Coordination and subordination,
and the relationship between grammar
and discourse
Mark Donohue
Australian National University
mark.donohue@anu.edu.au
International Workshop on Clause Combining in and around Indonesia
TUFS, 7-8 October 2012
Overview
Coordination
Foregrounding
Subordination
Backgrounding
• This is not as clear-cut as is often described.
Coordination
Foregrounding
Subordination
Backgrounding
Overview
TOPIC
• morphology:
MAIN
MAIN
• morphology:
SUBORD
SUBORD
Overview
• Coordination: independent clauses
• Subordination: dependent clauses
Simple cases
• Subordinate-as-foreground:
• Entering the room, they sat down.
(non-overlapping times)
• [ Dia] [ Ø [ yang datang ] ]
3SG
REL arrive
‘S/he came.’
~‘The (one) who came is her.’
Simple cases
• Coordinate-as-background:
• I’ll try and finish on time.
(one action)
Tetun
• Nia ti’a
balu
te’in hodi haa,
3SG already some cook and eat
balu hodi baa fa’en hola loit.
some and
go
sell
fetch money
‘After that some is cooked to eat, some is to sell
to fetch money.’
– + ÷ x
Outline
• Preliminaries
– Coordination, subordination,
foregrounding and backgrounding
• Simple cases
– Coordination = foregrounding,
subordination = backgrounding
• Complex cases
– Subordination = foregrounding,
coordination = backgrounding
– Ø-marked clause boundaries
• Conclusions & implications
Outline
• Preliminaries
– Coordination, subordination,
foregrounding and backgrounding
• Simple cases
– Coordination = foregrounding,
subordination = backgrounding
• Complex cases
– Subordination = foregrounding,
coordination = backgrounding
– Ø-marked clause boundaries
• Conclusions & implications
Preliminaries
• Coordination:
– two clauses joined together in which both are fully
finite and fully independent; neither is dependent
on the other.
• Subordination
– two clauses, one of which is dependent on the
other (larger) clause for some part of its
interpretation.
• Coordination:
– two clauses joined together in which both are fully
finite and fully independent;
& neither is dependent
on the other.
• Subordination
– two clauses, one of which is dependent on the
other (larger) clause for some part of its
interpretation
COMP
• Coordination:
– two clauses joined together in which both are fully
finite and fully independent;
& neither is dependent
on the other.
• Subordination
– two clauses, one of which is dependent on the
COMP
other (larger) clause for
some part of its
interpretation
Preliminaries
• Foreground
– That part of a narrative that advances the main
story line, and builds sequentially on the
foreground material that precedes it.
• Background
– Material in a narrative that adds description, but
does not contribute to the process of story telling
directly, and is not necessarily temporally ordered.
Preliminaries
• Foreground
– That part of a narrative that advances the main
story line, and builds sequentially on the
foreground material that precedes it.
• Background
– Material in a narrative that adds description, but
does not contribute to the process of story telling
directly, and is not necessarily temporally ordered.
Preliminaries
• Foreground
– That part of a narrative that advances the main
story line, and builds sequentially on the
foreground material that precedes it.
• Background
– Material in a narrative that adds description, but
does not contribute to the process of story telling
directly, and is not necessarily temporally ordered.
Preliminaries
• There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in
the forest.
• He spent his time growing food to eat, and
carving wood into tools to sell in the markets in
the nearby villages.
• Then, one day, a tall woman dressed in a long
blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs,
walked up to his hut.
• She greeted him, and told him why she had
come....
Preliminaries
• There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in
the forest.
• He spent his time growing food to eat, and
carving wood into tools to sell in the markets in
the nearby villages.
• Then, one day, a tall woman dressed in a long
blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs,
walked up to his hut.
• She greeted him, and told him why she had
come....
Coordination
Subordination
Preliminaries
• There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in
the forest.
• He spent his time growing food to eat, and
carving wood into tools to sell in the markets in
the nearby villages.
• Then, one day, a tall woman dressed in a long
blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs,
walked up to his hut.
• She greeted him, and told him why she had
come....
Foreground
Background
Preliminaries
• There was once a man.
• He spent his time growing food, and carving
wood into tools.
• Then, one day, a tall woman walked up to his
hut.
• She greeted him, and told him....
Foreground
Background
Preliminaries
• ___ who lived alone in a hut in the forest.
