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BERNARD SHAW AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES
Bernard Shaw’s
and Virginia Woolf’s
Interior Authors
Censored and Modern
Lagretta Tallent Lenker
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Bernard Shaw and His Contemporaries
Series Editors
Nelson O’Ceallaigh Ritschel
Massachusetts Maritime Academy
Pocasset, MA, USA
Peter Gahan
Independent Scholar
Los Angeles, CA, USA
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The series Bernard Shaw and His Contemporaries presents the best and
most up-to-date research on Shaw and his contemporaries in a diverse
range of cultural contexts. Volumes in the series will further the academic
understanding of Bernard Shaw and those who worked with him, or in
reaction against him, during his long career from the 1880s to 1950 as a
leading writer in Britain and Ireland, and with a wide European and
American following.
Shaw defined the modern literary theatre in the wake of Ibsen as a
vehicle for social change, while authoring a dramatic canon to rival
Shakespeare’s. His careers as critic, essayist, playwright, journalist, lecturer, socialist, feminist, and pamphleteer, both helped to shape the modern world as well as pointed the way towards modernism. No one engaged
with his contemporaries more than Shaw, whether as controversialist, or in
his support of other, often younger writers. In many respects, therefore,
the series as it develops will offer a survey of the rise of the modern at the
beginning of the twentieth century and the subsequent varied cultural
movements covered by the term modernism that arose in the wake of
World War 1.
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Lagretta Tallent Lenker
Bernard Shaw’s and
Virginia Woolf’s
Interior Authors
Censored and Modern
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For Mark Lenker
Beloved life partner
and for
Sara Deats and Joyce Karpay
Exceptional scholars, steadfast friends
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Foreword
The Palgrave Macmillan “Bernard Shaw and His Contemporaries” series
has published many good books and Professor Lenker’s book matches the
best of them, with an originality that strikes me as unique, or as close to it
as one can get.
To begin with, the surprising appearance in the title of authors the likes
of Bernard Shaw and Virginia Woolf as a pairing is itself original and
somewhat startling to those critics who have thought Shaw as writer of
literature not on the same level as Woolf, contrary to Woolf’s ultimate
evaluation of Shaw. And Lenker’s noticing and explaining of the use of
“Interior Authors,” along with the possibility of tricky “Censoring,” in
Shaw’s and Woolf’s fictions to reveal a common and very useful practice
of both authors is to go where no scholar has gone before. Many thanks
for that.
In all my readings of Shaw I may have noticed the presence of “Interior
Authors” in Shaw’s fictional writings but I didn’t appreciate how that
presence worked as a literary device that helps readers in their evaluation
and understanding of “character development” in fictional characters.
And for Shaw to be linked to Virginia Woolf in this practice is to discover
a likeness between the two authors that suggests more likenesses in other
ways, such as in their eventually speaking as one to a troubled world that
was becoming increasingly murderous and destructive, without “character” in the moral sense of the word.
When Lenker gets into the detail, she presents us with two authors who
had a common view of life in general and of England and Europe in particular and wrote to that view. This common view may have been obscured
vii
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viii
FOREWORD
to some degree by differences in the way they created literature, in poetry
and novels in Wolf’s case and in mostly plays in Shaw’s case, but such contrasts were in literary style, not in basic content or in historical and philosophical understanding of what makes “character” in literary development
and in the moral sense.
Yes, Lenker’s “Bernard Shaw’s and Virginia Woolf’s Interior Authors
Censored and Modern” reveals a surprisingly deep kinship between Shaw
and Woolf that gradually developed over the years in their attempt to
modernize and civilize the world, as it was within the possibility of writers
and speakers to do that, Shaw more directly and forcefully, perhaps, and
Woolf more slyly and subtly. But both gave their all, and Lenker has presented their case well as writers of great excellence and as artists and moral
leaders.
University of South Florida
R. F. Dietrich
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Contents
1 Introduction 1
Introduction 1
A Lover’s Part 4
The Period 10
Shaw and Censorship 15
Woolf and Censorship 16
Shaw as Modern 18
Woolf as Modern 19
The Interior Author 23
2 Bernard
Shaw’s Novels—Emergent Interior Authors 33
Introduction 33
Exterior Authors 37
Immaturity (1879) 37
The Irrational Knot (1880) 38
An Unsocial Socialist (1883) 40
Interior Authors 40
Immaturity (1879) 41
The Irrational Knot (1880) 46
3 Shaw’s Novels—Dramatic Narratives 51
Cashel Byron’s Profession (1883) 51
An Unsocial Socialist (1883) 56
xi
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xii
Contents
4 Bernard
Shaw’s Plays—Not in This Family 63
Exterior Authors 64
Candida (1894) 64
Caesar and Cleopatra (1898) 65
The Doctor’s Dilemma (1906) 66
Pygmalion (1914) 67
Interior Authors 68
You Never Can Tell (1895–96) 69
Man and Superman (1903) 73
Minor Characters Who Write 75
Revolutionist’s Handbook 76
Modern 77
Fanny’s First Play (1911) 78
Fanny’s Play 78
Easy or Complex? 80
Censorship 80
5 Shaw’s
Plays: Putting Faith in Faith 85
Shaw, War, and Religion: Putting Faith in Faith 85
Back to Methuselah (1921) 87
Censorship 89
Modern 93
Saint Joan (1923) 94
Censorship 100
Modern 101
Epilogue 104
6 Reflections on Plays and Novels109
7 The
Janus Face of War115
Virginia Woolf 115
The Novels of Virginia Woolf 116
The Janus Face of War 116
Jacob’s Room (1922) 117
War 119
Modernism 120
Characters Who Write 122
Censorship 126
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Contents xiii
Mrs. Dalloway (1925) 129
War 131
Structure 132
The Medical Profession 135
Modernism 136
Writing 138
Reception 145
Censorship 146
8 Novels
of Great Women155
Orlando 1928 155
Modernism 156
Vita 159
Characters Who Write 161
Letters 161
Woolf on Writing 163
Nicholas Greene 164
The New Biography 166
Interior Biographer 169
Orlando as Interior Author 171
Censorship 180
Reception 182
Orlando as Modernist Writer 183
Biographer as Modernist Writer 184
Conclusion 185
Between the Acts 1941 186
An Illusive Shadow 186
Introduction 188
Between the Acts, Modernism, and Postmodernism 193
Characters Who Write 196
Isa Oliver 196
Anon and Miss LaTrobe 198
Pageant 200
Audience Reaction 203
Censorship 204
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xiv
Contents
Doubt and Self-Doubt 206
Failure of Words 206
War 207
Critical Reception 209
Conclusion 209
9 Conclusion219
Bibliography223
Index237
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About the Author
Lagretta Tallent Lenker Ph.D. retired from the University of South
Florida, University College, where she served as founding director of the
Graduate Certificate Program, the Bachelor of General Studies, and other
adult and professional program. She has taught in the USF English
Department where she specialized in early modern, modern, late Victorian,
and American drama. She has written or edited eight books and numerous
articles, primarily on the works of Christopher Marlowe, William
Shakespeare, and Bernard Shaw, including Fathers and Daughters in
Shakespeare and Shaw. She was guest editor of SHAW 28: Shaw and War.
Five of Lenker’s books were co-edited with Dr. Sara M. Deats and focus
on literature and social issues, including, Aging and Identity: A Humanities
Perspective.
Lenker was also founding Treasurer of the International Shaw Society
and was a founding member of the ISS Executive Committee. She has also
served on the Executive Board of the International Marlowe Society and
is currently a member of the SHAW editorial board and holds membership
in the International Virginia Woolf Society.
xv
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Abbreviations
Bernard Shaw
CBP
CPP
IK
IM
SE
SL
USS
Cashel Byron’s Profession
Collected Plays with their Prefaces 7 vols.
The Irrational Knot
Immaturity
Shaw’s Essays
Shaw’s Letters 4 vols.
An Unsocial Socialist
Virginia Woolf
BA Between the Acts
JR Jacob’s Room
MOB Moments of Being
MD Mrs. Dalloway
O Orlando
TG Three Guineas
WE Woolf Essays 6 vols.
WD Woolf Diaries 5 vols
WL Woolf Letters 6 vols.
xvii
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List of Figures
Fig. 1.1
Fig. 1.2
Fig. 1.3
Fig. 1.4
29 Fitzroy Square (modern day). Virginia Stephen and her
siblings took over the lease of this property from Bernard Shaw
and his mother in 1907. Historical markers note that both
famed authors lived at No. 29 at different times. (Alamy Photos)
Typed letter from Virginia Woolf to Bernard Shaw, 1940.
Courtesy of The British Library for the Society of Authors,
Literary Representatives of the Estate of Virginia Woolf
Portrait of Virginia Woolf, 1927 (Alamy Photos)
Shaw at his writing hut in the garden of his residence at Ayot
St. Lawrence, 1945 (Alamy Photos)
5
7
8
9
xix
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CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Introduction
Virginia Woolf famously asserted that “on or about December 1910
human character changed.” She further maintained that “The first signs of
it [this change] are recorded in the books of Samuel Butler [1835–1902],
in The Way of All Flesh in particular; the plays of Bernard Shaw continue to
record it” (WE iii, 421–22; emphasis mine).1 Thus, Woolf proclaimed
Shaw a modern. She suggested that although an essential part of living
included acting as a judge of character, she acknowledged that creating
credible characters in fiction is a different proposition altogether. While
castigating the previous generation of novelists (in her terms, “the
Edwardians”) for their failure to meet this artistic challenge by concentrating mostly on narrative detail, Woolf lamented that “one line of insight
would have done more than all those lines of description” (WE iii, 429).
