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Legendary
LIONESSES
THE ENGLAND WOMEN’S
FOOTBALL TEAM, 1972–2022
Jean Williams
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Legendary Lionesses
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Jean Williams
Legendary Lionesses
The England Women’s Football Team, 1972–2022
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Contents
1 Introduction
England Women in a New Era—The 1960s 1
Introduction 1
Methodology 3
A Brief Historical Overview 9
2 First
Eleven: From Unofficial to Official 21
Sue Buckett 33
Morag Kirkland, Now Pearce 36
Sandra Graham 37
Janet Bagguley 37
Sheila Parker MBE 38
Paddy McGroarty 40
Lynda Hale 42
Sylvia Margaret Gore MBE 43
Pat Davies 49
Jeannie Allott 50
Jean Wilson 53
Substitutes 53
Wendy Owen 53
Sue Whyatt 55
Conclusion 57
3 New
Horizons for a New England: Thomas, Bampton,
Coultard, Davis, Reagan 69
Introduction 69
The Changing Context from WFA Leadership to FA Control 69
Carol Thomas BEM 81
Debbie Bampton MBE 92
vii
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viii
Contents
Gill Coultard 95
Kerry Davis 99
Conclusion 102
4 The
Hope Powell Era, Mary Phillip, and the Kelly Smith Effect105
Introduction 105
From Copeland to Powell 105
Hope 108
Mary Phillip 113
Kelly Smith 116
Conclusion 118
5 From
Mark Sampson to Sarina121
Introduction 121
Eni Aluko, ‘Un-Lioness Behaviour’, Race, Ethnicity, and the
Sampson Era 2013–2017 121
Phil Neville 2018 125
Queen Sarina 129
Conclusion 130
Appendix
A: Legacy Player Numbers Issued Wembley Stadium
7 October 2022135
Appendix B: Official England Women’s Senior Matches 1972–2022141
References159
Index165
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CHAPTER 1
Introduction England Women
in a New Era—The 1960s
Introduction
I have been writing aspects of this book, on and off, for over 25 years. However,
although I have written on globalisation, internationalisation, and professionalisation of women’s football, there has never previously been a history of the
official Football Association (FA) England women’s national football team’s
complete match schedule from 1972 to 2022, either academic or popular.1 The
complete match schedule is contained in the appendix, along with the legacy
numbers of the 227 women who have made a full debut for the England women’s senior team 1972–2022. This was research work completed just after the
conclusion of the Women’s Euros 2022. It is the first time that the FA have
agreed on what they consider to be official women’s matches and then agreed
on who has made a full debut for the senior side. This is now freely available on
the FA website.2
In November 2022, Jess Park, making her senior debut, scored in the ninetieth minute to seal her place in history, but as one of many players to do so
since 1972. In fact, readers may be surprised that not more women have made
a full debut. The chapters therefore do not give a match-by-match account but
an overview of why this number is so low. When Mary Earps has been named
FIFA’s best woman goalkeeper of 2022 at a recent event, it may prompt us to
Jean Williams Globalising Women’s Football: Europe, Migration and Professionalization (Berlin:
Peter Lang, 2013).
2
The Football Association ‘England Player Legacy and Results Archive’ https://www.englandfootball.com/england/womens-senior-team/Legacy?tab=Players accessed 8 December 2022.
1
1
J. Williams, Legendary Lionesses,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-36760-1_1
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2
J. WILLIAMS
reflect, who could name half a dozen of the women who have served England
between the sticks since 1972?3
In scope then, I have kept wider academic footnotes and references to a
minimum with a view to as wide a readership as possible. There are enough
signposts I hope to explore more on women players. I haven’t assessed the
scope of fandom, leadership, governance and the law, or coaching styles to any
great degree as each has their own literature, which could risk diluting the
focus on players, and their access to opportunities at the highest level. I hope
that scholars, the general public, and historians will find rewards and that generalists will ignore the Methodology section in which I locate the manner of
the research within a wider academic field of enquiry. There was no model for
a book such as this, which combined statistical history of the 448 officially
recognised FA senior women’s squad matches from 1972 to 2022, with oral
histories to contextualise the lived experience of pioneering a sport in the midst
of hostility, disdain, and marginalisation to a glorious day of joy at Wembley.
The aim is to reflect on what has changed and what remains the same and
therefore to ask how optimistic we can be for the future.
It is also perhaps surprising that no big serious academic history of the
England men’s side exists either although journalist Paul Hayward has recently
completed a very healthy journalistic tome covering the period 1872–2022.4
The specific research for this book, however, has been more recent, since 2018
when I was asked to present a history of the England men’s and women’s football team to the 40-strong elite coaching directorate at the FA, including Phil
Neville and Gareth Southgate, at that time the two head coaches. More
recently, I worked with Sarina Wiegman, Kay Cossington, and the women’s
technical team at the FA, first in 2021 and then across 2022, both very determined that this history should be part of the current success of the England
women teams, and this has helped my work, including access to every surviving
player since 1972, enormously. Before we get into that story specifically, a note
on radical feminist methodology, and praxis in how this monograph has been
approached. After this, the introduction will summarise the history of women’s
football before 1960 in about 10 pages, to explain to the reader why the developments appear to be so recent. As I have covered this topic so extensively
elsewhere, the milestones provide no more than a brief introduction so that
those interested in scoping more detailed studies can follow up using more in-­
depth publications.
3
Louise Taylor ‘Mary Earps’ Long Road From Phil Neville Reject to World’s Best No 1’ The
Guardian 5 March 2023 https://www.theguardian.com/football/2023/mar/05/mary-earps-­
long-road-from-phil-neville-reject-to-worlds-best-no-1 accessed 5 March 2023.
4
Paul Hayward England Football: The Biography 1872–2022 (London: Simon and Schuster, 2022).
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1
INTRODUCTION ENGLAND WOMEN IN A NEW ERA—THE 1960S
3
Methodology
The chapters combine academically rigorous resources, with innovative oral history techniques including (1) the archival holdings of Fédération Internationale
de Football Association (FIFA), Union of European Football Associations
(UEFA), the FA, the National Football Museum, the British Library, the
National Archives, and many local records offices and holdings in the UK and
(2) oral histories with the players and their personal collections. Many enthusiasts have collected the Women’s Football Association (WFA) newsletters over
the years, and I am indebted for their generosity in sharing with me, as I am to
the players who gave time and expertise and shared their memorabilia with me.
Football in the twenty-first century is a behemoth. It is global in scale.
