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Shia Islam - Niha Javed - SRS 3194

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Shia Islam
By: Niha Javed
SRS 3194
Anthropological Theories in
Inter-Cultural & Inter-Religious Issues
University of Ottawa
Winter 2024
Introduction
Islam is a monotheistic religion that refers to the submission of one sole Creator or God,
who is referred to as Allah, and the people who follow this religion are known as Muslims.
Muslims are ordained in Islam to follow the message of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon
him). Islamic revelations and the word of God is believed to have been conveyed by the
archangel Gabriel, who provided Prophet Muhammad with revelations, which now forms the
Holy Quran, a book compiled with every message sent down to the Messenger of Muslims.
There are two primary branches in Islam that are highly recognized, and these are the Sunni and
Shia branches of Muslims.
The fundamental difference between Sunni and Shia Muslims is the dispute on who must
be designated as the successor of the Islamic religion after the Prophet Muhammad's. The
Prophet did not specifically name a successor, according to Sunni Muslims, while Shia Muslims
disagree with this sentiment, as they believe the successor must be a blood relative to Prophet
Muhammad. It is essential to learn how Muslims took on two different routes, and this report
will delve into Shia Islam. This branch of Islam sets itself apart not only from other schools of
thought and from legal doctrines, but also from a rich heritage of customs and festivals, which
are most prominently observed in the month of Muharram. This day of mourning honors the
martyrdom of Prophet Muhammad's grandson Imam Hussein during the Battle of Karbala in 680
AD. For Shia Muslims, this incident is more than just a historical memory as it is a significant
reform to forge a collective identity, a compelling statement of religion, and a symbol of
resistance to oppression (Bayat, 2010).
This essay aims to investigate the various aspects of Muharram celebrations using an
anthropological perspective. It posits that these customs function as a multifaceted socio-cultural
phenomenon that strengthens Shia Muslim identity, promotes communal unity, and represents
themes of justice and resistance. Using anthropological ideas on rituals and symbols, this study
will look at how the celebration of Muharram transcends religious devotion and becomes a
crucial component of Shia cultural identity and the social fabric.
Historical Context and Significance of Muharram
The Battle of Karbala, fought on the 10th of Muharram in 680 AD, was the turning point
in the history of Islam, as well as being one of the many reasons we observe a divide between the
Muslims politically. The battle is recognized as a protest against the oppressed rather than a
particular a particular military confrontation, and a recognized leader, Imam Hussein, who was a
blood descendant to the Prophet Muhammad, had led out a small group of people, which
included his family and companions, to face off with a much bigger army. This larger army was
led by the Umayyad ruler at the time, Yazid I. Imam Hussein was killed during this battle, and
his martyrdom is highly recognized, which essentially was the birth of Shia Muslims, as Imam
Hussein's followers acknowledged righteousness and sacrifice that came with the persecution
and oppression that Muslims were facing at the time. All muslims regard Muharram, the first
month in the Islamic calendar as a sacred month, however Shia Muslims pay a high regard to it
as it is a time of great religious and cultural significance. The Battle of Karbala and the demise of
Imam Hussein took place on the day of Ashura, which is the tenth day of Muharram, which is
why it is given its historical significance. Muharram remembers the ideals of Imam Hussein and
the importance of preserving justice and the truth. The rituals performed during this time,
including as public parades, mourning gatherings (majalis), and reenactments of the Battle of
Karbala (ta’ziyeh), serve as both acts of memory and a means of preserving the moral and ethical
framework that the Shia community relies on to get by (Asgar, 1981).
Anthropological Theories on Rituals and Symbolism
In order to understand the intricate nature of Muharram rituals among Shia Muslims, it is
imperative to reference anthropological ideas that clarify the purposes and significance of rituals
within human communities. A foundation for comprehending the strong sense of community
connection during Muharram observances is provided by Victor Turner's concept of
"communitas." In Turner's view, communitas emerges in the liminality of ritual places, fostering
a sense of unity, equality, and solidarity among participants (Turner, 2000).
This idea is shown in Muharram's communal mourning and commemorative rituals,
where social classes are momentarily suspended and the community comes together to grieve
and reflect. Analysis of the transformational elements of Muharram rituals is further aided by
Arnold van Gennep's idea of rites of passage. Three phases of rites of passage are identified by
Van Gennep: separation, liminality, and reaggregation. Muharram observances might be
interpreted as carrying out a symbolic break from the ordinary, going through a transitional stage
in which society's regular institutions are suspended, and then coming together again with a
revitalized sense of self and mission. According to this interpretation, Muharram's mourning
customs serve as both rituals of collective and personal transformation and acts of memory,
reinforcing Shia identity and ethos (Bayat, 2010).
Commemoration Practices among Shia
As discussed earlier, there is a range of customs that Shia Muslims follow, such as public
parades, mourning events (majalis), and the historical reenactment of the Battle of Karbala
(ta’ziyeh), which essentially defines what Shia Muslims observe during the month of Muharram.