Woolf had already expressed her views on the topic in her 1924 foundational essay “Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Brown” (E iii, 384), where she stated
that it is the job of the Georgian (her contemporary) writer to advance the
art of character development: “… it is from the gleams and flashes of this
flying spirit that he must create a solid, living, … Mrs. Brown.” Woolf
concluded that although the lady still escaped the writer, she expected that
her generation, the moderns, were closer than ever to capturing her (WE
iii, 388).
1
L. T. Lenker, Bernard Shaw’s and Virginia Woolf’s Interior Authors,
Bernard Shaw and His Contemporaries,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49604-2_1
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2
L. T. LENKER
Woolf’s pronouncement about this change in human character, especially her audacity in dating it specifically, has become a provocative topic
for Woolf scholars, who have debated about her possible motives: Woolf
began writing novels in 1910; King Edward VII died and George V
ascended the throne; and her friend Roger Fry mounted the block-buster
Post-Impressionist Exhibit that year. However, most germane to this
study is the reaction of Woolf scholars to her recognition of the prescience
of Bernard Shaw as an arbiter of the change in character in his contemporary dramas. Shaw? they ask. There must be some mistake—surely Woolf
did not mean that old Edwardian writer of prefaces and overlong plays,
when Misalliance, by Woolf’s own admission, was painful to endure in
1910 (WL I, 423)?2
In a 2014 book devoted to interpreting Woolf’s pronouncement about
1910, prominent Woolf scholars take issue with her choice of Shaw as an
illustrative example of one who recognized and began to capture the
change in human character. For example, Elizabeth Abel labels Shaw
“unremarkable” and therefore unworthy of representing Woolf’s innovative ideas about the creation of human character.3 Peter Stansky reminds
us that Woolf “was a very witty person and that the remark … was also said
somewhat tongue in cheek.” Stansky notes that Misalliance was playing in
1910 and that both Shaw’s Candida and Arms and the Man were published that year and were in the Woolf library.4 Maria Di Battista terms
Shaw’s rebellion against Edwardian moral certainty and complacency a
kind of modernist insolence, such as that found in Shaw’s Hypatia in
Misalliance, the impudent young woman who longs to be “an active
verb.” Di Battista suggests that this “longing,” which she also finds in
Shaw’s Getting Married, only calls attention to the problem of lack of
opportunities for women but fails to provide antidotes that produce actual
change.5 She neglects to note that Shaw creates an active foil to Hypatia’s
longing spirit, Lina Szczepanowska, a genuine active verb, who does not
wait to be asked but initiates her own participation in her family’s business
and culture.6
Writing in Virginia Woolf and the Real World, Alex Zwerdling considers
several plays by Shaw as offering glimpses of anti-Victorian hope for the
future of family life. He even labels several of Shaw’s female characters as
“new women,” that is, women who treasure their independence and give
enlightened accounts of their roles in the modern family. However,
Zwerdling goes on to dismiss Shaw’s place in Woolf’s equation of the
change in human character: “In … Shaw one need only stand a received
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1
INTRODUCTION
3
idea on its head to set it right…. The stance can create neither mature nor
highly original work.” Presumably Zwerdling refers to characters such as
Hypatia, who only verbalizes her longing for action in the play. However,
he provides a preface to his analysis of Shaw’s new women, whom he identifies as Vivie Warren (an actuarial accountant in Mrs. Warren’s Profession),
Lesbia Grantham (“an independent woman of England” in Getting
Married), and Lena Szczepanowska (an aerialist and a gymnast in
Misalliance, 249), who actually make their own sometimes unusual choices
and who are determined not to lose the right to do so.7 These characters
seemingly meet Zwerdling’s—and Woolf’s—criteria for characters who
represent real change.
Hence Woolf chose Shaw as one of her exemplars in her quest to capture human character in fiction, and hence inextricably linked their names
in the modernist pursuit of character development. Further exploration of
the Shaw-Woolf relationship reveals that Woolf intuited Shaw’s insight
into human character and greatly admired the dramatist who created that
“active verb.” For Woolf, Shaw’s work comprised many more positive elements of the change in human character that she perceived than labels
such as “unremarkable,” “mere debunking,” “literary insolence,” and
“head-standing” would indicate.
Woolf may have gotten the idea of Shaw as a writer of Georgian substance from her revered Aunt Anny Ritchie during a visit to Ritchie’s
home a few years before her death. Lady Ritchie, a writer herself, gave
Shaw the following accolade: speaking of writers of Woolf’s father’s generation, she reasoned, “Some of them have just a touch of that [excellent]
quality; Bernard Shaw has, but only a touch” (WD I, 248). Woolf’s husband Leonard also counted Shaw as one of his literary and political heroes
during his early Cambridge years. In his autobiography, he writes, “We
were passionately on the side of these champions [including Shaw] of freedom of speech and freedom of thought, of common sense and reason. We
felt that, with them as our leaders, we were struggling against a religious
and moral code of cant and hypocrisy.”8
Another indication that Woolf seriously considered Shaw a harbinger of
insightful change is his escape from the drubbing she gave to other
Edwardians in her renowned essays. The trio of prominent Edwardian
writers, H.G. Wells, John Galsworthy, and Arnold Bennett, are targets of
Woolf’s sharp critique in “Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Brown” (1924) and their
talent for character development is found seriously lacking—“their books
are already a little chill, and must steadily grow more distant” (WE iii,
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4
L. T. LENKER
387). This group, again sans Shaw, feels the sting of Woolf’s pen in
“Character in Fiction” and “Modern Fiction,” as she continues her attack
on the prior generation whom she judges to have impeded the promising
writers of her own era (WE iii, 420–38; iv, 157–64).
Of course, Shaw did not completely escape Woolf’s caustic pen: in letters she complained about his lengthy dramas, specifically Misalliance, and
in personal encounters Shaw’s abundant vitality made the reserved Woolf
long to escape his energetic conversation and his over-sized political views.
However, these negative observations, largely personal and often colorful,
seldom concern his art. Woolf wrote her remarks about the importance of
1910 in 1924 and contended that “Shaw’s plays continue to record” the
change in human character. Although Misalliance was playing in 1910,
numerous other plays by the prolific Shaw were staged between 1910 and
the writing of Woolf’s essay, including three plays with prominent interior
authors: Fanny’s First Play (1911), Back to Methuselah (1920), and Saint
Joan (1923). The messages of those plays primarily concern women’s
rights, Creative Evolution (the human life span), and woman-as-saintand-hero respectively, and specifically describe their prescription for revolutionary change and clarity for the future of society and also for artistic
character development. These three dramas are discussed in the chapters
below and are among the works that bind Shaw and Woolf closer together
as modernists seeking to portray human character effectively.
A Lover’s Part
Most accounts of the relationship between Bernard Shaw and Virginia
Woolf (nee Stephen) focus on its biographical aspects, including their
twenty-six-year age difference. After all, they once lived in the same house
at 29 Fitzroy Square, Woolf and her brother Adrian having taken over the
lease from Shaw and his mother in March 1907 (Fig. 1.1). Scholars often
muse that the “ghost” of her predecessor did little to warm Woolf’s initial
attitude toward Shaw: after seeing Misalliance, she called his mind “that
of a disgustingly precious child.”9 Woolf, an irrepressible diarist, frequently
recorded her early disdain for the famous playwright, and two of her novels, The Voyage Out (1915) and Jacob’s Room (1922), seemingly cast
Shaw’s political theories in an unfavorable light.10 Nevertheless, Woolf
understood Shaw’s importance as a dramatist and felt a secret admiration
for him, admitting that she was too timid to talk to him at a concert
in 1915.11
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1
INTRODUCTION
5
Fig. 1.1 29 Fitzroy Square (modern day). Virginia Stephen and her siblings took
over the lease of this property from Bernard Shaw and his mother in 1907.
Historical markers note that both famed authors lived at No. 29 at different times.
(Alamy Photos)
Woolf and Shaw began to move in the same circles only after Virginia
Stephen married Leonard Woolf, whose involvement in the Fabian Society
grew out of his work on multinational cooperation and political allegiances
(1915). The Fabian Research Committee, chaired by Shaw, commissioned
Leonard to write a treatise on international government, which eventually
led to the postwar League of Nations.12 The association between the
Woolfs and the Shaws deepened in due course, at lunches with Sidney and
Beatrice Webb, Fabian Society meetings, and other social gatherings,
especially the storied Windham Crofts house party given by the Webbs in
Sussex in 1916. Woolf recalls the event in her letters: they were “marching
through woods with Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb and Mr. and Mrs. Bernard
Shaw, who all talked so incessantly upon so many different subjects that I
never saw a single tree…. Still they were very kind” (WL ii, 101).13 The
weekend impressed Shaw as well and became the basis for his much
acclaimed play Heartbreak House (1917), with Virginia as a possible model
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6
L. T. LENKER
for the younger Shotover daughter, the intriguing Ariadne. This country
encounter ultimately resulted in a belated but mutual declaration of “love”
between Shaw and Woolf twenty-four years later. However, Woolf confided that she would have dreaded the weekend except for bragging [about
socializing with Shaw] (WL ii, 101).
