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Willard and Spackman's
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Glen Gillen
Catana Brown
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BRIEF
CONTEN
TS
Unit Occupational Therapy: Profile of the Profession
I
Unit Occupational Nature of Humans
II
Unit Occupations in Context
III
Unit
IV
Occupational Therapy Process
Unit Core Concepts and Skills
V
Unit
VI
Broad Conceptual Models for Occupational
Therapy Practice
Unit
VII
Evaluation, Intervention, and Outcomes for
Occupations
Unit
VIII
Evaluation, Interventions, and Outcomes for
Performance Skills and Client Factors
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Unit
IX
The Practice Context: Therapists in Action
Unit Occupational Therapy Education
X
Unit
XI
Occupational Therapy Management
Introduction to Appendixes
Glossary
Index
Appendixes (available on Lippincott Connect)
Appendix Table of Interventions: Listed
I
Alphabetically by Title
Appendix Table of Assessments: Listed
II
Alphabetically by Title
Appendix First-Person Narratives
III
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CONTEN
TS
UNIT I
Occupational Therapy: Profile of the Profession
1 What Is Occupation?
Khalilah Robinson Johnson and Arameh Anvarizadeh
2 A Contextual History of Occupational Therapy
Charles H. Christiansen and Kristine L. Haertl
3 A Philosophy of Occupational Therapy
Barbara Hooper and Wendy Wood
4 Contemporary Occupational Therapy Practice
and Future Directions
Susan Coppola, Glen Gillen, and Barbara A. Boyt Schell
5 Occupational Therapy Professional
Organizations
Susan Coppola and Ritchard Ledgerd
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6 Scholarship in Occupational Therapy
Catana Brown
UNIT II
Occupational Nature of Humans
7 Emergence, Development, and Transformation
of Occupations
Jennifer L. Womack and Nancy Bagatell
8 Contribution of Occupation to Health and WellBeing
Clare Hocking and Daniel Sutton
9 Occupational Science: The Study of Occupation
Clare Hocking and Margaret Jones
10 Occupational Justice
Antoine Bailliard
11 Occupational Consciousness
Elelwani Ramugondo
UNIT III
Occupations in Context
12 An Occupational Therapy Perspective on
Families, Occupation, Health, and Disability
Helen Bourke-Taylor, So Sin Sim, and Mehdi Rassafiani
13 Patterns of Occupation
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Kate Barrett and Kathleen Matuska
14 Culture, Equality, Inclusion, Diversity, and
Culturally Effective Care
Pablo A. Cantero Garlito, Daniel Emeric Meaulle, and Dahlia Castillo
15 Social, Economic, and Political Factors That
Influence Occupational Performance
Catherine L. Lysack, Diane E. Adamo, and Roshan Galvaan
16 Disability Rights in Action
Aster (né Elizabeth) Harrison (Pronouns: They/Them) and Kimberly J.
The (Pronouns: She/Her)
17 Physical and Virtual Environments: Meaning of
Place and Space
Noralyn D. Pickens and Cynthia L. Evetts
UNIT IV
Occupational Therapy Process
18 Overview of the Occupational Therapy Process
and Outcomes
Denise Chisholm and Barbara A. Boyt Schell
19 Evaluating Clients
Inti Marazita, Thais K. Petrocelli, and Mary P. Shotwell
20 Critiquing Assessments
Sherrilene Classen and Craig A. Velozo
21 Occupational Therapy Interventions for
Individuals
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Glen Gillen
22 Occupational Therapy Evaluation and
Intervention for Communities and Populations
Bernard Austin Kigunda Muriithi
23 Best Practices for Health Education
Leanne Yinusa-Nyahkoon and Sue Berger
24 Modifying Performance Contexts
Leanne Leclair and Jacquie Ripat
UNIT V
Core Concepts and Skills
25 Professional Reasoning in Practice
Barbara A. Boyt Schell and Angela M. Benfield
26 Evidence-Based Practice: Integrating Evidence
to Inform Practice
Nancy A. Baker, Linda Tickle-Degnen, and Elizabeth E. Marfeo
27 Ethical Practice
Regina F. Doherty
28 Therapeutic Relationships and Person-Centered
Collaboration: Applying the Intentional
Relationship Model
Carmen Gloria de las Heras de Pablo and Jaime Phillip Muñoz
29 Group Process and Group Intervention
Moses N. Ikiugu
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30 Professionalism, Communication, and
Teamwork
Janet Falk-Kessler
31 Documentation in Practice
Karen M. Sames
32 Safety, Infection Control, and Personal
Protective Equipment
Helene Smith-Gabai, Suzanne E. Holm, and John Lien Margetis
UNIT VI
Broad Conceptual Models for Occupational Therapy
Practice
33 Examining How Theory Guides Practice: Theory
and Practice in Occupational Therapy
Ellen S. Cohn and Wendy J. Coster
34 The Model of Human Occupation
Kirsty Forsyth and Catana Brown
35 Ecologic Models in Occupational Therapy
Catana Brown