Complex. Multi-faceted and hard to distil. However, women’s football, and
even more so, that of girls, has existed all its history on the periphery, as such
traditional empiricist approaches to history contributed to that marginalisation. This makes much of the material usually available to historians of sport,
the Minute books, and the profit and loss sheets, practically irrelevant, where
they exist. Specialising in women’s sport therefore required me to use techniques like oral history, but this also grew out of my embeddedness in the
subculture of women’s football. Oral history can be viewed as less ‘objective’,
and therefore more subjective, and more stereotypically female, than archival
empirical sources. Indeed as Joan Sangster advised in 1994, as people remember in oral histories, they lie by inclusion or omission, forget, exaggerate, make
mistakes, and so forth.5
But to think the same does not happen in empirical, written, and archival
sources is naïve; Minute Books are full of elisions, summaries of discussion, and
so on. So there were few archival sources until relatively recently, and these
have been recently accessioned, meaning that they are partial, edited, and
incomplete, making oral histories integral to the process. Indeed, for those
who over-rely on the archival holdings, oral histories would of course provide
insights into what made it into the Minute Books, and into the profit and loss
sheets, which are not in themselves innocent sources of information.
I have also spent my career using whatever platform I have at various career
stages, to the feminist principle to ‘give voice’, to those less privileged than I
on a number of levels, mainly drawn in 1997 from my readings of feminist literature including Julia Kristeva’s influential concept of intertextuality.6
Although ambivalent about feminism, and not in accord with my own views,
Kristeva looked at bodily practices, language, and the changing nature of semiotics, and symbolism. The idea that women’s football is a modified form of
football is reflected in the language that we conventionally use. This is only
recently changing when people use the modifier men’s football.
5
Joan Sangster ‘Telling our Stories: feminist debates and the use of oral history’ Women’s History
Review 3:1 pp. 5–28 DOI: 10.1080/09612029400200046.
6
Julia Kristeva (Translation) Desire in Language: A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art,
(Columbia University Press: New York) 1980.
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4
J. WILLIAMS
Similarly, people may not initially read women’s football as a series of symbols. However, it is not that difficult. When in 2023, FIFA appointed a lingerie
supermodel, Adrian Lima, to act as Global Fan Ambassador to the Women’s
World Cup we might ask why she, and not a football great, like Mia Hamm, or
the recently retired Brazilian veteran Formiga.7 In spite of Lima never having
kicked a ball, advocating an all-liquid diet to lose weight, and having anti-­
abortion views, the choice symbolises what the world governing body thinks is
an appropriate female role model for its premier women’s tournament.8 And it
is not an international woman football player. To whom does Victoria’s Secret
lingerie model Adrian Lima appeal? Gianni Infantino has not been able to give
us that particular insight so far. The backlash from fans of women’s football
also indicates what a primarily male governing body will choose to ignore. In
this case, criticism after the fact.
A recently announced partnership with Visit Saudi for the Women’s World
Cup has also been ridiculed by most fans of women’s football, most of whom
advocate for equity, inclusivity, and diversity. The Australian Local Organising
Committee for 2023 has said it was not consulted, calling the decision ‘tone
deaf’.9 As Gianni Infantino announced the increase of the prize money for the
Women’s World Cup 2023 to $110 million, he also abandoned his Visit Saudi
plans. This was another symbolic FIFA way of showing soft power, in that fans’
views are largely irrelevant so long as they purchase tickets to matches. The
eye-catching increase in prize money captured most headlines, but most journalists missed the arbitrariness of the numbers.10 Why $110? If FIFA is intent
upon equal prize money, as it claims, why not announce that now? So literary
approaches to history, such as Stephen Greenblatt’s 1992 Marvellous Possessions:
The Wonder of the New World, also raised the question of the meanings inscribed
onto texts, and re-inscribed across time, freeing up ‘fixed’ interpretations to
multiple readings.11 In this sense, Lima, pay differentials, and the Visit Saudi
campaign, become sites of feminist contestation. It is never ‘just’ about the
football.
7
FIFA ‘Adriana Lima Named As FIFA Global Fan Ambassador’ https://www.fifa.com/about-­
fifa/organisation/news/adriana-lima-named-as-fifa-global-fan-ambassador
accessed
27
February 2023.
8
Siladitya Ray ‘Fallout As FIFA Appoints Supermodel Adriana Lima As Fan Ambassador Of
Women’s World Cup’ Forbes https://www.forbes.com/sites/siladityaray/2023/03/02/fallout-­
a s -­f i f a - a p p o i n t s - s u p e r m o d e l - a d r i a n a - l i m a - a s - f a n - a m b a s s a d o r- o f - w o m e n s - w o r l d -­
cup/?sh=736fc6994b37 accessed 2 March 2023.
9
Sean Ingle ‘FIFA could perform U-turn on Saudi sponsorship of Women’s World Cup’ The
Guardian
https://www.theguardian.com/football/2023/mar/06/fifa-u-turn-saudi-sponsor
ship-­­womens-world-cup-football-australia accessed 6 March 2023.
10
Samuel Agini ‘Women’s World Cup prize money triples but still lags behind men’s tournament’ The Financial Times 16 March 2023 https://www.ft.com/content/5f3e2af8-0d0c46c4-97a2-b17088590dba accessed 16 March 2023.
11
Stephen Greenblatt Marvellous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (Chicago University
Press: Chicago, 1992).
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1
INTRODUCTION ENGLAND WOMEN IN A NEW ERA—THE 1960S
5
So given this wider misogyny in the football industry, the archival sources,
while privileged by the wider academic discipline of history, were not available
to write about women’s football. Not least because the Football Association,
formed in 1863, was not interested in women at all, except at the occasions
when they threatened to invade the pitch in search of a game. The clubs of the
Football League, formed in 1888 were only interested in women as streams of
revenue, and potentially as accompanying male fans as part of spectacle, or as
modest shareholders. So, by the time of the FA ban on women playing on affiliated pitches in 1921, which was formally rescinded in early 1970, there had
been over 100 years of documented male football, showcased by an expanding
print media, and consumed by an ever-growing literate public, but with financial assumptions that men remained the fiscal head of a household.
Because of its peripatetic existence, such paperwork as existed on women’s
football had been largely lost, discarded, or hidden in the private domain. The
weight of large organisational histories, backed by endless minutes of meetings,
and a male-led press, subsumed women’s football to the hidden ‘other’.
However, as a player, coach, league volunteer, Chair and administrator in the
1990s, I had read enough about subcultures and cultural studies to see at regular matches and tournaments patterns of behaviour, which I had to ‘make
strange to myself’ to theorise into an academic paradigm for my PhD studies.
I would like to thank Dr. Donna Woodhouse for a large tranche of contemporary research materials given to me which enabled me to trace the WFA history
from 1967 onwards.