This tempered admiration for the great dramatist continued even after
the Webbs’s house party. Woolf refers to Shaw again in 1920 and includes
a brief glimpse of the playwright in “Pictures and Portraits”: “Then there
is Bernard Shaw…. a Don Quixote born in the northern mists—shrewd,
that is to say, rather than romantic” (WE iii, 165). In 1922, Woolf’s diary
entry relates an argument between Virginia and Leonard about Shaw,
Leonard stating that society owed a great debt to Shaw and Virginia maintaining that he only influenced the outer fringes (WL, ii, 529). She offered
another droll compliment to Shaw in her diary entry of June 3, 1932:
“What life, what vitality—and why I don’t read him for pleasure” (WD iv,
107). However, her exasperation with the continued popularity of the
Edwardians over the Georgians revealed itself in a letter to her sister
Vanessa about the literary tastes of the latter’s children: “I only wish they
didn’t both think Bernard Shaw greater than Shakespeare.”14 Stanley
Weintraub notes that in return Shaw viewed Woolf’s fellow Georgians
with disdain because they “challenged readers with what he called ‘blackguardly’ language to show their liberation from traditional restraints.” Yet
Shaw complimented Woolf’s talent, if not her politics, in a letter to the
editor of the Political Quarterly, which Shaw supported financially: “Since
artistry is essential, all political notes should be written by Virginia Woolf;”
at the time, he believed she had little interest in politics.15
However, the genuine admiration, even affection, between Shaw and
Woolf had only smoldered until their correspondence in 1940 (Fig. 1.2),
when Woolf wrote to Shaw inquiring about a conversation he had had
with their mutual friend Roger Fry, whose biography Woolf was writing.16
Shaw answered her questions and expanded the conversation by offering
to give her “a picture by Roger,” and then closed with the following:
“There is a play of mine called Heartbreak House which I always connect
with you because I conceived it in that house somewhere in Sussex where
I first met you and, of course, fell in love with you. I suppose every
man did.”17
Woolf replied,
Your letter reduced me to two days silence from pure pleasure…. As for falling in love, it was not let me confess one-sided. When I first met you at the
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1
INTRODUCTION
7
Fig. 1.2 Typed letter from Virginia Woolf to Bernard Shaw, 1940. Courtesy of
The British Library for the Society of Authors, Literary Representatives of the
Estate of Virginia Woolf
Webbs I was set against all great men having been liberally fed on them in
my father’s house…. But in a jiffy you made me reconsider all that and had
me at your feet. Indeed, you have acted a lover’s part in my life for the past
thirty years and though I daresay it’s not much to boast of, I should have
been a worser woman without Bernard Shaw. Heartbreak House, by the way,
is my favourite of all your works.18
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8
L. T. LENKER
Bernard Shaw and Virginia Woolf shared so much more than social
events and “puppy love” as they moved through the literary and socialist
worlds in London in the early-to-mid twentieth century. In spite of their
age difference and Woolf’s early disdain for Shaw and his works, they actually held similar convictions on most of the pressing issues of the day. For
instance, they both embraced Fabian Socialism, Shaw as a founder of the
movement and Woolf as a convert. Woolf’s diary records that she became
a Fabian after attending a meeting on “The Condition of Peace” in January
1915 (WD I, 26). In particular, Woolf supported the Fabian anti-war platform, as did Shaw of course.19 Another abiding public crusade both writers shared was the abolition of censorship, which both considered a plague
upon English society and on their respective works, an issue discussed in
detail in subsequent chapters. Most prominently, in 1928 Shaw and Woolf
publicly joined with other writers and luminaries to support Radclyffe
Hall’s The Well of Loneliness, a thinly veiled work about lesbian love that
ran afoul of the British obscenity law, the infamous Hicklin rule (1868).20
This aspect of their relationship will be considered more fully below
(Figs. 1.3 and 1.4).
Fig. 1.3 Portrait of
Virginia Woolf, 1927
(Alamy Photos)
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1
INTRODUCTION
9
Fig. 1.4 Shaw at his
writing hut in the garden
of his residence at Ayot
St. Lawrence, 1945
(Alamy Photos)
On a more personal level, these two singular individuals from markedly
disparate backgrounds—she from privilege, he from genteel poverty—
shared traits, beliefs, and experiences that shaped their lives and work:
• Both were autodidacts with one prominent parent who helped to
shape their education. Shaw flouted his lack of formal schooling as
enhancing his innovative writing, although his mother Bessie Shaw,
a classically trained would-be diva, advanced his extensive musical
education. Woolf decried the society that denied her a formal education but received rigorous tutoring from her brilliant and learned
father, Sir Leslie Stephen.
• Both were inveterate writers who wrote daily diary entries, countless
letters, numerous essays and reviews, and of course novels and plays.
• Both were strongly anti-Victorian and anti-sentimentalist, traits
reflected in their works.
• Both were ardent feminists, albeit reluctant to claim that label. Both
wrote continually about women’s issues, which often resulted in
conflicts with the authorities and the social purity movement.
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10
L. T. LENKER
• Both sought to revolutionize their predominant respective genres: the
drama and the novel. Shaw boldly used his art to demand reforms at
almost all levels of society, while Woolf’s social message was more
nuanced, especially in her early novels. However, as her fame increased,
she gradually became a bold voice seeking improvement for the lives of
women, as well as freedom for her generation from a stifling patriarchy.
The Period
Toward the end of the Victorian era, the British populace still clung to
Victorian mores (however hypocritical) through agents of supposed public morality such as the social purity movements. Josephine Butler founded
the Social Purity Alliance in 1873 to promote chastity, especially in young
men, and by 1886 branches of this alliance were popular throughout
England.21 The social purity movement also campaigned against incest,
and “mothers’ unions” grew in influence. In the 1890s “Snowdrop
Bands” urged girls to attend purity lectures and “pledge themselves to
discourage all wrong conversation, light and immodest conduct and the
reading of foolish and bad books.”22 Between 1888 and the late 1930s,
often in league with government censors, organizations such as the Society
for the Suppression of Vice and W.T. Stead’s National Vigilance Association
threatened writers suspected of “deviant art” through “visits and surveillance, public proclamations and warnings, and threatening letters as well
as trials for obscene libel.” Stead, claiming only a desire to improve society,
promoted a form of sensational journalism that became a prototype of
today’s exposé journalism.23 A crusading journalist and one-time publisher
of Shaw’s book reviews, Stead investigated so-called white slave traffic and
produced sensational articles such as “The Maiden Tribute of Modern
Babylon” (1885), which gave, among other sordid examples, detailed
accounts of young girls sold into prostitution by their parents, and “The
Violation of Virgins” (1885), which inflamed public sentiment and helped
make “recalling the nation’s ‘fallen women’ a new form of social activism.”24 The ramifications of his and other crusading journalists’ work ultimately changed British legislation relating to age-of-consent for marriage
and state-regulated prostitution.25 Stead also campaigned against the double standard for men and women, although in The Quintessence of Ibsenism,
Shaw castigates Stead’s view that women should be subservient to men.26
But women, especially prostitutes, got the worst of it. The movement
closed brothels and prostitutes lost their livelihood.27 Stead was now a
tireless self-promoter who capitalized on the “new vogue of morality” and
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1 INTRODUCTION
11
who also emphasized the immorality of victims such as those prostitutes
who were violently killed during the Whitechapel murders. Stead’s brand
of coverage soon influenced mainstream newspapers such as The Times,
which published letters implying that the more privileged classes did not
want the violent and unsavory atmosphere that produced the Whitechapel
killer to infect their neighborhoods, thus by implication placing the blame
on the female victims themselves.28
Nevertheless, women joined the social purity movement in significant
numbers, adding a somewhat deceptive “feminist” element to purity
speakers and chastity leagues. Social purity campaigns produced social
frameworks that both empowered and disabled women of different classes
in complex ways. The changes brought about by the movement restricted
working-class women while giving “new possibilities of thought” to
middle-­class women, enabling them to consider their “sexual subjectivity”29 and envision new avenues of expression in the restrictive Victorian
society. These movements also enlisted the aid of the government and
circulating libraries to scrutinize literary works for possible obscenity and
“demanded that the arts be as pure as possible.”30 For example, Stead’s
National Vigilance Association also played a major role in the condemnation of Henry Vizetelly, translator of Emile Zola’s La Terre, for his work
in perpetuating “obscene literature” such as Zola’s 1887 novel. Public
morality groups deemed La Terre not only sexually corrupting, but also
argued that the novel contributed to immorality in poor neighborhoods,
possibly leading to the Whitechapel murders themselves.31
Significantly, as early as 1888, Shaw the journalist presented clear-­
sighted information about the appalling living conditions in areas such as
the East End that countered sensational press accounts of poverty and
squalor there. This rational, realistic press coverage led to modernizing the
treatment of social issues such as poverty and violence against women and
also contributed to modernizing journalism more generally. Shaw’s factual
and reasoned comments on the sensationalizing of the Whitechapel murders and his defense of the Irish leader Charles Parnell during the scandal
stemming from his relationship with the married Kitty O’Shea comprise
his first public comments in the ongoing social morality debate. Shaw’s
letters to The Star about the Whitechapel murders and the Parnell affair
established him as a passionate advocate for reform of conditions contributing to poverty in England and also for rational change to England’s
antiquated divorce laws. His journalistic battles against the public morality
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12
L. T. LENKER
fervor also translated into his early social justice plays, Widowers’ Houses
and Mrs. Warren’s Profession, and even Pygmalion.32
However, the public morality campaigns persisted and expanded to
include “acts of gross indecency,” a code name for “homosexuality” that