36 Theory of Occupational Adaptation
Lenin C. Grajo and Angela K. Boisselle
37 The Kawa (River) Model
Michael K. Iwama and Asako Matsubara
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38 The Model of Occupational Wholeness: An
Emerging Theory in Occupational Therapy
Farzaneh Yazdani
39 Recovery Model
Skye Barbic and Krista Glowacki
40 Health Promotion Theories
S. Maggie Reitz and Janet V. DeLany
41 Principles of Learning and Behavior Change
Christine A. Helfrich
UNIT VII
Evaluation, Intervention, and Outcomes for
Occupations
42 Introduction to Evaluation, Intervention, and
Outcomes for Occupations
Glen Gillen and Barbara A. Boyt Schell
43 Analyzing Occupations and Activities
Barbara A. Boyt Schell, Glen Gillen, and Doris Pierce
44 Activities of Daily Living and Instrumental
Activities of Daily Living
Jennifer S. Pitonyak and Kirsten L. Wilbur
45 Education in the United States
Susan M. Cahill
46 Work
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Julie Dorsey, Holly Ehrenfried, Denise E. Finch, and Lisa A. Jaegers
47 Play and Leisure
Anita C. Bundy and Sanetta Henrietta Johanna du Toit
48 Sleep and Rest
Jo M. Solet
49 Social Participation
Leanne Yinusa-Nyahkoon and Mary Alunkal Khetani
50 The Role of Occupational Therapy in Health
Management: The Time to Act Is Now!
Margaret Swarbrick and Laurie L. Knis-Matthews
51 Routines and Habits
Elizabeth A. Pyatak
UNIT VIII
Evaluation, Interventions, and Outcomes for
Performance Skills and Client Factors
52 Evaluating Quality of Occupational
Performance: Performance Skills
Anne G. Fisher and Lou Ann Griswold
53 Individual Variance: Body Structures and
Functions
Glen Gillen and Barbara A. Boyt Schell
54 Motor Function and Occupational Performance
Dawn M. Nilsen and Glen Gillen
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55 Cognition, Perception, and Occupational
Performance
Joan Pascale Toglia and Yael Goverover
56 Sensory Processing in Everyday Life
Evan E. Dean, Lauren M. Little, Anna Wallisch, Spencer Hunley, and Winnie
Dunn
57 Emotion Regulation
Jami E. Flick and Marjorie E. Scaffa
58 Social Interaction and Occupational
Performance
Lou Ann Griswold and C. Douglas Simmons
59 Personal Values, Beliefs, and Spirituality
Christy Billock
UNIT IX
The Practice Context: Therapists in Action
60 Practice Settings for Occupational Therapy
Pamela S. Roberts and Mary E. Evenson
61 Providing Occupational Therapy for Autistic
Individuals
Panagiotis (Panos) A. Rekoutis
62 Providing Occupational Therapy for Individuals
With Traumatic Brain Injury: Intensive Care to
Community Reentry
Steven D. Wheeler, Amanda Acord-Vira, and Diana Davis
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63 Providing Wellness-Oriented Occupational
Therapy Services for Persons With Mental
Health Challenges
Margaret Swarbrick
64 Providing Occupational Therapy for an
Individual With a Hand Injury
Marci L. Baptista and Maryam Farzad
65 Providing Occupational Therapy for Older
Adults With Changing Needs
Bette R. Bonder
66 Forced Migration and the Role of Occupational
Therapy
Mansha Mirza, Concettina Trimboli, Rawan AlHeresh, Md. Ariful Islam
Arman, Mary Black, Theo Bogeas, Roshan Galvaan, Mohammad Monjurul
Habib, and Yda J. Smith
67 Providing Occupational Therapy Services
Through Telehealth
Jana Cason and Ellen R. Cohn
68 Occupational Therapy Practice Through the
Lens of Primary Health Care
Sivuyisiwe Khokela Toto and Karen Ching
69 Providing Occupational Therapy Services for
Persons With Childhood Trauma
Erin Connor
UNIT X
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Occupational Therapy Education
70 Fieldwork, Practice Education, and Professional
Entry
Emily Zeman Eddy, Amanda Mack, and Mary E. Evenson
71 Competence and Professional Development
Winifred Schultz-Krohn
72 Preparation for Work in an Academic Setting
Catana Brown, Tamara Turner, and Glen Gillen
UNIT XI
Occupational Therapy Management
73 Management of Occupational Therapy Services
Brent Braveman
74 Supervision of Occupational Therapy Practice
Patricia A. Gentile
75 Consultation as an Occupational Therapy
Practitioner
Paula Kramer
76 Payment for Healthcare Services
Helene Lohman, Angela Patterson, and Angela M. Lampe
Introduction to Appendixes
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Glossary
Index
Appendixes (available on Lippincott Connect)
APPENDIX I
Table of Interventions: Listed Alphabetically by Title
Cheryl Lynne Trautman Boop
APPENDIX II
Table of Assessments: Listed Alphabetically by Title
Cheryl Lynne Trautman Boop
APPENDIX III
First-Person Narratives
• A: Narrative as a Key to Understanding, Ellen S. Cohn and Elizabeth Blesedell
Crepeau
• B: Who’s Driving the Bus? Laura S. Horowitz, Will S. Horowitz, and Craig W.
