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(Im)possible Worlds
to Conquer
A Critical Reading of
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Waiting for Visa
Edited by
Mrunal Chavda
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(Im)possible Worlds to Conquer
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Mrunal Chavda
Editor
(Im)possible Worlds
to Conquer
A Critical Reading of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Waiting
for Visa
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Editor
Mrunal Chavda
Indian Institute of Management
Raipur
Raipur, India
ISBN 978-981-99-9679-7
ISBN 978-981-99-9680-3 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-9680-3
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Contents
Introduction
Mrunal Chavda
1
Locating “Selfhood” in Dalit Autobiographies
Madhu
17
No More Worlds to Conquer: A Critical Reading
of Ambedkar’s Waiting for a Visa
Mrunal Chavda
39
Waiting for a Visa: Reminiscences or Remedy?
Rucha Brahmbhatt
63
The Rhetoric of Ambedkar in Selected Works
Vinu Chavda and Mrunal Chavda
77
Education, Exploitation and Empowerment of Dalits
in Waiting for a Visa
Nutan Kotak
111
Trajectory of Tolerance and Triumph: A Short Study
of Ambedkar’s Waiting for Visa
Papiya Lahiri
121
Language and Indian Social Discourse in Waiting
for a Visa by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
Pratik Dalwadi
141
v
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vi
CONTENTS
The Social and Political Aggressions of B. R. Ambedkar:
Interrogating His Childhood Traumas and Denial
of Childhood
Chandrakant Langare
The Dalit Autobiography as a Critical Genre: Situating
Ambedkar’s Waiting for a Visa Among Marathi Dalit
Autobiographical Writings
Saket Moon
157
175
Conclusion for a Way Forward
Mrunal Chavda
193
Index
207
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List of Contributors
Rucha Brahmbhatt Department of English, Samarpan Arts &
Commerce College, Samarpan Education and Research Campus,
Gandhinagar, Gujarat, India
Mrunal Chavda Indian Institute of Management Raipur, Raipur, India
Vinu Chavda University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa
Pratik Dalwadi Mohanlal & Vijayaben Arts and Commerce College,
Shri Govind Guru University, (Godhra), Halol (Panchmahal), India
Nutan Kotak University School of Languages, Gujarat University,
Ahmedabad, India;
Department of English, Gujarat University, Ahmedabad, India
Papiya Lahiri University of Allahabad, Prayagraj, India
Chandrakant Langare Shivaji University, Kolhapur, India
Madhu Department of History, Miranda House, University of Delhi,
Delhi, India
Saket Moon Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive
Policy, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
vii
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List of Tables
Introduction
Table 1
Number of Doctoral Thesis on Dalit as a keyword
in Indian languages
4
The Rhetoric of Ambedkar in Selected Works
Table 1
Table 2
Table 3
Table 4
Table 5
Table 6
Table 7
Works included in the analysis
Overall scores across five master variables
Activity
Optimism
Certainty
Realism
Commonality
82
87
88
92
95
99
102
ix
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Introduction
Mrunal Chavda
Why Waiting for a Visa?
From derogatory comments about the intellect of oppressed caste students
to proudly narrating their activism against affirmative action in India prior
to their admission into Harvard to a complete cultural monopoly of South
Asian/India celebrations, the deep sense of alienation, humiliation, and
social exclusion I experienced made me constantly vigilant and worried
about the consequences of being outed as a Dalit in Harvard’s South Asian
circles.
a Dalit alumnus of Harvard University (Outlook Web Desk)
These comments exemplify travels of Indian Caste Structure in different
parts of the world and resonate with my personal experience when I
pursued my doctorate at the University of Exeter in the Department
of Drama. During my graduation years, between 2011 and 2016, I met
South Asian communities in Devon, Leicester, Corby, and London and
interacted with many non-Dalits (including ‘Westerners’). The almost
third or fourth question would be directed toward my caste in the Indian
M. Chavda (B)
Indian Institute of Management Raipur, Rajpur, India
e-mail: mchavda@iimraipur.ac.in
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024
M. Chavda (ed.), (Im)possible Worlds to Conquer,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-9680-3_1
1
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2
M. CHAVDA
social structure, and I would experience what is expressed above. This
book examines Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s autobiographical memoir Waiting
for Visa. There is a dearth of research on Waiting for a Visa in general and
Indian Literature in English, including Dalit Studies, despite Ambedkar’s
significant contributions to India’s political, social, and economic landscapes. Hence, there are key reasons for choosing to examine Waiting for
Visa.
First, a focus on one of the most authoritative figures in Indian polity
can benefit not only Dalit writers and activists, policymakers, and scholars
but also Dalits in India and marginalized oppressed classes elsewhere, all
of which are central to bringing a nuanced understanding of the Waiting
for Visa, as well as being the topic of this work. This book lays the
foundation for a critical study of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s autobiographical memoir. Dalit autobiographies have been well-studied as a genre
in Indian English Literature. With strong creative and literary expression, Dalit Studies have been a strong contender in terms of output in
different Indian languages (Satyanarayana and Tharu, o Alphabet in Sight:
New Dalit Writing from South Asia, Dossier 1: Tamil and Malayalam;
Satyanarayana and Tharu, From those Stubs Steel Nibs are Sprouting:
New Dalit Writing from South Asia, Dossier 2: Kannada and Telugu).
The social impact of such writings appears at a minimum as we look at
National Crime Bureau statistics, especially crime against SCs and STs
from 2018 to 2020 (National Crime Records Bureau). These numbers
mandate creating a rigorous drive to spread awareness about Dalit experiences. Unfortunately, such incidents are only shared in the confines of
Dalit Studies or a prescribed textbook or even journalistic reports in the
Indian society or even limited to conferences at the national and international level, which are in the ambit of Arts and Humanities branches of
knowledge. It is fortunate to see a few universities prescribing Dr. B. R.
Ambedkar’s Waiting for Visa.
Additionally, it is important to note that Dr. Ambedkar’s writing and
speeches have been well-researched (Zelliot, From untouchable to Dalit:
Essays on the Ambedkar Movement; Zelliot, Ambedkar’s World: The
Making of Babasaheb and the Dalit Movement; Omvedt, Ambedkar:
Towards an Enlightened India; Omvedt, Dalits and the Democratic
Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India);
however, this undisputed leader’s autobiographical memoir has been
ignored. This book will address this absence of scholarship for Waiting for
Visa in Dalit Studies. However, the more significant challenge of filling
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INTRODUCTION
3
this gap in literariness, Dalit voices, and experiences in Waiting for Visa
needs to be addressed.
Literariness about the Dalit voice and Dalit experience and surviving
documents of social and human suffering needs to be examined. For nonDalit autobiographies, this might not be a major challenge because the
social and literary structure scheme plays an important role. Dalit Studies
programs are available at universities across India; however, little attention
has been paid to Waiting for Visa. We envisage that this book exemplifies
an approach that will encourage others to take Waiting for Visa research
forward in this rapidly growing field of South Asian Studies.
It is vital to create an all-inclusive environment that can co-exist among
researchers. One of the challenges confronting Dalit research practitioners
is the immediate compartmentalization of Dalit scholars due to the Indian
social structure, at least in India. Some researchers are hesitant to research
Dalit Studies due to a lack of first-hand experiences and exposure to
the rigid Indian caste structure. Others examine their research following
the academic fruits of serious publications or political motivations. A
simple search with the keyword ‘Dalit’ on Shodhganga reveals 79 studies
conducted during 1920–1999 and 1844 between 2000–2022 (Shodhganga Inflibnet). Table 1 below lists many doctoral theses in Indian
languages at universities in India.
A higher number of studies exist on Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (i.e.,
13,472, and this excludes research articles published in different
national and academic journals); however, none on the autobiographical
memoir Waiting for Visa (Shodhganga Inflibnet). Therefore, for budding
researchers with a broad goal to achieve social equality, equity, and inclusivity for India’s tomorrow to choose Dalit Literature as a pathway
for India’s social dream crafted by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar in the Indian
Constitution, it is essential that the Waiting for Visa should be explored
thoughtfully.