soon included lesbianism as well. The most notorious example of the
influence of the social purity movement came in 1928 when Sir Chartres
Biron, presiding Magistrate, “ordered the destruction of Radclyffe Hall’s
The Well of Loneliness, a polemical novel pleading for social tolerance for
lesbianism,” which was initially banned by the Home Secretary, Sir William
Joynson-Hicks. Critics suggest that Hall could have escaped censorship
had she treated what was considered “unacceptable sexual doctrine” with
humor or satire or with moral censure. However, Hall’s novel clearly
advocated tolerance for lesbianism in a serious manner. A public outcry
ensued, led by editorials in the Sunday Express calling for official censorship, which eventually led to the withdrawal of the book by Hall’s publisher, Jonathan Cape.33 Thus Hall’s book was in effect censored by the
government, the press, and by her very own publisher. But “The Battle of
a Book” soon became a rallying point for like-minded artists when the
Herald interviewed H.G. Wells and Bernard Shaw for an article praising
Hall’s “high-minded sincerity.” Shaw seized this opportunity to continue
his “infamous rant” against censorship: “If this sort of thing is going to
happen, no books will be published in England…. I read it [The Well] and
read it carefully, and I repeat that it should not have been withdrawn.”34
Woolf stood ready to testify and defend the novel but was never called to
the stand. Despite Woolf’s and Shaw’s support, the legal battle over The
Well became a contest between Hall’s publisher and the British magistrates in an all-male critique of a work about lesbianism. Cape, prosecuted
as the book’s publisher, subsequently lost the trial and the appeal, and The
Well of Loneliness was suppressed in England.35 Hall died in 1943 and did
not live to see her work published in her home country in 1949.36
Republished in Paris, the novel was eventually translated into eleven languages and reissued in the United States, where it sold 100,000 copies
annually for many years.37
In addition to The Well, the suppression of literary works in England
included those by such luminaries as D.H. Lawrence, James Joyce, and
Shaw himself, and produced a backlash of “creative violence,” a counterattack against censorship that consumed much of the artistic world in the
first decades of the twentieth century. This recurring challenge, an attempt
by the artistic community to confront “an unfreedom, the oppressions of
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1 INTRODUCTION
13
journalists, of gentle audiences, of timid readers of political and religious
orthodoxy,” has a name: modernism.38 This term expands “high modernism” to include more writers, such as Shaw, who was never a member of
the modernist elite, which included Pound and Joyce, who created a
“higher” art form inaccessible to many. Shaw and other writers of the
period shared the high modernists’ program of radical change for their
society, not only for art. At the time, “modernism”—now a slippery, overused term—described the work of artists in many genes with common
goals: resisting oppression, challenging cultural and social norms, and
freeing artistic expression from the excessive emotion and sentimentality
that had saddled their Victorians forebears.39 Thus, censorship and modernism are inextricably linked, as the modernist program generally involves
overturning conventional ideals and mores that censorship sought to protect. Although the stated rules for judging the appropriateness of plays—
no profanity, no indecency, no representations of living persons—were
fairly mundane, Shaw noted the governing but unwritten rule that never
changed: “that a play must not be made the vehicle of new opinion on
important subjects, because new opinions are always questionable opinions.”40 These “new opinions” about art and societal norms, of course,
form the bedrock of British modernism.
In his study of Shaw’s plays that do feature these new, sometimes daring
opinions, John Bertolini considers dramas that depict Shavian authors,
including Caesar, John Tanner, and Henry Higgins, as reflecting “Shaw’s
dramatic craft and … self-consciousness about his craft, … and in [his]
protagonists who are authors themselves, … or artist figures [including
Saint Joan] and in representations of the act of writing or allusions to it.”41
I not only consider Shaw’s interior authors but also examine the nexus of
modernism and censorship in one facet of the plays of the oft-censored
Shaw: his creation of characters who either self-censor their own published
or highly publicized work, or who are censored themselves by their fellow
characters. I identify Shaw’s authors as Mrs. Clandon in You Never Can
Tell, John Tanner in Man and Superman, Fanny O’Dowda in Fanny’s First
Play, the Brothers Barnabas in Back to Methuselah, and the eponymous
hero and Christ figure of Saint Joan. Similarly, Pamela Caughie identifies
eight of Woolf’s novels and essays as featuring creative artists.42 These
works present the artist or would-be artists as “original and autonomous”
in various mediums (painting, storytelling, and poetry); however, my
study focuses entirely on the singular, meta-reflexive characters who write.
Similarly, I also identify Woolf’s authors as Jacob Flanders in Jacob’s Room,
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14
L. T. LENKER
Septimus Smith in Mrs. Dalloway, Orlando in the eponymous novel, and
Miss La Trobe in Between the Acts. Although each of these writers experiences censorship to varying degrees, suppression becomes a major factor
in each work, forming an indelible connection to modernism.
Just as in the plays of Shaw, each of Woolf’s nine novels features conspicuous writing paraphernalia and the end products of writing—books,
letters, essays—and especially incessant writing by her characters, both
major and minor. For example, in Woolf’s first novel, The Voyage Out
(1915), Terence Hewet often discusses plans for his novel about “silence …
the things people don’t say”;43 in Night and Day (1919), Katherine
Hilbery and her mother organize and preserve the writing of Katherine’s
grandfather, Richard Alardyce;44 in To the Lighthouse (1927), Mr. Ramsay’s
young son describes how his father wrote about “subject and object and
the nature of reality.”45 In Flush (1931), no less than Elizabeth Barrett and
Robert Browning write and discuss their poetry;46 in The Waves (1931),
Bernard purports to write—“I am a natural coiner of words”—although
no evidence of his writing is seen;47 and in The Years, Edward Partiger, a
Cambridge don, publishes a translation of “The Antigone of Sophocles done
into English Verse.”48 However, these characters, who mainly talk about
writing, do not meet the criteria for being interior authors.
For the purposes of this study, censorship is defined as views, opinions,
and especially creative works suppressed by government (often masked
and satirized in Shaw’s plays and Woolf’s novels), critical, public and private entities, or by oneself.49 Also, as we will see, Shaw, Woolf, and many
other modernists knew that some works of their fellow progressive artists
would never reach their intended audience because of their inferior literary quality, a form of market censorship that deemed the work itself
unworthy of publication.50
Both Shaw and Woolf as “revolutionary” authors fought censorship on
multiple levels and, as a result, this common struggle became a major element in the fabric of their art and resulting fame. Both employed comedy,
satire, and indirection to craft works laden with subversive social meaning,
while producing some of the most famous, relevant, and enduring art of
their era.51 This artistic strategy stemmed, in part, from the prevalence of
the social purity movement. In England, social purity organizations survived until well into the 1950s and 1960s. Thus, organized morality
movements, with varying degrees of influence, thrived during the entire
writing lives of both Shaw and Woolf.52
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1 INTRODUCTION
15
Shaw and Censorship
Shaw’s clash with the British censor actually began before his playwriting
days. In the late 1880s, Shaw was promoting a revival of Shelley’s “closet
drama” The Cenci and enthusiastically endorsing the plays of Henrik Ibsen
when productions by both writers were banned. Shaw became incensed,
blasting the censor in the Saturday Review as unfit to judge the plays of his
literary heroes. Shaw soon experienced a more personal censorship, as all
five of his early novels were effectively “censored” by publishers, some of
them even refusing to read the unknown Shaw’s manuscripts. Later on,
when Shaw became a fledgling dramatist and a more mature writer, three
of his own plays were refused licenses: Mrs. Warren’s Profession, The
Shewing-Up of Blanco Posnet, and Press Cuttings.53 As a result, Shaw wrote
over fifty articles and gave numerous speeches railing against censorship
and exploiting its “absurdities.” Leonard Conolly explains Shaw’s reasoning: “The censorship … inevitably restricted the ability of plays to present
‘new opinions on important subjects,’ a restriction imposed only on playwrights—not, for example, on novelists or poets whose work was not subject to any kind of licensing system.”54 Nevertheless, governmental
censorship in Britain would continue for another fifty years, leaving Shaw
“out of control” over the suppression of his ideas. Still, despite his continuing struggles with the official government censor, Shaw in his wisdom
recognized the existence of other repressive forces. He enumerates these
usual suspects: “Critics of all grades and ages, middle-aged fathers of families no less than ardent young enthusiasts, are equally indignant with me”
(CPP 1: 248). Accordingly, Shaw often pluralized the noun: “All censorships exist to prevent anyone from challenging current conceptions and
existing institutions. All progress is initiated by challenging current conceptions and executed by supplanting existing institutions. Consequently,
the first condition of progress is the removal of censorships. There is the
whole case in a nutshell” (CPP 1: 247).55
Some critics, nevertheless, find that censorship of Shaw’s plays ultimately provided definite advantages for Shaw. R.F. Dietrich notes that the
suppression of Shaw’s plays identified him as a martyr to the cause of artistic freedom and created a persona that appealed to the younger generation
of English theatergoers, themselves rebelling against the vestiges of
Victorian repression.56 Similarly, Brad Kent contends that Shaw, having
used his very public war on censorship to establish and over the years
increase his own celebrity, eventually realized a greater freedom from
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16
L. T. LENKER
censorship. Several Shaw plays in the 1920s were “given even more leeway
because it was feared that Shaw … would turn the banning or recommended cuts into a media circus. The censors had finally realized that
Shaw was in many ways seeking and generating free publicity in running
afoul of the Lord Chamberlain’s Office, and thus made a concerted decision to ignore him.”57 So, whether blessing or curse, Shaw’s long playwriting career is inextricably linked with censorship, which also contributes
significantly to his dialectic with British modernism.