Horowitz
• C: Homelessness and Resilience: Paul Cabell’s Story, Paul Carrington Cabell
III, Sharon A. Gutman, and Emily Raphael-Greenfield
• D: While Focusing on Recovery, I Forgot to Get a Life, Gloria F. Dickerson
(updated for the 14th edition)
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• Mom’s Come to Stay, Jean Wilkins Westmacott
E:
• F: Journey to Ladakh, Beth Long
• G: Experiences With Disability: Stories From Ecuador, Kate Barret
• H: An Excerpt From The Book of Sorrows, Book of Dreams, Mary FeldhausWeber and Sally A. Schreiber-Cohn
• He’s Not Broken—He’s Alex, Alexander McIntosh, Laurie McIntosh, and Lou
I: McIntosh
• J: The Privilege of Giving Care, Donald M. Murray
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UNIT
I
Occupational
Therapy: Profile of
the Profession
Media Related to Occupational Therapy:
Profile of the Profession
Readings
Humans of New York: This blog and two books by Hugh
Garry started out as a photography project and later included
interviews of people on the streets of New York. Eventually,
he added 20 additional countries. The intimate stories depict
the varied human experience. (www.humansofnewyork.com)
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Movies
Murderball: A documentary about the US wheelchair rugby
team (mostly men with spinal cord injuries) who find purpose
when they begin playing full-contact, and very competitive
rugby. (2005)
Inside: Bo Burnham created this comedy special that
becomes more of a drama during COVID quarantine. It
artistically depicts day-to-day life and Bo Burnham’s
deteriorating mental health. (2021)
Art
Walter Anderson: An American artist known for his
depictions of nature (1903–1965). He was diagnosed with
schizophrenia and as a young adult, he spent time in
psychiatric hospitals always managing to escape. Adolph
Meyer was one of his psychiatrists. Although he was married
and had four children, he led a reclusive life often alone
creating artwork on a small island off the coast of Mississippi.
(www.walterandersonmuseum.org)
Music
She Used to Be Mine: Sara Bareilles’s song about a woman
who is disappointed in who she has become, but is still
striving. (2015)
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CHAPTER
1
What Is
Occupation?
Khalilah Robinson Johnson and Arameh
Anvarizadeh
OUTLINE
KNOWING AND LEARNING ABOUT OCCUPATION
THE NEED TO UNDERSTAND OCCUPATION
Looking Inward to Know Occupation
Looking Outward to Know Occupation
Turning to Research and Scholarship to Understand Occupation
DEFINING OCCUPATION
CONTEXT AND OCCUPATION
IS OCCUPATION ALWAYS GOOD?
CATEGORIZING OCCUPATION
REFERENCES
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
After reading this chapter, you will be able to:
1. Identify and evaluate ways of understanding occupation.
2. Articulate different ways of defining and classifying
occupation.
3. Describe the relationship between occupation and context.
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Knowing and Learning About
Occupation
To be human is to be occupational. Occupation is a biological
imperative, evident in the evolutionary history of humankind, the
current behaviors of our primate relatives, and the survival needs
that must be met through doing (Wilcock, 2006). Fromm (as cited
by Reilly, 1962) asserted that people have a “physiologically
conditioned need” to work as an act of self-preservation (p. 4).