More often than not, systematic written sources were not compiled before
1972 because women’s football was an unregulated, peripatetic activity without a home base in which they might be collected. From such Minutes as exist,
ephemera, and the tales of personal damage, and agency, endured by women
who loved football, it has been possible to piece together scraps of history, and
rarely have the women been recognised or rewarded, much less made to feel
special for their, largely amateur, service to England. The archival holdings
therefore tell only a fraction of what people have kept in their lofts, spare
rooms, and under the bed. Piecing this together is a unique challenge for a
historian. It is also part of the reward. This research felt less like work than a
chance to rewrite a historic injustice. And a repeated and sustained injustice
at that.
The musician and composer Charles Hazelwood, who founded Paraorchestra
and is himself something of a constructive disruptor, admired what he called
my crusade to be a voice for the voiceless when we worked together at a recent
coach education event. I suppose he is right. It has been a crusade. Having
played, coached, Chaired leagues, played a lot of tournaments, been to many,
many conferences and events over 25 years, I knew the women players to be
funny, and brave and humble, just wanting a game of football. The subculture
was visually evident in every game. If someone turned up wearing a bandana
and yellow boots, they usually were signalling that they thought they were
good. A group of very ‘butch’ South Yorkshire lesbian players treated my team
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6
J. WILLIAMS
to warm pork pies and mushy peas after an FA Cup game, many wearing tweed
and corduroy in the pub, and the stories they told about their football were as
lavish as the hospitality.
The paradigm that has informed my work these last 20 years has been a radical feminist lens, to assess how individual and collective agency can counter,
and change, large structural forces like the paternalistic, misogynistic and, as
evidenced by events in 2015, corrupt football governing bodies.12 Not for me,
the oft-repeated liberal feminist view that women’s football is ‘catching up’,
‘developing’, reaching a new dawn or other broadly encouraging narrative
which equates to the word ‘progress’. Instead I ask, which individuals and
organisations does this narrative of progress serve? To what end, are we progressing? How will we know when we get to the projected, and often unarticulated, journey’s end of all this progress?
As we saw when the FA withdrew the use of its affiliated pitches from the
use of women in 1921 for almost 50 years, change is not the same as progress.
I would rather draw attention to continuities in the gendered governance of
football and the structural effects that it has on female access to resource.13 The
pioneering journalist, and feminist, Grant Wahl, ran for the Presidency of FIFA
in 2011, but withdrew his campaign after failing to receive an endorsement
from a national football association, which was the requirement at the time.
FIFA changed its rules subsequently in the wake of Wahl’s campaign; candidates now need to be formally nominated by five football associations, not one,
and have to have worked in a federation for at least two of the 5 years before
the election. So many FIFA Presidents are elected unopposed even after the
2015 scandal on corruption.14
Were I, as a People’s Candidate to be appointed as the first female Head of
FIFA (I’d retire the Presidential title), I would do a simple, radical thing. I
would allocate the amount of money spent developing girls’ and women’s
football as half the overall FIFA budget, equal with men and boys. I would set
the men’s world cup prize money to exactly the same as that for women, and
instigate equal pay across the organisation. Similarly, national associations
would be required to pay their male and female athletes the same. For more
evidence of how this has historically not been the case, readers can look at the
case of England player Beth Mead, and US star Megan Rapinoe.15
I would halve the salary of those who work at FIFA and develop medical and
educational charities with the resultant gain in finance, and explore the ways in
12
David Conn The Fall of the House of Fifa: how the world of football became corrupt (London:
Yellow Jersey Press, 2017).
13
Jean Williams ‘The Gendered Governance of Association Football’ in Jennifer Hargreaves and
Eric Andersen (eds) The Routledge Handbook of Sport, Gender and Sexuality (London: Routledge,
2014) 243.
14
Matthew Louis Bishop and Andrew F. Cooper ‘The FIFA Scandal and the Distorted Influence
of Small States’ Global Governance 24: 12018 21–40.
15
Beth Mead Lioness: My Journey to Glory (London: Seven Dials, 2022); Megan Rapinoe One
Life (London and New York: Penguin Press, 2020).
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INTRODUCTION ENGLAND WOMEN IN A NEW ERA—THE 1960S
7
which football could be used as a social good, asking each of the sponsors to
match their charitable giving to this foundation compared with their commercial commitment. The resulting prize money and inducement to develop women’s football would revolutionise the attitude of national associations in terms
of gender equity, and release money from the FIFA reserves, and financial
portfolio to charitable use, not least for sustainability. Both the men’s world
cups in Russia 2018 and Qatar 2022 will not be judged kindly by history, and
a major change in the social function of FIFA’s global role is long overdue.
To evidence, both financially and symbolically, how the narrative of ‘progress’ actually serves FIFA’s continued discrimination against women players,
the world governing body allocated £370 million in prize money for the 2022
men’s world cup in Qatar, with the winner taking away £35 million, and each
qualifying side £1.2 million for getting to the finals. The Women’s World Cup
of 2019 in France had an overall prize pot of $30 million (or £24.5 million),
which is set to be $110 in 2023, with a further $31 million set aside to help
participating nations prepare for the tournament and $11 million ring-fenced
for the players’ clubs.16 This has been heralded as a major step towards equal
prize money which has been set as an aspiration in 2027. However, so far the
gap between male and female prize money has actually been an accelerating
differential at the instigation of the world governing body of the sport. To be
clear, in France 2019, twenty-four teams shared $30 million in appearance and
prize money, compared to the $440 million that was allocated to the thirty-two
teams in Qatar, with a further $210 million distributed in compensation to the
club sides that employed the male players. And even were the commitment to
the ambition Infantino announced recently be honoured in four years’ time,
and I have my reservations, equal prize money is not the same as equal pay.
When England won the women’s Euros in 2022 at Wembley there was a
tournament pay-out of £13.7 million, whereas the men’s Euros the year before
was £320 million, so less than 5% of the return that the male tournament
promised.17 It is not like FIFA or UEFA is short of funds. The Qatar World
Cup recorded revenues of $7.5 billion, with FIFA reserves of over £3 billion.
The tension between making money, and developing world football as a sport
remains one that the world governing body, which has had just nine male
Presidents since its inception in 1904, remains to balance. Yet, when discouraged by yet another story of how a woman, and ally male, have had to self-­
censor, adapt, adjust, and accommodate the wider football industry, with all its
insider gatekeeping behaviours and value of money over personal well-being,
especially that of women and girls, I am thankfully inspired by those who have
played a much larger role in changing the game.
16
Jamie Gardner ‘Fifa sets target of equal Women’s World Cup prize money by 2027’ The
Independent https://www.independent.co.uk/sport/football/womens-world-cup-equal-prize-­­
money-men-b2302271.html accessed 16 March 2023.
17
UEFA ‘UEFA Women’s EURO 2022 financial distribution model explained’ https://www.
uefa.com/insideuefa/news/026e-1391c7c31fe0-5162b5d7e881-1000%2D%2Duefa-women-s-­
euro-2022-financial-distribution-model-explained/ accessed 16 March 2023.