• ___ to eat, ___to sell in the markets in the
nearby villages.
• ___dressed in a long blue dress, followed by
three cats and three dogs, ___.
• ___why she had come....
Foreground
Background
Preliminaries
• There was once a man …
• ___ who lived alone in a hut in the forest.
Foreground
Background
Preliminaries
• There was once a man who lived alone in a
hut in the forest.
• There was once a man and lived alone in a hut
*!
in the forest.
• Have to use the appropriate clause-combining
morphology here; relative clauses have
‘stronger’ boundaries than XCOMPs.
Preliminaries
• Coordinate morphology exists, and is used
with non-dependent clauses.
– Coordination = foregrounded discourse
• Subordinate morphology exists, and is used
with dependent clauses.
– Subordination = backgrounded discourse
1+2=3
Outline
• Preliminaries
– Coordination, subordination,
foregrounding and backgrounding
• Simple cases
– Coordination = foregrounding,
subordination = backgrounding
• Complex cases
– Subordination = foregrounding,
coordination = backgrounding
– Ø-marked clause boundaries
• Conclusions & implications
Coordination
• Overt conjunctions:
– and, or but, and then, …
• I came home, then fed the cat and watched
some TV.
• ‘Covert conjunctions’
–Ø
• I came home, ___ fed the cat; ___watched
some TV.
Subordination
• Overt subordinators:
– Relative clauses: who, which, (etc.);
Xadjuncts: when, after, while, before (etc.);
Xcomps (purpose, clausal complements): that, (in
order) to
• [ While whistling ],
I took [the letter [that you wrote]]
[ to post ].
Subordination
• Covert subordinators:
–Ø
• [Ø Whistling ],
I took [the letter [Ø you wrote]]
[ to post ].
Simple cases
• Indonesian:
• Dia masuk ke
3SG
enter
ALL
rumah, terus
house
and.then
__ duduk.
sit
‘He entered the house and then ___ sat
down.’
• (Dia masuk ke rumah, terus dia duduk)
• dan terus, kemudian, lalu, (maka), sesudah itu,
…
Simple cases
• Indonesian:
• Dia masuk ke
3SG
enter
ALL
rumah, terus
house
and.then
__ duduk.
sit
‘He entered the house and then ___ sat
down.’
• (Dia masuk ke rumah, terus dia duduk)
• dan terus, kemudian, lalu, (maka), sesudah itu,
terus
…
Simple cases
• Indonesian:
• Sesudah dia
after
3SG
masuk
ke rumah, dia
duduk.
enter
ALL house
sit
3SG
‘After he entered the house, he sat down.’
• Sesudah
masuk ke rumah, dia
after
enter
ALL house
3SG
‘After entering the house, he sat down.’
masuk ke rumah,
*!• Sesudah dia
after
3SG
enter
ALL house
‘After entering the house, he sat down.’
duduk.
sit
duduk.
sit
Simple cases
• Indonesian:
• Sesudah dia
after
3SG
masuk
ke rumah, dia
duduk.
enter
ALL house
sit
3SG
‘After he entered the house, he sat down.’
• Sesudah
masuk ke rumah, dia duduk.
after
enter
ALL house
3SG
‘After entering the house, he sat down.’
sesudah
sit
Simple cases
• Coordination:
– two clauses joined together in which both are fully
finite and fully independent;
terus neither is dependent
on the other.
• Subordination
– two clauses, one of which is dependent on the
other (larger) clause for some part of its
interpretation
sesudah
Simple cases
• Indonesian:
• perempuan tinggi yang pakai gaun panjang
woman
tall
REL
wear
dress long
‘a tall woman wearing a long dress.’
• (most restricted kind of clause combining in
Indonesian?)
Simple cases
• Different only in involving NP-internal
relations;
• Clearly subordinate.
• Perempuan yang pakai gaun datang.
• Subordination
NP
yang
Simple cases
• Repeat in almost as many languages as you’d
like…
…while staying mindful of the fact that some
languages just don’t have much morphology
Simple cases
• Where coordinate morphology exists, a major
function is to advance the narrative.
– Coordination = foregrounded discourse
• Where subordinate morphology exists, a
major function is to elaborate on aspects of
the main narrative.