Humans also have occupational needs beyond survival. Addressing
one type of occupation, Dissanayake (1992, 1995) argued that
making art, or, as she describes it, “making special,” is a biological
necessity of human existence. According to Molineux (2004),
occupational therapists now understand humans, their function, and
their therapeutic needs in an occupational manner in which
occupation is life itself (emphasis added). Townsend (1997)
described occupation as the “active process of living: from the
beginning to the end of life, our occupations are all the active
processes of looking after ourselves and others, enjoying life, and
being socially and economically productive over the lifespan and in
various contexts” (p. 19).
In the myriad of activities people do every day, they engage in
occupations all their lives, perhaps without ever knowing it. Many
occupations are ordinary and become part of the context of daily
living. Such occupations are generally taken for granted and most
often are habitual (Gerlach et al., 2018; Hammell, 2009a; Wood et
al., 2002). Listening to podcasts, laundering clothing, participating
in religious activities, walking through a colorful market in a foreign
country, and engaging with friends on social media platforms are
occupations people do without ever thinking about them as being
occupations.
Occupations are ordinary, but they can also be special when they
represent a new achievement, such as getting a driver’s license, or
when they are part of celebrations and rites of passage. Preparing
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and hosting a holiday dinner for the first time and baking pies for
the annual family reunion for the 20th time are examples of special
occupations. Occupations tend to be special when they happen
infrequently and carry symbolic meanings, such as representing
achievement of adulthood or one’s love for family. Occupations are
also special when they form part of a treasured routine such as
reading a bedtime story to one’s child, singing “Twinkle, Twinkle,
Little Star,” and tucking the covers around the small, sleepy body.
But even special occupations, although heavy with cultural nuances
and tradition that transcend generations, change over time. Hocking
et al. (2002) illustrated the complexity of traditional occupations in
their study of holiday food preparation by older women in Thailand
and New Zealand. The study identified many similarities between
the groups (such as the activities the authors named “recipe work”),
but the Thai women valued maintenance of an invariant tradition in
what they prepared and how they did it, whereas the New Zealand
women changed the foods they prepared over time and expected
such changes to continue. Nevertheless, the doing of food-centered
occupations around holidays was a tradition for both groups.
The Need to Understand
Occupation
Occupational therapy (OT) practitioners need to base their work on
a thorough understanding of occupation and its role in health and
health behaviors, survival, and being in relation with others. That is,
OT practitioners should understand what people need or are
obligated to do individually and collectively to survive and achieve
health and well-being. Wilcock (2007) affirmed that this level of
understanding includes how people feel about occupation, how it
affects their development, the societal mechanisms through which
that development occurs, and how that process is understood.
Achieving that understanding of occupation is more than having an
easy definition (which is a daunting challenge in its own right). To
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know what occupation is, it is necessary to examine what humans
do with their time, how they come to choose and coordinate such
activities, what purposes they serve, and what they mean for
individuals and society.
Personal experience of doing occupation, whether consciously
attended to or not, provides a fundamental understanding of
occupation—what it is, how it happens, what it means, what is good
or harmful about it, and what is not. This way of knowing is both
basic and extraordinarily rich.
Looking Inward to Know Occupation
To be useful to OT practitioners, knowledge of occupation based on
personal experience demands examination and reflection. What do
we do, how do we do it, when and where does it take place, and
what does it mean? Who else is involved directly and indirectly?
What capacities does it require in us? What does it cost? Is it
challenging or uncomplicated? How has this occupation changed
over time? What would it be like if we no longer had this
occupation? To illustrate, Khalilah (first author) shares her
experiences with cooking as she transitioned from home to college
(OT Story 1.1).
OT STORY 1.1 COOKING “SOUTHERN” AT
COLLEGE
My first real attempt at cooking a meal independently was my freshman year
of college. My dorm had a full kitchen, and I, like many college students,
loathed dining hall dinners. I had grown up in a home where my parents
prepared dinner nightly and we ate together as a family. My grandparents
cooked dinner for our extended family every Sunday, and as Southern culture
would suggest, I learned the proper way to braise vegetables, season and
smoke meat and fish, concoct gravies, and bake an array of casseroles prior
to graduating high school. Meal preparation and meal execution generally
adhere to rules and techniques according to the macro culture, local or home
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culture of the person(s) performing it. Going to college required that I
translate that cultural knowledge and adapt those rules to my new
environment, understanding that the same products and tools to which I was
accustomed would not be available. To build community, I began to cook
traditional Southern meals in several kitchens around campus, taking up new
ideas and techniques as I “broke bread” with other students. It was not until
I received recognition from my peers that I considered myself a true
Southern cook. Since that time, I have taken my love of cooking to
international spaces, where I learn to prepare traditional meals of the native
culture in a local person’s home (Figure 1.1).
