­
ment that until 1850 political relationships hampered the making of profit in industry
boils down to the hypothesis that political ideologies have consequences for economic
conditions. The Liberal Van Hall imposed an obligatory bond issue and the Liberal
Thorbecke completed the clearance of the national debt. The conservatives wanted the
matter of the high national debt to take its own course, hence delaying the industrial­
ization of the Netherlands. For this reason the expression "the theory of institutional
impotence" for Van Zanden's explanation of the late industrialization of the Netherlands
is less than ideal. It fails to recognize the role of activist political ideologies in removing
institutional obstacles and the entrepreneurial spirit needed to make full use of institu­
tional opportunities.
1800: Why did the rationalization of the state fail so often?
Kloek and Mijnhardt argue that around 1800 the notion gained ground that society could
be reformed through centralization. Many reforms were proposed, but many plans failed
because the national government was short of funds and was obstructed. The introduc­
tion of a national Civil Code and Criminal Code succeeded, word has it because draw­
ing up these two statutes cost very little. However, plans for improving education and
public health were doomed from the outset, because they were so expensive. National
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health policy scored one great success: vaccination against smallpox. The vaccination
campaigns were organized in collaboration with local branches of Society for the
Promotion of the Public Good. Even when the costs were relatively low, as with the plans
for nationalization of transport infrastructure, the result was a partial failure, because of
the intransigence of local authorities. The greatest failure related to the plans for national
provision for the poor. This was resisted by the local churches, i.e. nongovernment insti­
tutions. It should be clear that this explanation of the fate of reforms is based on a com­
bination of possibilities and motives.
Still, a critical comment is in order. For example, Kloek and Mijnhardt write that it is
perfectly understandable that the new centralized waterway bodies should have
achieved a degree of success in the management of the great rivers. Such improvements
were in everyone's interest, and that interest had become apparent in the dike breaches
of 1799, 1805, and 1809 in the Gelderland river basin.50 But does that exclude the possi­
bility that some measures were more in the interests of certain local authorities than of
others? According to Kloek and Mijnhardt, in the Seven Provinces the principle that
"those at risk should foot the bill" had become influential.51 If the water is held back
upstream, it may cause more damage downstream, while the reverse is not as often true.
That hampers decision making. Improved drain-off of water into the Rhine in Germany
increases the chances of flooding in the Netherlands. The opposition of local authorities
is just as understandable as the call for centralization. Did national government have any
means of forcing or inducing lower authorities, thus clearing an impasse?
1650 and 1800: Bonds and basic attitudes
At the beginning of 1650 one reads that despite centrifugal forces in the Dutch constitu­
tion, the Netherlands nevertheless exhibited a certain unity. This derived from the habit
of the inhabitants of sometimes avoiding debates about the true faith and the convention
of settling political disagreements by discussion. Later Frijhoff and Spies make it clear
that in neighborhood associations and guilds people of different religion worked in con­
sort and that these bonds contributed to preserving the peace. Are we dealing here with
two factors that in combination influenced the cohesion of the Netherlands of the day?
If people associate with each other over a longer period, even if they believe that people
are entitled to use force, the less inclined they are to get angry with each other. The
longer people associate, the more interdependent they become. If person A wants to get
something done, he needs person B; if B wants something, he has to go to A. Where there
are bonds between people of different denominations, differences of opinion are less
likely to lead to rows. The existence of bonds puts a brake on violence. Following this
reasoning the habit of not using force is not a necessary condition for peaceful coexis­
tence, but a side-effect of dependencies or an intermediate factor.
However deeply a certain attitude is entrenched, there are always tacit limits within
which it applies. Does the pronouncement "Love thy neighbor" apply to everyone on
earth, or only to those who live nearby? The "moral universe" to which ethical com­
mandments relate is seldom universal. However deeply rooted mentalities may be,
people are good at finding reasons why they are entitled to depart from norms on this
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________________
precise occasion. The seventeenth-century habit of tolerance proved not to be so deeply
rooted when it concerned the rights of Jews. Slavery also was very selectively judged.
When at the beginning of the seventeenth century white Dutchmen from Zeeland
brought black slaves to the Netherlands, they were forced to set them free. But why was
slavery not abolished in Surinam until the second half of the nineteenth century? In 1650
Frijhoff and Spies record the tortuous reasoning with which the slave trade was justified
at the time. Slaves were not Christian, but had the right to be converted.52 The habit of
respecting followers of other religions only has consequences if there are close bonds
between members of these denominations outside the church. Here a habit has conse­
quences in combination with the existence of bonds.