Woolf and Censorship
Shaw’s “out of control” public battles with censorship brought him public
humiliation and cost him precious time and money, as he fought against
the suppression of his work, and eventually led to a triumph over the censors—who realized that public censorship only resulted in more fame for
authors and their banned works. By contrast, Woolf’s skirmishes were
milder and far less public. However, Woolf was surrounded by censorship
practically her entire life. Her father Leslie Stephen, author and editor of
many books, both “confronted censorship and acted as a censor. The
Society for the Suppression of Blasphemous Literature … pushed for the
suppression of Stephen’s work,” while he, as editor of Cornhill Magazine,
supported Thomas Hardy’s Far from the Madding Crowd against readers’
protests but later rejected The Return of the Native, concluding that parts
of the latter were “too dangerous for a family magazine.”58 Thus, raised in
a home where opinions mattered, even Woolf’s earliest writing efforts in
the family’s internal newsletter, “Hyde Park Gate News,” caused angst as
she waited for parental approval with “tense anticipation.” However, her
mother’s assessment of her work as “rather clever” thrilled the budding
writer.59
Nonetheless, several of the young author’s early book reviews, which
she submitted for publication, met a harsher fate. In April 1905, Bruce
Richmond rejected her review of Edith Sichel’s Catherine de’ Medici and
the French Revolution, stating that the review was “not written in the academic spirit.”60 In 1909, Reginald Smith, editor of Cornhill Magazine,
heavily edited several of her reviews, “add[ing] words to her sentences and
cut[ting] out others” without her permission. Woolf threatened to resign
as reviewer for the publication and did so later that year when Smith
rejected her “Memoirs of a Novelist.” Each of these suppressions likely
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1 INTRODUCTION
17
added to Woolf’s well-known anxiety about her work and personal
wellbeing.61
In 1917, conceived partly as a hobby, partly as an unfettered outlet for
their writing, Virginia and Leonard Woolf purchased a small hand press.
Biographer Hermione Lee observes that soon both became “utterly
absorbed; Virginia could hardly tear herself away; Leonard cursed the day
they bought it, ‘because I shall never do anything else.’”62 Owning her
own press with Leonard rewarded Woolf in many ways. She records in her
diary: “I’m the only woman in England free to write what I like” (WD
III, 43).
Still, not even owning one’s own press can completely insulate a writer
from suppression. In 1920, A.B. Walkley, the Times drama critic and a
friend of Shaw, attacked Woolf’s article on Henry James’s correspondence,
and the following year her former editor Bruce Richmond asked her to
remove the word “lewd” from her article on James’s ghost stories (WE iii,
xix). Eventually even fame could not entirely protect Woolf from having
her work suppressed. As late as 1939, her article on the royal family commissioned by Picture Post remained unpublished because of her “irreverent treatment” of the royals.63 If the celebrated Virginia Woolf wanted
complete freedom of speech, she had to print and publish her work herself!
Yet Woolf’s most fierce and continual battle over unfettered speech was
with herself, and self-censorship would remain a significant factor in her
writing career. Christine Froula explains: “Part of her mind has gone over
to the other side and performs the work of censorship from within. This
unwitting self-censorship illuminates the incredible difficulty and dangers
she faces: not editors, publics and conventions ... not even an imaginary
public of censorious men, but a quite unconscious wall of repression that
obscures what she felt even from herself.”64 Woolf discusses this process of
involuntary self-censorship in her 1931 speech to the National Society for
Women’s Service entitled “Professions for Women.” She cautions her
audience about the problems of writing as a woman who must destroy the
so-called Angel in the House, that Victorian paragon of womanhood and
self-denial who continually whispers that women must be subservient to
men, before she can find her own voice as a writer. Woolf’s diary entries
reveal her continual concern about being beleaguered by censors, causing
authors to feel self-conscious (WD v, 229). Woolf reasons that all writers
are under this cloud of would-be suppressors, but that women are especially vulnerable to anxiety about censorship.65 This negotiation of
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L. T. LENKER
“internal and external censorship” produced a series of works that “battled taboos on speech—and thought about the sexual lives of women.”66
Thus England’s preeminent novelist, Virginia Woolf, and its most
famous playwright, Bernard Shaw, suffered, battled, internalized, and
never totally freed themselves from the grip of their country’s censorship
laws and their own personal censorship demons.
Shaw as Modern
Both Shaw and Woolf are considered groundbreaking modernists. Shaw
was a proto-modernist in his early novels, then a theatrical modernist
whose work revolutionized the British theater, while Woolf was a high
modernist, whose brilliant narrative, representational, and structural style
forever changed the English novel. The boundaries of the modernist
period, whether programmatic or calendar-driven, are much debated, and
consensus on which writers, artists, and thinkers should be included in the
modernist camp has long been difficult to reach. Here is a useful definition: “a sense of unprecedented innovation in art, politics, and science
beginning roughly in the 1860s required a designation—‘the modern’—
that would recognize a specific period of rupture and crisis.”67
Indeed, the mention of Shaw as a modernist often sparks debate. Is the
long-lived Shaw a vestige of the Victorian era or a foundational figure in
British modernism? Undeniably, Shaw lived and wrote during the heyday
of modernism; however, does his often-bombastic style adhere to the
modernist agenda of employing the precise, often sparse, language associated with modernist writers? And how does his mostly realistic staging
relate to the stylistic revolution initiated by Woolf in the novel and
T.S. Eliot in poetry? Articles in volume 35 of SHAW: The Journal of
Bernard Shaw Studies, dedicated to debating the pros and cons of Shaw’s
modernist contradictions, conclude that the debate can be resolved only
by acknowledging Shaw’s multifarious modernist legacy.68
Two of the volume’s contributors make significant contributions to the
discussion about Shaw as a modernist relevant to my study. Lawrence
Switzky sees Shaw as “a figure both inside and outside the teleological
narratives of modernism, both a Fabian bureaucrat and a militant counterinsurgent in the avant-garde.” Switzky avers that “Shaw’s sardonic,
double-­edged modernity embraces the modern as at once an absolutely
distinct epoch and part of the historically continuous posture of thinking
that the contemporary knows more and knows better than the past.”
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1 INTRODUCTION
19
Matthew Yde is more specific, designating Shaw as both a utopian and
programmatic modernist who contends that “utopia is a process and cannot properly begin until capitalism has ceased to exist, replaced by socialism.” Yde points to Shaw’s utopian fantasies, Back to Methuselah, The
Simpleton of the Unexpected Isles, and Farfetched Fables as examples of
Shaw having realized that socialism is not enough, hence his turning to
Creative Evolution to advance the race, thus blending the modernist utopian vision of hope with the more pragmatic tenets of modernism and
socialism.69 Christopher Innes not only firmly places Shaw’s dramatic art
in the modernist camp (as an expansion of Elite Modernism) but also posits that “it is Shaw’s version of modernism that dominated British theatre
for the entire modernist era.” Innes proposes that Shaw’s version of modernism applies best to theater than to other art forms:70 “in drama the
most influential practitioners of Modernism are defined by the infusion of
a modernist spirit into standard theatrical forms. This had been begun by
George Bernard Shaw, whose refurbishing of the traditional melodrama
and romance offers a basic example.”71 Moreover, Innes suggests that
Shaw demonstrates the modernist suppression of emotion by “distancing
spectators through shock effects (as with the connection between capitalism and prostitution in Mrs. Warren’s Profession) or reversal of expectations (as with Eliza’s rejection of Higgins in Pygmalion).”72 Cecilia Marshik
also identifies Shaw as a modernist by recognizing that in works such as his
preface to Mrs. Warren, he “implied that the very fact that his plays had
been censored prove their modernity and progressive character,” and that
such censorship was “proof positive of his radical social programs … placing him on the side of ‘progress,’ of challenging [outdated] institutions
and social values.”73
Woolf as Modern
Although early twentieth-century modernism was primarily a male
domain, dominated by Eliot, Pound, and Joyce, “modernism had mothers
as well as fathers.”74 The definition of modernism given by Lawrence
Switzky applies to Woolf’s work as well as Shaw’s: “a sense of unprecedented innovation in art … recognized as [contributing to] a period of
rupture and crisis.”75 Michael Levenson calls the modernist art of Woolf
and others as acts of “creative violence … a challenge [to] unfreedom, the
oppressions of journalism, of genteel audiences, of timid readers, of political and religious orthodoxy…. The name of the tyrant had changed—the
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20
L. T. LENKER
Editor, the Lady, the Public, the Banker, the Democrat—but whatever the
scenario, the narrowness of the oppressor was seen amply to justify the
violence of the art.”76 Woolf’s trademark disruptors of conventional
thought and art are well known: the broken sentence (Jacob’s Room and
Orlando), “atoms of life” (Jacob’s Room and Mrs. Dalloway), shifting narrators (Jacob’s Room), taboo subjects (Jacob’s Room and Orlando), the split
subject (Mrs. Dalloway), the anti-hero (Jacob’s Room), and the anti-­
Bildungsroman (Jacob’s Room). In addition, Woolf’s essays on “modern”
and “modernisms” are considered foundational documents of the genre,
as “An Unwritten Novel” positioned her as a high modernist whose work
has been enduringly popular for generations,77 leading some critics to
opine that “at present, modernism needs Woolf more than Woolf needs
modernism.”78 Nevertheless, the abiding topic and resulting literary techniques of Virginia Woolf and Bernard Shaw in their respective genres
remains their continual struggle in the censorship wars. Their recurrent
engagements with censorship as a representative act and their multiple
methods of combating that repression remain their strongest link to modernism and to each other.