Additionally, many Dalit and Indian scholars have expressed an experiential understanding of how Dalit experiences life and what challenges
they face in their everyday life (Channa and Mencher; Maurya; Rao;
Singh). This expression results in secondary experience and research
and higher research articles exhibiting no social, political, or cultural
impact wherein readers identify how to avert Dalit risk, challenges, and
threats to the Dalits community in their everyday lives, which can gradually improve the social life experiences of Dalits. Training existing and
aspiring citizens in the formal procedure of raising socially inclusive and
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4
M. CHAVDA
Table 1
Number of Doctoral Thesis on Dalit as a keyword in Indian languages
Language
Number of Studies on Dalit as a keyword
English (including in the USA)
Hindi
Marathi
Punjabi
Tamil
Gujarati
Kannada
Malayalam
Bengali
Telugu
Urdu
Dogri
Konkani
Odia
Others
1943 + 68
325
59
12
19
20
10
10
5
2
2
1
1
1
243
equitable approaches will help pursue a constitutional perspective and
coagulate Indian society to practice values expressed in the Preamble of
the Indian Constitution. Through this memoir, policymakers and administrators might also be trained about the details of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s
early life experiences. So, they are better prepared to mitigate risk and
appreciate social growth leading to the harmonious construction of Indian
society. Initiation has been ignited, requiring further fuel in the form of
momentum.
Secondly, there is a need to assess the direction and scope of
Dalit Literature, as many critical matters remain confrontational, like
the research outputs. Most researched-based books and articles focus
on marginalization, oppression, and de-brahminization through Dalit
consciousness. This book goes beyond the Dalit panther movement to
examine life experiences in the Waiting for Visa, mostly overlooked but
central to the Dalit movement in India (and now abroad through the
Indian diaspora). The goal is to share insights into the Waiting for Visa to
stimulate interest relevant to policymakers, research scholars, and creative
writers and critics, including general readership across all genders and
beyond all kinds of stratification. This book aims to provide a new direction, agenda, and visibility to Waiting for Visa by examining it through
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INTRODUCTION
5
various approaches such as genre studies, autobiographical studies, trauma
studies, and socio-linguistic discourse.
Third, Indian Dalit Studies are widely popular worldwide, especially
among South Asian studies or South Asian diaspora studies at universities in the USA, UK, and Australia. Global citizens are well aware of
this Indian caste structure, though they may lack an in-depth understanding of the complex social, cultural, and geopolitical equations within
this Studies. Previously, the concept of Dalit was associated with impurity
due to associations with professional and occupational identities (Joshi
and Minority Rights Group; Rajshekar). These aspects of South Asian
history have merged (or rather forcibly and conveniently) with global
issues of racism and social exclusion. Dalit scholars now should aim to
uncover those historical biases that occurred due to Islamic invasions or
British imperialism. Many Hindu-sacred texts have been translated with
an overarching aim to control or facilitate the power dynamics and equations in South Asia. We need to identify those gaps by reinterpreting such
texts to develop a fresh perspective to validate claims (perhaps illogical
according to the contemporary discoveries of science) and refute those
claims made in Indian history, literature, and cultural texts. This book
aims to steer such discussions or pave the way for a new direction and
agenda to operate on the global stage within Dalit Studies.
Dalit autobiographies have a legacy in Waiting for Vis. Waiting for
a Visa is an indispensable part of Dalit Literature and Dalit Studies.
Dalit Studies is a well-established area of research worldwide with a
high concentration of research outputs from the South Asian subcontinent. Dalit Panthers and Dalit Movement discourse in India generally
aims at religious identity—Hindu, Christian, and Buddhism, Dalit rights,
and politics. The movement rose to prominence in the 1970s. Earlier
research on Dalits focused on advocacy for Dalit Cause (Kamble 1979),
regional development on the Ad Dharm movement (Juergensmeyer,
1982), and Dalits participating in political inclusion either the Gandhian way or Ambedkarite way (Gupta 1985; Pradhan 1986; Nath 1987).
Some scholars also discussed the movement from the Mahar community’s class and caste structure (Gokhale 1993; Zelliot 1996). R. Kothari
(1994) highlighted inadequacies in prevailing models for Dalit movements (Kothari 1994, p. 1594). Gail Omvedt (1994), with Marxist and
Phule-Ambedkarite framework, advances Dalit Studies with comparative
regional histories in Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh from
1920 to 1956 (Omvedt 1994). Webster (1996) examined the modern
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6
M. CHAVDA
Dalit movement from historical perspectives with no proper beginning
in the post-independence era. (Webster 1996) Webster explained five
major milestones in Dalit Studies. They are (1) who are Dalits, (2) Dalit
Movement or Dalit Movements, (3) issues on origins and background
of the movement, (4) movement toward the center and movement
at the regional, local, and peripheral level, and (5) concerns over the
understanding post-independent history of Dalit movement.
R. S. Rawat (2013), in an excellent review of Dalit Studies since
the 1990s, identified occupation, dignity, and space related to discourse
in Dalit Studies, where space as a living habitat shapes the lived experiences of caste. Surprisingly the scholarly literature on Dalit Studies
has inadequately addressed these five key features in Waiting for Visa.
In their introduction, they observed that “Since the 1990s, Ambedkar
has attracted considerable academic attention, but his theoretical contributions have not yet been sufficiently appreciated in the mainstream
social science disciplines (Rawat and Satyanarayana 2016, p. 27).” Dutta
(2018) examined English syllabi in Indian universities and concluded
that the English literature syllabi represent a blend of canonical and
local literary pieces allowing empowerment. Dalit Movement often cited
and challenged the Hindu text Manusmriti, and caste structure has been
the subject of many scholars such as Ankur Barua. Barua asserted that
“Ambedkar was a ‘steadfast constitutionalist’ who sought solutions to
social problems through the intervention of the state” (Barua 2018,
p. 37). Queen (2021) examined through a survey how Ambedkar’s
Waiting for Visa emulated Dalit writers’ scope and impact not only in
Marathi Literature but also in Indian Literature in English Translation.
Rathore (2021) compared Gandhi’s train experience and Ambedkar’s
travel denial. While Rathore has examined Ambedkar’s autobiographical experiences, he evaluates how these experiences aid Ambedkar in
framing ‘dignity’ for others in the Indian constitution. Umesh Kumar
(2021) observed that Waiting for Visa is a history of the community
rather than an individual. Except for these recent articles, Waiting for
Visa has not been the subject of critical examination. This edited volume
aims to fill this gap by contributing to the discourse on Waiting for Visa.
Unfortunately, Waiting for Visa has not been translated into many Indian
languages though it is freely available in English. I have come across two
translations. Gujarati translation by Vikalp Kotwal and Hindi translation
by Savita Pathak. Though Waiting for a Visa has been claimed to be
translated into Gujarati and Hindi, a close reading of this text has yet to
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INTRODUCTION
7
appear. Though both these translations are substandard and need a critical introduction to the work, they potentially expose regional readers to
this memoir and could reach masses who could not read and access the
English version.
Recently, Dalits have started networking 1 and mentoring, and the
government’s preferential purchase policy from the SC and ST businesses
exemplifies a change in societal perception (Karunakaran; Sengupta;
Deeksha; Khare; Andharia and the ANANDI Collective). DICCI illustrates the importance of mentoring led by Dalits for Dalits. Such practices,
of course, are welcome to empower Dalits. They may restrict the Dalit
community to themselves as they can neither expand their activities
nor create scope for non-Dalits to participate actively to bring a wave
of changing the fundamental issues such as social exclusion and racial
and ethnic discrimination. Fortunately, Indian Dalit scholars have always
actively valued progressive thinking that focuses on exchanging ideas
among academia. Though there is a general difference in opinion, be
it political, religious, or even historical, they are valued as a part of
evolving Dalit Studies. Their impact is visible in shaping the policies.
Therefore, these scholars can use their credibility and clout to ensure that
the everyday experiences of Dalits refine for an all-inclusive society that
Dr. B. R Ambedkar envisages in the Indian Constitution.
The focus of this book
This book is based on Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s autobiographical memoir
entitled Waiting for Visa, an examination primarily neglected. It has three
essential dimensions. First, the historical dimension in which the caste
structure of Dalit autobiographies and its importance to Dalit studies is
seen to change over some time. If we scrutinize the last eight decades of
Dalit writings, it has grown aggressively, not only in terms of institutes
in India and research departments on Dalit Studies worldwide (R. Rawat;
Kunhaman). This rise is of paramount importance to the nation and the
socio-economic growth of SCs and STs in every sector, though it is slower
compared to other constitutional categories such as Other Backward Class
and General Category (Mahambare, Dhanraj and Sharma; Bhagat). Such
1 See, DICCI. It stands for Dalit Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry. https://
dicci.in/about-dicci/
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8
M. CHAVDA
socio-economic development of Dalits contributes to the empowerment
of Indian society at large.