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J. WILLIAMS
Without compromising any of these convictions, I have begun to work with
the FA to change their perceptions and knowledge of both male and female
national team representatives. Led initially by Gareth Southgate, and accelerated by Kay Cossington and Sarina Wiegman, this is part of a broader intelligent conversation the institution is having about what representing England
might mean. The original research led to the first FA reunion of the England
women’s football team at Wembley during an international game with Germany
in November 2019. As the consultant to the project, I researched each woman’s first and last appearance, counted the number of caps each woman won,
and confirmed which matches were ‘official’ internationals and which were
friendlies since 1972. The first cohort of legacy numbers and caps were awarded
at the Wembley friendly won by England 2-1 over the USA in October 2022.18
The book details key aspects of the careers of 227 women who have debuted
for England between November 1972 and November 2022, most recently
Lauren James, Esme Morgan, Jess Park, Maya Le Tissier, and Katie Robinson.
The material emphasises the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s more than the last 20
years. This is entirely deliberate, as an act of recovering those most neglected.
Often young and inexperienced journalists employed by the national newspapers focus on recent stories from Fara Williams to Kelly Smith, but could not
name the starting line-up in 1972. The fact that mainstream prime media trivialises women’s football by employing inexperienced journalists for national
newspapers makes for very present centred content. Often involving liberal
feminist arguments of ‘progress’, in these articles each new change is branded
‘historic’.
This is a historical monograph countering the idea that women’s football is
‘new’ and ‘progressing’. Hence, I focus on the relatively forgotten early history
of England women, such as the ‘first eleven’ chapter. This has not been compiled as a collective biography before. We have a unique opportunity to record
the early stories, as many players are now in their seventies. Museum Halls of
Fame are the same, only recently inducting players from the 1970s and 1980s,
as opposed to the 2000s and 2010s. I explicitly resist the recent focus.
There are others, goalkeepers especially, who have been part of the England
squad but never awarded their first cap. These are also important individuals
who deserve recognition. There has never before been this level of analysis of
any national women’s football team, academic or otherwise, and the resulting
work shows that England has made a pioneering contribution to women’s
football globally.
Women’s football has a long history, but appears to be a new phenomenon.
This is nowhere more evident than in the creation of a Football Association
(FA) ‘official’ England women’s football team on 18 November 1972, almost
to the day a full century behind the creation of what is now considered to be
the first official men’s match, although this remains contested, on 30 November
18
The Football Association ‘England Player Legacy and Results Archive’ https://www.englandfootball.com/england/womens-senior-team/Legacy?tab=Players accessed 8 December 2022.
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INTRODUCTION ENGLAND WOMEN IN A NEW ERA—THE 1960S
9
1872. A previous men’s match between teams labelled England and Scotland
had been played in 1870, and others were considered unofficial as the Scottish
FA had yet to be formed. The FA, formed in 1863, catered for clubs like
Barnes, War Office (Civil Service), Crusaders, Forest (Leytonstone), No Names
(Kilburn), Crystal Palace, Blackheath, Kensington School, Perceval House
(Blackheath), Surbiton, Blackheath Proprietary School and Charterhouse. As
an organisation, its origins were precarious, and its influence limited. Perhaps
intentionally so. It was also a determinedly all-male governing body, and
entirely unconcerned with the rights of women. Or perhaps too concerned
with the rights of women to deal with its own institutional anxieties.
So, in order to explain why the first FA women’s official team was formed in
1972, the introduction first looks briefly at the longer history of women’s football.19 This includes folk forms, and the many unofficial England matches since
the nineteenth century. This is a very condensed version of events, as I have
explored these issues in greater detail in previous work, which needs no repetition here.
A Brief Historical Overview
Women have played ball sports since pastimes existed. There were many unregulated forms of women’s football before the establishment of the Football
Association in 1863. The Football Association’s simple rules, The Laws of the
Game, differentiated kicking codes from those that authorised handling the
ball and hacking (tripping an opponent by kicking their shins). Conversely,
other football codes such as Rugby Union, Rugby League, American Football,
Australian Rules, Gaelic Football made handling the ball integral to their rules.
Like many of these games, football was as much an invasion game, where a
team takes the territory of the other, as a physical match. The scoring system,
of placing the ball in the opponents’ net, is really a way of reinforcing the winning of the most important territory that each team defends, the goal.
We have many international examples of women playing folk football,
including centuries-old courtly football in China. At the National Football
Museum Zibo, there are many dedicated displays covering the long and varied
history of games known as Cuju (pronounced shoo-ju), and across the Americas
and into Europe and Africa.20 In Cuju, over its varied history, there were women’s teams, emerging female professional players, such as Peng Xiyun, who
juggled the ball with feet, head, knees, and chest, much in the same way that
Freestyle champions do today.
Other folk matches were reported in Scotland in Grangemouth in 1862,
Pitlochry in 1868, and Hamilton in 1873. There were also Married vs. Single
women’s matches. Games such as this celebrated abundance or potency, and
Jean Williams A History of Women’s Football (Barnsley: Pen & Sword, 2021).
Jean Williams A Game For Rough Girls: the revival of women’s football in England 1960s to present (Oxon: Routledge, 2003).
19
20
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10
J. WILLIAMS
fixtures which rejoiced in a good harvest were often called barley breaks, popular with both men and women agricultural labourers, and often linked with
dancing. Here, the ball represented a seed, sown in the earth, promising
prosperity.
Women helped to promote football during the period when it was becoming more standardised as we think of it today as a modern codified sport,
roughly between the 1840s and the mid-1860s. For instance, the Football
Club de Spa in Belgium had an early patron in Sir and Lady Hunter Blair as
club Patron and Patroness and their daughters as ordinary members.
Women’s football began outside the control of the FA, and there is a wonderful image, dating from Harper’s Weekly in 1869, that is intriguing because
it shows a fashionably dressed group of women players having a kick-around,
presumably on a holiday occasion. Of course, this is not photographic evidence
of women’s street football, which would be unlikely to be captured at this time,
but the scene intrigued the artist sufficiently that they took the time to record
it. This is a beautiful watercolour and featured as part of a larger group of
images of women rowing, swimming, and playing cricket, while in the background gymnasts climb equipment and runners compete. So women’s street
football, and holiday football, remains a huge area for future research.
Attempts to develop women’s football were outside the regulatory control
of the FA, including in 1881 as a professional entertainment, drawing paying
crowds to matches staged at the increasing number of large grounds available.
In April 1881, newspapers began to report that an ‘Enterprising Advertising
Agent’ was going to organize a women’s football match with two teams called
England and Scotland, although there was no guarantee that these would be
representative sides. So the idea was to cash in on the growing international
rivalry of men’s England and Scotland internationals.
