P REF ACE TO THE LIB RARY E D I TI ON
HI S life of Na po leo n was first published in 1 8 9 6 as
—
a b ook : for the years 1 8 9 5 9 6 it ran as a serial in
the pages o f the Century Magazine Judging from the
sales it has been read by many tens if not hundr eds of
thousands of readers ; and it has been extensively n oticed
in the critical journ als of both w o rlds Throughout
these fourteen years the demand has been very large
an d steady considering the size and cost of the volumes
B oth publishers and author have determ
in ed therefore
that a library edition was desired by the public and in
that co nfidence the book has b ee n p artly rewritten and
e n tirely remade
In the main it is the same b o ok as that which h a s
p assed through so many e di tion s But in some respects
it has been amplified The portio n relating to the
period o f youth has been somewhat expanded the perso n
a litie s of those n earest to Napoleo n have bee n i n some
ca ses more broadly sketched new chapters h ave been
added to the treatmen t of the Con tinen tal system
the Louisiana Purchase and the S t Hele na epoch In
a ll the text has bee n lengthe n ed ab o ut o ne tenth
Under the compulsion o f physical d imen sions the
author has minimized the n umber o f authorities an d
foot notes There is really very l ittle con troversi al
matter regarding Napoleo n which is not a matter of
opinion : the evidence has been s o carefully sifted th a t
sub stan tial agreemen t as to fact h a s been reached
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P RE FACE
vi
T O LIBRARY EDITI O N
Accordi ngly there have been in troduced at the opening
o f chapters o r divi sions short li sts of good references
for those who desire to extend thei r read in g : experts
kn ow thei r o w n way It is an in teresting fact which
throws great light on the slight value o f foot notes that
while I have had extensive correspondence with my fel
low workers there has come to me in all these years
but a single request for the source o f two statements and
o ne demand for the evidence upo n which certai n opini ons
were based
The former edi tions were duplicate books a text by
me and a commentary o f exquisite illustrations by other
hands The divergence was very confusi ng to seri ou s
minds ; in this edition there ca n be no similar perplexity
since the illustrations have been co nfin ed to portraits
In putting these volumes through the press in the
preparation of the reference lists for volumes three and
four and in the rearrangement o f the b ibliography I
have had the assistance of Dr G A Hubbell to W hom
my obligation is hereby acknowledged
W I LLI AM M SL OAN E
NE W Y ORK S ptem
b er 1 1 9 1 0
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P RE F A CE
N the cl o sin g years o f the eighteen th cen tur y Europe an
society b egan its effort to get rid of benevolent des
i
t
s liberties un der form
c
a
lled
a
n
d
to
secure
s
s
m
so
t
i
o
p
The struggle began in
o f constitutional government
F ran ce an d spread over the more important lands o f
contin enta l Europe ; its influence was strongly felt in
E nglan d and even in the United S tates Passing
through the phases o f constitutional reform o f anarchy
an d o f mili ta ry despotism the movement seemed for
a time to have failed a n d to outward appearances
absolutism was stronger after Waterl o o than it had
b ee n half a century earlier
But the force of the revolutio n wa s only checked
no t spe nt ; an d to the awak enin g o f gen eral in telligence
the strengthenin g o f natio nal feelin g an d th e upbuilding
o f a se n se o f c ommo n bro therhood amo n g men produced
by the revolution ary struggles of this epoch Europe
owes wha tever liberty and free government its peo ples
now enjoy At the close of this period nation al power
w as n o longer in the han ds o f the aristocracy n or in
those of kin gs ; it had passed in to the third soci al stratum
various ly design ated as the mid dl e cl ass the burghers
o r bourgeoisie
an d the third esta te a body of men as
little willin g to sh are it with the masses as the kings ha d
been Nevertheles s the tr an sition on ce begun c oul d not
be stopped an d the advance of m anhood suffrage has ever
sin ce bee n proporti on ate to the capacity o f the laborin g
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vi i
i
PREFACE
classes t o receive an d use it until n ow at l ast wh a tever
may be the nominal form o f governmen t in any civilized
l and its stability depends en tirely upo n the support of
the people as a whole That which is the b asis of all
governmen t
the power of the purse
h as passed
into their hands
This m o mentous ch ange was of cou rse a turbulen t
one
the most turbulent in the hi story of civilizati on
as it has proved to be the most comprehen sive Con
sequently its ep o ch is most in teresting bein g dramatic
i n ence
in the highest degree having brought in to prom
men an d characters who rank among the great of
all time and havi ng exhibited to succeeding generatio ns
the most importan t lesso n s in the most vivid light
By common consent the emin ent m an of the time w as
Napoleon Bonaparte the revoluti on queller the burgher
sovereign the imperial democrat the supreme capt ain
the civil reformer the victim of circumstan ces which
his soaring ambiti on used but which his unrival ed prowess
could not con trol Gigantic in his proportion s and
satani c in his fate hi s was the most tragic figure o n the
sta ge of modern history Wh ile the men o f his own and
the following generation were still alive it was almost
imp o s sible that the truth should b e kn own co n cerni n g
hi s a ctio n s or his motives ; an d to fix his place inge n eral
hi story was even less feasible
What he wrote and said
i n atio n
about hi mself was of course animated by a determ
to appear in the best light ; what others wr o te an d said
has been biased by either devotio n o r hatred
Until withi n a very recen t period it seemed th a t n o
man could di scuss hi mo r his time wi thout manifestin g
s uch strong perso n al feeli n g as t o viti a te his jud gment
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PREFACE
ix
an d co n clusio n s Thi s was partly due to the lack of
perspective but in the m ain to ign orance o f the facts
essential to a sober treatment of the theme I n this
respect the last quarter o f a century has seen a gradual
but radical change for a band o f di spassionate scientific
scholars have durin g that time been occupied in the
preparation o f material fo r hi s life without reference to
the advo cacy of o n e theory or an other concerning hi s
character European archives long carefull y guarded
have been thrown open ; the di plomatic correspondence
o f the most importan t periods has bee n published ; family
papers have bee n ex amin ed and numbers of valuable
memoirs have been prin ted It has therefore been pos
sible to check o ne accoun t by another to cancel m
i srep
—
n
in short to establish
r es ent a tio s to eliminate passion
somethi ng like correct outli ne and accurate detail at least
in regard to what the man actually di d Those h idde n
secrets of any human mind which we call motives must
ever remain to other minds largely a matter o f opinion
but a very fair indication o f them ca n be foun d whe n
o nce the actual conduct of the actor has been determin ed
This investigation has mainl y been the work o f special
ists and its results have been published in monographs
and tech nical journals ; most of these workers moreover
were continental scholars writin g each in his own language
Its results as a whole have therefore not been accessible
to the general reader in either America or England
It s eems highl y desirable that they shou l d be m ade so
and this ha s bee n the efio rt of the writer At the same
time he claims to be an in dependent investigator in
some of the most important po rtions of the field he
c overs His researches h ave extended over man y years
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x
PREFACE
and it h as bee n his privilege to use original m
a terial s
which as far as he kn ows ha ve not been u sed by others
At the close of the book will be foun d a sh o rt a ccoun t of
the papers of B onaparte s boyh ood an d you th which the
author has read an d of the portions o f the French an d
English archives which were generously put at his
di spo sal together with a short though reaso nably
complete bibliography o f the published boo ks an d
pape rs which re ally have scien tific v alue The number
o f volumes concern ed wi th Napoleo n a n d his ep o ch
is enormous ; o utside o f those mention ed very few have
any value except as curi o sities o f liter a tur e
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CON T E NTS
I NTRODU CTI ON
B ONAP ARTE S I N CORSI CA
NAP OLE ON S B I RTH AND CHI LDH OOD
NAP OLE ON S SCH OOL DAYS