Kloek and Mijnhardt point out in 1800 that on average a riot occurred once every five
years in the Seven Provinces, whereas in the Napoleonic period there were on average at
least six riots per year. Their explanation for the finding that there was a decline in cohe­
sion, boils down to the hypothesis that certain measures, taken by the national govern­
ment just after 1800, were contrary to public opinion and consequently increased the
number of riots.53 But would these consequences of the measures have been as great if
there had been no learned societies, coffee houses, newspapers, or tow barges?
According to Kloek and Mijnhardt these institutions were relatively recent inventions
and, according to an important hypothesis of theirs, turned the Seven Provinces into a
community where communication was faster and bonds closer. This answer to a cohe­
sion question also appeals to a combination of opportunity and inclination.
Concluding remark
The answers I have given to the questions in this chapter are of importance to some sen­
tences in the Foreword to the Dutch edition published in Volume 1 that have an apolo­
getic ring. On behalf of the steering committee of the research program on Dutch Culture
in a European Context, Douwe Fokkema writes that readers looking for one theoretical
explanation for the relative success of Dutch culture in the seventeenth century, its later
decline and subsequent revival, will be disappointed. The program addressed specific
questions, with each volume placing emphases as it saw fit.
The preceding volumes did indeed prove to contain many specific questions, yet the
diversity of questions remained limited. I hope to have shown that various specific ques­
tions can be regarded as subquestions of one and the same overarching question. As a
result the fragmentation in the preceding volumes is not as marked as it appears at first
sight.
In this chapter I have also argued that a line can also be discerned in the complex of
explanations. The various volumes do not give a single explanation for long-term devel­
opments in Dutch culture, but it soon becomes clear to the reader that the contributors
to the program have striven for explanations. And where this is not immediately appar­
ent, a reviewer provides a summary. After pointing out that society in the Netherlands
around 1650 was strikingly peaceful, Van Gelder writes that the geographer explains the
degree of order from the location of the Netherlands on the sea and the river estuaries,
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the technologist from the application of inventions in shipbuilding and windmill con­
struction, and the economist from the founding of high-risk enterprises in which small
investors participated. In addition the theologian invokes the cohesive force of the
Calvinist church, the moral philosopher the enduring humanism of Erasmus and Hugo
Grotius, and the historian of mentality people's basic attitude. According to Van Gelder,
Frijhoff and Spies did the last of these: in the Netherlands around 1650 people strove
consistently for agreement.54
In addition, this list of factors teaches us that it is too easy to maintain explanations
alongside each other in this way. Does the dissemination of the notion that disputes can
be settled by words, have equally great consequences in countries and in periods where
technology is stagnant and industry consists of one-man businesses? By raising such
questions in this chapter, I was seeking for a theoretical synthesis. Developments in a
society can be explained from the advance of technology together with the increasing
activism of ideologies. Human action must be understood from a combination of oppor­
tunity and inclination. However strong motivation may be, without favorable opportu­
nities it accomplishes little, and however many rights people have, there must be a wish
to exercise them. External and internal factors have consequences only when combined.
- 340 -
NOTES
165O-2OOO
9
xo
XI
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
Ibid., p. 139.
Bakker and Scholten, Communicatiekaart
van Nederland, p. 128; European Broadcasting Union, Yearbook 2000, p. 13.
Buonanno, Eurofiction: Television Fiction in
Europe, p. 23.
Television 99: European Key Facts, p. 24.
Udelson, The Great Television Race, p. 47.
Ibid.
Council of Europe, Statistical Yearbook 2000:
Film, Television, Video and New Media in
Europe, p. 194.
Schneider and Hemels, De Nederlandse
krant 1618-1978, p. 169.
Kloek and Mijnhardt, 1800, p. 77.
Ibid., p. 81.
Ibid., p. 89.
Van de Plasse, Kroniek van de Nederlandse
dagbladpers, p. 31.
Ibid., p. 32.
See "Uit de kluisters: De opening van het
nationale venster," in: Beunders,
De verbeelding van de wereld/De wereld van
de verbeelding, pp. 59-70.
Van de Plasse, Kroniek van de Nederlandse
dagbladpers, pp. 84,85.
De Telegraaf, November 2 3 ,19 6 7 .
Van Vree, De metamorfose van een dagblad,
p. 201.