Second, there is an increasing focus on equity and equality in Indian
society (Tiwari, Singh, and Manar; Rahman and Rao; Srivastava; Oza);
as Indian society takes advantage of economic and educational growth,
policymakers and administrators, and various stakeholders need more
opportunities to create a socially inclusive and equal opportunity provider
society not just to the Dalit community but to each stratum of the society
(Kapoor; Special Correspondent, the Hindu). Further, Dalit autobiographies have a wider reach which attracts attention from this perspective
and is frequently discussed in the Dalit discourse. In Dalit Studies, critical interpretations of Ambedkar’s writings have expanded the debate on
Dalit identity in modern times. Still, the impact of these works on Indian
society has been overlooked, especially his memoir Waiting forVisa.
Previous studies on Ambedkar and Dalits have focused on social, political,
and cultural aspects rather than early life experiences shaping their life and
writings. The cluster of themes centered around Dalit consciousness alone
is higher than the impact of everyday life experiences on non-Dalits. The
Dalit literature, with Dalit autobiographies, is well-known internationally and academically successful in attracting national and international
research scholars. However, sporadic references to Waiting for Visa and
a roadmap for bringing equity and equality, beyond the Constitution of
India, through literary discourse suggest a collective failure in the Dalit
autobiographical discourse.
Third, Dalit literature embraces Dalit aesthetics (Kumari and Kapoor;
Limbāl.e and Mukherjee) and Dalit consciousness as an art form. A great
deal of research output is available on these concepts and Dalit autobiographies. Nonetheless, most research has been undertaken on Dalit
studies in the South Asian subcontinent, followed by the USA, Europe
(including the UK), Australia, and Africa. These scholarships focus on
oppression, discrimination, historical prejudices, and narratives of Dalit
lives (for a complete understanding of this, please refer to journals such
as Contemporary Voice of Dalit, Caste, and Journal of Dalit Studies).
This research relies on the problems of oppressed, marginalized groups
and the nature and forms of social exclusion and discrimination—broader
objectives of Dalit Literature—but now in an environment of change with
socio-economic demands pushing boundaries of the twentieth century
(R. Rawat; Lerche). Interdisciplinary insights into Dalit studies as a key
component of Indian Literature may expand our understanding of Dalit
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INTRODUCTION
9
writers’ everyday experiences of Indian society in developing a mindset for
the twenty-first century leading to contribute lessons for an all-inclusive
society not only for India but for other countries, where discriminatory
racial practices do exist. Hence, this book focuses on Waiting for Visa
and Ambedkar’s journey, which includes the role of education, exploitation, empowerment, trauma, tolerance and triumph, Dalit ‘Self,’ Genre,
and socio-linguistic discourse. This endeavor demonstrates the role of Dr.
B. R. Ambedkar’s life experiences in shaping powerful, influential Indian
Dalit thought.
Evidence and Structure of this edited volume
This book is developed by a literature review, both academic and popular,
despite the deficiency of material regarding Waiting for Visa. The book is
a result of a National Conference held in 2019 in which scholarly papers
were presented on the autobiographical writings of Dr. B. R Ambedkar.
These formal intellectuals and academic exchanges create an opportunity to address questions relevant to Waiting for Visa; however, some of
the scholarly presentations were inadequate and irrelevant to the Waiting
for Visa. Therefore, an additional call for chapters was circulated on
an international platform that engaged a more comprehensive National
scholarship. The credibility of the authors is supported by the fact that
some of the others are experienced Dalit academicians, which enriches
their understanding of contemporary Dalit writings, having been Dalit
writers, activities, and research scholars. The authors possess wide-ranging
experiences in Dalit studies, giving them authenticity to their examination
of Waiting for Visa in this edited volume. Their teaching and research
experiences and exposure to Dalit experiences, in general, provide a rich
texture for the book.
This edited volume on Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Waiting for Visa is
focused on a deeper analysis of this memoir. Each contributor uses a
different micro-scoping lens to understand what it means to be Dalit in
Ambedkar’s time, how it relates to lived experiences, and what these experiences tell the readers. These efforts aim to discover Ambedkar and find
information, perspectives, and discussion about Waiting for Visa.
The book was conceived to present a comprehensive study on Waiting
for Visa and provide a historical context to detail the current debates to
which Dalit Literature has evolved. This chapter necessitates education
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10
M. CHAVDA
for Dalits and calls for the sensitization of non-Dalits to create a fundamental change in Indian society. Chapter “Dalit Autobiographies as A
Way of Knowing the Dalit ‘Self’” highlights how agents of social change
dedicate their lives to society’s betterment and provides key learnings
from Waiting for Visa. Chapter “No More Worlds to Conquer: a critical reading of Ambedkar’s Waiting for a Visa” explores how Ambedkar
engages with his readers and what Waiting for Visa accomplishes for
Indian readers of Indian English Literature, including the Dalit community. Chapter “Waiting for a Visa: Reminiscences or Remedy?” details
the trauma narrative to seek answers and solutions to the questions in
Waiting for Visa. Chapter “The Rhetoric of Ambedkar in Selected Works”
studies between the lines employing social discourse through language
employed by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. Chapter “Education, Exploitation and
Empowerment of Dalits in Waiting for a Visa” contextualizes Waiting
for Visa in the Dalit movement in India and provides a detailed critique
of social and economic structures of exploitation through the articulation of lived experience. Chapter “Trajectory of Tolerance and Triumph:
A Short Study of Ambedkar’s Waiting for Visa” examines the formation
of Dalit identities through ‘Self’ narratives and as an alternative model
of ‘History.’ Chapter “Language and Indian Social Discourse in Waiting
for a Visa by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar” deals with Ambedkar’s traumatic
childhood and youth as sites of caste and class oppression and discusses
how these revived and reconstructed subversive communities’ dignity and
self-respect, including Dalits in India. Chapter “The Social and Political
Aggressions of B. R. Ambedkar: Interrogating his Childhood Traumas
and Denial of Childhood” investigates the language aspect of Waiting for
Visa by employing the verbal content analysis method to suggest that
Ambedkar’s writing reflects an authority on the subject with an effect
on people’s lives; however, to bring positive change in the society, the
language to be employed need to be on the higher scales of commonality
and optimization.
Studies on Dalit and Ambedkar largely focused on Dalit Activism,
Dalit movements, agencies involved in the rise of this discipline, and even
the issues related to caste, with social, religious, and political inquiries.
Undoubtedly, these critical engagements advance our understanding of
complex socio-political and economic impacts, individually and collectively. Though a very thin autobiographical writing, Waiting for a Visa
offers a complex phenomenon of lived experiences of a Dalit who eventually became the first Minister of Justice in independent India. This edited
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INTRODUCTION
11
volume aims to examine this Dalit lived experiences as narrated in the
text. The text, composed and later compiled in less than thirty pages,
needs to be more adequately pursued scholarly as compared to his other
writings and as compared to his contemporary autobiographies. One of
the reasons to pursue this close reading of this text is to expose this work
by examining the lived experience of the Dalit. After reading it several
times, I assert that Ambedkar’s language with sharp tones and subtle
observations could impact readers of this book to re-examine Waiting for
Visa as a torchbearer in the twenty-first century for practices leading to a
sustainable society. Therefore, this edited volume has a narrow focus on
Waiting for Visa, as his other writings have more elaborate and extensive scholarly evidence; nevertheless, there are some references to this
work to capture the ‘gist’ of Ambedkar’s life. This collection of essays
overcomes this shortcoming of existing studies on Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
and contributes to the studies on Ambedkar. Hence, this edited volume
intervenes in the current Ambedkar and Dalit Studies scholarship. With a
detailed synthesis of the book, the concluding chapter locates the place of
Dalit literature in world literature. It raises some important questions for
Dalit and non-Dalit scholars with broader implications for Dalit studies
and Indian English literature.