The censorships of their day and their methods of avoiding them are
especially relevant to this study. Both Shaw and Woolf create sometimes
subtle, at other times bold, approach-avoidance mechanisms to combat
the suppression of their work, often using censorship to their advantage to
score subversive points in their writing. At other times, they felt its sting,
as friends, critics, and publishers alike rejected their work. Shaw’s plays
were publicly censored by various members of the censorship machine,
while Woolf, after relatively minor but meaningful brushes with censorship, came closer to being censored by government officials than she may
have realized.79
Interestingly, both writers coalesced much of their representations of
censorship around the figure of the prostitute, considered by both to be a
symbol of exploitation and gender discrimination by their patriarchal society, which lacked acceptable economic opportunities for women. In their
day, to mention or portray a prostitute in a work of fiction was not only
illegal but also considered an affront to the social purity movement, which
fought against prostitution, sometimes with vigilante enforcement, in the
1880s and beyond.80 Marshik explains the complexity of representing this
figure, which had become an “index” by which to measure the extent and
limits of legal, social, and economic change during the period. By depicting prostitutes, male writers such as Dante Gabriel Rossetti and Shaw
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1 INTRODUCTION
21
“were conflated with johns and pornographers because they rejected the
moralizing, scientific distance demanded by reformers and government
officials. Woolf ran a parallel risk; she could not be slotted into the role of
the male john, but she could be conflated with her subject, the prostitute,”81 as a “public” woman, one who writes and publishes her work.
Shaw flaunted the prostitute most infamously in Mrs. Warren’s Profession,
while Woolf’s more discreet but definitely recognizable public women
appear in her earliest novel The Voyage Out and later in Jacob’s Room and
Orlando.
In related but no less inflammatory representations of the lives of
women, both Shaw and Woolf consider the plight of women on the legitimate side of economic opportunities for women: marriage. Shaw’s ideas
on conventional marriage are presented in The Quintessence of Ibsenism
and his Preface to Mrs. Warren’s Profession, and are summarized by Mrs.
Warren herself in Act II: “The only way for a woman to provide for herself
decently is for her to be good to some man that can afford to be good to
her” (CPP 1: 314). Written almost forty years after Shaw’s Quintessence
and Mrs. Warren, “Professions for Women” and A Room of One’s Own
illustrate Woolf’s views on the plight of respectable women.82 Both Shaw
and Woolf agree that women must have legitimate professional and economic opportunities outside the home and that their society cannot
advance until such avenues are open to all women. The rejection of the
ideals represented by the Womanly Woman and the Angel in the House is
a major theme in their oeuvre and a catalyst to the curse of censorship that
both directly and indirectly affected it. Woolf asserts that it is the job of the
writer to kill the Angel,83 while Shaw continually attempts to expose if not
eliminate the Womanly Woman.
To escape/avoid the multifarious censors of their day, both Shaw and
Woolf relied on artistic techniques such as satire, irony, and indirection to
deflect potential critiques. Both the struggle with and accommodation of
censorship became a major facet in their modernity. Shaw was given to
exaggeration and overstatement, while Woolf employed satire, irony, and
even codes and whispers to protect or sometimes to call attention to her
subversive message. In addition, both created interior authors who speak
for them—and suffer the consequences. The heavy hand of the censors,
both public and private, descended on the Edwardian Shaw and the
Georgian Woolf and influenced their work, especially their creation of
interior authors who are both censored and modern.
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22
L. T. LENKER
Additionally, wartime England generated increased levels of censorship,
and the Defense of the Realm Act (1914) gave officials license to suppress
works that strayed from official propaganda.84 As a result, all writers faced
increased pressure to modify or at least remain silent about their own
views on the conflict. Nevertheless, both Shaw and Woolf wrote strongly
worded polemics against war—and suffered the consequences. In 1914,
Shaw appealed to the public for a rational approach to Britain’s entry into
World War I in his pamphlet “Common Sense about the War.”85 Because
he presented the often-unfounded rationales of both parties involved in
the conflict, Shaw’s essay was misinterpreted as a pro-German appeal. As a
consequence, Shaw was unwelcome at several prestigious literary societies,
and resigned from the Society of Authors. Nevertheless, during this brouhaha over his loyalties, Shaw unobtrusively contributed £20,000 to the
war effort, reaffirming that although war is wrong, once a country engages
in it, it must support its troops by every means possible. As the dead and
wounded soldiers began returning home, the country’s attitude toward
Shaw softened, and he eventually regained his prominent place in English
literature and society. Thus, war serves as a major theme or subtext in one-­
third of Shaw’s dramas.86
Some twenty-four years later, Virginia Woolf faced a similar problem
after she expressed her opinions about war and the growing threat of fascism in her long essay Three Guineas, dubbed by one reviewer a “revolutionary bomb of a book.” Woolf’s goal in writing this treatise was to “turn
anger into art,” and she accomplished this feat by incorporating into her
work two of her other perennial arguments with English society: education and women’s rights.87 The result was a scathing critique of an English
educational system that excluded women, while forcing them to make
sacrifices for their brothers’ educations so they could enter professions that
either led to or supported war (TG, 70). In Woolf’s view, that privileged,
male-oriented education valorized war by relying on a curriculum laden
with the biographies and histories of great fighting men (TG, 39–42;
73–74), which excluded women from the country’s history. In Three
Guineas, she proposes a different curriculum based on cooperation, drawn
primarily from the arts and without the competitive nature resulting from
the examinations, degrees, and “poisoned vanities and parades” of the
current educational system (TG, 39–41). She closes Three Guineas by calling for new words and new methods that do not even unconsciously promote war, and for men and women to join together “to the respect in their
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1 INTRODUCTION
23
persons of the greatest principles of Justice, and Equality and Liberty”
(TG, 164).
Her contemporary critics—including some extended family members—
reacted harshly, calling the work “muddled … neither sober nor rational,”
“self-indulgent,” and “silly.” However, the most damning were those critics who questioned Woolf’s mental stability and labeled her work “shrill”—
her most dreaded criticism. Unfortunately, Woolf did not live to see Three
Guineas become a mainstay of the feminist/Marxist cannon, fully recognized as the “utopian meditation that it is.”88 Notably, Woolf’s anti-war
passion appears, to varying degrees, as a subtext in Jacob’s Room, Mrs.
Dalloway, To the Lighthouse, and Between the Acts.
Thus, both these revolutionary authors were harshly critiqued for their
beliefs and how they expressed them. However, neither abandoned her/
his convictions, but rather built a mighty arsenal of literary devices with
which to express them. One of the most prominent of their weapons is
their remarkable deployment of interior authors to convey their respective
messages of peace, equality, and freedom of expression.
The Interior Author
This book considers the interior authors of Bernard Shaw and Virginia
Woolf and examines the connection of modernism and censorship in one
facet of their respective plays and novels: their creation of characters who
either self-censor their own work or who are censored by their fellow characters. Against the dialectic of censorship and modernism that shaped the
work of Shaw and Woolf, their fictional authors may be considered as
reflections of their creators and their milieu. Additionally, in many
instances, Shavian and Woolfian authors mirror a more personal note for
their creators, manifesting their preoccupation with their authorial selves,
especially in relation to other writers. Furthermore, each play or novel
examines the artist’s responsibility as a creator, as an establisher of order,
or as a reformer of morals.89
Also, in this study, I employ the trope of the “interior author” as a
lens through which to view the self-reflexive nature of Shaw’s and
Woolf ’s meta-texts, texts that tend to focus not only on the events and
characters being narrated or dramatized but on the creation of the texts
themselves. In these meta-texts, the “interior authors” often serve as
reflections of their “exterior authors” as they confront the struggles
faced by Shaw and Woolf in their creation of these texts and their
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24
L. T. LENKER
affirmation of modernism. Artistic doubts and difficulties are not obstacles, but rather motivating factors as they create their art.90
In many of Shaw’s novels and plays and all of Woolf’s novels considered
in this study, the interior author, more than a stand-in or surrogate writer,
experiences the full spectrum of authorial involvement from the conception to the final development of the artistic expression. The story of the
interior author becomes not only an account of what is written but also a
meta-narrative of the writing process itself. Additionally, not only does the
interior author as a character within the play or novel foreshadow the creation of the text within the text, but she/he also comments on the actual
creative process by the external authors, Woolf and Shaw. For example,
when Miss La Trobe, the interior author of Woolf’s Between the Acts, sits
in her cottage, struggling with the “skimble-scamble” that will become
the script of her pageant, grudgingly mindful of the requirements of the
pageant organizers, i.e., her audience (BA, 69), she portrays the act of
writing her pageant. She also reflects on her artistic creation to call attention to Woolf’s process of creating the novel and Miss La Trobe herself,
while Woolf remains mindful of her own audience and their possible reaction to her provocative character. Similarly, Shaw’s Barnabas brothers in
Back to Methuselah anxiously create many drafts of their Gospel of the
Brothers Barnabas, which detail the theory of humanity’s ability to live at
least three-hundred years, all the while attempting to hide the text from
family, friends, and especially politicians who would exploit their work for
political gain (CPP 5: 379–438). This self-reflexive double vision of the
interior author renders her/him more than a stand-in for the author and
adds the dimension of commentator on the writing process itself, especially as it concerns censorship, often self-censorship, and modernism.
