10 Dec 2013, Research Institute of Linguistics, HAS, Budapest, Hungary
Topicalization as a prominent device
in Chinese:
With reference to
relativization and
complementation
TANG
Zhengda
Associate
Professor of
Institute of
Linguistics,
Chinese
Academy of
Social Sciences
Beijing, China
Outlines
• Iconicity
• Topicalization & Complimentation as Subject
• Topicality & Relativization Accessibility
in Chinese
• Topic within Nominal Phrases
• Conclusion
2
Iconicity：
differing from similarity
3
Iconicity: Model & Icon
Amilyen az anya, olyan a lánya
有其父，必有其子
4
Iconicity: Imitation
Model
The world
Conceptual Constr.
Lang-external
Icon
Language
Linguistic form(Haiman 1985)
Lang.-internal
5
Iconicity in simplest ways
• Onomatopoeia, Interjections, etc.
Cat meowing
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
•
•
•
•
•
In Arabic, miao
In Chinese, Mandarin, miāo miāo
In Hungarian miaú, nyau
In English, meow [miˈaʊ], miaow (UK), or mew [mjuː]
In Estonian, mjäu , njäu
In Filipino, ngyaw
In Greek, niau , (νιάου)
Source of Noun: ya (duck), e (google), wuya (crow)
Source of Verbs: flap, flip, chirp, cuckoo, roar, zip, zig-zag
Implosives for collecting flocks, Qu (go) for shouting away
Negation（nasal/labial）——close to deny
Demonstratives and person prons (Sonority, length, height, backness)
6
Iconicity and order (narrative sequence)
•
•
•
•
•
•
Veni, vidi, vici (Julius Caesar) Jakobson1965
Subj – Obj.：SVO, SOV, VSO：Majority
Obj – Subj：OVS, OSV, VOS：Minority
Conditionals：Protasis-apodosis：Majority
Info. Str.：Given – New
Temporal Sequential Principle (Tai 1985)：
• 在马背-上 跳
-
• Prep. horse.back-up jump
Keep Jumping on the horse back
跳 在 马背-上
Jump prep. Horse.back-up
Jump onto the horse back
7
Language Internal Iconicity (LII)
• LII: Automorphism
Model
Lang. form A
Icon
Lang. form B
8
Examples for LII：Numerals
• Chinese：
一1
二2
三3
四4
五5
六6
七7
八8
九9
十 10
Model
十一 10-1
十二 10-2
十三 10-3
十四 10-4
十五 10-5
十六 10-6
十七 10-7
十八 10-8
十九 10-9
二十 2-10
Icon/Model
二十一
21:2-10-1
……一百二十一
121: 1-hdr.-2-10-1
Icon
9
Examples for LII：Numerals
• Simplest Numeral sys.: Haruai
1 paŋ
2 mos
Model
3 mos paŋ 2 + 1
4 mos mos 2 + 2
Icon
10
Examples for LII：Numerals
• Most complicated： Hindi
Models
Icons
11
Universality of Topic-Comment
• Hockett (1963): bipartite structure: T-C
• Gundel (1988): Left Topic & Sent. predicate
• Sohmiya (2005):
Every human language has
a common clause type
with bipartite structure in
which the constituents can
reasonably be termed
‘topic’ and ‘comment’
T-C = Reference –Description =
universal mode of thinking
Every language has syntactic
topic constructions in which an
expression which refers to the
topic of the sentence is
adjoined to the left of a full
sentence comment.
12
Typological ‘Exceptionals’ in Chinese
• Topic-prominent(L&T1981): Topic markers, but SVO
• Prenominal Relative Clauses
• Do not (strictly) follow Accessibility Hierarchy (K.C
1977)
• Pre-verbal Prep. phrase
• Topic-Comment WITHIN NPs
• Defected subject complementation
Interacted? Correlated?
13
Topic-Prominent but SVO
• Topic prominent：Chao(1968), Tai(1973), Huang(1973), Li &
Thompson (1976), Xu & Liu (1998), etc.