Due to the influence of regional cultures, historical settings, and socioeconomic circumstances,
these traditions are not consistent and differ significantly throughout Shia communities. For
example, majalis are events when the stories of Imam Hussein's martyrdom are told. These
stories are frequently accompanied with eulogies (marthiya) and sorrow poetry (nauha) that elicit
strong emotions from the audience. Shia identity in the modern era is still shaped by this living
recollection of the historical tragedy, which is made possible by this community grief. Muharram
rituals also exemplify the anthropological idea of "performance" as a tool of cultural expression
and identity reinforcement through the dramatic reenactment of the Battle of Karbala, known as
the ta’ziyeh. According to Richard Schechner, performance serves as a means for communities
to "rehearse" their histories and social roles, perpetuating and confirming traditional norms and
narratives. Shia Muslims study and absorb the values of bravery, selflessness, and resisting
injustice that Imam Hussein embodied through ta’ziyeh, which serves as both a historical record
and a tool for moral and ethical education (Asgar, 1981).
Communal Identity Formation
For Shia Muslims, the observation of Muharram is essential to the development and
maintenance of their community identity. Through the yearly remembrance of Muharram, this
identity is actively produced and negotiated and is not static. The understanding of religion by
anthropologist Clifford Geertz as a cultural system implies that religious rituals give social
groups a framework for understanding who they are and where they fit in the world. Muharram
rituals give Shia Muslims a potent way to express their shared identity because of its focus on
group mourning, resistance, and togetherness (Geertz, 1973).
The story of Karbala's intrinsic duality between oppression and resistance serves to
further solidify this collective identity. Muharram is a time when historical injustices are
connected to current problems because of the story of Imam Hussein defying Yazid's
dictatorship, which resonates with modern ideas of social justice and resistance against
oppression. This relationship not only helps Shia Muslims define their common identity, but it
also places their story within the larger framework of the world's efforts for justice and dignity.
Socio-Political Dimensions of Muharram
Muharram observances have important socio-political undertones as well, acting as
forums for social activity and political speech. In areas where Shia Muslims are marginalized or
persecuted, Muharram customs turn into acts of resistance and self-proclamation. These
commemorations are conspicuous representations of Shia presence and resiliency due to their
public character, which frequently involves sizable processions and crowds. In addition, the
Muharram commemoration's fundamental ideas of justice, sacrifice, and resistance against
oppression have influenced other political organizations and nonreligious forms of resistance.
Using the notion of "social non movements" developed by anthropologist Asef Bayat, one can
comprehend how Muharram observances, although not overtly political, provide opportunities
for social mobilization and communal cohesion. These rites are not separate religious
observances but rather are entwined with the sociopolitical environments that Shia communities
traverse.
Case Studies
To further illustrate the anthropological significance of Muharram and its impact on Shia
identity and social dynamics, exploring case studies from different regions where Shia
communities are prominent is ideal. Iran’s official religion is Shia Islam, and Muharram is
observed with ceremonies and profound sorrow. Thousands of pilgrims travel to the sacred
center of Qom to take part in the rites (Asgar, 1981).
Iranian Muharram customs are notable for their scope and the participation of numerous
socio economic segments, including governmental organizations. In addition to reiterating
religious compliance, the state's support and involvement in these rites incorporate Shia identity
with the national identity. The state's narrative significantly highlights the story of resistance
against tyranny, connecting past sacrifice with modern political themes like resistance against
perceived foreign dangers (Fischer, 1980).
The manner in which the Shia community in Lebanon observes Muharram highlights the
ways in which political and religious entities like Hezbollah influence religious observance.
Muharram processions frequently convey overtly political messages, especially in relation to
Palestinian solidarity and topics like Israeli occupation. As a focal point for community and
nationalistic feelings within the larger Lebanese socio-political environment, the politicization of
Muharram rituals highlights how religious narratives are modified to fit modern political
situations (Bayat, 2010).
Shia populations in India observe Muharram in a multireligious setting, which can
occasionally cause problems amongst religions, especially in places where communal identities
are politically sensitive. But Muharram also offers examples of interfaith cooperation, as nonMuslims take part in or pay attention to rites. This coexistence highlights how flexible Muharram
observances are, mirroring the interreligious dynamics of the area and demonstrating the ritual's
capacity to unite and split people according to prevailing socio-political conditions. These case
studies highlight the wide range of Muharram observances in various contexts and show how
regional cultures, historical events, and political climates affect how these rituals are observed
and carried out (Reif, 2003).