On 7 May 1881, at Easter Road Edinburgh, teams called England and
Scotland contested a match, wearing coloured jerseys, knickerbockers, boots,
and a cowl, a loose hood-type garment to cover their heads as a form of public
modesty. The Glasgow Herald reported on 9 May 1881 that Scotland had won
by three goals to nil, thanks to Louise Cole, Lily St Clair and the combined
work of Emma Wright and Isa Stevenson. Meanwhile, The Dunfermline
Journal gave a similar account but also claimed that the English team had
already appeared in a previous match in Scotland, whilst the Aberdeen Weekly
Journal reported over 1000 spectators at the fixture, behaving in a broadly
favourable way. The England side were reported to be: May Goodwin in goal,
and in defence, Mabel Hopewell and Maud Hopewell. In midfield were Maud
Starling, and Ada Everston. In a generally attacking formation, typical of the
time, forwards included Geraldine Vintner, Mabel Vance, Eva Davenport,
Minnie Hopewell, Kate Mellon, and Nelly Sherwood. It is perhaps too much
to hope that Mabel, Maud, and Minnie were a triumvirate of football-playing
sisters.
The Scotland team included Ethel Hay in goal, with Bella Osborne and
Georgina Wright in defence. The midfield was Rose Rayman and Isa Stevenson,
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INTRODUCTION ENGLAND WOMEN IN A NEW ERA—THE 1960S
11
and the forwards were Emma Wright, Louise Cole, Lily St Clair, Maud
Riweford, Carrie Balliol, and Minnie Brymner. It very much appears that the
rather odd spelling of Riweford was typographical error because in a subsequent match she was Riverford.
But this was not an entirely successful experiment. It should be noted that
at the second match played at Shawfield in Glasgow, Mabel Hopewell was
absent from the England team. She perhaps had the right idea. Those who did
play faced a pitch invasion on 55 min from the crowd of over 5000 spectators
and the match was abandoned as a nil-nil draw. At the Glasgow fixture representing England were: May Godwin, Mabel Bradbury, Maude Hopewell,
Maude Starling, Ada Everston, Mabel Vance, Kate Mellor, Geraldine Ventnor,
Eva Davenport, Minnie Hopewell, and Nellie Sherwood. The Scotland team
comprised: Ethel Hay, Bella Osborne, Georgina Wright, Rose Raynham, Isa
Stevenson, Louise Cole, Carrie Baliol, Emma Wright, Lily St Clare, Maud
Riverford, and Minnie Brymner. So there was some evidence of both consistency of player personnel and of attention to formation.
For more detail, this is covered in other publications listed above and here.21
For this argument, it is enough to say that Victorian women’s football was
played in bifurcated garments, the knickerbockers that made it a recognisable
football strip, was all the more challenging to public perception. This made
football all the more challenging to public perceptions, unlike other popular
team sports where women wore skirts like cricket and hockey, or individual and
team sports like croquet, and tennis. Although the American Amelia Bloomer
did not create the style of split skirts, later known as Bloomers, from 1851
onwards it took her name as a campaigner for women’s rights. The style, also
known as reform dress, Turkish or American dress, or culottes, was important
throughout the nineteenth century for the growth of women’s sports and
transport, particularly cycling and equestrianism.
Journalists often repeat the mistake that early players wore high-heeled
boots. Many people only owned one pair of boots, or one ‘good’ pair for best
and a ‘work’ pair. So few had the luxury of boots just for sport and leisure at
this time. Think of all the mill workers who wore hardworking wooden clogs
for their labour. The domestic economy was also different than today. The
boots of the man of the house would have been particularly valuable, and more
so than the footwear of women and children because the income of the household depended upon them, very often, or at least the large part because of the
pay difference between men, women, and children.
Women’s football players who played in matches, from the earliest days,
wore more or less the same football strip as men, with boots, shin-pads, blouses,
or shirts. Although you will often see photographs of women wearing caps, this
was because most people appeared in public with covered heads at the time.
Some of the World War I teams wore skirts, or culottes, because that is what
21
Jean Williams A Contemporary History of Women’s Sport: Part One Sporting Women 1850–1960
(New York: Routledge Research, 2014) p. 165.
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J. WILLIAMS
their work uniform was. Many of the early men’s teams, especially in public
schools, also often covered their heads as a sign of modesty in public. And, of
course, football was mainly played in the Autumn, Winter, and Spring months,
when head covering would have been needed because there was less heating of
public spaces.
Like the theatre, which advertised its forthcoming schedule in advance,
sport used new media strategies to promote itself. Another noteworthy aspect
of the 1881 matches was that women’s football was topical and very widely
covered by newspapers, as might be expected with links to the entertainment
industry. The football industry for men was, at this time still in its infancy, and
the men’s professional Football League would be formed in 1888. So although
male professionals were around in 1881, their pay and conditions were the
subject of covert agreements. Amateurism, playing for the love of the game,
was seen to be a more pure motive but professionalism drew in the best, who
wanted to be remunerated for their talent.
Although we think that many Victorian women players were from working-­
class backgrounds, such as Greener’s Violets and Greener’s Cutters who played
a six-a-side match on 2 February 1889, with the score 8-2 respectively, new
media technologies were clearly important. An advertisement for Ivory Soap
from about this time, held at the National Football Museum, also indicates that
women’s and girl’s football was by this time so topical that it was used to sell
products too.22
It is also important to look in specific archives, to find out more. Intriguingly,
Brighton High School also recorded a girls’ team in 1894, but this doesn’t
seem to have been long-lived. Why is this example significant? In the newly
pioneered institutions of Further, and Higher Education for women, sport was
being used to develop a collegiate spirit. This was important for field hockey
particularly from 1894 when women formed their own association. But without the middle-class confidence to draw up rules, regulations, and leadership,
women’s football would remain more of a working-class sport, and not set up
its own governing bodies until the 1960s. Even when the Women’s Football
Association was inaugurated in 1969–1970, it looked to the FA for approval,
rather than going its own way. More research into the archives of individual
colleges, universities, and institutions of education may well be rewarded with
examples which refine our understanding of female leadership, and playing
careers.
The British Ladies Football Club was not formed, as the name might seem
to imply, as a national representative team; if it initially represented any geographic area, it was London. The Shields Daily News of 25 March 1895 told its
readers that ‘the players mainly belong to London and the suburbs but a few
hail from the country’. Most were of independent means, the paper went on,
but a few were married women. So, this is useful context and an early
22
Proctor and Gamble ‘Ivory Soap Advertisement’ Harper’s Magazine Advertiser November
1902 no 630).