• Other T-Prom. Languages：
Korean, Japanese
Li & Thompson (1976)
Qiang
Sangkong
Yi(Lolo)
Zaiwa
….
Lisu
Chinese,
Lahu
Philippine
SVO
Malagasy
English,
French,
Twi,
Indonesian
14
Topicalization &
Complementation as Subject
Another case for
Language Internal Iconicity
15
Two strategies in world langugages
• clausal subject
Rare
– That he did it shocked him.
• clausal complement
Common
– shocked him that he did it.
Hungarian，Szabolcsi 2009
16
Rare
Clausal subject
Common
Clausal complement
17
Chinese: Clausal Subject only
• Clausal Subject
他 打 小孩
he beat kid
激怒-了
infuriate-PST
围观者。
onlooker
‘That he beat the kid make the onlookers angry.’
• Clausal-Complement
*这/它
孩。
this/it
激怒-了
infuriate-PST
围观者
onlooker
他打小
he beat kid
18
Chinese clausal Subject: Clause reduction
Non-finite, infinitival, nominalized
他 踢 小孩
不-可信。
he kick kid
not-reliable/true
‘His kicking kids/the kid is not true.’
* 他 踢-了 小孩
he kick-PAST kid
不-可信。
not-reliable/true
‘That he kicked the kid is not true.’
Semantically self-contradicte: 了 is a trigger of existence presp.
19
Inequality in complementation between
Clausal Subject and clausal Object
*/# 我 不 信
I not believe
他 踢 小孩。
he kick kid
‘I don’t believe in his kicking the kid. ’
我不信
他 踢 –了 小孩。
I not believe
he kick-PAST kid
‘I don’t believe that he kicked the kid. ’
Semantically self-contradicte: 了 is a trigger of existence presp.
20
Iconicity in Subject position:
‘bare’ clause and bare-NP
他 踢 小孩
he kick kid
不-可信。
not-reliable/true
* 他 踢-了 小孩
he kick-PAST kid
不-可信。
not-reliable/true
独角兽 不存在。
unicorn not-exist
*那只独角兽 不存在。
That-Cl. unicorn non-exist
‘bare’
clause
bare-NP
PAST, Dem-CL triggers existence presupposition
21
Topicalization: the hidden power
他 踢 小孩 –呢
不-可信。
he kick kid -TOP not-reliable/true
独角兽 - 呢
unicorn -TOP
不存在。
not-exist
Model
Bare NP Subject
Generic topic
Icon
Clausal subject
generic sentence
22
Case of Ancient Chinese
杀人者
死， 伤人
Kill-man-NOM/TOP die
及
盗 抵罪。
injure-man and steal be-held-guilty
‘One who murders be put to death, and who injures and steals be held guilty’
Three for one:
Nominalization, Complementation = topicalization
Two strategies for complemantation, as one:
Nominalizer(者), Clausal reduction = topicalization
Topic-Comment as the Model
23
Differing and Similar
S-complementation
strategies in
Tibeto-Burman Languages
24
Nominalization: Thangmi
gă-ye ah-u-n -dube ma-lo .
I-erg say-3p-1s→3-npt-top neg-do
Lit. what I say, he dosen’t follow.
‘He doesn’t follow whatever I say.’ (universal quantification)
(Turin1973:265)
Nominalization
complementation
Topicalization
25
Sangkong: 2 strategies（Li 2002）
•
a33 tɕa
55
qha55 mb
31
here stay
most good
‘Staying here is best (for me)’
• mbja31a55mba33 ta
33
e55
MOOD
a31 mb
much
drink- NOM NOT
‘Drinking too much is not good.’
Clause reduction
ʑe33.
31
nge55.
good MOOD
Nominalization
Both Topicalization
26
Eastern Kayan (SVO, Tibeto-B? Mon-Khmer?)
Solnit 1986
• [ a sí t rē] se o k
ū t cɤ to
3 ashamed useful COM 3 one-CLF NEG
Being ashamed isn’t any use to him!