– Subordination = backgrounded discourse
2
3
+
2
4
=
2
5
Outline
• Preliminaries
– Coordination, subordination,
foregrounding and backgrounding
• Simple cases
– Coordination = foregrounding,
subordination = backgrounding
• Complex cases
– Subordination = foregrounding,
coordination = backgrounding
– Ø-marked clause boundaries
• Conclusions & implications
Consider…
• Unsurprising use of complementiser:
• Kalau dia tidak datang, saya tidak ikut.
if
3SG not
come
1SG not accompany
‘If s/he doesn’t come, I’m not going.’
• [S [COMP Kalau dia tidak datang], saya tidak ikut ].
Consider…
• Unsurprising use of complementiser:
• Ø
dia tidak datang, saya tidak ikut.
3SG not
come
1SG not accompany
‘(If) s/he doesn’t come, I’m not going.’
• [S [COMP ____dia tidak datang], saya tidak ikut ].
Consider…
• Aside: compare:
• Ø
dia tidak datang,
3SG not come
saya tidak ikut.
1SG not
accompany
‘(If) s/he doesn’t come, I’m not going.’
• with:
• Dia tidak datang, saya tidak ikut.
3SG not come
1SG not accompany
‘S/he didn’t come, (and) I’m not going.’
Consider…
• Surprising (?) use of complementiser:
• Kalau dia, saya tidak ikut.
if
3SG
1SG not accompany
‘If (it’s) her/him, I’m not going.’
• [S [COMP Kalau dia], saya tidak ikut ].
Consider…
• Surprising (?) use of complementiser:
• Kalau dia (berhadir), saya tidak ikut.
if
3SG be.present
1SG not accompany
‘If s/he is there, I’m not going.’
• [S [COMP Kalau dia berhadir], saya tidak ikut ].
Consider…
• Aside:
• Question:
• Siapa yang datang?
who
REL
come
‘Who came?’
• Answer:
• Saya.
1SG
‘(It was) me.’
* ada saya
be
1SG
* saya ada
1SG be
Consider…
• Surprising (?) use of complementiser:
• Kalau dia, saya tidak ikut.
if
3SG
1SG not accompany
‘If (it’s) her/him, I’m not going.’
• [S [COMP Kalau dia PRED], saya tidak ikut ].
Function ≠ Structure
• Structurally:
• [S [SCOMP COMP Pro PREDØ ], Pro
NEG PRED ].
– Subordinate: an adjunct SCOMP
• Functionally:
• [TOP CASETOP Pro
[S Pro NEG PRED ], ].
– Superordinate: a topic function
Levels…
• Coordination:
&
• Subordination:
COMP
• Topic:
TOP
IP
Levels…
• My friend, while talking, ate a sandwich and
then brushed his teeth as he hummed.
TOPIC
IP
COMP
& IP
COMP
Consider…
• Surprising use of complementiser (?):
• Kalau hujan, saya tidak ikut.
if
rain
1SG not accompany
‘If it rains, I’m not going.’
• [S [COMP Kalau hujan ], [S saya tidak ikut ] ].
Consider…
• Surprising use of complementiser (?):
• Kalau hujan, saya tidak ikut.
if
rain
1SG not accompany
‘If (it’s) rain, I’m not going.’
• [S [COMP Kalau hujan ], [S saya tidak ikut ] ].
Consider…
• A complementiser (?):
• Kalau nasi, saya lebih suka.
(if)
rice 1SG more like
‘I prefer rice.’
• [S [COMP Kalau nasi], saya lebih suka ].
• [S [TOP Kalau nasi], saya lebih suka ].
?
?
Consider…
• A relativiser:
• Saya
makan nasi yang di-masak ibu.
1SG
eat
rice
REL
ACT-cook
mother
‘I’m eating the rice that mother cooked.’
• [S saya makan [NP nasi [RC yang dimasak ibu ]]].
Consider…
• A relativiser:
• Saya
makan
1SG
eat
yang di-masak ibu.
REL
ACT-cook
mother
‘I’m eating what mother cooked’
• [S saya makan [NP Ø
[RC yang dimasak ibu ]]].
Consider…
• A relativiser, but…
• Apa
yang di-masak ibu?
What
REL
ACT-cook
mother
‘What did mother cook?’
• [S [NP apa ] [NP Ø
[RC yang dimasak ibu ] ] ].