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INTRODUCTION ENGLAND WOMEN IN A NEW ERA—THE 1960S
13
important club, but a minor part of our discussion of the history of England
women’s international football teams.
A rather intrigued but intrepid reporter who would only give his initials as
SBD, wrote on page 60 of The Sketch in 1895:
Miss Nettie J. Honeyball is the secretary and captain of what may be fairly
described as the sporting sensation of the hour, and, if energy and enthusiasm can
command success, the surely is the association already preassured of victory. As I
saw her in her pretty little study in Crouch End, a thoughtful-looking young lady,
with a strong personality, I at once dispelled the suspicion of burlesque that came
into my mind.
Secretary, Nettie Honeyball did play in the early matches, the first of which
at the Nightingale Lane ground at Crouch End (or Hornsey depending on the
report), near the Alexandra Park racecourse, having been refused permission to
play the first match at The Oval (The Captain of the British Ladies Football
Club from a photograph by the Delmen Art Studios Ltd. Black and White 9
March 1895 p. 310). Dixie was a confident and accomplished public relations
officer for the British Ladies Football Club (BLFC). She called for like-minded
women to join in 1894 via The Graphic and created a great deal of anticipation
before the first match, drawing a crowd of 10,000. The North vs. South game
should be understood as a north vs. south London fixture, as she reported all
players came from nearby.23
Honeyball was clear about the feminist nature of the BLFC, as she told SBD
in the same interview:
I founded the association late last year, with the fixed resolve of proving to the
world that women are not the “ornamental and useless” creatures men have pictured. I must confess my convictions on all matters, there the sexes are so widely
divided, are all on the side of emancipation, and I look forward to a time when
ladies may sit in Parliament and have a voice in the direction of affairs, especially
those which concern them most.
We live in an age of progress, and the New Woman is the latest evidence of the
advancement. Anybody who had predicted the appearance of ladies “between the
lines” would have been looked at more in sorrow than in anger. Yet are we already
in possession of a group of fair performers styled The British Ladies’ Football
Club with Lady Florence Dixie the BLFC President.
Lady Florence Dixie was an adventurer, advocate of women’s rights, and a
writer. There were several foundational members of the BLFC, formed in
October 1894, who did not play but supported women’s rights and Dixie was
club President. Although how focused she was on football remains to be
23
The Lady Footballers South Team from a photograph by Symmons and Thiele, Chancery
Lane WC. Above: Miss Hicks, Miss Clarke, Miss A Hicks, Miss Edwards, Miss Clarence, and
below: Miss Lewis, Miss Roberts, Miss Ellis The Sketch 27 March 1895 p. 445.
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14
J. WILLIAMS
confirmed, it is clear that she supported the team due to her commitment to
the Rational Dress movement, as Honeyball was keen to tell SBD:
There is nothing at all questionable in our costume. When Lady Florence Dixie
consented to become president, she specially stipulated that, if the club were to
attain its end, the girls should enter into the spirit of the game with heart and
soul. “I will have nothing to do with balloon sleeves and trained skirts, and anything like that” she said “don’t court ridicule by ridiculing yourselves.”
Accordingly we all have our costumes of divided skirts—a sort of blue serge
knickerbocker—and the teams will be distinguished by wearing respectively, cardinal and pale blue blouses. You will detect no nervousness in the girls when they
make their first public appearance. We practice twice a week.
The ex-professional player J.W. ‘Bill’ Julian, who had featured for the Royal
Arsenal and Tottenham Hotspur, became their trainer at about the same time
he retired from the less glamorous club, Dartford, and set up a sports shop in
nearby Plumstead. So it is clear that the BLFC trained in the most modern
techniques and tactics of their time, led by a seasoned, professional coach (Lady
Football Players at Crouch End Black and White 30 March 1895 p. 442). Mrs.
Helen Graham Matthews became an important leader of a breakaway team as
Mrs. Graham’s XI. Of course, some of these could be assumed names. There
were factions and schisms as new teams were formed in order to try and obtain
new revenue streams.24
What remains from this are a series of unanswered questions. There were
many penny-entrepreneurs in Late Victorian England, so where did the BLFC,
money go, and that from related teams? Who were the playing personnel, and
how did football fit into their wider pattern of employment and life-course? We
know Nettie Honeyball was a pseudonym, how far was she a figurehead, and
how far a lead entrepreneur?
The reason why the BLFC is significant to the wider discussion of this book
is that the teams it played against were important across the British Isles.
Altogether, between 1894–1895 and 1902–1993, these teams played over 166
fixtures, as well as practice matches, widely covering the whole of England,
Scotland, Ireland, and Wales. Most were played on significant grounds in front
of a paying public to raise as much money as possible. Again, this was an emerging professional formula for women’s football, often run by, and led by, women.
It is also worth exploring very brief references in that women were often
small-time holders of shares in their local clubs, as well as professional clubs,
and this could be explored more as part of their role within the wider football
industry at this time.25 Finally too, it is worth saying that women-led businesses
surrounded the growth of the expanding football industry from clothing
24
Mrs. Graham Captain of the Lady Footballers photo of Cobb and Keir Woolwich The Sketch
28 October 1895 p. 722.
25
Tony Mason Association Football and English Society 1863–1915 (Brighton: Harvester,
1980) p. 15.
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INTRODUCTION ENGLAND WOMEN IN A NEW ERA—THE 1960S
15
s­ upplies, and food and drink establishments, to the links with military insignia,
buttons, badges, and caps. While there is often an assumption that football was
a man’s game, it was dependent upon a wide network of interconnected trades,
and specialisms that relied upon both a female workforce and women’s entrepreneurial ingenuity.
Increasingly in the BLFC business model, and its many offspring teams,
mixed matches of men’s teams playing women’s squads became the lucrative
draw, and were the biggest earners. By 1902, the women’s vs. men’s matches
drew some of the largest crowds, leading to the FA ruling that men and women
should not compete against each other. It was the first such FA prohibition on
the women’s game, but it would not be the last.
Before World War I, most young women worked in service, meaning that
they lived in the homes of other people and worked as servants. Others worked
in mills and factories often with long shifts, and then had a ‘double day’ of
working when they got home cleaning, cooking, washing, and other manual
jobs, on top of looking after children. Little time then for personal leisure. This
changed dramatically in 1914 with the outbreak of World War I. When compulsory conscription meant that most able-bodied young men went to war,
women moved into traditionally male jobs and received better pay. With these,
often dangerous, and better-paid jobs came camaraderie with other women
and the men left behind in protected occupations, and a right to leisure outside
the home. As a game requiring team spirit, and a sign of normality on the home
front, football proved to be popular and topical.
But this should not be overstated and what appears as a gap in the chronology may indicate the need for more careful localised and national research.