Clause reduction
全量性、类指性话题
27
Lahu in Bangdo：T-B
• Li（2012）
Exercise
Tracter
one-CL buy
Nominalization
NOM/TOP
goodpoint have
NOM/TOP
2000 yuan need MOOD
Shared Topic marking
28
Yi (Lolo): T-B
Hu 2001、2004
Topicalization for complementation and
Subjunctive clause
29
Zaiwa：T-B
Zhu 2012
Complentatation
Topicalization
Subjuctive
Topicalizaton
30
Common absence of Complementizer
a. That he came is true.
b. It is true that he came.
Topic promimece: Only in SOV languages
Topicalization: de-clausalization
31
Common tendency: Pre- vs. Posta. His having come is true. (Reduced, compact)
b. It is true that he came.
(full-fledged, finite)
a'. The boy who is running is my son.
b‘. The running boy who came is my son.
32
Relative clause: pre- and postReduced and full-fledged
Hungarian (Hidasi 1988)
az
angol nyelvtanár
húgom
ART English language-teacher sister-mine
‘my sister who (is) an English teacher’
az ember aki beszél / beszél-t-em / beszél-get
ART man REL say-PRE /say-PAST-1sg /say-ITER
‘the man who is speaking/I used to mention/keep
talking’
33
Topicality
and
Relativization Accessibility
in Chinese
34
Accessibility Hierarchy of NP Positions
(Keenan & Comrie 1977)
• The higher,
• the more likely to be relativized
• the more typologically attested
• the more frequently occurred
• the earlier to be acquired
35
English: accessible to all
36
Another extreme：certain Austranesians
Only subject / focus / pivot accessible
• Robust voice and/or focus system, so to
‘subjectivize’
• What about Chinese?
37
Malagasy: Subj. by passivization
• ny vehivavy [izay nividy ny vary]
the woman REL buy.ACT the rice
‘the woman who bought the rice’
• ny vary [izay novidin’ ny vehivavy]
the rice REL buy.PASS the woman
‘the rice that was bought by the woman’
38
Tagalog (Western Malayo-Polynesian; Schachter 1977):
Focalization & passivization
• a) b<um>ili ang babae ng baro.
• <AF>bought FOC woman PAT dress
• ‘The woman bought a dress.’
• b) b<in>ili ng babae ang baro.
• <PF>bought a woman FOC dress
• ‘The dress was bought by a / the woman.’
• c) babae-[ng b<um>ili ng baro]
• woman-LKR <AF>bought PAT dress
• ‘the woman who bought a dress’
• d) baro-[ng b<in>ili ng babae]
• dress-LKR <PF>bought a woman
• ‘the dress that was bought by a / the woman’
39
Puzzles in Chinese:
Instrument Oblique high in AH
* 郑屠用(它)切肉的刀
Butcher use (it) cut meat REL knife
郑屠切肉的刀
Butcher cut meat REL knife
郑屠用刀切肉。
刀
(这)刀，郑屠切肉。
刀
Butcher use knife cut meat
This knife, butcher cut meat
Extraction of
Instrument
Extraction
of Topic
40
Puzzles in Chinese:
Genetive high in AH
Relativization
Topicalization
奶粉丢了的孩子
孩子, 奶粉丢了
milk lose-PST Rel kid
kid-TOP milk lose-PST
*奶粉有毒的孩子
*孩子,奶粉有毒
milk has poison Rel kid
Kid-TOP milk has poison
‘Gen’ in Chinese is de facto TOPIC
41
Chinese AH more like this
SUBJ
DO
GEN
IO
Instr
Obl.
OComp
Driven by TOPICALIZATION
42
Crazy?
Topics
WITHIN
Nominal Phrases?
43
Common Rule in Chinese NP with 的de
• The Lefter, the more likely with 的de
• 漂亮
*(的) 大(的)房间
beautiful de
big (de) house
A/the beautiful big house
• 聪明
*(的) 匈牙利(的)人民
Intelligent de
Hungarian (de) people
Intelligent Hungarian people
44
Let’s see how powerful is
the assimilation effect of TOP-COM icon
45
Very peculiar type of NP
hitherto less discussed
大象 粗长
的 鼻子
Elep. thick-long de nose
Mod. Adj.