• [S [NP ] = [NP ] ].
• ~ “What mother cooked is what?” ~
• Both kalau and yang have clear subordinating
uses;
• Both kalau and yang function in main clauses
in ways that have foregrounding, main clause
uses, while retaining subordinate clause
structures.
Palu’e
Palu’e
• Complementising clitic, -jo:
• Koko-jo ia
phana, aku-pli phana.
if-COMP 3SG go
1SG-also goes
‘If she’s going, I’ll go too.’
• Aku cu’u-jo
1SG
know-COMP
ia
ka’a phana.
3SG NEG go
‘I know that she’s not going.’
Palu’e
• Complementising clitic, -jo:
• Aku cu’u-jo
ia
ka’a phana.
1SG
know-COMP
3SG NEG go
‘I know that she’s not going.’
• [S Aku cu’u [COMP -jo [S ia ka’a phana] ] ].
Palu’e
• Aku nra ia.
1SG
feel
3SG
‘I love her/him.’
• Aku nra [COMP -jo [S
1SG
feel
-COMP
ia
ka’a phana ] ].
3SG NEG go
‘I remember that she’s not going.’
Palu’e
• Aku nra ia.
1SG
feel
3SG
‘I love her/him.’
• Aku nra [COMP -jo [S
1SG
feel
-COMP
ia
ka’a phana ] ].
3SG NEG go
‘I think/feel (that) she’s not going.’
* ‘I remember that she’s not going.’
?
Palu’e
• Aku phela
1SG
see
ia.
3SG
‘I see her/him.’
• Aku phela [COMP -jo [S
1SG
see
-COMP
ia
3SG NEG go
‘I saw (that) she didn’t go.’
?
ka’a phana ] ].
Palu’e
• Overt complementiser to subordinate;
but optional.
• Complementiser grammaticalised to show
lexical meaning differences:
– love/think/remember: nra ____ vs. nra-jo ____
• If a morpheme is subcategorised for by a verb,
can it still be subordinate?
Foregrounding subordination
• Morphology and syntax that are used for
subordination
• can also be used in discourse functions that
are more typical of non-subordinate clause
combinations
• These new discourse functions do not affect
the subordinate nature of the morphosyntax.
√9 + √16 = √25
Outline
• Preliminaries
– Coordination, subordination,
foregrounding and backgrounding
• Simple cases
– Coordination = foregrounding,
subordination = backgrounding
• Complex cases
– Subordination = foregrounding,
coordination = backgrounding
– Ø-marked clause boundaries
• Conclusions & implications
Coordination to background
• Less common?
(not discussed in, eg., Mithun 2008)
• Run and find out!
• Go and find out!
• Try and find out!
Coordinate?
Purposive?
• Go and have a good time!
• We’re going into town and have a good time!
Coordination to background
• Go and have a good time!
• We’re going into town and have a good time!
• We went into town and
had a good time.
to have
• We’ll go into town and
to have a good time
• Something’s sure and sweep me of my feet
– (David Byrne, Talking Heads, ‘Burning down the
house’ – 1983)
Coordination to background
• Indonesia irrealis clauses:
• Saya rasa haus, mau minum air.
1SG feel
thirsty
want drink
water
‘I’m thirsty, (& I) want to drink water.’
• Saya jalan ke
1SG go
ALL
pasar
mau beli beras.
market want buy
‘I’m going to the market to buy rice.’
rice
Tetun
Clausal vs. phrasal
• Clausal conjunction with hodi:
hodi
• Feto
Ikun ksotir di’ak n-odi
woman
tail
Ami ksotir
1PL
matenek.
and
fortune good 3SG-and
clever
lalek hodi beik
fortune lack and
stupid
‘Youngest sister was fortunate and clever. We
are unfortunate and stupid.’
Clausal vs. phrasal
• Clausal conjunction with hodi:
• Ha’u k-mama ai-kakaluk
k-odi
1SG
1SG-chew
wood-power
1SG-and
taka nia-kan
ain
tohar
ne’e.
cover 3SG-POSS
leg
broken
this
‘I chew medicine, and cover his broken leg
(with it).’
‘I chew medicine, and use it to cover
his broken leg.’
Clausal vs. phrasal
• Clausal subordination with hodi:
• Ita soru
hodi dakar
sira
1PL
weave
‘and’ look.after
3PL
‘We weave while looking after them.’