The interior author, always a generator of ideas, thus creates as a meta-­
text, a trope that focalizes and structures the fears, misgivings, and resistance of a writer about his/her society that often rejects the author’s
revolutionary writing. The internal writer’s intention is modernist in the
sense that it defies older (Victorian) norms, while also attempting to
change the audience’s reading and reception of literary texts, and ultimately to transform society itself.
The interior author could be constructed for any number of purposes
that convey the author’s central concerns. For my study, the primary
objective of the interior author is that of a reformer, one who conveys the
author’s preoccupation with censorship and social change. The interior
author thus functions as a meta-author, demonstrating the joys, anxieties,
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1 INTRODUCTION
25
and rewards of the writing process. As with the theory of the implied
author, the interior author becomes the focus behind the work, conveying
the author’s message about censorship and reform and revealing “the normative moral order” underlying the strategy and arrangement of the
work.91 Although interior authors are never confined to a single function,
their primary association with an author’s central message identifies them
with that focus, and thus with the author him/herself.
Woolf’s and Shaw’s desires to revolutionize their respective art forms
reveal a deep-seated dissatisfaction with their own genres in their current
forms and also with modernism, with its make-it-new philosophy. Yet one
of high modernism’s central tenets had been to establish a degree of difference that placed barriers between the reading/viewing audience and
the text.92 Thus, high modernism was anathema to the reformer Shaw and
was ultimately rejected by Woolf as she developed a need to connect with
her audience, especially in her later works. The trope of the interior author
thus serves as a device to comment on respective forms of modernism
(Shaw in the theater, Woolf in the novel). With their interior authors representing their own experience with suppression and social reform, both
Shaw and Woolf solidly project the issues of censorship and modernism
onto the works for which they have become famous.
Both Shaw and Woolf wrote in many genres and forms. Their opinions
and thoughts are revealed in personal letters, diaries, essays, reviews, novels, and plays. Their work is frequently concerned with the act and art of
writing. This book examines their fascination with writing, which manifests itself in several different ways, in particular in their interior authors.
These authorial characters most often reflect their author in some way:
from autobiography to characters who present a message that mirrors the
many social and artistic causes that consumed both writers. After this
introductory chapter, Chap. 2 explores the genesis of Shaw’s passion for
writers and introduces the early novels in which he virtually taught himself
to write; Chap. 3 continues this study in Shaw’s last two novels. Shaw’s
plays form the basis for Chap. 4 and feature interior authors in his early
dramas; Chap. 5 examines the interior author in two of his mature plays.
In an interlude (Chap. 6) that divides my treatment of Shaw and Woolf, I
present a brief discussion of the differences between plays and novels.
Interestingly, although both wrote in both genres, many of their works
contain strong elements of both forms. Chapter 7 begins by examining
Woolf’s highly experimental novel Jacob’s Room and the more famous
Mrs. Dalloway. Both of these works contribute to Woolf’s standing as a
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26
L. T. LENKER
modernist writer and reveal her views on the causes and consequences of
war. Chapter 8 treats Woolf’s bon vivant time-traveling author Orlando, a
character based in part on Vita Sackville-West, and analyzes Woolf’s highly
dramatic Between the Acts and its interior playwright, Miss La Trobe. I
examine each of Shaw’s and Woolf’s works vis-à-vis the plague of censorship and the zeitgeist of modernism, two elements that shape their interior
authors and their messages of artistic and social reform and, indeed, their
entire oeuvre. I conclude (Chap. 9) by examining the social activism of
both Shaw and Woolf and how this involvement in social issues influenced
their work.
Notes
1. Virginia Woolf, The Essays of Virginia Woolf, vols 1–4, ed. Andrew McNeilie
(New York: Harvest Harcourt, 1986–94), v. iii, 421–22. All subsequent
references will be noted as WE followed by volume and page number.
2. Virginia Woolf, The Letters of Virginia Woolf, vols 1–6, ed. Nigel Nicolson
and Joanne Trautmann Banks (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,
1975–80), I, 423. All subsequent references will be noted as WL followed
by the page number.
3. Elizabeth Abel, “The Victorian Cook’s Modern Character,” in Virginia
Woolf and 1910: Studies in Rhetoric and Context, ed. Makiko Minow-­
Pinkney (Grosmont, Wales: Illuminati Books, 2014), 48.
4. Peter Stansky, “On or about December 1910 Revisited,” in Virginia Woolf
and 1910, 174.
5. Maria di Battista, “Virginia Woolf’s Bad Manners,” in Virginia Woolf and
1910, 80–82.
6. See Lagretta Tallent Lenker, Fathers and Daughters in Shakespeare and
Shaw (Westport: Greenwood, 2001), 112.
7. Alex Zwerdling, Woolf and the Real World (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1986), 147, 176, 151–52.
8. Leonard Woolf, Sowing: An Autobiography of the Years 1880-1904, 151–52;
qtd. in Zwerdling, Woolf and the Real World, 149.
9. Stanley Weintraub, “Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf and G.B.S.,” SHAW:
The Annual of Bernard Shaw Studies 21 (2001), 42. I gratefully
­acknowledge the influence of Professor Weintraub’s work on this study.
Also see Weintraub, Who’s Afraid of Bernard Shaw (Gainesville: University
Press of Florida, 2011).
10. See Virginia Woolf, The Voyage Out 1915, ed, Pagan Harleman (New York:
Barnes and Noble Classics, 2004), and Virginia Woolf, Jacob’s Room, ed.
Suzanne Raitt (New York: W.W. Norton, 2007).
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1 INTRODUCTION
27
11. The Diary of Virginia Woolf, ed., Anne Olivier Bell, 5 vols. (London:
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1977), I, 33. Also see Stanley Weintraub,
“Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf and G.B.S.,” 44.
12. Stanley Weintraub, “Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf and G.B.S.,” 33–34;
Bernard Shaw. Collected Letters, 4 vols., ed. Dan H. Lawrence (New York:
Viking-Penguin, 1985–88), iv, 557–58. Hereafter referred to in the text as
SL, followed by the volume and page number; Hermione Lee relates that
Leonard’s International Government (1916) was published in part by the
Webbs in the New Statesman. His work became influential in the founding
of the League of Nations and led to Leonard’s prominent role in both the
Fabian Society and the Labor Party. Virginia Woolf (New York: Random
House, 1999), 342.
13. Stanley Weintraub, “Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf and G.B.S.,” 44–45.
14. Congenial Spirits: The Selected Letters of Virginia Woolf, ed. Joanne
Trautmann Banks (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1989), 223.
15. Stanley Weintraub, “Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf and G.B.S.,” 54.
16. For an account of the friendship of Bernard Shaw and Roger Fry, see
Virginia Woolf, Roger Fry: A Biography (Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1940).
17. Shaw, Letters, iv, 556–57; Scholars delight in noting the influence of Woolf
on the characters of Heartbreak House. Weintraub proposes that Shotover’s
daughter Ariadne was inspired by Woolf. “Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf
and G.B.S.,” 47. Also see Trautmann Banks, 428.
18. Shaw, Letters, iv, 556–58.
19. See SHAW: The Annual of Bernard Shaw Studies 28 (2008), a special
theme issue on Shaw and war.
20. The 1868 Hicklin standard defined obscene works as those “tending to
deprave and corrupt those whose minds are open to such immoral influences and into whose hands a publication of this sort may fall.” Quoted in
Adam Parkes, Modernism and the Theater of Censorship (Oxford University
Press, 1996), 3–4.
21. Edward J. Bristow, Vice and Vigilance: Purity Movements in Britain since
1700 (Dublin: Gill and MacMillan, 1977), 82. The White Cross Army was
organized for the same purpose (102–03).
22. Ibid., 130.
23. Nelson O’Ceallaigh Ritschel, Bernard Shaw, W.T. Stead, and The New
Journalism (Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017).
24. Celia Marshik, British Modernism and Censorship (Cambridge University
Press, 2006), 1–4, 46–48. Also see Ritschel, Shaw, W.T. Stead, and the New
Journalism (9–15) for a comprehensive discussion of Stead and “The
Maiden Tribute” scandals.
25. Judith R. Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight (University of Chicago
Press, 1992), 83, 213.
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L. T. LENKER
26. Bernard Shaw, The Quintessence of Ibsenism, in Selected non-Dramatic
Writings of Bernard Shaw, ed. Dan Laurence (Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1965), Chap. 3.
27. Edward J. Bristow, Vice and Vigilance, 77.
28. Nelson O’Ceallaigh Ritschel, Bernard Shaw, W.T. Stead, and the New
Journalism, 21, 27. Louise De Salvo and other scholars note that Woolf’s
cousin, J.K. Stephen, was implicated in the Whitechapel (or Jack the
Ripper) murders and that the young Woolf must have known about this
possible family connection. Virginia Woolf (New York: Ballantine Books,
1989), 51–56. Mark Hussey points out that the adult Woolf researched the
Whitechapel section of Flush carefully, perhaps connecting her mentally ill
cousin’s misogynistic view of women to the murders but never mentioning
the possibility in her novel. See Mark Hussey, Virginia Woolf A-Z (New
York: Facts on File, 1995), 90, 226.
29. Judith R. Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight, 133–34. Walkowitz also
considers how the Jack the Ripper murders (1880s) affected these debates.