I N P ARI S AND VALE NCE
P RI VATE S TUD Y AND GARRI SO N L I FE
FUR TH ER ATTE M TS AT AUTH ORSHI P
THE RE VOLUTI O N I N FRAN CE
B UONAP ARTE AND RE VOLUTI ON I N CORSI CA
FI RST L E SSONS I N RE VOLUTI ON
TRAI TS OF CHARA CTE R
TH E RE VOLUTI O N I N TH E RH ONE VALLE Y
B UONAP ARTE THE COR SI CAN JACOB m
B UONAP ARTE THE FRE NCH JAC OB I N
A JACOB mHE GIRA
TH E SUP P E R OF B EAU CAI RE
TOUL O N
A JACOB mGE NE RAL
VI CI SSI TUD E S I N W AR AND D IP LOMACY
THE E ND OF AP P RE NTI C E SHI P
TH E ANTE CHAMB E R TO SU CCE SS
B ONAP ARTE THE GE NE RAL OF THE CONVE NTI ON
THE D AY OP THE P ARI S S E CTI O NS
A MARRI AG E OF I NCLI NATI ON AND I N TE RE ST
E UROP E AND THE D I RE CTORY
B O NAP ARTE ON A G RE AT S TAG E
THE CONQ UE ST OF P IE DMONT AND THE MI LAN
THE
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E SE
AN I NS UB ORDI NATE CO NQUE ROR
MATI ST
BASSANO AND ARCOLA
X1
AND
D IP LO
C ONTENTS
B ONAP ARTE S I MP E RI OU S SP I RI T
RI VOLI AND THE CAP I TULATI O N OF MANTUA
HUMI LI ATI ON OF THE P AP ACY AND OF VE NI CE
THE P RE LI MI NARI E S OF P E ACE — L E OB E N
’
XX X I V
393
40 6
41 9
430
I LLUSTRA TI ON S
LI ST OF
F r onti spiece
Napoleon Bonapart e in 1 7 8 5 aged sixteen
,
F i ng P g
ac
mlin
Bonapar t e
Madame
Mer e
Mother Of Napo l eon I
Ch a rl es Bonapar t e Father o f the Em
per or Napo l eon
M a rie Laetitia
~
Ra
o
o
,
1 7 85
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Bonapart e General I n
,
Chi ef Of th Army Of Italy
e
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Marie Josephi ne Rose Tasche r de l a Pagerie call ed
Josephi ne Empress o f the F r ench
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M a p of No rt h e rn I ta l y illust r ating th e Cam
paigns Of
,
and 1 7 9 7
Josephine Empr ess Of the F r ench
M a p ill u s t ra ting th e Cam
t
h
e
r
a
i
n
r
eced
i
ng
T
eaty
g
p
p
o f Campo Fo rmio 1 7 9 7
1 7 96
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SI
Q U I D N OV I STI R E CTI U S I STI S ,
CAND I DU S I M P E RTI : SI N ON
,
H I S U TE R E
Horace
N A P O L EON
OF
LI F E
B ON A P A RT E
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTI ON
m
I ts D o ina nt P e rso n
Th e Rev o luti o na ry E po ch in E uro p e
Sy st e Of E uro pe — Th e P o w e r o f Grea t
a ge — Th e S t a te
B rita in Fee b lene ss o f D emo cra cy — Th e E xpe cta nt A tti
tud e Of th e Co ntine nt S u rviva l o f A ntiq
u a te d I nstitutio ns
Th e A e rica n Re v o lutio n P h il o so phical S o ph istrie s
Ro uss ea u — His Fa lla cie s
Co rsica as a Ce nt e r Of I nt e r e st
m
m
m
S a pie ro — Re v o
I ts Geo gra ph y — I ts Ru l e rs — Th e P eo pl e
luti o ns S p anish Alliance King Th eo d o r e Fre nch I nte r
— H is S ucc e ss a s a
—
n
n
S
upr
e
a
c
y
O
f
G
e
n
o
a
P
a
o
li
e
t
i
o
v
L ib era to r — His P la n fo r A llia nce with Fr a nce — Th e P o licy
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P ao li s R e puta tio n
N a po leo ns A cco unt o f
Of Ch o ise u l
Ro ussea u a nd Co rsica
Co rsica a nd o f P ao li
m
.
AP OLE ON
B ON APARTE was the represen ta
tive man Of the epoch whi ch ushered in the
nin eteenth century Though an aristocrat by descen t
he wa s in life in tr ai ning and in quality n either that no r
a plebeian ; he was the typica l plain mari Of his time
exhibiting the commo n sense Of a generation which
thought in terms made curren t by the philosophy Of the
eighteen th century His period was the most tu m
u ltu
o u s an d yet the most fruitf u l in the w o rld s history
But the progress m ade in it was not altogether direct ;
rather was it like the advan ce Of a traveler whirled
thro ugh the spiral tunn els o f the S t Gotthard Flying
from the in clemen cy of the north he is ca rried by the
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NAP O LE ON B O NAPARTE
po nderous tr ai n due southward in to the openin g After
a time o f darkn ess he emerges in to the open air B ut at
fir st sight th e go al is no nearer ; the dir ection is perh aps
reversed the skies are more forbiddi n g the chi ll is more
intense Only after successive ven tures o f the same
kind is the climax reached the summit passed and the
vision o f sunny plains Opened to view S uch experi
ences are more common to the race than to the individ
ual ; the muse Of history must note and record them
wi th equanimity with a buoyancy and hopefu ln ess
born Of larger kn owledge The movement Of civiliza
tion in Europe durin g the la tter portio n Of the eighteen th
century was onward an d upward but it w as at times
not onl y devious Slow and labori o us but fruitless in
immediate results
We must study the age and the people o f any great
man if we Sincerely des i re the truth regarding his
strength and weakn ess his inborn tendencies an d pur
poses his failures an d successes the temporary in ciden ts
and the lastin g constructive meritorious achi evements
Of his career This is cert ainl y far more true o f Napo
leo n than of any other heroic personage ; an affec
ti o na t e awe has so m
etimes lifted him to heaven a
sp i teful hate has Often hurled him down to hell Every
n ation every party faction and cab a l among hi s o wn
and other peoples has judged himfrom its o wn sta nd
point Of self interest and self j u s tifica tio n Whatever
chan ce there ma y be Of readin g th e secrets Of hi s life
lies rather in a just consideration Of the man in relation
t o hi s tim
es about which much is kn own than in an
attempt at the psychological dissection of an enigm
a ti
cal nature about whi ch little i s kn own in spite Of the
fullness Of o u r i nformation The ab u ndant facts of his
career are not facts at all unl ess consi dered in the light
not onl y Of a great national life but Of a contin ental
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I NTR O DUCTI O N
3
m ovemen t which embraced in i ts day all civiliz a tion not
excepting that of Great B ritain and A merica
The sta tes Of Europe are sisters children Of the Holy
Roman Empire In the formation Of strong natio na li
ties wi th di fierences in language religion and ins titu
ti ons the relationship was almost forgotten and in the
in tensity Of later rivalry is not always even now remem
bered It is however so close that at any epoch there
is traceable a common movement which occupies them
all By the e n d Of the fourteenth century they had
secured their modern form in territorial and race unity
with a government by monarchy more o r less absolute
The fifteenth century s a w with the strengthe ning Of
the monarchy the renascence Of the fine arts the great
inven tion s the aw akening Of enterprise in di scovery
the mental quickening which began to call all a uthority
to account The sixteenth was the age Of the Reforma
tion an event t o o Often beli ttled by ecclesiastics who
discern onl y its schismatic character and no t suffi ciently
emphasized by historian s as the most pregnant political
fact o f any age with respect to the rise and growth Of
free institutions
The seventeenth century s a w in England the triumph
Of political ideas adapted to the n ew state Of society
whi ch had arisen but subversive o f the tyranni cal s ys
tem whi ch had done its work a work great and good in
the creatio n Of peoples and the production o f social order
out Of chaos F o r a time it seemed as if the island state
were to become the overshadowing influence in all the
rest Of Europe By the mid dl e Of the century her
example h a d fired the whole continent with notions Of
political reform The long campai gn which s h e and
her allies waged with varying fortune agai nst Louis X IV
commandi ng the conservative forces Of the Latin blood
and the Roman religion ended unfavorably to the
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NAP O LE ON B O NAPARTE
4
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latter At the close of the S even Years War there w as
n ot an Englishman in Europe o r America o r in the colo
nies at the an tipodes whose pulse did n ot beat high as
he saw his mo therlan d triu mphan t in every quarter of
the globe
But these very successes inte ns ifyin g the bitterness
Of defeat and everythin g connected with it prevented
among numerous o ther causes the triumph Of co ns ti tu
tio na l govern ment anywhere in continent al Europe
S witzerland was remote and in acce s sible ; her beaco n
Of democracy burned bright but its rays scarcely shone
beyond the moun tain v alleys The Dutch republic
enervated by commercial success an d un der a con
s ti tu ti o n which by i ts intricate system Of checks w as a
satire on organized liberty had become a warning rather
than a model to other natio ns
The other members Of the gre a t Europe an state family
presented a curious spectacle O n every hand there
The present w as as
w as a cheerful trust in the future
bad as possible but belonged to the passi ng an d n ot to