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12
M. CHAVDA
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INTRODUCTION
13
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INTRODUCTION
15
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Locating “Selfhood” in Dalit
Autobiographies
Madhu
Introduction
Autobiographies are not often found within the classic literary canon of
Indian culture. From the nineteenth century forward, a notable emergence of literary works can be seen, which focus on the narration of
individual human experiences. Banarasidas’ Ardhakathanaka (1641) is a
seventeenth-century text written in Hindi verse meaning, “Half of the
story.” The work comprises 675 couplets, mostly “doha” and “chaupai”
and contains numerous historical interest references. In his youth, a
“Vaisya,” by caste, Banarasidas spent much of his time reading love tales
written by the Sufis in Hindi, neglecting his business. His seven children died, leaving him lonely and in deep anguish. He penned down
Ardhakathanaka. Mulk Raj Anand’s Untouchable, published in 1935,
attempted to represent the Dalit experience by an upper caste. The
novel tried to hone in on the Dalit psyche to expose the state’s failures. However, in the nineteenth century, few Indian autobiographies
received much attention. The works under consideration are M. K. Gandhi’s “An Autobiography or the Story of My Experiments with Truth”
Madhu (B)
Department of History, Miranda House, University of Delhi, Delhi, India
e-mail: madhu@mirandahouse.ac.in
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024
M. Chavda (ed.), (Im)possible Worlds to Conquer,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-9680-3_2
17
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(1927), Jawaharlal Nehru’s “An Autobiography” (1936), and Nirad C.
Chaudhuri’s “An Autobiography of an Unknown Indian” (1951).
The authors’ life-long struggles with the self were public knowledge in
these works. The boundaries between private conscience and public life
were blurred. Be it mysteries of the body, as with Gandhi or Nehru‘s idea
of authentic India presented the self as an artefact that was constantly
made and unmade. Ambedkar also wrote about his experiences of exclusion and the ferocity of caste Hindu discrimination, but what emerges
here is a collective self as a source of literary expression that is denied
social recognition. The personal encounters with social exclusion, ongoing prejudice, and persistent humiliation inflicted by the caste Hindus
not only contribute to the development of Ambedkar’s own identity but
also facilitate a significant societal shift aimed at combating the caste
system. Dalit autobiographies were written in the early 1990s, i.e. Vasti
(1995) by Vasant Moon Amchi Baap Ani Amhi (1994) by Narendra
Jadhav represent social and political upheavals the 1920s–1950s. In
Jadhav’s account, his father is closely tied to the Ambedkar Movement,
and the self and community come across as one as Ambedkar stands out
as the man, the movement, and Dalit future itself (Rao 2006). Mulk
Raj Anand’s Untouchable, published in 1935, attempted to represent the
Dalit experience by an upper caste. The novel tried to hone in on the
Dalit psyche to expose the state’s failures.
The act of recounting their life experiences by several Dalits began
subsequent to India’s attainment of Independence, mostly due to their
prolonged deprivation of educational opportunities (Gajarawala 1). The
lower castes were denied access to material resources like land and
dignity, and self-respect. The upper castes branded Dalits as polluted and
untouchable by exercising hegemony over culture and language (ibid.,
1–2). Through the cultural representations, the upper castes tried to
reproduce the ideology of caste and constructed stereotypical images
of the Dalits. After the adoption of the Constitution of India, which
provided for positive discrimination for the Dalits, and after the Government of India made provisions for free and compulsory education, Dalits
started to articulate themselves and challenged the hegemony of the upper
castes, which paved the way for the assertion of the marginal self. Dalits
describe in their autobiographies the brutality, oppression, and structural
inequalities that are products of casteism by recounting the challenges
they have endured throughout their lives. They also emphasise that in
order to have the sensitivity and experience necessary to be a true Dalit
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LOCATING “SELFHOOD” IN DALIT AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
19
writer, one must be born within the Dalit caste (Kumar 147). This line
of reasoning does, in fact, bring up the issue of representation. Even the
highly praised book The God of Small Things by Arundhati Roy is now
under to scrutiny because of this issue since the character Velutha, who is
Dalit, is written in an acceptable voice that conceals rather than conveys
the Dalit experience (Mukherjee x). It is comparable to what Mohanty
says about not “using the universal to erase the particular” in her criticism
of “Eurocentric analytic paradigms” and white feminism for their “discursive colonisation of Third World Women’s lives and struggles” (Mohanty
501–509). Mohanty writes these things in her critique of “Eurocentric
analytic paradigms” and white feminism. The theory may be directly
applied to the handling of voices of Dalit women by elite Indian women
via a sort of “Brahmanical feminism,” which has been largely focused
solely with concerns affecting upper-caste, upper-class women (Kumar
216). This kind of “Brahmanical feminism” Autobiographies written by
Dalit women are a form of resistance against caste, class, and patriarchy
since they express the Dalit women’s voices and lay claim to their own
experiences of living.
Dalit writers question how Dalit identities are constructed in uppercaste representations and provide alternate ways to interpret these. In
Dalit writings in general and in autobiographies in particular, the Dalits
articulate and reflect on their experiences of discrimination and their
struggle against oppression to forge a distinctive Dalit consciousness.
Dalit narratives mention a repeated experience of exclusion from public
space, right from Ambedkar‘s writings, whereas as a young child, he faces
repulsion of the station master who happens to assume him as an uppercaste child initially (Ambedkar 4074). Ambedkar compares the feeling of
repulsion of the caste Hindus with disgust and fear felt by the coloniser
at the sight of a black body. Public spaces became the sites that made
untouchables aware of the discriminatory grid of life (Rao 2006). Most
Dalit texts address the politics of location in one way or another. The
marginalisation of caste is portrayed as an issue stemming from birth,
social subjugation, and the partitioning of space.
On the other, Dalits struggle for control over resources and struggle
over socially constructed definitions, meanings, and identities. The Dalit
writers aim to achieve this central goal through the autobiographical narrative. In the Dalit autobiographical narratives, the Dalit selfsymbolises the psychological and spiritual trauma of humiliation faced
by them, whereas the non-Dalit autobiographical narratives reinforce the
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upper-caste self through his/her thoughts, preoccupations, and personal
achievements. However, post-modern theorists question this view of the
self as a rational entity capable of knowing itself and knowing the world as,
in their view, the self is perceived as a disunified, fragmented, and vulnerable space (Anderson 80). The stories “Outcaste” by Limbale, “Joothan”
by Valmiki, and “Karukku” by Bama all display a painstaking investigation
of village geography, the delineation of space, its connection to power
dynamics, and the repercussions of breaking from traditional standards.
Caste and Untouchability
There is not a single theory that can explain how the caste system and
the practice of untouchability originated in India. In his seminal work
Homo Hierarchicus (1980), Louis Dumont provides a comprehensive
definition of the caste system as a societal structure that is characterised by
rigidly established social positions and occupational roles, whereby social
mobility is severely restricted due to the strict enforcement of endogamous practices. In this definition, the caste system is also described
as a societal structure that is characterised by rigidly established social
positions and occupational roles. Religious principles that are based on
the ideas of “purity” and “pollution” provide the foundation for the
aforementioned qualities, which in turn build a social framework that is
stratified. The viewpoint of Western historians on caste has mostly centred
on the concept of the Aryan invasion. This theory proposes that the
indigenous people became the target of social oppression and slavery as a
direct result of the Aryan invasion. The Purusha Sukta is the primary
text upon which the Brahmanical viewpoint draws (Griffith 10). This
perspective proposes a mythological-religious framework that traces the
beginning of the caste system to heavenly punishments. However, it is
essential to keep in mind that the two schools of thought largely support
their arguments with internal evidence that is obtained from the Vedas
and other literature that was written after the Vedas.
According to Manusmriti, the Hindu law codebook, inter-dining and
inter-marriage between different Varnas was strictly prohibited (Wolpert
281). Mixing of Varnas endangered society, giving rise to new birth
groups (jatis) with their names and occupations, which may not fit into
four folds of the Varna system, thus making endogamy the hallmark of
preserving caste (Buhler 58–59).
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LOCATING “SELFHOOD” IN DALIT AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
21
There are only four Varnas in the varna plan that is described in the
Vedas; the fifth varna, which traditionally encompassed the social category known as the untouchables, is not explicitly included in this model.
