Brazil
Pop: 186 million
Beyond Football and Carnival
Key Points
Brazil has a long history of state corporatism.
Governments and the public have traditionally opposed
market capitalism.
In the 20th century, Mexico enjoyed years of stability
under the PRI. Brazil has had much greater instability.
Many Brazilian leaders have aspired to grandeza but few
have delivered.
Regionalism
The South owes its prosperity mainly due to coffee production
and today, most of Brazil’s industries are located in the south,
including its large automobile industry.
The Amazon is perhaps Brazil’s best known region for both
good and bad reasons. The Amazon is Brazil’s critical
ecological treasure, but is constantly threatened by
deforestation.
Amazon River Basin
Colonial Brazil 1500-1822
Brazil discovered in 1500
by explorer Pedro Alvarez
Cabral.
Ruled by the Portuguese as
a colony until the
Napoleonic wars.
Economy based on
resource extraction (Gold)
Pedro Alvarez Cabral
When Napoleon invaded
Portugal and Spain in 1808,
Portuguese king Dom Joao
VI fled to Brazil.
When he returned to
Portugal, he entrusted rule of
Brazil to his son Pedro I.
Dom João VI 1767-1826
Brazilian Empire 1822-1889
In 1822, Pedro I declared
Brazil independent and himself
as emperor of a new
constitutional monarchy
Pedro maintained considerable
veto power over the
representative government –
the so-called “Moderating
Power” in Brazilian politics.
Dom Pedro I
1822-1831
Brazilian Empire 1822-1889
His son Pedro II assumed the
throne in 1831.
Brazil was the only
constitutional monarchy in the
Americas and did not suffer
from the kind of disorder and
instability of the former
Spanish colonies.
By 1889, many viewed Dom
Pedro II’s rule as a barrier to
modernization and progress.
Slavery wasn’t abolished in
Brazil until 1888.
Dom Pedro II
1831-1889
The Old Republic 1889-1930
Pedro II was forced into exile in 1889 after a military coup
backed by powerful coffee planters in the south.
A new constitution was established in 1891, creating a
directly elected president after the US model.
In truth, however, the old republic did not advance democracy
very far.
Voting rights were restricted to the landed elites, who
controlled most state policy under the Old Republic.
Like Mexico, Brazilian politics in the Old Republic was best
characterized by clientelism and patrimonialism (private
interests running state policy).
Regional governors and local political bosses (colonels,
coronelismo) in the south held a great deal of power.
The Old Republic 1889-1930
Café com leite
Politics of this period is often referred to as the rule of café
com leite reflecting the dominance of coffee and cattle
interests.
Estado Novo 1930-1945
Getulio Vargas rose to power
in a bloodless coup,
following a disputed
presidential election.
Brazil’s economy had
suffered heavily following
the Great Depression and the
collapse of coffee prices
internationally.
Vargas drew support from
the middle class and those
disenchanted with the
coronelismo and café com
leite.
Getúlio Vargas
1930-1945
Estado Novo 1930-1945
Vargas’ Estado Novo is was part
Rooseveltian New Deal social and
economic policies and part fascist
models of Germany and Italy.
Portugual also had an Estado
Novo at the time under the prime
minister and de facto dictator
Antonio Salazar.
Essentially, the Estado Novo is a
form of state corporatism – state
organized and administered
corporations and trade unions.
Antonio Salazar of
Portugal 1932-1968
Vargas led the state as paternalistic pai do povo (father to the
people).
Vargas ruled Brazil for 15 years until domestic and
international pressure convinced him to hold competitive
elections in 1946.
The Estado Novo changed Brazilian politics in three important
ways.
1. It concentrated power in the presidency and the central
government where it had historically been decentralized among
the various regional governors and party bosses.
2. It abolished labor unions and reorganized the working class
under the state, which undermined the growing support of the
communists.
3. The state began to take a strong interventionist role in the
economy.
From here on, a major political dividing line in Brazil would
emerge between those who favored the centralized state
intervention system and those who want to devolve more power
and freedom to the regions.
The Second “Populist” Republic 1945-1964
Despite the emergence of
multi-party competition in the
second republic, the system
was more populist than
democratic.
Vargas would return to power
from 1951-1954, and his
successors Juscelino
Kubitschek expanded on his
tendency toward populist
economic nationalism.
Juscelino Kubitschek
Pres. 1956-1960
Kubitschek’s most famous project was the creation of a new
federal city of Brazilia, which symbolizes the extent of state
planning in Brazilian society.
Brasilia, the planned city, 1956
Architecture
of Lucio
Costa and
Oscar
Niemeyer
The Second “Populist” Republic 1945-1964
In the 1960s, Brazil’s
leadership steadily drifts further
to the left, alarming the
conservative opposition,
especially in the military.
Leftist leader and popular Sao
Paulo governor, Janio
Quandros, captures the
presidency unexpectedly in
1960, but resigns in less than a
year.
Jânio Quadros
Pres. 1960-1961
The last president of the second
republic Joao Goulart struggled
amid an emerging economic
crisis.
Brazil had financed much of its
state intervention policies through
international borrowing, and trade
and budget deficits led to severe
inflation.