Globally, women’s and girls’ teams were formed, although not always sustained
before 1914. Internationally, in Australia, New South Wales (NSW) women’s
football teams sprang up in Parramatta in 1903 and Candelo in 1908. In
Belgium, by 1911, a match was reported between the Convent L’Assumption
à Huy in Namur and Liege L’Ecole Formation d’Uccle—football one of many
sports contested between the colleges. In France, it seems the Equipe Du
Groupe Sportif de l’Ecole Supérieure des filles Pont-à-Mousson played a match
against Meurthe-et-Moselle in 1910, and a year later, En Avant! played Femina
in Paris. There are brief reports in Chile and in Russia, before World War
I. While in Spain, El ‘Spanish Girls’ Giralda vs. Montserrat toured Catalonia
and played at FC Barcelona ground Parc Brú Sanz in 1914 before the outbreak
of war.26
At the outbreak of War, many young men volunteered through their local
football clubs and formed Footballer’s Battalions when on active service. It
quickly became evident that the men would not be home by Christmas, as has
been forecast in 1914, so women moved increasingly into dangerous occupations, such as munitions, manufacturing and mechanics, as well as traditional
26
The FIFA World Football Museum FIFA Women’s World Cup Official History (London:
Carlton, 2019) p. 35.
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16
J. WILLIAMS
female work like communications, nursing, and factories. The business model
of women’s football, although played for charity, mirrored that of men’s football such as drawing large paying crowds through advance publicity, playing
games in large stadia and therefore maximizing the sums of earned money for
charitable good causes. These were very much clubs of whom the local civic
community was proud.
Many of the early women’s games during World War I were played to raise
charitable funds for wounded soldiers, or for those suffering from trauma, and
many matches were played against recovering male soldiers, such as the ‘War
Time Football in Surrey Playing Fields’ match report in The War Illustrated
(21 July 1917, 489) from the game below:
Smartly saved by the ladies’ goalkeeper, and (right) an incident in the game. The
soldiers were handicapped by having their hands fastened behind them, all except
the goalkeeper, who was allowed one free hand. Ladies vs. soldiers in a “Soccer”
match at Haslemere. Watching the spin of the coin and (left) one of the ladies has
just missed “header.” The ladies won. The match took place in aid of Red
Cross funds.
Again, since this book is about England internationals, the whole of this
period is not covered in detail, but there remain about 150 women’s teams
across the whole of the UK to study. To keep the focus on our topic, one team,
Dick, Kerr Ladies of Preston developed into a de facto England team to play
France, with a few additional players scouted in, by 1920.
The Dick, Kerr’s women’s team played first against male colleagues during
tea breaks at the munitions factory, but the format developed into women’s
matches for charitable purposes, a pattern which lasted until the women’s team
disbanded in 1965. Deepdale ground was granted by the Preston committee
on 30 October 1917 for a game against T. Coulthard and Co. Ltd. munitions
workers to be played on Christmas Day. The game raised £488 7 shillings for
the Moor Park Hospital. The Lancashire Daily Post match report on 27
December 1917 said of Dick, Kerr’s 4-0 victory: ‘Quite a number of their shots
at goal would not have disgraced a regular professional except in direction, and
even professionals have been known on occasion to be a trifle wide of the target. Their forward work, indeed was often surprisingly good.’ After matches in
1918 and 1919, Dick Kerr’s invited Alive Milliat of the Federation des Societies
Feminine Sportives de France to play a game in Preston. French teams at the
time included Femina of Paris, Rheims, Marseille, and Toulouse from which a
representative international squad was selected.
Arriving on 28 April 1920, Alice Trotmann and Madeline Bracquemond
were the leading attackers with Genevieve Laloz. Trotmann was English speaking, as her mother came from Leeds; Bracquemond was the team captain, and
shorthand typist by profession, while Laloz (also spelled in some reports at
Lalas), was a machine worker. Carmen Pomies, a dental student, also shone in
midfield, while the goalkeeper Louise Ourry had her work cut out. Others
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INTRODUCTION ENGLAND WOMEN IN A NEW ERA—THE 1960S
17
listed only by surname included: Rigal (dressmaker); Rinbaaux (shorthand typist); Brule (shorthand typist); Delpierre (student of philosophy); Billac (bookkeeper); Patuneau (dressmaker) and Madame Leveque, the only married player
of the team. The French team wore light blue jerseys and berets. Dick, Kerr
played in black-and-white stripes.
The four France vs. England internationals received media coverage around
the world in print and on film and inspired many more internationals. The kiss
between the captains before kick-off of one of the games was in particular
widely mediated. The author calls this ‘The Kiss that Went Around the World’
because it was so widely mediated. This topicality showed that women’s football could capture the hearts, and finances, of tens of thousands of football fans
in regular matches, often kicked off by the entertainment stars of the day like
French Heavyweight World Champion boxer ‘Gorgeous’ George Carpentier,
captured on Pathé newsreels.
On 30 April 1920, 25,000 spectators saw Dick, Kerr, as England beat France
2-0 at Preston North End’s Deepdale stadium, with goals from Florrie Redford
and Jennie Harris. In total, £1295 was raised for the ex-serviceman’s fund. Lily
Lee sustained injury, as did Molly Walker, in a tightly contested game. On 1
May 1920, 15,000 spectators saw the re-match at Edgeley Park, Stockport
with five goals for England: Florrie Redford 2, Jennie Harris, Jessie Walmsley,
and Alice Woods. The two goal scorers for France were Genevieve Laloz and
Madeline Braquemond (Dick, Kerr Ladies illustrated reporter: ‘Ladies at
Football England v France by a Special Correspondent’ The Times 7 May
1920). On 5 May 1920, at Hyde Road Park Manchester, 15,000 spectators
witnessed England draw with France 1-1. Moving to Stamford Bridge, the
home of Chelsea FC in London, 10,000 spectators saw the quickly improving
French team win 2-1. Jennie Harris was knocked unconscious, and a 10 woman
Dick, Kerr’s scored an own goal, and made a basic keeping error before scoring
a consolation goal. Both teams were treated to a reception at the Mansion
House by the Lord Mayor of London. Over £3000 had been raised across
these matches. It was a little too early for the great goal-scoring left-winger Lily
Parr, who would join the team soon after as a 15-year-old and get to enjoy the
return tour in France.
In what is thought to be the first overseas tour, and so a form of early representative international for an English team, the 16-player Dick, Kerr squad
who went to France on 28 October 1920 were: Daisy Clayton, Annie Crozier,
Jennie Harris, Florrie Haslam, Annie Hastie, Sally Hulme, Emily Jones, Lily
Jones, Alice Kell, Lily Lee, Minnie Lyons, Lily Parr, Florrie Redford, Mollie
Walker, Jessie Walmsley, and Alice Woods.