Nevertheless, the Vedic literature includes references to a number of other
social formations, such as the ayogava, chandala, nishadha, and paulkasa,
which exist outside of the varna structure and seem to be susceptible to
scorn (Gupta 1991). The Untouchables lived in the regions around the
hamlet. They survived on the scraps left behind by people from higher
castes and performed menial chores like as scavenging, skinning dead
animals, butchering, washing clothes, and tending to cremation sites for
a living. They were known as the “untouchables.” It was believed that
having any kind of physical contact with members of lower castes, sometimes known as “untouchables,” would taint or defile one’s purity. The
simple fact that their shadows were there was considered to be a contamination. Sanskrit education was often denied to members of historically
oppressed social classes in India, such as the untouchables, the shudras,
and women. This practice persisted throughout the ancient Indian civilisation. During that whole period, this language functioned as an important
repository for a considerable body of knowledge. The Brahmins were
notorious for their unwillingness to give up the advantages that came
with their level of education and insight. Dalits were raised to believe, in
accordance with the karma theory, that if they performed the prescribed
obligations allotted to them by Divine Providence in their current life
with diligence, joy, and obedience, there was a possibility that they might
be reincarnated into a higher caste group in their following existence.
This was the belief that was passed down from generation to generation. The giving of religious help was a successful means of discouraging
and exploiting the untouchables and other social strata, which ultimately
prevented the untouchables and other social strata from participating in
acts of revolt against their masters (ibid.).
In the sixth century B.C., Siddhartha Gautama, better known as the
Buddha, critically interacted with the Vedanta philosophy and questioned
the validity of the Vedas, finally rejecting the authority of this philosophical system. When it came to inviting people into his community of
followers, Buddha did not make any distinctions based on caste or social
status. Individuals who were a member of the untouchable caste were
given the chance to achieve a position of dignity within society as a direct
result of the embrace of Buddhism. This was a substantial break from
their traditionally subordinate position in society. Ambedkar’s theoretical
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MADHU
framework suggests that the origin of the practice of untouchability may
be traced back to a battle for power that occurred in the past between
communities with a Brahminical and Buddhist tradition. According to
his contention, Brahmins instituted the practice of untouchability against
individuals who consumed beef after they stopped cow sacrifice and beef
eating in order to assure a victory in their ideological war with Buddhists.
This was done as a strategy to ensure that they would be victorious in
their ideological conflict. Those who continued to eat beef were made
untouchables by the Brahmins (Ambedkar 1946, 40).
In the colonial period, the British recorded their first India census and
tried to place different castes and tribes within the four Varna framework
but were soon flooded with petitions from castes and groups claiming
higher status than that ascribed to them in the census. For example,
the Shanars (a polluting caste of toddy tappers from Kerala) claimed
to be Nadars of the Kshatriya Varna, and the authorities rejected their
claim. However, the British identified various disadvantaged groups to
relieve long-standing historical disabilities through various government
programmes. J.H. Hutton, a distinguished anthropologist, assumed the
role of census commissioner in the year 1931. In addition, the author
penned the publication titled “Castes in India” (1963), wherein he
advances the argument that the origins of the caste system may be
linked to the pre-Aryan tribes of India, namely their adherence to taboos
and occupational divides, as well as their endeavours to safeguard their
autonomy against external invasions. Nicholas Dirk conducted an analysis
of the comprehensive compilation of indigenous writings, customs, and
histories by Colin McKenzie, a colonial cartographer active in southern
India from 1784 to 1821. Published in 1989, Dirk’s book, titled “The
Original Caste,” explores the limited presence of information regarding
the notion of “caste” within McKenzie’s extensive collection. Nevertheless, the author emphasises that the term “Caste” has evolved into
a comprehensive concept that effectively expresses, arranges, and categorises the many forms of social identity, community, and structure
prevalent in India. Dirks suggests that the British were responsible for
the conceptualisation of the Caste system. The aforementioned invention
was advantageous to the objectives of the British Indian administration, as it aligned with their aim to foster a unified society governed
by a simplified legal framework, as noted by Dirks (59–77). The British
Indian administration likewise shared the notion that the caste system
served as a cohesive force in Hindu society, and that its absence may
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LOCATING “SELFHOOD” IN DALIT AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
23
potentially lead to societal disintegration, hence causing damage to the
empire. The British Indian government identified many justifications for
refraining from intervention in the caste system, characterising it as an
ancient societal structure rooted in discriminatory practices and inequity.
The inflexibility of the category system increased in subsequent periods
due to the association of created categories with fundamental rights. The
implementation of caste-based reservations in independent India and the
establishment of electorates based on religion in British India served to
solidify previously ambiguous divides within society. Chakravorty’s (2019)
study revealed that some groups, such as the Jain or Scheduled Caste,
were more prone to experiencing discernible and concrete consequences.
Caste had been much fuzzier in the past, a much more fungible identity.
According to the results of India’s Census in 2011, the Dalit group
currently accounts for 25% of the country’s total population. Within this
percentage, 16.6% of Dalits belong to the category of Scheduled Caste,
and 8.6% of Dalits belong to the category of Scheduled Tribe. People who
belong to the lowest rung of India’s social hierarchy have been subjected
to extreme marginalisation for an extended period of time, during which
they have been denied basic human rights. These privileges include the
opportunity to access Hindu places of worship, the freedom to travel on
public thoroughfares, and the right to employ communal water sources
such as public ponds and wells as sources of water for personal use. In
addition, their potential careers have been decided for them from the
moment they were born, depriving them of the flexibility to choose or
change the line of work they want to pursue. The formerly untouchable
caste is now known by its historically appropriate name, the Dalit caste.
The word “Dal” comes from the Sanskrit language, and it refers to the
process of cracking open, slicing, crushing, or grinding the root of a plant.
The process of cooking several kinds of grains and lentils for ingestion has
often been denoted by this phrase in common use. After its acceptance
by Ambedkar, a major person representing the untouchable group, who
used it both as a noun and an adjective, the usage of this phrase in a
metaphorical sense became more commonplace. After the founding of
the Dalit Panthers, an activist group that serves as a representative for the
untouchable population in Maharashtra, the usage of the word “Dalit”
began to acquire more traction in the public sphere. The Dalit Panthers
chose to use this name because they felt it had a natural connection to
honour and concepts of respect for one’s self. According to Zelliot (269–
290), the fundamental denial of pollution and karma provides support for
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MADHU
the rationale of caste system. The nomenclature “Dalit Panthers” represented a feeling of unity and affinity with the Black Panthers, a group that
was actively engaged in a violent campaign pushing for the civil rights
of African Americans in the United States. The name “Dalit Panthers”
also symbolised a spirit of unity and affinity with the Black Panthers. The
term “Dalit” gained widespread support from those on the margins of
society all throughout India. Dalits could choose their identity collectively for the first time rather than be named by others. Names such
as Achut, Panchammas, Atishudras, Avarnas, Asprishyas, Pariahs were
given by upper-caste Hindus described their untouchable status and were
dehumanising.
Dalit Literature and the Narration of “Self”
A large body of work has been produced since India’s Independence by
the Dalit writers. The persistent subjugation of Dalit individuals inside
the varna system by dominant castes is a recurring motif in Dalit literary
works. The main cause of tension in this scenario is from cultural differences. Dalit writers lament that the established canonical literature of
India has almost no place for their writings, which the Dalits call “Hindu
literature” and challenge its hegemony. As a result, the core idea that
underpins Dalit writing strives to catalyse a fundamental shift in the way
society functions as a whole. The classification of some people as Dalit
authors is a topic that has been the subject of on-going discussion. A
person who self-identifies as a member of the Dalit community and participates in literary activities is what’s known as a Dalit writer. Or those who
are involved in the process of documenting the events and conditions that
shape the life of Dalits. Dalit writers have been vocal in their condemnation of caste Hindu literature on Dalits, arguing that these works provide
an inaccurate representation of the sentiments, experiences, and pursuits
that are associated with the Dalit group. Even well-known writers like
Premchand, Mulk Raj Anand, T. S. Pillai, and V. S. Khandekar, as well
as a number of others, who have made an effort to convey the feelings
and experiences of Dalits, are finding that their work is not accepted. It
is believed that a person who is born into the Dalit community has the
needed sensitivity and experiential awareness necessary to truly represent
the role of a Dalit writer. This is based on the viewpoints of writers who
identify as Dalits. The argument suggests that the literary works of the
Dalits may be compared to letters that were written with their own life
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LOCATING “SELFHOOD” IN DALIT AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
25
force, and that these letters constitute an organic expression of the feelings
and thoughts that have been repressed for a number of centuries.