• Nia
3SG
naha
karian n-odi
n-a-to’o
work
3SG-CAUS-enough
ba
baggage go
3SG-‘and’
uma
laran.
house
inside
‘He works to supply things for in the house.’
One
(Topicalising to coordination)
• One:
• No n-aplere
3PL
3PL-run
n-i
moru.
3PL-go
house
‘They ran to the house.’
• No
3PL
n-u
au
moren.
3PL-eat sago house:LOC
‘They ate sago in the house.’
(Topicalising to coordination)
• One:
• Moru sa(,) no
house TOP 3PL
n-aplere
n-i
__.
3PL-run
3PL-go
‘The house, they ran to (it).’
• Au
sago
sa(,) no
n-u
TOP 3PL
3PL-eat
__
moren.
house:LOC
‘Sago, they ate (it) in the house.’
(Topicalising to coordination)
• One:
• Moren
house:LOC
sa(,) no
n-u
au.
TOP 3PL
3PL-eat sago
‘In the house, they ate sago.’
• *Moren
sa(,) au
sa
no
house:LOC TOP sago TOP 3PL
‘In the house, they ate sago.’
n-u
au.
3PL-eat sago
(Topicalising to coordination)
• One:
• No n-i
moru sa,
3PL 3PL-go house ‘TOP’
no n-u
au.
3PL 3PL-eat sago
‘They went to the house, and ate sago.’
(Topicalising to coordination)
• One:
• No n-i
moru.
3PL 3PL-go house
Sa, no n-u
au.
‘TOP’ 3PL 3PL-eat sago
‘They went to the house, and ate sago.’
Coordination to background
• Not as common as ‘subordination function
raising’,
but
still attested.
• Often structurally ambiguous.
2
2
- √16 = 0
Outline
• Preliminaries
– Coordination, subordination,
foregrounding and backgrounding
• Simple cases
– Coordination = foregrounding,
subordination = backgrounding
• Complex cases
– Subordination = foregrounding,
coordination = backgrounding
– Ø-marked clause boundaries
• Conclusions & implications
Consider…
• Purposive complement clause:
• Saya pergi untuk makan nasi.
1SG go
COMP
eat
rice
‘I’m going to eat rice.’
• [S Saya pergi [COMP untuk makan nasi] ].
Consider…
• Purposive complement clause:
• Saya pergi
makan nasi.
1SG go
eat
rice
‘I’m going to eat rice rice.’
• [S Saya pergi [COMP Ø makan nasi] ].
Complex cases
• Quoted speech:
• Saya tahu bahwa dia
1SG
know that
sudah masuk.
3SG already enter
‘I know that s/he’s already entered.’
• Saya tahu
dia sudah masuk.
Complex cases
• Perception complements (+):
• Saya lihat orang yang lari.
1SG
see
person
REL
run
‘I saw the person who had run.’
•
•
•
•
Saya lihat
[NP Pro ]
[NP Pro ]
[NP Pro ]
orang
lari.
[VP V [NP N
[RC REL V ] ] ]
[VP V [NP N ] [XCOMP __ V ] ]
[VP V [SCOMP COMP [NP N ] [VP V ] ] ]
Consider…
• Overhead in Hasanuddin airport, Makassar:
• Sudah boarding, masih check-in!
already boarding
still
check-in
‘(They’re) already boarding (the aircraft)
(and he’s) still checking in!’
• ‘(Even though they’re) already boarding, (he’s)
still checking in!’
Consider…
• Sudah boarding, masih check-in!
already boarding
still
check-in
• ‘(They’re) already boarding (the aircraft)
(and he’s) still checking in!’
• [S [S Sudah boarding ], (&) [S masih checkin ] ]!
Consider…
• Sudah boarding, masih check-in!
already boarding
still
check-in
• ‘(Even though they’re) already boarding, (he’s)
still checking in!’
• [S [COMP Ø Sudah boarding ], masih check-in ]!
•
•
•
•
While opening the door, I spoke to Melissa.
While entering the room, I spotted Melissa.
While entering the room, I spotted Melissa.
Entering the room, I spotted Melissa.
• Entering the room, I ordered a coffee and
waited.
Tukang Besi
Tukang Besi
• Ku-’ita-’e na mia.