In 1964, the military stepped in
and removed Goulart.
João Goulart
Pres. 1961-1964
Military Rule (1964-1985)
Instead of using the “moderating
power” to appoint another civilian
successor, the military assumed full
state control.
Worst repressions occurred during
the rule of Artur Costa e Silva
(1967-1969) and Emilio Medici
(1969-1974).
Artur da Costa e Silva
1967-1969
Military Rule (1964-1985)
Torture, execution,
imprisonment of opposition
groups common, press
freedoms tightly restricted.
Brazil’s National Intelligence
Service (SNI) was particularly
brutal in cracking down on
progressive activists and
communists.
Many simply disappeared or
“went on vacation” as people
often said, never to return.
Emílio Médici
1969-1974
Still, military rule in Brazil was not as harsh as the dictatorships
in Argentina during the “dirty war” or Chile under Pinochet.
The regime still allowed elections to take place though they were
tightly controlled.
Opposition parties were abolished and replaced with two
government run parties – the National Renovation Alliance
ARENA (the government party) and the Brazilian Democratic
Movement MDB (the official ‘opposition’ party).
The purpose of the MDB was mainly to serve as an illusion of
competition.
The MDB was created to lose elections to the military backed
ARENA.
Transition to Democracy 1984-1988
State-led development continued
under military rule with success
(the so-called Brazilian miracle)
until the oil crisis of 1973 led to
spiraling inflation and deepening
debt.
The oil crisis did, however,
increase pressure on the regime
to democratize, culminating in
the Diretas Ja! (Direct Elections
Now!) movement in 1984.
Diretas Ja! rally
Transition to Democracy 1984-1988
Tancredo Neves of the
opposition MDB (Brazilian
Democratic Movement) became
the first civilian elected
president since 1964, but he
died of an illness before
assuming office.
His vice president, Jose Sarney,
assumed office in 1985.
Tancredo NevesPDMB
Pres. 1985
Transition to Democracy 1984-
Unlike Neves, Sarney was a
member of the military
government’s Democratic Social
Party, the successor to ARENA.
Hence, 1985 was not quite the
revolutionary break from military
government rule that everyone
hoped for.
José Sarney-PDS
Pres. 1985-1990
Explaining Brazilian authoritarianism
Why did democracy fail in Brazil?
How could the military manage to rule
for two decades?
Democratization in Brazil has taken a long slow pace.
Opposition to the military regime gradually emerged across a
critical mass of Brazilian society to include business groups,
university students, the Catholic church, and among the
working class seeking the right to organize labor unions
independent from state control.
All these groups put pressure on the regime that led to the
abertura (opening) in 1985.
Nevertheless, democratization has been somewhat gradual as
the liberalization of politics and the economy has been slow.
Business interests have led the charge for economic
liberalization, but the working class and state technocrats are
opposed to privatization and dismantling of state subsidies
and programs.
Brazil’s New Republic 1988Brazil’s new constitution, approved
in 1988, inaugurated the New
Republic.
Fernando Collor de Mello, was
elected in 1989 on a promise to
reform corruptive state politics, but
ironically was forced to resign in
1992 on corruption charges
resulting from secret electoral slush
funds in his party, which
subsequently also collapsed.
Fernando Collor
de Mello- NRP
Pres. 1990-1992
Brazil did not find solid political
leadership until the election of
Fernando Henrique Cardoso of
the Brazilian Social Democratic
Party in 1995.
A former Marxist who embraced
market mechanisms in an effort
to reform the long-stagnant
economy.
Fernando Henrique Cardoso
Pres 1995-2002
Brazilian Social Democrats
In Brazil, Luiz Ignázio “Lula”
da Silva, a former shoeshine
boy who became a trade union
leader and the acknowledged
leader of the country’s left,
was elected president in 2002.
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva
Pres. 2002-2010
Workers’ Party-PT
Profile of Luiz Inácio
“Lula” da Silva
Lula rose to fame as
leader of the Sao
Bernardo Metalworkers
Union, during the 1970s.
He was very active in the opposition movement that forced
abertura on the military regime, serving some time in prison
for his activism.
In the 1980s he formed the Workers’ Party as a mass working
class party in contrast to the political elitism of most Brazilian
parties.
In the 1980s and 1990s Lula ran for the presidency and congress
on multiple occasions, finally succeeding in 2002 when he moved
closer to the center and started campaigning in suits rather than tshirts.
In office, he has basically conformed to the policies of his
predecessor Fernando Henrique Cardoso, reaching out to the
business community, encouraging further economic liberalization,
foreign investment, privatization, limiting social spending, and
curbing inflation.
Policy goals include a number of social programs such as Zero
Hunger and commitments to increasing secondary education and
reducing the income gap.
Between 15-20% of Brazilian adults are illiterate and only 1/3 of
Brazilian teenagers attend school compared to 58% in Mexico
On foreign policy, he’s taken a
middle road, remaining friendly to
both Washington and leftists like
Hugo Chavez.
He’s also been supportive of free
trade initiatives like
MERCOSUR, despite leftist
opposition.
He was re-elected in 2006 with
strong support from Brazil’s poor
majority.