Dalit writers proudly embrace their Dalit identity, which stems from
the major effort to dismantle the caste system that relegated them to
the status of untouchables. Their objective is to reestablish society on
the tenets that human dignity, equality, and respect are fundamental to
all relationships. In contrast, high-caste Indian writers, regardless of their
religious affiliations, who have gained recognition as prominent voices
representing Indian society, have rarely addressed the issues of caste and
caste-based oppression in their literary endeavours, both within India
and internationally. Dalit authors have persistently prioritised the subject
of caste in their literary works, whereas high-caste Indian writers from
other castes have not done so. This is true both in India and internationally. In the traditionally caste-based Indian culture, members of the Dalit
group have been routinely discriminated against in terms of their access to
educational opportunities for a substantial amount of time. In the postcolonial period in India, members of the Dalit group have been very active
in their pursuit of educational opportunities. As a direct result of this, the
practice of writing autobiographies has developed into a particular effort
among the members of this socioeconomic group. The employment of
this specific literary form serves the objective of developing a unique sense
of identity and helping the mobilisation of resistance against different
manifestations of tyranny. The autobiography of a Dalit offers a complete
depiction of the Dalit identity and the struggles that are associated with
it.
The main focus in a Dalit autobiography is not on “self,” but “Dalit
community,” and the self emerges from the stigma and suffering of not
an individual but the entire Dalit community. The process of memory
involves more than mere recollection of previous events; it encompasses
the shaping and organising of these memories to enhance understanding
of one’s own experiences and the societal framework that has shaped
them. The autobiographical narratives of mainstream Indian writers show
the influence of European models because of the colonial legacy. The
purpose of autobiography within the framework of Indian culture is to
reinforce the notion of the self as a rational entity, which is in line with
the Enlightenment viewpoint. This kind of writing places a focus on
the achievements of the individual as well as their own unique ideals.
For instance, M.K. Gandhi’s autobiography, titled My Experiments with
Truth, and Jawaharlal Nehru’s autobiography, titled An Autobiography,
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both investigate the subjective and personal elements of human experiences in the context of the quest for self-realisation. The usual idea of
autobiography as a story that is exclusive to the intimate domain of an
individual is challenged by the writings of Dalit writers. The idea of “self”
is not confined to a single person’s viewpoint or to those that are purely
subjective. The articulation of Dalit identity requires innovative forms of
narrative and meaning since it struggles with a broken and fragmented
sense of self, which is also known as a “non-self” in certain contexts.
An example of this may be found in Hazari’s book, “Untouchable: The
Autobiography of an Indian Outcast,” in which the author provides a
narrative account of the experiences and identity of a person who belongs
to the untouchable caste in India. This can serve as an example of how
this concept can be observed in action. The fact that Hazari is considered
to be a marginal member of the society in which he now inhabits forms
the basis of his self-perception. The author feels like she is on the outside
looking in during the whole story, and this feeling doesn’t go away until
the story is over and the book is over. This persistent confrontation
between the marginalised self of the author and the dominating forces
of society continues to be a prominent topic. It is interesting to notice
that Hazari does not openly reveal his given name within the framework
of his autobiography. He also does not reveal the identity of his parents or
any other relatives. Due to the fact that autobiographies written by nonDalit writers sometimes incorporate symbolic references to their family
histories, the use of this specific style is not very prevalent. Individuals
get a feeling of fulfilment and self-worth from their heritage when they
engage in this practice. It is important to note that in Hazari’s academic
work, the author has decided to publish under a pseudonym and not
divulge his real name. Hazari is the name that he has used. It is possible
to trace his choice to conceal his personal information to the fact that he
was born into the untouchable caste. This would indicate that he made
a conscious attempt to maintain his anonymity inside the public realm.
Hazari was born in the city of Moradabad in the province of the United
Provinces, which is now known as Uttar Pradesh. His family had a long
history of working in the scavenging industry, which included responsibilities such as the upkeep of public thoroughfares and sanitary facilities as
well as the disposal of dead animals. His choice to recount his life experiences in the form of an autobiography demonstrates that Hazari adopted
the Islamic religion as a tool to transcend his marginalised existence as an
untouchable.
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LOCATING “SELFHOOD” IN DALIT AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
27
Nevertheless, whether he could achieve this is a matter of doubt.
Hazari left for France at around thirty years of age for his higher studies
after one Mr Newman, one of his English patrons, provided him financial
support, and with this, his story ends. There is a lack of accessible information on the subsequent events involving him. Hazari’s autobiography
got published in 1951 and 1969 in English in America. Hazari’s autobiography challenged the autobiographical tradition influenced by Western
thought, which relied on narratives of personal self. Beatrice Pitney Lamb,
who wrote the Introduction to both his publications, said that Hazari’s
work broke the culture of silence. At times, he wrote that he had no identity and sometimes had to hide his identity if the situation demanded.
Thus, he had to forgo his “real self” and travels through the spiritual
realms of Christianity and Islam, which one does not find in the autobiographies of caste Hindus who can display their high-caste identity as a
badge of honour.
Even when Hazari talks of his hardships, he relates the suffering of
his community. He recounts that doing menial jobs puts the health of his
community at risk, which in turn leads to child mortality in large numbers.
He laments that those children who survive had to shoulder the family
responsibility. The author illustrates the idea of a deprived childhood by
stating, “The offspring of an individual belonging to the lowest caste in
the Indian social hierarchy assumes the responsibilities of a parent before
experiencing the joys and freedoms that are typically associated with childhood.” This statement portrays the notion of a childhood that is devoid
of typical childhood joys and freedoms (5:1 Hazari).
The most notable quality of autobiographical stories written by Dalits
is the intense seriousness with which they describe themselves. The disadvantaged group of people known as the Chuhra, also called Scavengers,
are successfully portrayed in the piece of writing named “Joothan,” which
was written by Om Prakash Valmiki. This piece does an excellent job
of conveying the terrible mental anguish, social humiliation, and great
poverty that this group is forced to face. The word “joothan” in Hindi
refers to the uneaten portions of food that are often thrown away by
middle-class urban homes. This is because the meal is typically left on the
plate without being eaten, at which point it is intended for disposal. But
in order for the food to be considered joothan, it has to be shared with
another person and eaten by them. Due to the fact that it may also mean
“polluted,” the term “jootha” carries with it both the sense of ceremonial
purity and that of contamination. The words “leftover” and “joothan”
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do not have the same meaning when used in context with one another.
The term “leftover” refers to food that is fit for ingestion at a future
meal despite having been untouched after the conclusion of the previous
meal. In contrast to this, the remains, shards, and waste all exhibit a
striking similarity to joothan. Valmiki paints a clear picture of the deep
mental and physical misery he went through as a result of his untouchable status, which caused him to be considered a marginalised man. The
person recalls situations in which Dalit children were exposed to verbal,
physical, and public forms of harassment; nevertheless, spectators did not
take any proactive actions to aid or support the children during these incidents. The person goes through the upsetting experience of having to sit
on the floor away from their classmates, being told they cannot drink the
water from the shared pitcher due to fears of contamination, and, most
importantly, being told they cannot enter the laboratory, which leads to
them failing the test without a doubt.
Valmiki’s autobiography has a unique narrative structure. It is organised as a recollection of memories, not chronological order to deny
any spatial and temporal fixity and narrative logic. He moves from one
emotion to the other randomly, chaotically reflecting on them. The
purpose behind this narrative strategy seems to universalise the conditions of Dalits by showing how the experience of the individual self can
be a paradigm for the experience of the Dalit community itself. The fact
that the storyteller is able to remember the experiences with such precision reveals how deeply these incidents are imbedded and inscribed in
his or her mind. The procedures involved in the harvesting, conserving,
and ultimately ingesting joothan are detailed in Valmiki’s description of
the process. His memories of being entrusted with defending the joothan
that was drying from crows and hens, as well as his pleasure of the joothan
after it had been dried and reprocessed, continue to bring him tremendous discomfort and shame many years later. In addition, his memories
of enjoying the joothan after it had been dried and reprocessed continue
to provide him delight. He writes that the Chuhras would patiently
remain outside, holding large receptacles filled with nourishment, while
the guests and baratis, who were the male members accompanying the
groom as part of his wedding entourage, partook in their meal. In order
to avoid the adherence of joothan, the party of the bridegroom used
pattals, or leaf plates, which were thereafter deposited into the baskets
of the Chuhra community and transported to their respective residences.