the comin g hour Truth w a s abroad felt the philo so
Feud al privilege Oppression
ph e rs and must prev ail
vice and venality in government the m
i sery Of the poor
all would Slowly fade away The human m
i n d w as
never keener than in the eightee n th cen tury ; re ason
ableness hope and thoroughn ess characteriz ed its
activi ty Natur al science metaphysics and hi storical
studies made gian t strides whi le politic al theories Of a
dazzlin g splendor never equal ed before nor Since were
rife on every Side S uch w as their power In a buoyan t
society aw aiting the m
i llen nium that they supplan ted
entirely the results Of Observation and experience in the
Sphere Of governme n t
But n either lever nor fulcrum was strong enough as
yet to stir the inert mass of traditional forms Mon archs
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
6
ful reforms Of the English co nstitution which have Sin ce
followed Threatening absolutism in the strong con
tras ts its citizens presented to the subjects Of other
lands it h as been ever since the moral support Of liber al
movements the world aroun d England herself instead
Of being weakened was strengthened by th e child
grown to i ndependent maturity and a double example
Of prosperity under consti tuti onal admi ni stration was
n ow held up to the continent Of Europe
But it i s the greatest proof o f human weakn ess that
there is no movement however b eneficent no doctrin e
however sound no truth however absolute but that it
can be speciously SO extended s o expanded s o e m
ph a
sized as to lose its identity Coincident wi th the po li ti
cal speculation Oi the eighteen th century appeared the
storm and stress Of romanticism and sentimentalism
The extremes Of morbid person al emotion were thought
serviceable for daily life while the m
i ddle course o f
applying ideals to experience was utterly abandoned
The latest nihilism differs little from the conception
o f the perfect regeneration Of manki nd by di scardin g
the Old merely because it was Old whi ch triumphed in
the latter h alf Of the e i ghteenth century among philo so
To be sure they had a substitute for
ph ers and wits
whatever was abolished and a supplement for whatever
plete
w as left inco m
Even the stable sense Of the Americans was infected
by the virus Of mere theories In Obedi ence to the
spirit Of the age they introduced into thei r written con
s ti tu ti o n whi ch w as i n the mai n but a statement of their
deep seated political hab i ts a scheme l ike that Of the
electoral college founded on some hi gh sounding doc
trine o r o m
itted fro mi t in Obedi ence to a prevalent and
temporary extravagance o f protest some fundamental
truth like that Of the Christian character Of thei r govern
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INTR O DUCTI O N
7
ment and laws If there be anywhere a Christian
Protestant state it is th e Uni ted S tates ; if any futile
invention were ever incorporated in a written charter
it was that Of the electoral college The addi tion of a
vague theory o r the omissio n o f essential n ational
quali ties in the document Of the constitution h a s afl e cte d
o u r subsequent hi story little o r n
o t at all
But such was no t the case in a society still un der
feudal Oppression Fictions like the contract theory
Of government exploded by the sound sense Of B urke ;
poli tical generalizations like cert ain paragraphs of the
French Declaration Of Ri ghts every item Of wh ich n ow
and here reads like a platitude but w as then and there
a vivid revolutionary novelty ; emotional yearnings for
so me vague Utopia
all fell into frui tful soil and
produced a rank harvest mostly Of straw and stalks
although there was some sound grain The thought
Of the time was a powerfu l factor i n determini ng the
course and the quality Of events throughout all Europe
NO nation was altogether unmoved The center Of agi
t a tio n was in France although the little Calvinistic
state o f Geneva brought forth the prophet and writer
Of the times
Rousseau was a man Of small learning but great
insight O riginating almost nothing he s e t forth the
ideas Of others with incisive distin ctn ess Often modify
ing them to their hurt but giving to the form i n which
he wrote them an air of seductive practicability and
reality which alone threw them into the sphere of
action Exami ning Europe at large he found its social
and political institutions so hardened and s o u nre
s po n
s iv e that he declared it incapable Of movement
without an antecedent general crash and breaking up
NO laws he reasoned could be made because there were
n o means by whi ch the general will could express itself
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
8
such w as the rigidi ty o f absolutism and feudalis m The
splendid studies Of Montesquieu whi ch reveal ed to the
French the eternal truths un derlying the consti tution al
changes in England had e nlightened and captivated the
best minds Of his country but they were t o o serious too
cold t o o dr y to move the quick bright temperament of
the people at large Thi s w as the work of Rousseau
Consummate in his literary power he l aid the ax at the
root o f the tree in his fierce attack o n the prevai ling
education sought a new basis for government in hi s
peculiar modification Of the contract theory and co n
structed a substitute system Of sentimental morals to
supplant the Old authoritative o ne which was believed
to underlie all the prevalent ini quities in reli gion politics
and society
His entire structure lacked a foundatio n either i n
hi story o r i n reason But the popular fancy was fasci
The whole flimsy furniture in the chambers Of
na ted
the general mind va nished New emotions new pur
poses new sanctions appeared in its stead There was
a s a d lack of ethical defini tions an over zealous icono
any high co ncep
cla smas to reli gion but there were m
tions of regenerating society o f liberty of brotherhood Of
equality The i nfluence of this movement was literally
ubiquitous ; it was felt wherever men read or thought o r
talked and were connected however remotely with th e
great central movement Of civilization
No land and n o family could to all outward appear
ance be further aside from the m ai n channel Of European
history in the eighteenth century than the islan d Of
Corsica an d an Obscure family by the name Of Buona
parte which had dwelt there since the beginning Of the
eighteenth century Yet that isolated land and that
u nknow n family were no t merely to be drawn into the
movement t hey were to illustrate its most character
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IN TR O DUCTI O N
9
Rousseau though mistakenly forecast a
great destiny for Corsica declaring i n hi s letters o n
Polan d tha t it was the only European l an d capable Of
movement Of law m akin g Of pe acefu l renovation It
was small an d rem o te but it came near to being a n
actu al exem
plifica tio n Of his favorite a n d fun damen tal
dogm a concernin g man in a sta te Of nature of order
a s arisi ng from co nfli ct of go vernme n t as resting o n
general co nsent an d mutual agreement among the gov
ern ed Toward Corsica therefore the eyes of all Europe
had long bee n directed There more than elsewhere
the setting Of the world dr ama seemed complete in
miniature and in the closing quarter Of the eighteenth
century the a ction w as rapidl y unfoldi n g a plot Of uni
vers al in terest
A lofty moun tain ridge divides the island into e astern
an d western districts The former is gentler in i ts
slopes and more fer tile Looki ng as it does toward
Ital y it w as during the middle ages closely bound in
in tercourse wi th that pe ninsu la ; richer in its resources
than the other part it w as more Open to outside infl u
The
e nces and for this reason freer in i ts in stitutio ns
rugged western division had come more completely
under the yoke o f feud alism having close afli ni ty in
sympathy and some relation in blood with the Greek
Roman S aracenic and Teutonic race elements in France
an d S pain The commun al administration Of the east
ern slope however prevailed eventu ally in the western
as w e ll and the di fferences Of origin wealth and o ccu
patiou though at times the occasion of intestine discord
were a s nothing compared with the common char acter
is ti cs which knit the popul a tio n Of the entire islan d in to
one n ational organization as much a uni t as their
i nsular territo ry
The peo ple Of this sm all commo nwe alth were in the
is ti c ph a se s
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NAP OLE O N B O NAP ARTE
IO
main Of Itali an blood S ome Sli ght connection wi th the
motherland they stil l mai nt ained i n the relations Of
commerce and by the educati o n of thei r professi o nal
men at Itali an schools While a small mi nority s u p
ported themselves as tradesmen or seafare rs the mass