“The Anointed”
Designated Heir to Lula da
Silva
First female President of
Brazil
Dilma Rousseff
2011-
The New Republic and its institutions
The institutional structure –
patterned roughly on the US
separation of powers system.
Congress is bicameral with a
lower house of 513 members
called the Chamber of Deputies
and a Senate composed of three
members from each of Brazil’s 26
states + the federal capital of
Brazilia (81 members total).
House members serve 4 year
terms and senate members serve 8
year terms.
Chamber of Deputies
Both the lower house and
the Senate can initiate
legislation and override
presidential vetoes.
Presidential Palace
Brazil also has a Supreme
court with the power of
judicial review.
Supreme Court
Like Mexico and
the US, Brazil has
a federal system of
26 states, where
state governors,
state legislatures,
and municipal
governments share
power with the
federal
government.
The electoral system and its consequences
Brazil has a complicated electoral system for Congress based on
proportional representation.
Seats are apportioned based on state size and party list vote.
However, parties do not have much power in deciding which
names get on the lists because citizens may write in their
favored candidate along with the party vote.
Candidates thus have pressure to get their names out in the
election and party loyalties vary considerably.
Candidates often rely on political patronage of individual bosses
rather than parties.
The endorsements of the coroneis are critical.
End result is that elections can produce candidates and political
parties that are highly disorganized.
Representatives have greater responsibility to their constituents
(who write their names) than to party platforms.
Hence, pork barrel politics and clientelism are common.
Weak parties and an underdeveloped party system make the
Brazilian congress dysfunctional and shift much of the
governing burden onto the presidency.
Despite incentives
against strong parties,
several have emerged
with some durability.
The largest conservative
party is the Liberal Front
Party - the descendant of
the old ARENA and PDS
parties during military
rule.
Liberal Front Party –
old ARENA, PDS
At the center is the Party of
the Brazilian Democratic
Movement (PDMB) and
Cardoso’s Brazilian Social
Democratic Party (PSDB).
Democratic
Movement
Social Democratic
Party
Lula de Silva’s Workers’ Party
(PT) is the most successful
leftist party.
Workers’ Party
Other more leftist groups like
the Brazilian Socialist Party and
Communist party have been
less successful electorally.
Socialist Party
The Presidency and the Congress
The Brazilian Presidency has more powers than in Mexico.
Presidents can veto acts completely or partially (like a line
item veto).
They can initiate policy on public spending and direct
Congressional schedules on legislation.
In reality however, the presidency still needs congressional
support to make major changes in public policy.
Gridlock in parliament can derail a Presidential agenda.
The Presidency and the Congress
Brazilian presidents try to maintain coalitions of support
among multiple parties.
To do this, they revert back to clientelism.
Presidents control access to a number of federal funds and
federal jobs which they trade to congress-members (and
friends of congress-members) in exchange for votes.
Pork barrel spending is one of the reasons for Brazils
consistently large budget deficits.
Brazilian economic development
To promote economic development in the 1960s, the
Brazilian military embarked on a state-led growth strategyImport Substitution
Coffee becomes the only substantial export
Development also came at important costs to the
environment.
Brazil’s ecosystem continues to suffer damage from
logging, mining, and deforestation for cattle grazing.
While Brazilian incomes may have grown significantly on
average during the military regime, income distribution
became so unequal that Brazil now has one of worst
structures of income distribution in the world
Cutting deficit spending has proven very difficult, especially
in a democratic regime in which many politicians and interest
groups can effectively veto unpopular spending cuts.
Since the ending of military rule, the private sector has
expanded and foreign investment has increased, especially in
the automotive industry, where VW, Ford, and GM now have
large production facilities in Brazil.
The state, however, remains heavily involved in most aspects
of the economy though privatizations have become more
common.
Recent presidents have moved away from the state
intervention model toward greater liberalization, including the
support of free-trade organizations like MERCOSUR.
Issues in Brazilian politics
A robust federalism
Brazil’s congress over-represents small states.
Most of these states are rural states of the northeast and near
the amazon. Investment in these areas shifts needed funds
away from the majority of the population in the South.
There are also accountability problems with the money the
federal government hands out to state and local
government, with little guarantees or assurances that federal
funds go for intended purposes like education, health care
or infrastructure.
Governors and mayors have a lot of discretion on how to
use federal funds, much of which enforces clientelism in the
regions.
Women and politics
Women have become more visible in Brazilian politics since
the abertura.
Brazil has one of the most vibrant feminist movements in
Latin America, despite strong opposition on some issues
from the Catholic Church.
Nevertheless, women’s representation in Congress and in
high level bureaucratic positions remain marginal.
With the introduction of laws requiring 20% of each parties
candidates to be women, representation of women has
increased in Congress to about 8%.
Human Rights in Brazil
One of the biggest social movements in Brazil is the
Landless Workers Movement (MST) which comes into
conflict with local coroneis and large landholding interests
over land reform.
The MST has been the subject of severe repression in some
cases. Over 200 members of the organization have been
murdered in the past decade.
Favelas
Can Brazil’s New Republic survive
the challenges it faces?
Does democracy have a future in
South America’s largest country?