Van de Plasse, Kroniek van de Nederlandse
dagbladpers,, pp. 1 1 7 , 1 1 8 .
Bakker and Scholten, Communicatiekaart
van Nederland, pp. 1 0 , 1 1 , 16.
Ibid., pp. 59, 60.
Ibid., p. 63.
Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau, Sociaal en
cultureel rapport 1998, p. 703.
Hillen and Arens, AVRO, 75 jaar uitzend­
kracht, p. 51.
Wijfjes, Radio onder restrictie, pp. 54, 55.
Bosman, "Ik meet de waarde eener samen­
leving af naar de waarde harer kunst."
"Verheffen tegen de bierkaai," see Dijks­
man, Verheffend, vooruitstrevend, verstrooiend,
p. 51.
Ibid., p. 52.
Tromp, "Reflexions on Anti-Americanism
and Dutch Social Democracy," p. 60.
Dijksman, Verheffend, vooruitstrevend, ver­
strooiend, p. 56.
Ibid., pp. 60, 61.
Schuyt and Taverne, 1950, p. 334.
Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau, Sociaal en
cultureel rapport 1998, p. 704.
NOS, Afd. Documentatie & bibliotheek,
Nj-960816.
Schuyt and Taverne, 1950, p. 336.
Bakker and Scholten, Communicatiekaart
van Nederland, pp. 13 5 ,13 6 .
Ibid., p. 70.
Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau, Sociaal en
cultureel rapport 1998, p. 48.
-
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
Ibid., pp. 709,710.
See, for example, Righart, De eindeloze jaren
zestig, and Rutten, Hitmuziek in Nederland
1960-1985.
Bakker and Scholten, Communicatiekaart
van Nederland, pp. 16 2,16 6 .
Frissen, De mythe van de digitate kloof,
pp. 6 ,1 4 ,1 6 .
N R C Handelsblad, December 2,2000.
De Volkskrant, M ay 22,1999.
Spits, November 20, 2000.
For example, Cowen, In Praise of
Commercial Culture. However, see chapter
10, "M usic and Musical Life," in this book.
On the recommendations of the Policy
Document on Culture, see N R C
Handelsblad, M ay 15, 2000.
Enzensberger, Mittelmass und Wahn, p. 266.
Chapter 1 3
x
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
367-
Lastingly affluent, constantly
tolerant?
Huizinga, "Cultuurhistorische verken­
ningen," Verzamelde werken, vol. 7, pp. 35-94.
Van Gelder, "Sussen, schipperen en soe­
batten."
Spies referred to the religious constitution
of the board of syndics at the presentation
of the Dutch volume on 1650 and followed
Van Eeghen, "D e staalmeesters." See also
Frijhoff and Spies, 1650, p. 497.
Montias, Vermeer and his Milieu, p. 13 1 ; Van
Eeghen, "D e eigendom van de katholieke
kerken te Amsterdam ten tijde van de
Republiek."
Durkheim, he Suicide; Weber, Gesammelte
Aufsatze zur Religionssoziologie; and Kruijt,
"Levensbeschouwing en groepssolidariteit
in Nederland."
Frijhoff and Spies, 1650, write: "Social
cohesion was thus guaranteed by a wide
range of bonds among citizens, as provid­
ed by the church, militia, guild, and neigh­
borhood" (p. 2x5). According to the
hypothesis in the text it is wrong to men­
tion the church in the same breath as the
militia and the guild. The question is w hy
the religious diversity in the Netherlands
around 1650 was not accompanied by reli­
gious conflicts. This happened because
intermediary bodies were heterogeneous in
terms of religion. Churches, however, are
religiously homogeneous.
Zijlmans, Vriendenkringen in de zeventiende
eeuw; Frijhoff and Spies, 1650 (pp. 355-356),
with references to Roodenburg, Onder cen­
suur. On p. 2 15 Frijhoff and Spies see kin­
ship, or the extended family, as the most
important social tie.
Frijhoff and Spies, 1650, p. 432.
Schwartz and Bok, Pieter Saenredam.
ACCOUNTING
_____
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
FOR
THE
1 65O- 2 OOO
Ottenheym, Philips Vingboons (1607-1678),
architect.
Ekkart, Johannes Comelisz Verspronck, pp.
30-31; Biesboer, "De burgers van Haarlem
en hun portretschilders," p. 33.
Haak, in Hollandse schilders in de Gouden
Eeuw, says that there w as a great assort­
ment of Catholic painters available to dec­
orate clandestine Catholic churches (p. 38),
and that little information has been pre­
served
that could illuminate the relationship
between private patrons and artists (p. 58).