Of the population w as dependen t for a livelihood upon
agri cu l ture As a nation they had long ce ased to
follow the course Of general European development
They had been successively the subjects of Greece
Rome and the Califate Of the Ge rman Roman em
and
Of
the
republic
Of
Pisa
Their
latest
ruler
r
o
rs
e
p
was Genoa whi ch had no w degenerated into an untrust
worthy oli garchy United to that state ori ginally by
terms which gave the island a speaker or advocate
in the Genoese senate and recognized the most cherished
habits Of a hardy natural minded and prim
i tive people
they had little by little been left a prey to their own
faul ts i n order that their unworthy mistress might
plead their d i sorders as an excuse for her tyranny
Agri culture langui shed and the m
i nute subdivi sion of
arable land fin ally rendered its tillage almost pro fitless
Among a people who are isolated not onl y as islanders
but also as mountaineers Old institutions are pa r ti cu
la rly tenacious Of li fe : that Of the vendetta or blood
revenge wi th the clanshi p it accompanies never dis
appeared from Corsi ca In the centuries o f Genoese
rule the carryi ng Of arms w as wink ed at quarrels became
ri fe and Often famil y confederations embracing a con
s id e r a b le part Of the coun try were arrayed o ne agai nst
the other i n lawless violence The feudal nobility few
in number were unrecognized and fai led to cultivate
the i ndustrial arts in th e security Of costly strongholds
as the i r clas s did elsewhere while the fairest portions
Of land not held by themwere gradually absorbed by
the monasteries a process favored by Ge noa as likely
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INTRO DUCTI O N
1 I
to render easier the government of a turbulent people
The human ani mal however th rove Rudely clad in
homespun men and women alike cultivated a Sim
n
l
dress
surpassed
o
y
by
their
pla
i
n
living
li
t
O
f
c
i
p
y
There was no wealth except that o f fields and flocks
their money consequently was debased and almost
worthless The soci al distinctions Of n oble and peasant
survived o nly in tradition an d a ll classes intermingled
without any sense Of superiority o r inferiority Elegance
Of manner poli sh grace were unsought and existed only
by natural refinement which was rare among a people
who were o n the whole Simple to boorish n ess Physi
cally they were however admirable All visi tors were
struck by the repose and self reliance Of their co u nt e
nances The women were neither beautiful styli sh nor
neat Yet they were considered modest and attractive
The men were more striking in appearance and charac
ter O f medium stature and powerful mold with black
hair fine teeth and p i ercing eyes ; with well formed
agile and sinewy limbs ; sober brave trustworthy and
endowed wi th many other primitive virtues as well
the Corsican was everywhere sought as a soldier and
could be found i n all the armies of the southern co n
tinent a l states
In their periodic struggles against Ge noese encroach
ments and tyranny the Corsicans had produced a line
Of national heroes S ampiero o ne Of these had in the
Sixteenth century incorporated Corsica fo r a brief hour
with the domini ons o f the French crown and was
regarded a s the typical Corsican D ark warlike and
revengeful he had displayed a keen intellect and a fine
judgment Simple in hi s dress and habits untai nted
by the luxury then prevalent i n the courts o f Florence
and Paris at both of which he resi ded for consi derable
periods he could ki ll his wi fe without a shudder when sh e
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
I 2
put herself an d chi ld in t o the hands Of his enemies to
betray him Hospita ble and generous but untamed
and terrible ; brusque dicta torial and without considera
ti on o r compassion ; the Ofl spring of hi s times an d his
people he stan ds the embodimen t Of primev al en ergy
physi cal and mental
The submission Of a people like th is to a supe rior
force w as sullen and in the long century whi ch followed
the energies generally displayed in a well ordered life
seemed among them to be not quenched but directed
into th e channels Of their passions an d their bodily
powers which were ready o n occasion to bre ak forth in
devastating violence In 1 7 2 9 began a succession o f
revolutionary outbursts a nd at last in 1 7 30 the com
mu nal assemblies united in a national convention
choosing two chiefs Colonna Cecca ldi and G ia fl eri to
lead in the attempt to rouse the nation to action an d
throw Ofl the unendurable yoke English philan
The Genoese
th ro pis t s furnished the munitions Of war
were beaten in successive battles even after they
brought into the field eight thousan d German mer
from the Emperor Charles VI
ce na ries purchased
The Corsican adventurers in foreign lands pleadi n g
for their liberties wi th artless eloquence at every court
filled Europe with en thusiasm for their cause and
streamed back to fight for their homes A temporary
peace o n terms which gran ted all they asked w as finally
arranged through the Emperor s in tervention
But the two elected chi efs and a thi rd patriot
Raffaelli having been taken p ri soners by the Ge noese
were ungenerously kept in confin ement and released
o nly at the command Of Charles Under the same
leaders now further exasperated by their ill usage
began and contin ued another agitation thi s time for
separation an d complete eman cipation
G iafl e ri s
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 4
and disarmed the Corsicans ; on the other hand however
she consulted her o wn in terest and attempted to soothe
the i slanders by guaranteeing to them nati onal rights
S uch however was the prevalent bitterness that many
patri ots fled into exile ; some li ke Hyaci nth Paoli choos
ing the pay o f Naples fo r themselves and followers
others acceptin g the Offer of France and forming accord
ing to ti me honored customa Cors i can regiment Of mer
cena ri e s which took service in the armies o f the Ki ng
Among the latter were two Of some emi nence Buttafuoco
and Sa lice tti The half measures Of Fleury left Corsi ca
as he in tended ready to fall i nto hi s hands when Oppo r
Even th e patriotic leaders were
tu n
i ty Should be ripe
now no longer in harmony Those in Italy were Of the
Old di sinterested line and susp i ci ous Of thei r western
n eighbor ; the others were charged with being the more
amb i tious fo r themselves and careless Of their country s
liberty B oth classes however cl aimed to be true
patriots
Durin g the War Of the Austrian S uccession it seemed
for a moment as if Corsica were to be freed by the
attempt Of Maria Theresa to overthrow Genoa then an
ally Of the Bourbon powers The national party rose
again under G a fl o ri the regiments o f Pied mont came to
their help and the Engli sh fleet delivered S t Florent
and B ast i a i nto thei r hands B ut the peace Of Ai x la
Chapelle (1 7 48) left things substantially as they were
before the war and in 1 7 5 2 a new arrangement u ns a tis
factory to both parties was made with Genoa It was
virtually dictated by S pai n and France England having
been ali enated by the quarrels and petty jealousies Of
the Cors i can leaders and lasted only as long as the
French occupation continued Under the leadership Of
the same dauntless G a fl o ri who in 1 7 40 had been chosen
along with Matra to be a chief commander the Genoese
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INTR O DUCTI O N
1 5
were once more driven fromthe hi ghl ands into the coast
tow n s At the height o f hi s success the bold guerri lla
fell a victim to family rivalries and personal Sp i te
Through the influence Of his despairing foes a successful
consp i racy was fo rmed and in the autumn o f 1 7 5 3 he
was foully murdered
But the greatest o f these national heroes was also
the last
Pascal Paoli F i tted fo r his task by birth
by capacity by superior traini ng this youth was in
made captain general Of the island a virtual
1 755
dicta tor in his twenty nin th year His success was as
remarkable as his measures were wise Elections were
regulated SO that strong organization was introduced
into the loose democratic in stituti ons which had hi therto
prevented su fli cient u nity of action in troubled times
An army was created from the straggling bands o f
volun teers and brigandage was suppressed
Wise
laws were enacted and enforced
among them o ne
which made the blood avenger a murderer instead Of a
hero as he had been Moreover the foundations Of a
university were laid in the town of Corte whi ch was the
hearthstone of the li berals because it was the natural
capital of the west slope connected by difli cu lt and
defensible paths with every cape and bay and interv ale
of the rocky and broke n coast The Genoese were gradu
ally driven from the interior and fin ally they occupied
but three harbor towns
Th rough skilful diplomacy Paoli created a temporary