The individuals expressed satisfaction with the remnants of pooris, a kind
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LOCATING “SELFHOOD” IN DALIT AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
29
of puffed bread, confectionery, and veggies that were left behind. The
individuals consumed the joothan with great enthusiasm. During the
wedding season, any remaining joothan (leftover food) was traditionally
sun-dried. The dried pooris proved to be useful throughout the challenging rainy season. The traditional method included the immersion of
the legumes in water before to their cooking process. The pooris, when
enhanced with a delicate blend of finely ground red chilli pepper and
salt, exhibited an exceptional gustatory experience. The fondness for these
items is evident as they have been transformed into a gruel-like substance
and enhanced with jaggery (Valmiki 6–111).
The metaphor of leftover food figures repeatedly in Dalit autobiographies. The leftover food becomes fragments from which the self has to
be constructed. In the autobiography, Sharan Limbale’s Akkarmashi is
astonished when his grandmother recalls the left-over food as “nectar.”
In her autobiography Karukku, Bama narrates how she discovered that
her grandmother was bringing home food, which was actually joothan of
the Naikers, where she worked. When Bama protests, her grandmother
tells her that Naikers were Maharajas who fed them the rice, without
which they will not survive. The author of the autobiographical Baluta
(1978), Daya Pawar, examines the deep symbol of Dalit degradation,
which comprises participating in stigmatised job and getting leftover food
as minimal remuneration. This is discussed in the book. The story of
Baluta contradicts the presumed credibility because it presents his account
as a hidden secret that should not be divulged, maybe because of the
sentiments of shame, humiliation, and sorrow that are involved with
confronting one’s own identity (Pinto 1, 116). This interpretation of
Baluta’s story weakens the credibility of the story as a whole. In Pawar’s
narrative, rather than elevating the autobiographical as a real embodiment
of self-portrayal, the author vacillates between hiding information and
revealing it. Rao contends that the problem of Dalit selfhood mandates a
paradigm change in current concepts of the autobiographical subjectivity
of individuals.
In projecting the Dalit self, the Dalit writers question the stereotypical representations of Dalits and debunk popular myths about the glory
of the Indian villages. The mainstream writers project a romantic view of
rural India through their poetry and fiction. Rabindranath Tagore Subramaniyam Bharati Sumitranandan Pant paints a rosy picture of the villages.
Contrary to this valorisation, Dalit writers render life in the village with
all its inherent caste contradictions by showing how the village economy
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MADHU
thrives on exploiting subordinate castes. In the description of the Dalit
writers, activities like reaping and harvesting are not painted in romantic
colours of the writer’s imagination but depicted as tasks requiring hard
work under the sun’s scorching heat. Valmiki describes how often he was
forced to perform various tasks in the fields at the expense of neglecting
his studies. He recalls an incident when he was forcibly carried away by
Fauza (Tyagi’s muscleman) to work on the farm and was not allowed to
study for his maths examination scheduled the following day.
The construction of Dalit identity is also influenced by acts of violence
and counter-violence. The book contains several references to episodes
of humiliation and oppression experienced by the Dalits, as well as their
efforts to reject such treatment. The primary focus of Sharan Kumar
Limbale’s autobiography, titled The Outcaste, is on the exploration of
identity experienced by a young man who is born out of wedlock to
a Mahar mother and a Maratha father. Sharan was required to submit
an application for a scholarship in order to enrol in the seventh grade
in the next hamlet. The document required the endorsement of both
his parents and the local Sarpanch, who serves as the headman. The
Sarpanch declined to provide his signature, expressing his disapproval of
Masami Hammanta Limbale due to concerns over Patil’s reputation. At
this particular time, Sharan expresses a dual act of protest and lamentation, articulating, “I lacked both a paternal lineage and any religious or
caste affiliation.” The individual in question lacked any inherited identity Limbale (59). In his tale, Limbale critically examines the basis of the
Indian casteist society, delving into its religious order, while he constructs
his own sense of self. The author critiques the hypocrisy shown by uppercaste males in India, who engaged in the practice of untouchability during
daylight hours, while simultaneously abusing the dignity of lower-caste
women via sexual means.
The Dalit self emerges as a counterforce to the hierarchical structure
of the caste system. More often than not, this self is constructed right
from the childhood experiences of the Dalit children. In the autobiographical work of Professor Shyamlal named Untold Story of a Bhangi
Vice-Chancellor, he recalls his student days at a local school where a
Sanskrit teacher Magha Dutt Shrimali, a Brahmin by caste, hated the
Bhangi students. Prof. Shyamlal writes, “He used to beat us daily with
sticks during the classes… the teacher neither touched our notebooks nor
did he ever asked us to recite poems or put questions to us for the fear of
being polluted.” He further writes that the Bhangi students complained
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LOCATING “SELFHOOD” IN DALIT AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
31
against the Sanskrit teacher to the Inspector of Schools, who acted on
their complaint, making the Sanskrit teacher behave better. Through
narration concerning one’s community identity, the construction of self is
a unique feature of Dalit autobiographies. While articulating the concerns
of the self, the narration does not become “self-centric,” as in the case
with upper-caste biographical narratives. The conflicts of the self-become
a paradigm for representing the community’s conflicts as an expansion
of self. Prof. Shyamlal occupies a top position in Pune University, but
his social position in the academic circles ironically remains the same. The
treatment of Shyamlal discussed here is not an isolated incident, but rather
a recurring phenomenon seen among other Dalit autobiographers. This
pattern is evident in the literary works of persons such as Valmiki and
Vasant Moon.
An further crucial characteristic of Dalit autobiography is its inclination towards highlighting collective hardships rather than individual
accomplishments. This characteristic stands in stark contrast to the autobiographical works of upper-class Indian individuals, who consistently
document their accomplishments across all domains and publicly extol
their successes and influence. However, Dalit autobiographers continue
to experience uncertainty over their social situations, especially in the face
of political and economic achievements. Their writings talk of that social
insecurity till the very end. The very fact that all of them are referred to as
social categories, their social identities taking precedence over themselves,
invariably makes them fall back upon their communities for solidarity and
self-assertion. These types of writings transform the autobiographies of
Dalits into an anthropological description of the community rather than
a narrative account of the author’s individualised life experiences. The
book “Vasti” by Vasant Moon is an autobiographical tale that tells the
story of an untouchable kid who grows up in a slum among poverty and
becomes a person who makes his own way in the world. The government of Maharashtra approached Moon with the request to edit B. R.
Ambedkar’s works and speeches in English due to Moon’s activity and
knowledge. Moon is an excellent editor and has admitted that he has
been drawing from Babasaheb for his activism. Moon’s autobiography
does not celebrate his progress from a poor Dalit boy to a civil servant.
An ardent follower of Ambedkar’s philosophy, he has organised Dalits to
demand their rights and prepare them to participate in civil society. While
the Dalit writers have expressed their reliance on the community support
during times of distress, Moon is nostalgic about the community life but
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MADHU
is frustrated to see the present state of the Dalit Movement, which has not
only lost its radical posture but has also got divided into several factions
(Moon 175–176).
Baby Kamble’s autobiography, rather than adopting a personal narrative approach, assumes the form of a historical account of the Mahar
culture in which she was raised (Pandit, ix). Similarly, Bama’s literary
work, Karukku, documents the experiences of the Parayars as they faced
caste-based discrimination perpetrated by the Catholic Church and its
affiliated institutions. The findings illustrate the indistinguishability of
individuals from the communities to which they belong. In his Afterword
(2008) for The Prisons We Broke, Gopal Guru posited the notion that the
individual’s sense of self is somewhat shaped by their life story and attains
greater significance alone within the framework of the communal narrative. The book titled “The Prisons We Broke” was authored by Gopal
Guru.
Dr Narendra Jadhav’s Outcaste is a tribute to his father whose diary
account is extensively used by Jadhav where he portrays his father as
Damu, who, under the influence of the teachings of Ambedkar, fights
the caste oppression in order to obtain social mobility for his son (Jadhav
2003). In Damu’s struggle, the History of the Dalit Movement gets
authenticated as Damu is an eyewitness to various significant moments.