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FIGURE 1.1 Khalilah (on the right) preparing fish.
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Between college and the beginning of Khalilah’s postgraduate
career, cooking took on a different form (the need to prepare meals
for herself as an independent adult), function (family-style meals
were no longer reserved for times with family and friends but
became a means to forge relationships with strangers), and
meaning (a way to bridge and create new cultural experiences with
her family and friends). These elements—the form, function, and
meaning of occupation—are the basic areas of focus for the science
of occupation (Larson et al., 2003).
Khalilah’s cooking and communal mealtime example described in
OT Story 1.1 illustrates how occupation is a transaction with the
environment or context of other people and cultures, places, and
tools. It includes the temporal nature of occupation—seasonal travel
to particular destinations and the availability of specific ingredients
based on the season of travel. That she calls herself a cook
exemplifies how occupation has become part of her identity and
suggests that it might be difficult for her to give up cooking.
Basic as it is, however, understanding derived from personal
experience is insufficient as the basis for practice. Reliance solely on
this source of knowledge has the risk of expecting everyone to
experience occupation in the same manner as the therapist. So,
although OT practitioners will profit in being attuned to their own
occupations, they must also turn their view to the occupation
around them and to understanding occupation through study and
research.
Looking Outward to Know Occupation
As presented in this chapter and throughout this edition of Willard
and Spackman, observation of the world through learning and
observing others from differing backgrounds and experiences is
another rich source of occupational knowledge. Connoisseurs of
occupation can train themselves to new ways of seeing a world rich
with occupations: the way a restaurant hostess manages a crowd
when the wait for seating is long, the economy of movement of a
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construction worker doing a repetitive task, the activities of
musicians in the orchestra pit when they are not playing, the almost
aimless social media scrolling on handheld devices as students take
a break from class, and texting while engaging in social situations.
Furthermore, people like to talk about what they do, and the
scholar of occupation can learn a great deal by asking for
information about people’s work and play. By being observant and
asking questions, people increase their repertoire of occupational
knowledge far beyond the boundaries of personal interests,
practices, and capabilities.
Observation of others’ occupations enriches the OT practitioner’s
knowledge of the range of occupational possibilities (e.g., the types
and ways of performing occupation that are deemed socially ideal)
and of human responses to occupational opportunities (e.g.,
accessing and participating in occupation of one’s choosing)
(Laliberte-Rudman, 2010). But although this sort of knowledge goes
far beyond the limits of personal experience, it is still bounded by
the world any one person is able to access, and it lacks the depth of
knowledge that is developed through research and scholarship.
Turning to Research and Scholarship to
Understand Occupation
Knowledge of occupation that comes from personal experience and
observation must be augmented with the understanding of
occupation drawn from research in OT and occupational science as
well as other disciplines. Hocking (2000) developed a framework of
needed knowledge for research in occupation, organized into the
categories of the “essential elements of occupation … occupational
processes … [and the] relationship of occupation to other
phenomena” (p. 59). This research is being done within OT and
occupational science, but there is also a wealth of information to be
found in the work of other disciplines. For example, in sociology,
Duneier (1999) studied the economy of work for poor Black men in
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New York City neighborhoods; DeVault (1999) examined the
dynamics of housework, in particular, family mealtimes; and Battle
(2019) investigated the ways in which fathering is mediated through
child support systems. Human geography researchers have studied
the transactions between place, age, and care (Cutchin, 2005) and
many other conceptualizations of home and community.
Psychologists have studied habits (Aarts & Dijksterhuis, 2000; Wood
et al., 2002) and a wealth of other topics that relate to how people
engage in occupation. Understanding of occupation will benefit from
more research within OT and occupational science and from
accessing relevant works of scholars in other fields. Hocking (2009)
has called for more occupational science research focused on
occupations themselves rather than people’s experiences of
occupations. Refer to Chapters 6 and 11.
Defining Occupation
For many years, the word occupation was not part of the daily
language of occupational therapists, nor was it prominent in the
profession’s literature (Hinojosa et al., 2003). According to
Kielhofner and Burke (1977), the founding paradigm of OT was
occupation, and the occupational perspective focused on people and
their health “in the context of the culture of daily living and its
activities” (p. 688). But beginning in the 1930s, the profession of OT
entered into a paradigm of reductionism that lasted into the 1970s.