breach between his Oppressors and the Vatican whi ch
though soon healed nevertheless enabled himto recover
important domains for the state and prevented the
Ro man hierarchy from using i ts enormous influence
over the supersti tious people utterly to crush the move
ment fo r their emancipation Hi s extreme and enlight
ened li beralism is admirably Shown by his invitation
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NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
1 6
to the Jews with their industry an d steady habits to
settl e in Corsica and to live there in the fullest enjoy
ment of civil rights accordi ng to the traditions Of their
“
”
faith an d the precepts o f their law
Liberty he said
“
kn ows no creed Let us leave such di sti nctions to the
”
I nquisition
Commerce under these influences began
to thrive New harbors were made and fortified while
the equ i pment Of a few gunboats fo r their defense
marked the small beginni ngs Of a fleet The haughty
men Of Corsica changing their very nature for a season
began to labor with their hands by the side Of their wives
and hired assista nts ; to agriculture in dustry and the
arts was given an impulse which promised to be lasting
The rule o f Paoli was not entirely without disturbance
F rom time to time there occurred rebellious outbreaks
Of petty factions like that headed by Matra a di s
appointed ri val But o n the whole they were o f little
importance Down to 1 7 65 the advan ces Of the national
is t s were steady their battles bein g won against enor
mous Odds by the force o f their warlike nature which
sought honor above all thi ngs and could in the words
Of a medi eval chroni cle
endure without a murmur
watchings and pains hunger and cold in its pursu i t
which could even face death without a pang
Fin ally
it became necessary as the result of unparalleled su c
cess in do mestic a fl a irs that a foreign poli cy Should be
formulated Paoli s idea was an Offens ive and d efen
sive alliance with France o n terms recognizing the inde
pend ence Of Cors i ca securing an exclusive commercial
reciprocity between the m and promising mi lita ry ser
vice with an annual tribute from the i sland This idea
of France as a protector without adm
i nistrative power
was held by the majority Of patriots
But Cho i seul the mi nister Of forei gn a fl a irs under
Louis XV would entertain no such vi sionary plan
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INTRO DUCTI ON
1 7
It wa s clear to every o ne that the island could no longer
b e held by its old masters He had found a facile ins t ru
ment for th e measures necessary t o hi s contemplated
seizure o f it in the so n Of a Cors i can refugee that later
notorious Buttafuoco who carrying water o n both
shoulders had in gratiated hi mself with his father s Old
friends while at the same time he had for years been
successful as a French Ofli cia l Corsica was to be seized
by Fran ce as a so p to the national pride a Sli ght com
pensa ti o n for the loss o f Canada and he was willing
to be the agent On August sixth 1 7 64 was Si gn ed a
provisional agreement between Genoa and France by
which the former was to cede fo r four years all her rights
of sovereign ty and the few places sh e still held in the
island i n return for the latter s intervention to thwart
Paoli s plan for securing virtual independence At the
e nd o f the period France was to pay Ge n oa the mi llions
owed to her
B y this time the renown Of Paoli had filled all Europe
As a sta tesman he had skilfully used the Europe an
entanglements both Of the B ourbon Hapsburg alliance
made in 1 7 5 6 and Of the alli ances consequent to the
S eve n Years War for whatever po ssible advantage
might be secu red to hi s people and their cause As a
general he had found profit even in defeat and had
organized his li ttle forces to the highest possible e ffi
cie ncy
di splaying prudence fortitude and capacity
His personal character was blameless and could be
fearlessly se t up as a model He was a convincing
orator and a wise legislator Full Of sympathy fo r his
backward compatriots he knew thei r weakn esses and
could avoid the consequences whi le he reco gnized at
the same time their virtues and made the full est u s e
Of them
Above all he had the wide horizon Of a
philosopher un dersta nding fu lly the proportion s and
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 8
relations to each other Of epochs and peoples not s triv
ing to uplift Corsi ca merely in her o wn in terest but
seeking to fin d in her regeneration a leverage to r ai se
the world to higher things S o gracious so influenti al
SO a ll e m
bracing w as hi s nature that
SO far seeing
Voltaire call ed him the lawgiver and the glory Of hi s
”
people whi le Frederick the Great de di cated to him a
“
”
dagger with the i nscription
L ibertas Patria
The
shadows in his character were that he w as i mperious
and arbitrary ; so overmastering that he trained the Cor
s ica ns to seek guidance and protection thus preventing
them from acquiring either personal independence o r
self reliance Awai ting at every step an impulse fro m
their adored leader growing timid in th e moment when
deci sion was imperative they did not prove equal to
their task Without hi s people Paoli was still a philo s o
pher ; without hi m they became in succeeding years a
byword and fell supinely into the arms Of a less noble
subjection In thi s regard the compari son between hi m
and Washi ngton SO Often instituted utterly breaks down
”
Corsi ca wrote in 1 7 90 a youth destin ed to lend even
“
greater interest than Paoli to that name
Corsi ca
has been a prey to the ambition Of her neighbors the
victi mOf thei r politics an d Of her own wilf u lness
We have seen her take up arms shake the atrocious
power o f Genoa recover her indepe ndence live happily
for an instant ; but then pursued by an irresi sti ble
fatality fall again into intolerable disgrace F o r
twenty four centuries these are the scenes which recur
agai n and again ; the same changes the same m
isfo r
tune but also the same courage the same resolution
the same boldness
If sh e trembled for an in stant
before the feudal hydra it w as o nl y long enough to
recognize and destroy i t If led by a natural feeling
e sh e was not
sh e ki ssed like a slave the chain s Of Rom
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INTR O DUCTI O N
1 9
long in bre akin g them If finally sh e bowed her head
before the Li gurian aristocracy i f irresistible forces
kept her twenty years in the despotic grasp Of Versailles
forty years o f mad warfare asto nished Europe and con
”
founded her enemies
The same pen wrote Of Paoli that by following tra
di tio nal lin es he had not onl y shown in the constitution
he framed for Corsica a historic intu i tion but also had
“
found in his unparalleled activity in his warm per
”
suasive eloquence in his adroit and far seein g genius a
means to guarantee it again st the attacks Of wicked foes
“
S uch was the coun try in whose fortun es the age of
”
e nlightenment w as s o interested Montesqui eu had
used its history to illustrate the loss and recovery Of
privilege and rights ; Rousseau had thought the little
isle wou l d one day fill all Europe wi th amazement
When the latter w as driven i nto exile for his utterances
and before his flight to England Paoli Ofl ere d him a
refuge Buttafuoco who represented the opinion that
Corsica for its o wn good must be in corporated with
France and n ot merely come under her protection had
a few months previously also invited the Genevan
prophet to visit the island and outline a constitution
But the snare was spread in vain In
fo r its people
the letter which with polished phr ase declined the task
o n the ground Of its writer s ill health stood the words
“
I believe that under their present leader the Corsicans
have nothing to fear from Genoa I believe moreover
that they have nothing to fear from the troops whi ch
France is s aid to be transporting to their Shores What
co nfirms me in this feeling is that in spite of the move
ment so good a patriot as you seem to be continues in
the service Of the country which sends them
Paoli
was Of the same Opinion and remained SO un til his rude
awak enin g in 1 7 68
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C HAPTER II
THE B ONAP ARTE S
mC
OR S I CA
Th e French Oc cup y Co rsica
P a o li D ece iv e d — Tr e a t y b etw ee n
Fra nce a nd Geno a E ngli sh I nterventio nVa in P a o li inE ng
la nd B ritish P ro b l e s I ntro ductio n Of th e Fre nch A d in
’
is tra tiv e Sys tem P a o li s P o licy
Th e Co ing M an Origin
Th eir N o b ility
Of th e B o na p a rt e s — Th e Co rsica n Br a nch
M a ria L e tizia Ra o lino Th e ir
Ca rl o M a ria di B u o na p a rt e
M a rria ge a nd N a tura liza tio n as French S u b j e cts Th eir F o r
t u nes Th eir Childr en
m
m
m
m
.