Jadhav attempts to localise History instead of the nationalised version
of History by doing this. By narrating the impact of historical events
on individuals and local communities from the memory and recollection of those who participated, Jadhav can challenge the grand narrative
of national historiography. Outcaste is a typical example of historicising
the Dalit experience through narrative from the perspective of an individual (Damu) who is caught in the grip of the Temple-entry movement
at Nashik. Through the representation of the Dalit Movement from an
Insider’s Perspective, Jadhav counters the appropriated representations of
Dalit consciousness in elite histories. A pivotal juncture in Damu’s transformation, catalysed by Ambedkar’s influence, challenges the prevailing
elite narrative that portrays Dalits as inherently feeble individuals. The
narrative effectively portrays the interconnectedness of Damu’s significant personal growth, as well as that of his family, and their increasing
autonomy and development of self-esteem. This narration gives us a
glimpse of History from the point of view of Dalits. As an insider, Damu’s
reaction and responses authenticate the narrative. Here, the Dalit self
is not perceived as a separate entity cut off from the public domain
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LOCATING “SELFHOOD” IN DALIT AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
33
but as an integral part of it that revolves around it. Here, the “public–
private” domain is not strictly maintained to show the development of
Dalit consciousness through Damu’s experiences.
The word “post historicist” does not imply that Dalit literature is ahistorical or apolitical, according to Gajarwala, who contends that Dalit
writing is an expression of “post historicist” realism (Gajarwala 170).
The fundamental emphasis of Dalits in literature has been the historical resuscitation, representation, and rewriting of their experiences by
persons who see themselves as being outside of history. The historiography of India has often downplayed the substantial contributions made
by Ambedkar. The Dalit fight for liberation has mostly portrayed him as
indispensable due to his role in drafting the Constitution of the country
(ibid., 170–171). Arundhati Roy, in agreement with several scholars,
asserts that Ambedkar has not received favourable treatment in historical
accounts (Roy 43). In the novel Karukku, the central character, Bama,
starts her story by reflecting upon the impact of her caste on her educational journey from the ages of 18 to 22. Subsequently, she proceeds
to provide a critical analysis of the caste system, delving into its intricacies and implications, as shown in passages 27 and 28. Eventually, Bama
reverts back to the chronological account of her early childhood experiences, specifically in section 29. The author, Gajarawala, characterises the
literary style used in Dalit autobiographies as “Dalitization of narrative
time.” In his analysis, he characterises the chronology of these autobiographies as “non-national, non-historical, event driven” (Gajarawala
173). The primary focus of their works is in the narratives of their
adversities, including uncertainties about sustenance and education, with
their fervent aspirations for improved circumstances. These personal tales
assume more significance than the inclusion of historical details. The
deliberate selection of language in Bama’s narrative is evident, as it incorporates colloquial expressions and local names, while also using Tamil
slang terms like as “di” and “ei” (Bama 64). According to Lakshmi
Holmström, Bama challenges the established norms of written language
and spelling in her work. She intentionally omits certain words and rearranges their connections, thereby requiring a new approach to reading
that disrupts the established decorum and aesthetics associated with the
upper-caste Tamil community. This unconventional writing style symbolises the imperative for a fresh interpretation of history (Holmström 2000,
xix). Bama uses these actions as symbolic representations of the need for
a re-examination of History.
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Conclusion
Autobiographical expression as a source of truth, a valuable historical
source, and a source of historical investigations have been subjected to
critical evaluation. The most important component of this genre is the
purposeful act of self-documentation, aided by one’s memories. As a result
of the inherent limitations of human memory, autobiographers often find
it necessary to fabricate specific facts in order to address narrative gaps
that were previously unaddressed. Consequently, the author is delineating
the concept of the “self” as it manifests within the context of an autobiography. The author has the capacity to choose include or exclude
certain information inside their work. The process of writing an autobiography may be considered a political endeavour due to its inherent
nature of presenting a narrative representation of oneself. Valmiki, akin
to several other writers belonging to the Dalit community, emphasised
the need of veracity in his literary creations. The literary works produced
by individuals belonging to the Dalit community are often seen as
being characterised by stereotypes and a perceived lack of originality and
creativity. Valmiki contends that imagination is only a manifestation of
fictitious constructs and asserts his inclination to focus on the realm of
tangible experiences, sometimes referred to as the “suffered real.” Valmiki
counters the assertions made by postmodernist critics who argue that
the authenticity of the autobiography was “constructed” to align with
contemporary perspectives. Valmiki’s autobiography affirms the veracity
of the names and localities mentioned therein, asserting their fidelity as
authentic depictions of historical events and geographical settings. The
author proceeds to assert that Joothan should be seen as a documented
chronicle of Dalit history, since he meticulously identifies and portrays
persons within the narrative. In the literary work titled Joothan, the
protagonist Valmiki consistently challenges and dismantles the cultural
beliefs and double standards upheld by his companions belonging to the
higher caste. These individuals seem to be actively involved in the realm of
literature, but they persist in practising untouchability in discreet manners,
shown by their custom of using distinct teacups only for their untouchable
visitors. Valmiki highlights the presence of a double standard among these
pals. The author’s critique extends to some Dalit practices and the Dalit
community itself. The author expresses a particular concern with Dalit
individuals who have assimilated the Brahmanic ideologies of the upper
castes. These individuals, having attained a middle-class status in terms of
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LOCATING “SELFHOOD” IN DALIT AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
35
economic prosperity, want to be seen as belonging to the higher castes
while simultaneously disavowing their Dalit heritage. The autobiographical writings of the Dalit community demonstrate a harmonious interplay
between the individual and the collective, as well as the incorporation of
realism, historical context, and the “Dalitization of narrative time.” Additionally, these writings emphasise the significance of location politics and
the utilisation of language, all of which serve to reflect the Dalit trauma
and offer an alternative viewpoint on historical events (Gajarawala 112).
Most Dalit literature is written in an autobiographical manner by Dalit
writers. The prevailing consensus among established writers has been
critical of it, characterising it as “reactive,” lacking in creativity, and propagandistic in nature. In light of these claims, writers who self-identify
as Dalit contend that all literary works include an inherent propagandistic nature, since each author inevitably espouses a certain viewpoint or
ideology when articulating their beliefs via written expression. Narayan
and Mishra (2004) posits that non-Dalit writers prioritise the exploration
of purported literary characteristics in their works, whereas Dalit authors
centre their attention on the values inherent in everyday existence. This
fundamental difference delineates the two categories of writers. According
to the proponents of Dalit literature, a mere literary analysis or an
academic perspective is insufficient to fully comprehend the true essence
of Dalit writing. The writings of the Dalits have a theoretical and a sociological base that its upper-caste critics hardly understand. The argument
is that “one does not have to be a horse to write about one.” While
answering this, Valmiki claimed that how can the experience of Dalits
dragging, cutting, skinning of a dead animal be written about with the
power of imagination? (Valmiki xxxiv).
Dalit writers have contested the portrayals of the Dalits by uppercaste writers. According to their perspective, it is believed that only a
Dalit individual had the capability to produce literature that really represents the Dalit experience. A highly regarded Hindi author belonging
to the high-caste, renowned for his critical analysis. In response to the
viewpoint asserting the perceived creative inadequacy of Dalit literature,
Limbale argues that the concepts of freedom, equality, justice, and love
have immense significance as fundamental human emotions, surpassing
mere notions of pleasure and beauty in terms of aesthetic value. Dalit
literature fulfils two essential roles for its audience: deconstructing and
constructing. One perspective is to deconstruct the declining elements
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MADHU
(such as caste) within the societal structure, while simultaneously endeavouring to reconstruct notions related to freedom, fairness, and the
intrinsic worth of individuals. These two processes exhibit reciprocal
exclusivity and lack the ability to interact in a meaningful manner.
Dalit autobiographies present a twofold problem of political rights,
social recognition and the language in which Dalit pain and suffering
can be best approximated. Ambedkar, in his works, poses the problem
of equality, which is embodied in his stigmatised selfhood, which questions the religious and political inclusion because emancipation could
not be attained within existing social relations (Ambedkar suggests
complete annihilation of caste for Dalit emancipation within Hinduism).
This process renders Dalit inclusion problematic in History, politics and
culture, if not impossible.
There are those who maintain the perspective that the process of
writing an autobiography is inherently privileged, since it always entails
the author’s self-aggrandizement. It has been argued by some that the
primary objective of writing an autobiography is to chronicle an individual’s achievements, since the genre of autobiographies gained prominence
subsequent to the emergence of capitalism. This generalised statement
does not fit most Dalit autobiographies where the narrator records the
suffering and pain in their marginalised lives. Thus, Dalit autobiographical narratives are a symbolic re-enactment of the psychological, physical,
mental, and spiritual trauma that has stood the test of time.
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