The French journalist, André Glarner covered matches in France in the
Autumn of 1920 for Le Miroir Des Sports. Glarner opined: ‘The match between
a French team and English team was played in front of ten thousand spectators
and proved a real success. Each team scored a goal for their particular efforts;
the English team showed their superiority for the most part by controlling possession. And the French used speed and stamina. Is it practical to expect
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18
J. WILLIAMS
women’s football across all cities in France? The public on Sunday, who were
equally passionate to meet at the Stade Pershing as they would be a male match,
who encouraged, applauded, whistled and generally engaged, proves the interest in women’s sport.’
The match in Paris, at the Stade Pershing, was a 1-1 draw, abandoned with
5 min to go when the referee gave a controversial corner to Dick, Kerr’s and
the 22,000 strong crowd disagreed, invading the pitch. Minnie, or Mary,
Lyons was the England scorer, and star of the game, featuring on the cover of
Le Miroir Des Sports (Anon. ‘Une Joueuse Anglaise, Lyons, Shoote au Cours
Du Martch Feminin Franco Anglais de Football’ Le Mirroir Des Sports 4
November 1920 p. 1 and p. 288). The match in Roubaix was staged at Parc
Jean Dubrulle, attended by 16,000 fans, and won 2-0, both goals from Florrie
Redford. At Le Havre, just 10,000 spectators attended, to see a 6-0 win by
Dick, Kerr’s, and in the last match, in Rouen, 14,000 witnessed a 2-0 win by
the English team. These matches would be played until the 1950s, and, without going into them all here, as Dick, Kerr was essentially a club side, this
innovation would lay the ground for other club teams to tour overseas as effectively representing England.
This continued with home internationals, playing Scotland in Glasgow on 1
March 1921, and again on 2 March in Edinburgh, winning both matches 9
and 13 goals respectively, without conceding. In April, at a tie in Kilmarnock,
the score-line narrowed to 7-1. A match against the French followed in
Staffordshire, on 17 May, effectively won by Lily Parr who scored all five goals
in a 5-1 victory. This made national news headlines. Longton Park, Stoke, saw
a crowd of 15,000 and The Daily Mirror had two photographs of striker Lily
Parr. The first caption accompanied an action shot of Parr ‘Beating the French
goalkeeper for the fifth time’ and the second showed team mates ‘Chairing
Miss L Parr after the match. She scored all five goals’ (The Daily Mirror 18 May
1921 p. 8). Soon after, the first games against Wales took place in Nottingham
and Crewe.
Dick, Kerr also played Wales (described in the programme as a representative team) on 21 September 1921, followed by a banquet at the Blackpool
Trocadero, so the players were used to being feted as celebrities as a result of
their efforts. Indeed, the great French player, Carmen Pommies, who had
come over to Preston played for England, alongside Lily Parr, Alice Kell, and
Alice Mills. It was an attacking line-up with five forwards, three in midfield,
and two defenders. Wales’ starting lineup was no less attacking with five forwards, three from Newport, F. Grffiths, O. Griffiths, and Miss R. Dix, along
with A. Bay from Swansea and Miss Pitts of Cardiff. The midfield comprised
Miss Orborn of Cardiff, Griffiths Jones of Baldwins, and Miss Langford of
Bargœd. The defenders, D. Lewis and L. Lewis may, or may not, have been
related as their club sides were Newport and Baldwins respectively, while the
goalkeeper Miss Lamphrey, hailed from Cardiff. Wales were managed by
W.H. Ferris, and trained by T. Mincher (Ladies Grand International Football
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INTRODUCTION ENGLAND WOMEN IN A NEW ERA—THE 1960S
19
Match England and Wales Programme, in Aid of the Shipwrecked Mariners’
Society, Blackpool 21 September 1921).
Matches in Belfast in October 1921 meant that a form of representative
women’s team from across the British Isles had played one another by the time
of the FA ban on women playing on FA-affiliated pitches on 5 December 1921.
It is important to note that the Scottish FA, the FA of Wales, the Irish FA based
in Belfast, and the Football Association of the Republic of Ireland each
responded to this ban slightly differently, and acted at different times.
Rather suddenly, the FA announced that it was prohibiting women from
playing football on Association-affiliated grounds from 5 December 1921. The
FA ruled that too much money had been absorbed in expenses and not donated
to charity, and the game was ‘unsuitable’ for women. This meant that the large
Football League grounds, which had been used to collect gate receipts were
not available. Other sports, such as rugby, cricket, and general leisure facilities
were put under pressure not to host women’s teams. It moved women’s football literally to the periphery. The censure meant that women’s football looked
unspectacular. The ban would be in place, so far as the FA was concerned until
1969, and incrementally so, into 1970 and 1971. This is the main reason that
there was no official women’s England team until 1972.
Following the ban, some medical opinion held that football was too vigorous a game and affected women ‘internally’. Exhibition games sought to question the ban, for example, Lyon’s Ladies ‘performed’ for 30 members of the
press at Sudbury on 13 December 1921. Alfred Frankland, manager of Dick,
Kerr Ladies, then invited twenty-plus doctors to watch a Dick, Kerr game on
Boxing Day 1921, where the suitability of the sport was deemed by one
reporter as no more taxing than a day’s heavy washing or work.
The ban was contested, but the FA was globally influential in 1921. The
International Football Association Board (IFAB) was, and still is, the body that
determines the Laws of the Game of association football across the world.
IFAB was founded in 1886 to agree on standardised Laws for international
competition and has since acted as the guardian of the internationally used
Laws. Since the four British Associations had great influence on the international rules board of FIFA, the ban had worldwide repercussions, especially
when other sports like rugby union football joined in and did not let women
play on their grounds. No women’s football clubs until this point had earned
money primarily for their own existence. The majority had dedicated their performances to charity and civic improvement. Put simply, none had the money
to buy their own ground or club when the ban took place. So, given this, they
had to look for support away from the football authorities.
The idea of a ban was more influential than the act of enforcing it in Britain,
and across the world. In some countries, there was no ban, in others the ban
extended to a legal ruling. This is not to say that between 1921 and 1972 is a
fundamental discontinuity but merely to contextualise why there was no
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20
J. WILLIAMS
official England women’s football team until November 1972. Women’s football did not go away as an amateur enthusiasm, but there was no profession to
which women might aspire. This began to change in the 1950s and 1960s, as
women’s position in society changed. Having examined why there was not an
‘official’ FA England team, we have summarised the pioneers from 1881 to
1921. Next we will discover how the Women’s Football Association was formed
in 1969, who were the key personalities, and on what basis the WFA was affiliated to the FA. We will also explore FIFA and UEFA policy towards women’s
football and how that changed from exclusion to a reluctant inclusion which
acknowledged the game while also simultaneously stifling a professional future
for the women’s game.
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