HE prelim
i n ary occupatio n of Corsica by the
Fren ch was ostensibly formal The process
was c o ntinued however un til the formality became a
reality un til the fortifications Of the seaport town s
ceded b y Ge noa were filled with troops Then for the
first time the text of the convention between the two
powers was communicated to Paoli Choiseul explained
through his agent that by its fir st sectio n the Ki ng
guar an teed the safety an d liberty Of the Corsi can n ation
But n o doubt he forgot to explain the double dealing
in the second sectio n Thereby in the Italian form the
“
Corsican s were in retur n to take all right and proper
measures dictated by their sense o f justi ce a nd natur al
moderation to secure the glory and interest Of the repub
”
“
lic of Ge no a whi le in the French form they were to
yield to the Genoese all they thought necessary to the
”
glory an d in terests Of their republic
Who were the
“
”
they ?
the Corsicans o r the Genoese ? Paoli s eye
was fixed o n the acknowledgmen t Of Corsican in de
pe nd ence ; he was ho o dwi nked completely as to th e
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20
[1 7 64 7 2
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
22
—
kn ew how hampered England was by the strength Of
parliamentary opposition and the unrest Of her Ameri
can colonies The S ardini an monarchy was sti ll weak
an d qu ailed under the jealous eyes Of her strong enemi es
Austria could not act without breaking the league s o
essential to her welfare whi le the Bourbon courts Of
S pain and Naples would regard the family aggrandize
ment with co mplacency Moreover somethi ng must
be done to save the prestige o f France : her American
coloni al empire was lost ; Catherin e s brilli ant policy
and the subsequent victories Of Russia in the O ri ent
were threatening what remain ed Of French influence in
that quarter Here was a propiti ous moment to emu
late once more the Engli sh : to seize a station on the
Indi an highroad as valuable as Gibraltar or Port Mahon
and to raise hi gh hopes of again recovering if not the
coloni al supremacy among nations at least that equality
which the S even Years War had destroyed Wi thout
loss Of ti me therefore the negotiations were ended and
Buttafuoco was dismissed On May fifteenth 1 7 68
the price to be paid havin g been fix ed a definitive treaty
with Genoa was signed whereby s h e yi elded the exercise
Of sovereign ty to France and Corsi ca passed fin ally
from her hands Paoli appealed to the great powers
against this arbitrary transfer but in vai n
The camp a ign Of subjugation opened at once Butta
fuoco with a few other Corsi cans taking service ag ai nst
hi s kinsfolk
The soldiers Of the Royal Corsican regi
men t whi ch was i n the French service and whi ch had
been formed un der his father s influence flatly refused
to fight thei r brethren The French troops already in
the island were at once reinforced but during the first
year Of the final confli ct the advantage was all with
the patriots ; indeed there was o ne substantial victory
on O ctober seven th 1 7 68 that Of Borgo which caused
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THE B O NAPARTE S IN C O R S ICA
23
dismay at Versailles Once more Paoli hoped for in ter
v enti o n espec i ally that o f England whose li beral feeli ng
would co i nci de with his interest in keep ing Corsica from
France Money and arms were sent from Great B ritain
but that was all This conduct Of the B ritish mi ni stry
w a s afterward recalled by France as a preceden t for
renderin g aid to the Americans in their upri si ng again st
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,
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The following spring an army Of no less than twenty
thousand men was despatched from France to make
short and thorough work Of the conquest The previous
year Of bloody and emb i ttered co nfli ct had gone far to
It w a s o nl y wi th the
di sorgan ize the patri ot army
utmost di fficul ty that the little bands Of moun tai n
villagers cou l d be tempted away fro m the ever more
n ecessary defense Of their homes and fire sid es Yet
in spite o f di sintegration before such overwhelming
Odds and though in want both Of ordinary munitions
and Of the very necessi ti es o f life the forces Of Paoli
continued a fierce and heroic resistance It was o nl y
after months Of devastatin g heartrendi ng hopeless
warfare that thei r leader utterly routed in the affai r
known as the battle of Ponte Nuovo finally gave up
the desperate cause Exhausted and without resources
he wo u l d have been an easy prey to the French ; but
they were to o wise to take hi mprisoner O n June thir
t ee nth 1 7 69 by the i r connivance he escaped with three
hundred and forty o f hi s most devoted supporters o n
two English vessels to the mainland His goal was
England The journ ey was a long triumphant pro ces
sion from Leghorn through Germany and Holland ; the
honors showered o n him by the liberals in the town s
through which he passed were such as are generally
p aid to victory not to defeat Kin dly received and
entertained he lived for the next thirty years in Londo n
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
24
1 7 64—
72
the recipient from the governmen t Of twelve hun dred
pounds a year as a pension
The year 1 7 7 0 saw the Ki ng Of France apparen tly in
peaceful possession Of that Corsican sovereign ty which
he cl aimed to have bought from Genoa Hi s a d m
i ni s
t r a tio n was soon and eas ily in augurated an d there w a s
n owhere any in terference from foreign powers Philan
th ro pic England had provided for Paoli but would do
n o more for sh e w as busy at home with a transformatio n
Of her parties The Old Whig party was di sintegrating ;
the n ew To ryism w as steadily asserting itself in the
passage Of contemptuous measures for Oppress in g the
American colonies S he was moreover soo n to be SO
absorbed in her great struggle o n both sides o f the globe
that in terest in Corsica and the Mediterranean must
rem ain fo r a long ti me in abeyance
B ut the establishment o f a French admini stration in
the King s new acquisition di d not proceed smoo thly
The party favorable to incorporation wi th France had
grown and in the rush to side with success it n ow
probably far outn umbered that Of the Old patriots At
the outset this majority faithfully supported the con
u ero rs in an attempt honorable to both
to retain as
q
much Of Paoli s system as possible B ut the appoint
ment Of an intendant and a military commander actin g
a s royal governor with a veto over legislation w as essen
tial Thi s o f necessity destroyed the Old democracy
for in any case , the existence Of such o fl icia ls and the
social functions Of such Ofli ces must create a quasi
aristocracy and its power would rest no t on popular
habit and good will but o n the French soldiery The
s i tuation was frankly recognized therefore in a co m
reorga
n
ization
Of
those
descended
from
the
Old
l
e
t
e
p
nobility and from these a council Of twelve was selected
to support and counten ance the governor The clergy
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THE B O NAPARTE S IN C O R S ICA
25
an d the third esta te were likewise formally org anized in
two other orders s o th a t with clergy nobles and com
m ons Corsica became a French pa ys d éta t an other
pr o vin cial an achro nism in the chaos Of r o ya l a d m
ini s
l and coul d
tr a tio n The cl a ss bitterness Of the main
easily be and w as transplanted to the island ; the u l timate
success of the process left n othi n g to be desired More
over the most impo rt an t Ofli ces were given in to F rench
hands while the seat Of government was moved from
Corte the highl an d capital to the lowland towns Of
B astia an d Aj a ccio The p rimeval feud o f hi ghl anders
and lowlanders w as thus rekindl ed and in the su b se
quent agita tions the patriots wo n o ver by France ei ther