Rel Head-Noun
粗长的鼻子 ＝ 鼻子
thick-long de nose ＝ nose
But: * 大象 鼻子
* Elep. nose
46
The Leftmost N-modifier：
Against the common rule
a．*那 根i 大象 粗长
的 鼻子i
That Cl. Elep. thick-long de nose
b．那 只j 大象j 粗长 的鼻子
That Cl. Elep. thick-long de nose
The leftmost constraint satisfied.
47
The Leftmost N-modifier：
other peculiarities
• Left-M can do without 的de！
• Left-M cannot do without additional modifier and
then 的de
1、*他
he(his)
2、*他
he(his)
3、他
品质
personality
优秀
品质
top-ranked personality
优秀
的 品质
he(his) top-ranked de personality
48
Leftmost-M is Costly!
Garden Path resulted
• Prosodic mis-match
我尊敬
他----------年迈的--父亲
I respect[shortest pause]he[longest pause] old father
The 1st parsing: WRONG
The 2nd parsing: WRONG？
The 3rd parsing: Right at last!
49
CAUSE of Leftmost-M:
TOPIC-COMMENT as an ICON
• Leftmost-M and Topic-Comment: PARALLEL
a．L-M NP: 狗 灵敏 的 嗅觉
dog sharp de sense-of-smell
b．Topic-Comt: 狗，嗅觉
灵敏。
dog sense-of-smell sharp
TOP
Sub-TOP
Comt
50
Semantic constraint for possessee:
Shockingly similar with Sub-TOPIC
• Left-M NP: (inalienable possession ONLY)
a. 他沉重 的 呼吸
he heavy de breath
b. * 他沉重的 桌子
he heavy de table
• So is Topic-Comment：
a. 他， 呼吸
沉重。
he-TOP breath-SubT heavy
b. * 他，桌子
沉重。
he-TOP table-SubT heavy
51
Semantic constraint for relevancy
Shockingly similar with COMMENT
科学院
很有名 的 语言所
Academy(HAS) famous de RIL
* 匈牙利
在6楼 的 语言所
Academy(HAS) at-6th-floor de RIL
科学院 ，
语言所
Academy(HAS)-TOP RIL-SubT
* 科学院，
语言所
Academy(HAS)
RIL-SubT
很有名
famous
在6楼
at-6th-floor
L-M
NP
T-P
CONS
52
Syntax overriden by prosody:
Shocking parallelism between Left-M and
Top-Com
• Syntax-Prosody Mismatch：
drug-invst. requires dog-TOP, sharp de sense of smell
缉毒 需要 [狗(呢) 灵敏的嗅觉]。
Syntax
Prosody
• Compare：缉毒
敏。
需要 狗(呢)，嗅觉 灵
drug-invst. requires dog-TOP
smell sharp
53
Leftmost-Mod is a Topic within NP
dog,
sharp
de
Left-Mod Adj-Mod Rel
狗
灵敏
狗
嗅觉
dog
TOPIC
的
sense of smell
Sub-TOP
sense of smell
Head-N
嗅觉
灵敏。
sharp
Adj-Pred.
NP
Icon
T-P
Model
54
A case for Language Internal Iconicity
Model
Icon
TopicComment
Topic within
NP
55
TOPICCOMMENT as
the MODEL for
ICONS
话题
结构
T-C
T-P
范畴
Categorical
assimilation
扩张
受事、
OBL 工
具、旁 格
等提取
Subju
条件句
-ctive
Subj主语补足
Comp
.语从句
Adver
其他状语从
bials,
Compa
rative
等
句、介词短语
Formal
形式
Assimilation
扩张
TOP
NP
内部类话
Within
题结构
NPs
Relativ
关系化
ization
提取
跨层次、韵律
Prosodic
mismatch
错配：我认为
呢……
56
Proverbs
A nagy hal megeszi a kis halat
大鱼吃小鱼，小鱼吃虾米
Big fish eats small fish, small fish eats prawns
57
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Thank you!
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