One reason for the change was a desire to become more like the
medical profession. During that time, occupation, both as a concept
and as a means and/or outcome of intervention, was essentially
absent from professional discourse. With time, a few professional
leaders began to call for OT to return to its roots in occupation
(Schwartz, 2003), and since the 1970s, acceptance of occupation as
the foundation of OT has grown (Kielhofner, 2009). With that
growth, professional debates about the definition and nature of
occupation emerged and continue to this day.
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Defining occupation in OT is challenging because the word is
part of common language with meanings that the profession cannot
control. The term occupation and related concepts such as activity,
task, employment, doing, and work are used in many ways within
OT. It seems quite logical to think of a job, cleaning house, or bike
riding as an occupation, but the concept is fuzzier when we think
about the smaller components of these larger categories. Is dusting
an occupation, or is it part of the occupation of house cleaning? Is
riding a bike a skill that is part of some larger occupation such as
physical conditioning or getting from home to school, or is it an
occupation in its own right? Does this change over time?
The founders of OT used the word occupation to describe a way
of “properly” using time that included work and work-like activities
and recreational activities (Meyer, 1922). Breines (1995) pointed out
that the founders chose a term that was both ambiguous and
comprehensive to name the profession, a choice, she argued, that
was not accidental. The term was open to holistic interpretations
that supported the diverse areas of practice of the time,
encompassing the elements of occupation defined by Breines
(1995) as “mind, body, time, space, and others” (p. 459). The term
occupation spawned ongoing examination, controversy, and
redefinition as the profession has matured.
Nelson (1988, 1997) introduced the terms occupational form,
“the preexisting structure that elicits, guides, or structures
subsequent human performance,” and occupational performance,
“the human actions taken in response to an occupational form”
(Nelson, 1988, p. 633). This distinction separates individuals and
their actual doing of occupations from the general notion of an
occupation and what it requires of anyone who does it.
Yerxa and colleagues (1989) defined occupation as “specific
‘chunks’ of activity within the ongoing stream of human behavior
which are named in the lexicon of the culture…. These daily
pursuits are self-initiated, goal-directed (purposeful), and socially
sanctioned” (p. 5). Yerxa (1993) further elaborated this definition to
incorporate an environmental perspective and a greater breadth of
characteristics. She stated,
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Occupations are units of activity which are classified and named by the
culture according to the purposes they serve in enabling people to meet
environmental challenges successfully…. Some essential characteristics of
occupation are that it is self-initiated, goal-directed (even if the goal is fun
or pleasure), experiential as well as behavioral, socially valued or
recognized, constituted of adaptive skills or repertoires, organized,
essential to the quality of life experienced, and possesses the capacity to
influence health. (Yerxa, 1993, p. 5)
According to the Canadian Association of Occupational
Therapists (as cited in Law et al., 1998), occupation is “groups of
activities and tasks of everyday life, named, organized and given
value and meaning by individuals and a culture.” In a somewhat
circular definition, they went on to state that “occupation is
everything people do to occupy themselves, including looking after
themselves (self-care), enjoying life (leisure), and contributing to
the social and economic fabric of their communities (productivity)”
(p. 83). Occupational scientists Larson et al. (2003) provided a
simple definition of occupation as “the activities that comprise our
life experience and can be named in the culture” (p. 16). Similarly,
after referencing a number of different definitions of occupation, the
Occupational Therapy Practice Framework affirmed the statement
from the World Federation of Occupational Therapists (WFOT) that
occupation refers “to the everyday activities that people do as
individuals, in families, and with communities to occupy time and
bring meaning and purpose to life. Occupations include things
people need to, want to and are expected to do” (WFOT, 2012a,
para. 2 as cited by American Occupational Therapy Association
[AOTA], 2020, p. S7). The previous definitions of occupation from
OT literature help in explaining why occupation is the profession’s
focus (particularly in the context of therapy), yet they are open
enough to allow continuing research on the nature of occupation.
Despite, and perhaps because of, the ubiquity of occupation in
human life, there is still much to learn about the nature of
occupation through systematic research using an array of
methodologies (e.g., Aldrich et al., 2017; Dickie, 2010; Johnson &
Bagatell, 2017; Molke et al., 2004). Such research should include
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examination of the premises that are built into the accepted
definitions of occupation.
At a more theoretical level, such an examination has begun.
Several authors have challenged the unexamined assumptions and
beliefs about occupation of Western occupational therapists (cf.