30. Celia Marshik, British Modernism, 2. Stead spent six months in Holloway
Jail for misrepresentation in the Maiden Tribute scandal. He died on the
Titanic several years later. See Ritschel for an account of Stead and the
Titanic in Shaw, W.T. Stead, and the New Journalism, 111–33.
31. Ibid., 38–39, 63.
32. Ibid., 40–45.
33. Adam Parkes, “Lesbianism, History, and Censorship: The Well of Loneliness
and the Suppressed Randiness of Virginia Woolf’s Orlando,” Twentieth
Century Literature 40.4 (1994), 434, 347.
34. Bernard Shaw, Collected Letters 1926–1950, iv, 110.
35. Also, for a full account of the censoring and subsequent trial and appeal of
The Well, see Adam Parkes, Twentieth Century Literature, 434–39.
36. David Smith, “Lesbian Novel was ‘Dangerous to Nation,’” The Guardian.
com, January 2005 (web. 17 October 2017. No day given).
37. Dan Lawrence in Collected Letters 1926–1950, 4, 110.
38. Michael Levenson, “Introduction,” in The Cambridge Companion to
Modernism, ed. Michael Levenson (Cambridge University Press, 1999), 2.
39. See Lawrence Switzky, “Introduction,” SHAW: The Annual of Bernard
Shaw Studies 35.1 (2015), 2 for a useful discussion of the use of the term
“modern.”
40. Shaw quoted in Steve Nicholson, The Censorship of British Drama
1900–1968, v. 1: 1900–1932 (Exeter: University of Exeter Press: 2003), 25.
41. John A. Bertolini, The Playwrighting Self of Bernard Shaw, 6. Bertolini also
designates Marchbanks as an author but refers readers to Charles Berst’s
chapter on Candida in Bernard Shaw and the Art of Drama (University of
Illinois Press), 1973. I consider Shaw’s secondary authors as Caesar, whose
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1 INTRODUCTION
29
famous books are only referenced in the play; Henry Higgins, whom
Bertolini identifies as a note-taker, or Marchbanks, who adopts the dramatic pose of the solitary poet, as a literary device for establishing his character rather than emphasizing his poems. Candida herself terms
Marchbank’s pose “his poetic attitude” and his “poetic horror,” but refers
to his poems only in passing (CPP I: 572–74). Peter Gahan also contributes to the discussion of Shaw’s authors, mentioning Shaw’s remarks in the
Preface to Great Catherine, where he identifies Catherine as the author of
many plays. Elsewhere Gahan makes the cogent point that “in a Shaw play,
written texts serve as analogues of the action.” Gahan, Shaw Shadows
(Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004), 13, 11 passim.
42. Pamela Caughie, Virginia Woolf and Postmodernism (Chicago: University
of Illinois Press, 199), 128–29. Also see Christine Froula, Virginia Woolf
and the Bloomsbury Avant-Garde (New York: Columbia University Press,
2005), 176–80, on Woolf’s women artists.
43. Virginia Woolf, The Voyage Out 1915, ed. Pagan Harleman (New York:
Barnes & Noble Classics, 2004), 210.
44. Virginia Woolf, Night and Day 1916, ed. Rachel Wetzsteon (Barnes &
Nobel Classic. 2005). See Chap. 3.
45. Virginia Woolf, To the Lighthouse 1927 (New York: Houghton Mifflin
Harcourt, 1982), 23.
46. Virginia Woolf, Flush, A Biography 1933, ed. Trekki Ritchie (London:
Harvest Harcourt, 1983).
47. Virginia Woolf, The Waves 1931, ed. Molly Hite (New York: Harvest
Harcourt, 2006).
48. Virginia Woolf, The Years 1937 (Orlando: Harvest Harcourt, n.d.), 135.
49. For more complete definitions of British censorship during the Modern
era, see Brad Kent, “Censorship,” in George Bernard Shaw in Context, ed.
Brad Kent (Cambridge University Press, 2015), 199–206; Adam Parkes,
Modernism and the Theatre of Censorship; Leonard Conolly, “Mrs. Warren’s
Profession and the Lord Chamberlain,” SHAW 24 (2004), 46–95; Celia
Marshik, British Modernism; and Steve Nicholson, The Censorship of British
Theater.
50. Virginia Woolf apparently thought Hall’s Well of Loneliness lacked literary
merit. See Parkes, Modernism, 149.
51. See Andrea Adolph, “Virginia Woolf’s Revision of a Shavian Tradition,”
SHAW: The Annual of Bernard Shaw Studies 21 (2001), 64–68.
52. Edward J. Bristow, Vice and Vigilance, 197.
53. Michael Holroyd, Bernard Shaw 1856–1898: The Search for Love (London:
Chatto and Windus, 1988), 333–34, 335.
54. Leonard Conolly, “Introduction,” Mrs. Warren’s Profession, ed. Leonard
Conolly (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2005), 66.
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30
L. T. LENKER
55. See The Bodley Head Bernard Shaw: Collected Plays with Their Prefaces, 7
vols., ed. Dan Lawrence (London: Max Reinhardt, 1970–74). All subsequent references will be given parenthetically as volume and page numbers.
56. R.F. Dietrich, British Drama 1890 to 1950 (Boston: Twayne, 1989), 103;
Lagretta Tallent Lenker, Fathers and Daughters in Shakespeare and
Shaw, 39.
57. Brad Kent, “Bernard Shaw, the British Censorship of Plays, and Modern
Celebrity,” English Literature in Transition, 1880–1920 57.2 (2014), 242.
58. Celia Marshik, British Modernism, 89.
59. Hermione Lee, Virginia Woolf, 107.
60. Andrew McNeilie, “Introduction,” The Essays of Virginia Woolf, xiv-xv.
61. See Hermione Lee, Virginia Woolf, especially Chaps. 6 and 7 for details of
Woolf’s anxiety and well being.
62. Hermione Lee, Virginia Woolf, 358; Virginia Woolf, Letters ii, May 22,
1917, May 2, 1917.
63. Melba Cuddy Keane, “Virginia Woolf and the Public Sphere,” in
Cambridge Companion to Virginia Woolf, 240–41.
64. Christine Froula, Virginia Woolf and the Bloomsbury Avant-Garde, 217.
65. Hermione Lee, Virginia Woolf, 13–15.
66. Christine Froula, Virginia Woolf, 213.
67. Lawrence Switzky, SHAW: The Journal of Bernard Shaw Studies 35
(2015), 2.
68. Ibid., 1–7.
69. Quoted in Matthew Yde, “Vanguards of the Future: Bernard Shaw, the
Avant Garde, and Cultural Politics.” SHAW: The Journal of Bernard Shaw
Studies 35:1 (2015), 11, 14.
70. Christopher Innes, “Modernism,” in Bernard Shaw in Context, 158.
71. Christopher Innes, “Modernism in Drama,” in The Cambridge Companion
to Modernism, 147.
72. Christopher Innes, “Modernism,” in Bernard Shaw in Context, 152.
73. Celia Marshik, British Modernism, 59.
74. Marianne Dekoven, “Modernism and Gender,” in The Cambridge
Companion to Modernism, 175.
75. Lawrence Switzky, “Introduction.” SHAW: The Journal of Bernard Shaw
Studies 35:1 (2015), 2; Celia Marshik, British Modernism, 85.
76. Michael Levenson, “Introduction,” in Cambridge Companion to
Modernism, 2.
77. Hermione Lee, Virginia Woolf, 401.
78. Michael Whitworth, “Virginia Woolf, Modernism and Modernity,” in
Cambridge Companion to Virginia Woolf, 121.
79. Celia Marshik, Virginia Woolf, 91–92, 125,
80. Edward J. Bristow, Vice and Vigilance, 112.
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1 INTRODUCTION
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81. Celia Marshik, British Modernism, 93.
82. Virginia Woolf, “Professions for Women,” ed. Mitchell Leasksa, 1978; The
Partigers (London: Hogarth Press), xxvii–xliv and 163–67, 27; A Room of
One’s Own (Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1957).
83. Virginia Woolf, “Professions for Women.”
84. Adam Parkes, Modernism and the Theater of Censorship, 3.
85. Bernard Shaw, “Common Sense about the War,” Supplement to The New
Statesman (November 14, 1914), in What Shaw Really Wrote about the
War, ed. J.L. Wisenthal and Daniel O’Leary (Gainesville: University Press
of Florida, 2006).
86. Hesketh Pearson, Bernard Shaw: His Life and Personality (London: The
Reprint Society, 1948), 344; also see Stanley Weintraub, Journey to
Heartbreak (New York: Weybright and Talley, 1971), Chap. 4, “Shaw
Embattled.” Additionally, see A. M. Gibbs, Bernard Shaw: A Life
(Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2005), 348–49 and Holroyd,
Pursuit of Power, 3 (New York: Random House, 1989), 58.
87. Hermione Lee, “Introduction” (1986), in Virginia Woolf, Three Guineas
(London: Hogarth Press, 1938), vii–ix, hereafter referred to as TG, followed by page numbers, 12, 28.
88. Hermione Lee, “Introduction,” Three Guineas, ix, xvii.
89. John Bertolini, The Playwriting Self of Bernard Shaw, 7.
90. Pamela Caughie, Virginia Woolf, 29.
91. Tom Kindt and Hans-Harald Muller, The Implied Author: Concept and
Controversy (New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2006), 95.
92. See Martin Puchner, Stage Fright (Johns Hopkins University Press:
2002), 10.
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