It seems to me that statistical research into
the connection between the religion of por­
trait painters and that of their subjects
would be possible.
Van Gelder and Kistemaker, Amsterdam
1275-1795, pp. 267-270.
Ultee, Arts, and Flap, Sociologie.
Gombrich,77ie Story of Art.
Frijhoff and Spies, 1650, p. 5 13.
Bank and Van Buuren, 1900, p. 212.
Wilson, The Dutch Republic and the
Civilisation of the Seventeenth Century, p.
230.
Davids, "D e technische ontwikkeling van
Nederland in de vroeg-modeme tijd";
and Israel, The Dutch Republic, p. 998.
J. de Vries and Van der Woude, The First
Modern Economy: Success, Failure, and
Perseverance of the Dutch Economy, p. 621,
table 12.3; and Israel, The Dutch Republic,
p. 1012.
Joh. de Vries, De economische achteruitgang
der Republiek in de achttiende eeuw, p. 35.
Maddison, Monitoring the World Economy
1820-1992, as quoted in O'Rourke and
Williamson, Globalization and History, p. 17.
Pilat, "W hat Drives Productivity Growth?"
Schuyt, chapter 5: "Tolerance and Demo­
cracy," in this volume.
Weekhoud, Boekencensuur in de Noordelijke
Nederlanden.
Méchoulan, Amsterdam au temps de Spinoza:
argent et liberté.
De Swaan, "Beschavingsvoordeel."
Marshall, "Citizenship and Social Class."
De Swaan, Zorg en de staat, p. 215.
Van den Doel and Van Velthoven,
Democratic en welvaartstheorie, p. 127.
Schuyt and Taveme, 1950, chapter 11.
Kloek and Mijnhardt, 1800, chapter 16.
Ibid., p. 188.
Fein, Accounting for Genocide, p. 81.
Contrary to contemporary opinion, accord­
ing to which there is no essential difference
between history and sociology, Goldthorpe
pointed out in On Sociology (pp. 28-44) that
sociology is able to gather new information
but history is not.
Weber, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religions-
-
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
PAST
____
soziologie, vol. 1, p. 252, on world views in
general; vol. 1, p. 527, on those of
Protestantism and Confucianism; and vol.
3, pp. 5-6, on the world views of Hinduism
and Judaism.
Ultee, Arts, and Flap, Sociologie. The theory
derives from Lenski, Power and Privilege,
and Nolan and Lenski, Human Societies.
Schuyt and Taveme, 1950, chapter 4.
Bank and Van Buuren, 1900, chapter 9.
This stalemate situation resembles the
"prisoners' dilemma" from many sociology
or political science textbooks.
Duyvendak, De planning van ontplooiing.
Correljé, Hollands welvaren.
Brugmans, Paardenkracht en mensenmacht.
Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries
1795-1850; Griffiths, Industrial Retardation in
the Netherlands 1830-1850.
Van Zanden, De economische ontwikkeling
van de Nederlandse landbouw in de negen­
tiende eeuw.
Schiff, Industrialization without National
Patents.
This is a prisoners' dilemma situation.
Van Zanden, De industrialisatie in
Amsterdam 1825-1914., pp. 14 ,12 8 .
Van Zanden and Van Riel, Nederland
1780-1914.
Kloek and Mijnhardt, 1800, pp. 537-538.
Ibid., p. 47.
Frijhoff and Spies, 1650, pp. 110 -112 .
Kloek and Mijnhardt, 1800, pp. 216-217.
Van Gelder, "Sussen, schipperen en
soebatten."
Chapter 1 4
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
368-
Conclusion
See above, p. 129.
Schuyt and Taveme, 1950, chapter 11 .
Goudsblom, "Verandering genereert
verandering."
Schuyt and Taveme, 1950, chapter 20.
In 1997 Inglehart wrote: "The evidence
indicates that the Nordic countries and the
Netherlands are now the most Post­
modern societies on earth" (Modernization
and Postmodemization, p. 22).
Schuyt and Taveme, 1950, chapter 20.
Cf. Fokkema, "Postmodernism and
Postmodemity."
Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodemi­
zation, p. 23.
On the shift "from a concern with sameness
to a concern with difference" see Bertens,
"Postmodernism: the Enlightenment
Continued," p. 37. See also chapter 5,
"Tolerance and Democracy."
Bertens and Fokkema, International
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