Guajardo et al., 2015; Hammell, 2009a, 2009b; Iwama, 2006;
Kantartzis & Molineux, 2011; Morrison et al., 2017; Ramugondo,
2015). These critiques center on the Western cultural bias in the
definition and use of occupation across global contexts and the
inadequacy of the conceptualization of occupation as it is used in
OT in Western countries to describe the daily activities of most of
the world’s population. Attention to these arguments will strengthen
our knowledge of occupation. In this text, the following chapters,
among others, will expand on these issues: Chapters 10, 11, and
37.
Context and Occupation
The photograph of four children using a magnifying glass to
examine leaves on the ground evokes a sense of a mildly temperate
day during a season when leaves begin to shed from trees (Figure
1.2). Exploring in a forest and looking at leaves has a context with
temporal elements (possibly autumn on the east coast of the United
States, the play of children, and the viewer’s memories of doing it in
the past), a physical environment (wooded setting including pine
straw, sticks, and leaves), and a social environment (four children
and the likelihood of an indulgent parent or educator). The children
looking at leaves cannot be described or understood—or even
happen—without its context. It is difficult to imagine that any of the
children would enjoy the activity as much doing it alone as the
social context is part of the experience. This form of exploration
might also be set up in an indoor or outdoor garden, but not in a
simulated environment with inanimate objects. Parents or educators
would be unlikely to allow the children to wander in an outdoor
wooded area alone. The contexts of the people viewing the picture
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are important, too; many will relate the picture to their own past
experiences, but someone who lives in a place with less forestation
might find the picture meaningless and/or confusing. In this
example, occupation and context are enmeshed with one another.
FIGURE 1.2 Children in forest looking at leaves together with the
magnifying glass.
It is generally accepted that the specific meaning of an
occupation is fully known only to the individual engaged in the
occupation (Larson et al., 2003; Pierce, 2001; Weinblatt et al.,
2000). But it is also well accepted that occupations take place in
context (sometimes referred to as the environment) (e.g., Baum &
Christiansen, 2005; Kielhofner, 2002; Law et al., 1996; Schkade &
Schultz, 2003; Yerxa et al., 1989) and thus have dimensions that
consider other humans (in both social and cultural ways),
temporality, the physical environment, and even virtual
environments (AOTA, 2020).
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Description of occupation as taking place in or with the
environment or context implies a separation of person and context
that is problematic. In reality, person, occupation, and context are
inseparable. Context is changeable but always present. Cutchin
(2004) offered a critique of OT theories of adaptation-toenvironment that separate person from environment and proposed
that John Dewey’s view of human experience as “always situated
and contextualized” (p. 305) was a more useful perspective.
According to Cutchin, “situations are always inclusive of us, and us
of them” (p. 305). Occupation occurs at the level of the situation
and thus is inclusive of the individual and context (Cutchin & Dickie,
2013; Dickie et al., 2006). OT interventions cannot be context free.
Even when an OT practitioner is working with an individual,
contextual element of other people, the culture of therapist and
client, the physical space, and past experiences are present.
Is Occupation Always Good?
In OT, occupation is associated with health and well-being, both as
a means and as an end. But occupation can also be unhealthy,
dangerous, oppressive, maladaptive, or destructive to self or others
and can contribute to societal problems and environmental
degradation (Blakeney & Marshall, 2009; Hammell, 2009a, 2009b;
Kiepek et al., 2019; Lavalley & Johnson, 2022; Twinley, 2013).
Among many examples, scholars have described how notions of
acceptable and unacceptable sexual activity for particular gender
groups are reinforced through social norms, the tensions between
experiencing pleasure as good or bad by individuals who engage in
illicit activities, sedentary employment environments and their
negative impact on health outcomes, accessibility of various
recreational sports have historically excluded racially minoritized
groups, and more.
Further, the seemingly benign act of using a car to get to work,
run errands, and pursue other occupations can limit one’s physical
activity and risk injury to self and others. Americans’ reliance on the
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automobile contributes to urban sprawl, the deterioration of
neighborhoods, air pollution, and overuse of nonrenewable natural
resources. Likewise, industry and the work that provides monetary
support to individuals and families may cause serious air pollution in
expanding economies such as that of China and Nigeria (Egbetokun
et al., 2020; U.S. Department of State, 2020).
Personal and societal occupational choices have consequences,
good and bad. In coming to understand occupation, we need to
acknowledge the breadth of occupational choices and their effects
on individuals and society at large.
Categorizing Occupation
Categorization of occupations (e.g., into areas of activities of daily
living [ADLs], work, and leisure) is often problematic. Attempts to
define work and leisure demonstrate that distinctions between the
two are not always clear (Snape et al., 2017). Work may be defined
as something people have to do, an unpleasant necessity of life, but
many people enjoy their work and describe it as “fun.” Indeed,
Hochschild (1997) discovered that employees in the work setting
she studied often preferred the homelike qualities of work to being
in their actual homes and consequently spent more time at work
than was necessary. The concept of leisure is problematic as well.