lost influence with their followers o r ceased to support
the government O ld animosities were everywhere
revived and streng thened un til fina lly the flames burst
forth in Open rebellio n They were Of course su p
pressed b ut the work was done with a savage thorough
ness the memory o f which long surv ived to prevent the
formation in the island Of a n atur al sen timent friendly
to the Fren ch Those who professed such a feeling were
held in n o great esteem
It w as perhaps an error th a t Paoli did no t rec o gni ze
the indi s soluble bonds Of r a ce an d Speech as powerf u l ly
drawin g Corsica to Italy disregard the leani n gs Of the
democratic moun tain eers t o ward F r an ce sympathize
with the fo n dn ess Of the town s for the moth erland and
so use hi s i nflue n ce a s to c onfirm the n atural alliance
between the insul ar It a lians an d those Of the pe nin sula
When we regard S ardini a however ti me seems t o have
justified hi m There is little to choose between the
sister islands as regards the b ackward condi tio n Of b o th ;
but the French department Of Corsica is a t least no
less advanced than the Italian provin ce of Sar di nia
The final am alg am a ti on of P a o li s coun try wi th F r an ce ,
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[1 7 64 7 2
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
26
-
whi ch was in a me asure the result of his leanin g toward
a French protectorate accomplished one end however
which has rendered it impossible to separate her from
the course Of great events from the number of the mighty
agents in history Curiously longing in his exile for a
second S ampi ero to have wielded the physic al power
whi le he hi mself Should have become a Lycurgus Paoli s
wish was to be half way fulfil led in that a warrior greater
than S ampiero w as about to be born in Corsica o ne
who should by the very unio n SO long resisted come
a s the master Of France to wield a po wer strong enough
to shatter both tyrannies and dyn asties thus clearing
the gro u nd for a lawgiving closely related to Paoli s o wn
just and wise conceptions o f legislation
The coming man was to be a typical Corsican more
over Born in the agony Of his fatherland he w as to
combine all the important qualities Of his folk i n hi mself
L ike them he was to be Short with wonderful eyes and
beautiful teeth ; temperate ; quietly even meanly clad ;
generous grateful for any favor however s mall ; master
passive shrewd resolute fluent o f
fu l courageous i m
Speech ; profoundly religious even superstitious ; h o t
tempered inscrutable mendacious revengeful some
ti mes and Oftti mes forgiving disdai nful of woman and
her charms ; above all boastful conceited and with a
passion for glory His pride and his imagination were
to be barbaric in their immensity hi s clannishness w as
to be that Of the most primitive civili zation In all
these points he w as to be Corsican ; other characteristics
he w as to acquire from the land o f hi s adoption through
an education French both in aff airs and in books ; but
he was after all Corsican fromthe womb to the grave ;
that in the first degree and only secondarily French
wh i le hi s cosmopoli tan disguise was to be scarcely more
than a m ask to be raised o r lowered at pleasure
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mC ORS ICA
THE B O NAPARTE S
27
Thi s scion w as to come from the stock which at first
bore the name Of Bonaparte or as the heraldi c etymol
There were branches
o gy later spe lled it Buonaparte
or at least Of the same n ame in
Of the same stock
other parts Of Italy Three towns at least clai med to
be the seat Of a family with this patronymic : and one
Of them Treviso possessed pape rs to prove the claim
Although other members Of his family based absurd
pretensions o f prin cely origin o n these insu fli cient proofs
Napo leo n hi mself was little impressed by them He
w as disposed to declare that his ancestry began in his
o wn person either at Toulon o r from the eighteenth o f
B rum aire Whatever the origin Of the Corsican Buona
partes it w as neither royal from the twin brother o f
Louis X IV thought to be the Iron Mask ; nor imperial
from the Jul ian gens nor Greek nor S aracen no r i n
short anything whi ch later invented an d lying geneal
ogies declared it to be But it was almost certainly
Italian and probably patrician for in 1 7 80 a Tuscan
gentleman Of the name devised a scanty estate to his
distant Corsican kinsman The earliest home o f the
family was Florence later they removed fo r political
reasons to S arzana I n Tuscany where for generations
men Of that n ame exercised the profession Of advocate
The lin e was extingu i shed in 1 7 9 9 by th e death Of Philip
Buonaparte a canon and a man of means who although
he had recognized his kin in Corsica to the extent
of interchanging hospitalities nevertheless devised his
es ta te to a relative named B u o na co rsi
The Corsican branch were persons Of some l ocal co n
sequence in their latest seats partly because of their
Italian connections partly in their substantial posses
sions o f land and partly through th e Ofli cia l positio ns
which they held in the city Of Ajaccio Their sympa
thies as lowlanders and town speople were with the
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
28
1 7 64- 7 2
coun try Of their origin and wi th Ge noa Durin g the
last years Of the sixteenth cen tury that republic author
ized a Jerome then head Of th e fami ly to prefix the
“
”
d istingu i shi ng particle di to his n ame ; but the Italian
custom w as averse to its u s e whi ch was not revived
until later and then onl y for a short time Nin e gen
e ra tio ns are recorded a s havi n g lived o n Corsican so il
within two centuries and a quarter They were evi
d ently men of consideration for they intermarried wi th
the best families of the islan d ; O rnano Costa B ozzi
and Colonna are names occurring in their fami ly records
Nearly two cen turies passed before the gran d duke
Of Tuscany issued formal patents in 1 7 5 7 attesting the
Buonaparte nobility It w as Joseph the gran dsire of
Napoleon who received them
S oon afterward he
“
announced that the coat armor o f the fami ly w as la
t
e
e
cu
ss
a
n
e
u
a
d
e
a
e
e
t
u
x
ne de co m
l
n
d
r
b
rr
s
co u r o n
p
f
p
u i s ign
ifient B u ona
d eu x étoi lles a ver: les lettres B P q
es r ou ged tres les b a rres et les éto illes
P a rte le fo nd d es a rm
ts et la cou rom
ze j a u n
el
Translated
en
br em
bleu les o m
as literally as such doubtful language and construction
“
can be thi s si gnifies : A count s coronet the escutcheo n
wi th two bends si nister and two stars bearing the
letters B P which signify Buonaparte the field o f the
arms red the bends and stars blue the letters and
”
coronet yell ow ' In heraldic parlance this would be :
Gules two bends sinister between two estoiles azure
charged with B P fo r Buona Parte 0 1 ; sur mounted by
a count s coronet Of the last In 1 7 5 9 the same sovet
Charles
eign granted further the title Of patrician
the so n o f Joseph received a similar grant from the
Archbishop Of Pisa in 1 7 69 These facts have a sub
sin ce by reason o f them the
s t a ntial hi storical value
fami ly w as duly and justly recognized as noble in 1 7 7 1
by the Fren ch authorities an d as a conse quence eight
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
30
1 7 64—
72
would if possible ill u minate the whole family in order
to heighten Napoleon s renown has invented fables and
di storted facts to such a degree that the enti re truth
as to Charles s character is hard to discern Cert ai n
un disputed facts however throw a strong light upon
Napoleon s father His people were proud and poor ;
he endured the hardships Of poverty with equanimity
S trengtheni ng what little i nfluence he could muster he
at first appears amb i tious a nd has himself described in
his doctor s di ploma as a patrician Of Florence S an
Miniato and Ajaccio His character is little known