Conclusion
Shia Muslims observe Muharram on an annual basis. This is not just a ritualistic event;
rather, it is a significant cultural and social phenomena that is essential to the development of
social cohesiveness, political expression, and communal identity. Muharram rituals function as a
dynamic setting for the negotiation of identity, memory, and power, as numerous case studies
and the application of anthropological ideas have shown. Muharram is observed by the Shia
community, who actively participate with modern problems of justice, resistance, and
community solidarity in addition to contributing to the preservation of their historical
consciousness. These rites' capacity to adjust to regional and international sociopolitical settings
indicates that Shia Muslims' lives will continue to be significantly impacted by them.
Future studies may examine how younger Shia Muslims interact with and understand
Muharram rituals, and they may even alter them in response to shifting international conditions.
Furthermore, scholarly research on the effects of digital media on the growth and spread of
Muharram observances is highly encouraged, especially in the area of understanding how
customs change to accommodate modern technology. Muharram is a powerful symbol of the
Shia community's ongoing fight for justice and dignity as well as a time for grief. It continues to
be an essential component of their religious and cultural identity, developing over time and
continuing to have an impact on new believers.
Textual References and Bibliography
Turner, V., & Soucy, A. (2000). The ritual process: structure and anti-structure [Review
of The ritual process: structure and anti-structure]. Asia Pacific Journal of
Anthropology, 1(1), 152–153. https://oculuo.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_UO/17kkpb9/cdi_proquest_miscellaneo
us_38923600
Victor Turner analyzes topics related to rituals within community and society, and his primary
focus was the development of community and social structures. He also spoke about the
symbolism within ritualistic tendencies, which is another crucial aspect to analyze to understand
branches of Shia Muslims. Turner presents the terms "liminality" and "communitas," which are
especially relevant to Muharram celebrations. These ideas contribute to the explanation of how
these rituals strengthen communal ties and unite participants in a temporary leveling of social
hierarchies.
Asgar, J. (1981). Taziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran [Review of Taziyeh: Ritual and
Drama in Iran]. Theatre Journal, 33(1), 131–132. American Theatre Association.
https://doi.org/10.2307/3207508
The book examines the reenactment ritual of the Battle of Karbala known as ta’ziyeh, and this
ritual emphasized the historical context, the religious growth among Shia Muslims, as well as
particular culturally relative aspects among Shia people. It is important to understand the story of
the battle of Karbala among Shia Muslims, as the history plays a huge role on how Shia came to
be, as well as the relevance in keeping the story of Karbala is kept alive and relevant for
contemporary audiences.
Fischer, M. M. J. (1980). Iran : from religious dispute to revolution. Harvard University
Press. https://oculuo.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_UO/5lqjs2/alma991000486959705161
Fischer offers an explanation revolving around the significance of religion in Iran, focusing on
both, the public and political life. By doing so, he is showing how religious practices and
conflicts shaped the overall beginnings of political forces that led to the Iranian Revolution.
Understanding how Muharram and its customs have been politicized and used as instruments for
political expression and mobilization, especially in Iran where Shias predominate, is made
possible only via his work.
Bayat, Asef. (2010). Life as politics : how ordinary people change the Middle East.
Stanford University Press. https://oculuo.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_UO/5lqjs2/alma991019458589705161
Bayat talks about how regular people's informal networks, or nonmovements, may bring about
change in the Middle East. The article assists in placing Muharram observances in the larger
framework of social movements by demonstrating the significant socio-political significance of
supposedly religious traditions that can be used as a tool for community mobilization or passive
opposition.
Reif, M. (2003). Horse of Karbala: Muslim Devotional Life in India [Review of Horse of
Karbala: Muslim Devotional Life in India]. Journal of Asian Studies, 62(4), 1287–1289.
Association for Asian Studies. https://doi.org/10.2307/3591816
This report is an overall review by Megan Reif regarding the writer of “Horse of Karbala:
Muslim Devotional Life in India '' by Pinault. Reif offers her personal opinions regarding
Pinaults investigation on Indian Shia Muslims' religious customs, concentrating on the
Muharram rites. David Pinault’s focus was on interactions between Shia Muslims and other
religious communities, this book offers an examination of how Muharram is observed in a
multicultural and multireligious environment such as India. Both writers believe that
understanding interreligious dynamics and how Muharram rituals are adapted in non-Muslim
majority situations are two important uses for it.
Geertz, Clifford, Religion as a cultural system. In: The interpretation of cultures: selected
essays, Geertz, Clifford, pp.87-125. Fontana Press, 1993.
https://nideffer.net/classes/GCT_RPI_S14/readings/Geertz_Religon_as_a_Cultural_Syste
m_.pdf
Geertz offers a framework for dissecting religion as a cohesive system of meanings and symbols
that express the ethos and worldview of a society. By using Geertz's paradigm to analyze
Muharram, one can get insight into the ways that Shia communities use this period's rituals and
tales to convey and uphold shared identities and values. It offers a theoretical foundation for
considering Muharram as a culturally ingrained phenomena that both influences and is
influenced by the worldviews of the believers.
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