Leisure might involve activities that are experienced as hard work,
such as helping a friend to build a deck on a weekend.
Take the two men plating salmon and vegetables (Figure 1.3) for
example. Categorizing their activity presents a challenge. They are
hovering over a kitchen counter, meticulously placing microgreens
on top of the salmon using chef’s tweezers. Their activity may be
categorized as engaging in work or other productive activity.
However, what is not known is whether this is paid work, caregiving
work (e.g., feeding others in the home), or leisure. Both men are
dressed in a chef’s coat and an apron and utilizing tools that are not
commonly used in home kitchens. This may give the appearance
that they are engaging in paid work—chefs preparing a meal for
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paying patrons. But only the gentleman on the left is a chef, which
may lead you to interpret the situation as a leisure activity for the
gentleman on the right. Categorizing the totality of this occupational
situation is complicated. No simple designation of what is happening
in the picture will suffice.
FIGURE 1.3 Two men plating salmon and vegetables.
Another problem with categories is that an individual may
experience an occupation as something entirely different from what
it appears to be to others. Weinblatt and colleagues (2000)
described how an older woman used the supermarket for purposes
quite different from provisioning (that would likely be called
instrumental activities of daily living [IADLs]). Instead, this woman
used her time in the store as a source of new knowledge and
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interesting information about modern life. What should we call her
occupation in this instance?
The construct of occupation might very well defy efforts to
reduce it to a single definition or a set of categories. Many examples
of occupations can be found that challenge other theoretical
approaches and definitions. Nevertheless, the richness and
complexity of occupation will continue to challenge occupational
therapists to know and value it through personal experience,
observations, and scholarly work. The practice of OT depends on
this knowledge.
Lippincott© Connect For additional resources on the subjects discussed in this
chapter, visit Lippincott Connect.
EXPANDING OUR PERSPECTIVE
The Value of Culture in Understanding Occupation
Arameh Anvarizadeh
Working in spaces that serve marginalized communities has been an
enriching and humbling experience. One example of this is providing care to
a child who recently immigrated to the United States from Iran to receive
comprehensive rehabilitation services. He was a 7-year-old living with
arthrogryposis and his parents were in dire need to have him engage in ageappropriate, meaningful occupations at home and in the school setting (e.g.,
playing with peers). Upon his arrival to the clinic, he was scheduled with
occupational and physical therapists to complete his initial evaluation.
However, there was one glaring issue—a language barrier. The therapists
were having a difficult time identifying and understanding occupations that
were important to the child and to his family. They were unable to define the
context of the occupations his parents were describing to them.
As an occupational therapist who strives to demonstrate cultural fluidity
and humility at all times, I lent myself to assist in the evaluation because I
was able to speak their language, Farsi. Once that barrier was removed, the
family and child instantly felt the ability to connect in identity, in context, and
in understanding occupation. I was able to dive deep in gathering a thorough
occupational profile, while also collecting information about what he wants to
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do, needs to do, but was unable to do because of physical limitations. We
also were able to discuss his performance and satisfaction with the
occupations that were important to him, such as dressing himself (donning
socks and shoes specifically), playing with peers during recess (kicking a
soccer ball), toileting, and feeding himself independently.
Questions such as “tell me about your favorite meal” were compelling
because I, too, understood the common meals served in Iranian culture—not
just what the dishes were, but how they smelled, how they were served,
how individuals engaged in mealtime together as a family unit. Taking all of
these factors into consideration were important and guided me in writing
very client-centered, culturally responsive goals.
Attending Individualized Education Programs (IEPs) where I would
observe educational staff and therapists speaking to the interpreter and not
directly to the family, being in spaces where therapists would talk negatively
about a client because they could not understand them, and watching clients
experience frustration because of language barriers was difficult, yet a very
valuable learning experience in advocating for all people, populations, and
communities. More importantly, these experiences show why remaining
grounded in cultural humility is critical in providing equitable care while
maintaining client satisfaction.
This child and family were ultimately added to my caseload. We built
rapport, addressed all of his goals, and were creative in ensuring that he had
access to the occupations that were meaningful to him. This experience
along with similar stories demonstrates that understanding occupation is one
factor; however, knowing that occupation serves multiple meanings based on
the cultural implications is a significant part of our role as practitioners,
leading the way in holistic and justice-based care.
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