1SG-see-3
NOM person
‘I saw the person.’
• No-tinti
na mia.
3R-run.SI NOM person
‘The person ran earlier.’
Tukang Besi
• Ku-’ita-’ena mia [ t<um>inti i aba ].
1SG-see-3 NOM person run.SI
OBL earlier
‘I saw the person who had run earlier.’
• Ku-’ita-’eno-tinti na mia.
1SG-see-3 3R-run.SI NOM person
‘I saw the person who had run earlier.’
~ ‘I saw a person running.’
Skou
Skou
• Simple clauses:
• Pe=ueme=ing_a
3SG.F=woman=the
pe=ti
pá.
3SG.F=go
house
‘The woman went to the house.’
• Pe=ueme=ing_a
3SG.F=woman=the
hóe pe=p-ang.
sago 3SG.F=3SG.F-eat
‘The woman ate sago.’
Skou
• Relative clauses:
• pe=ueme
pe=ti
3SG.F=woman 3SG.F=go
pá=ing_a
house=the
‘the woman who went to the house’
• pe=ueme
hóe pe=p-ang=ing_a
3SG.F=woman sago 3SG.F=3SG.F-eat=the
‘the woman who ate sago’
Skou
• Coordinate clauses:
• Pe=ueme=ing_a
pe=ti
3SG.F=woman=the
3SG.F=go
hóe pe=p-ang.
sago
3SG.F=3SG.F-eat
=pa
=and
=ko
house =and
pá
=te
=and
‘The woman went to the house and ate sago.’
Skou
• Coordinate clauses:
• Pe=ueme=ing_a
pe=ti
3SG.F=woman=the
3SG.F=go
pá
house
hóe pe=p-ang.
sago
3SG.F=3SG.F-eat
‘The woman went to the house to eat sago.’
Ø-marked clause boundaries
• Summary slide
S1 = ?
n
Outline
• Preliminaries
– Coordination, subordination,
foregrounding and backgrounding
• Simple cases
– Coordination = foregrounding,
subordination = backgrounding
• Complex cases
– Subordination = foregrounding,
coordination = backgrounding
– Ø-marked clause boundaries
• Conclusions & implications
Conclusions
• Structure = Function
– Easiest to analyse;
– There have to be some of these.
• Structure ≠ Function
– Caught between grammaticalisation?
– Long-term stable?
• Structure is indeterminate?
– Especially when there’s no overt morphology.
The End
Thank you
S=?
Important point:
• Morphology dedicated to indicating clauses in
combination are prone to refunctionalisation.
• The subordinate clauses are still subordinate,
grammatically.
This is not grammaticalisation of subordinate
clause morphology into dependent clause
uses.
• I will try to do well in my exams.
• I will try and do well in my exams.
• Saya coba makan baik-baik.
• I’m going down the shops to go and get some
chocolate.
• * I’m going down the shops and go and get
some chocolate.
• I’m going to try to finish the essay.
• I’m going to try and finish the essay.
• Run fast and win!
• Run fast to win!
• I’ll try to fix it.
• I’ll try and fix it.
• I’ll go to buy it at the shops.
• I’ll go and buy it at the shops.
• I’ll go to the shops to buy it.
• I’ll go to the shops and buy it.
Overview
• Coordination and subordination are often
described as serving foregrounding and
backgrounding functions;
• This is not as clear-cut as it’s often described.
• Subordinated clauses can often serve a
foregrounded function; can coordinated
clauses also serve a backgrounding function?
• When ellipsis applies to coordinators and
subordinators, what else can we expect?
Simple cases
• Something’s sure and sweep me of my feet
– (David Byrne, Talking Heads, ‘Burning down the
house’ – 1983)
• We’re going into town and have a good time.
• We went into town and had a good time.
• We’ll go into town and have a good time.
• We go into town and have a good time.
Tukang Besi
Skou
Tukang Besi
Palu’e
• Palu’e
• Kami phote nio,
1PL.EX pick coconut
thuka,
__ khla __,__ kha __
__ psa __,
ascend
split
eat
chew.flesh
__ nala vae-ne
__ ninu __,
take water-3GEN
drink
__ psa
i-ne, …
chew.flesh flesh-3GEN
‘We picked some coconuts, climbed (up for them),
split them, ate and chewed, took some water to drink,
chewed the (coconut) flesh.’