except by the statements o f his o w n family They
declared that he was a spendthri ft He spent two years
income about twelve hundred dollars in celebratin g
with friends the takin g Of his degree He would have
sold not only the heav i ly mortgaged estates inherited
by hi mself but also those Of his wife except for the
fierce remonstrances Of his heirs He cou l d write clever
verse he was a devotee Of belles lettres and a sceptic
in the fashio n Of the time S elf indulgent he was like
wise bitterly Opposed to all family discipline Hi s
figure was slight and lithe hi s expressio n alert and intel
lig ent his eyes gray blue and hi s head large
He was
ambitious indefatigable as a place hunter suave ele
gant and irrepressible
On the other hand with n o apparen t regard for his
personal advancement by marriage he followed his o wn
inclination and in 1 7 64 at the age Of eighteen gallantly
wedded a beautiful child Of fifteen Maria Letizi a Ramo
lino Her descent though excellent and remotely even
noble w a s inferior t o that Of her husband but her for
tune was equal if not superi or to hi s Her father was
a Genoese Ofli cia l Of importance ; her mother daughter of
a petty n oble by a peasant wife became a widow in 1 7 5 5
and two years later was m a rried again to Francis Fesch
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THE B O NAPARTE S IN C O R S ICA
31
a S wiss captain in the Genoese n avy O f thi s union
Joseph later Car di nal Fesch was the ch ild Although
well born the mother Of Napoleon had n o educat i on
and was Of peasant nature to the last day of her
long life
hardy unsentimental frugal avari ci ous and
sometimes un scrupul ous Yet fo r all that the hospitality
Of her little home in Ajaccio was lavish and famous
Among the many guests who were regu larly entertained
there w a s Marbeuf commander in Corsica Of the first
army Of occupation There was long afterward a mali
cio u s tradition that the French general was Napoleon s
father The morals Of Leti zia di Buonaparte like those
Of her conspicuous c hildren have been bitterly assailed
but her good name at least has always been v i ndi cated
The evident motive of the story sufficiently refutes such
an aspers i on as it cont ains O f the bri de s extraordin ary
beauty there has never been a doubt S he was a woman
Of heroi c mold like Juno in her majesty ; unmoved in
prosperity undaunted in adversi ty It was probably
to his mother whom he strongly resembled i n chi ld
hood that the famous s o n owed hi s tremendous an d
unparalleled physi cal endurance
After thei r marriage the youthful pair resided in
Corte w aitin g until events shoul d pe rmi t their return
to Ajaccio Naturally o f an indolent temperament the
husband though he had at first been drawn into the
daring enterprises Of Paoli and had displayed a momen
tary enthusi asm was no w as he had been for more
than a year weary Of them At the head Of a body o f
men of his own rank he fin ally withdrew to Monte
Rotondo and o n May twenty third 1 7 69 a few weeks
i ssi o n
before Paoli s flight the band made formal sub m
to Vaux commander Of the second army o f occupation
explaini ng through Buonaparte that the national leader
had misled them by promises Of ai d which n ever came
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NAP OLE O N B O NAP ARTE
32
1 7 64
—
72
and that recognizin g the impossibility Of further res i st
ance they were anxious to accept the new government
to return to their homes and to resume the peacefu l
co nduct o f their a fl a irs This at least is the generally
accepted account Of hi s desertion Of Paoli s cause : there
is some evidence that having followed Clement a brother
Of Pascal in to a remoter district he had there foun d n o
support for the enterprise and had thence under great
hardshi ps o f fl OOd and field made his way with wife and
child to the French headquarters The result was the
same in either case It was the pre cip i tate naturaliza
tio n Of the father as a F rench subject whi ch made hi s
great so n a Frenchman Less than thr ee months after
ward o n August fif teenth the fourth child Napoleone
di Buonaparte was born in Ajaccio th e seat o f French
infl uence
The resources Of the B u o napa r te s as they still wrote
themselves were small although their fami ly and
expectations were large Charles himself wa s the owner
Of a considerable estate in houses and lands but every
thi ng was heav il y mortgag ed and hi s income was small
He had further i nherited a troublesome law plea the
prosecution Of which was expensive By an entail in
trust Of a great great grandfather important lands were
entai led in the male line Of the O done family I n
default of regular descent the estate was vested in the
female line and Shoul d when Charles s maternal uncle
died childless have reverted to his mother But the
uncle had made a will bequeathi ng hi s property to the
Jesu i ts who swiftly took possessi on and had mai ntained
their ownershi p by occupation and by legal quibbles
Joseph the father Of Charles had wasted many years
and most Of his fortune in weary litigation
Nothing
daunted Charles settled down to pursue the same phan
t o m virtually dependin g for a livelihood on the pa t ri
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TH E B O NAPARTE S I N C O R S ICA
33
mo ny of his wife Letitia Buonaparte being a n onl y
chi ld had fall en heir to her father s property o n the
second marriage o f her mother The stepfather was a n
excellent S wiss a Protestan t from B asel thoroughly
educated and in terested in education an d fo r years a
mercenary in the Genoese service On hi s retirement
he became a Roman Catholic in order to secure the
woman Of his choice He was the father Of Letitia s
half brother Joseph The retired Ofli cer though kindly
disposed to the family he had entered had little but hi s
pension and savings : he could contribute nothi n g but
good sound commo n sense and his homely ideas of edu
ca tion The re al head o f the family was the uncle Of
Charles Lucien Buonaparte archdeacon Of the cathe
dral It was he who had supported and gui ded his
n ephew and had sent him to the college founded by
Paoli at Corte In his youth Charles was wasteful and
extravagant but his wife was thrifty to meanness With
the restraint Of her eco nomy and the stimulus Of his
un cle respected a s head Of the family the father o f
N apoleo n arrived at a position Of some importance He
practised his profession with some diligence became a n
assessor Of the highest in su l ar court and in 1 7 7 2 was
made a member later a deputy o f the coun cil Of Corsi
can nobles
The sturdy mother w as most prolific Her eldest
child born in 1 7 6 5 was a s o n who died in infancy ; in
1 7 6 7 w as born a daughter
Maria Ann a destin ed to
the same fate ; in 1 7 68 a so n kn own later as Joseph
but baptized as Na b u lio ne ; in 1 7 69 the great so n Napo
leone Nin e other chi ldren were the fru i t Of the same
wedlock and six Of them — three sons Lucien Louis
and Jerome and three daughters E li sa Paulin e and
Caroline
survived to share their brother s greatness
Ch arles himself like his short li ved ancestors
Of
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1 7 64—7 2
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
whom five had died withi n a cen tury
scarce l y reach ed
middl e age dying in hi s thi rty ninth year Letitia
like the stout Corsican that She w as lived to the ripe
age Of ei ghty six in the full enjoyment Of her faculties
kn own to the world as Madame M ere a sobriquet
devised by her great so n to distin guish her as the mother
Of the Napoleons
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CHAPTER III
’
NAP OLE ON S B I R TH AND CHI LDHOOD
l
Da te Of N a p o l eo ns Bir th Co in
B ir th Of Na b u lio ne o r Jo se ph
ptio n Th e N a e Of
cid e nce with t h e Fe stiv a l Of th e A ssu
’
N a po l eo n Co rsican Co nditio ns as I nfl u encing N a po l eo ns
I nfl u
His E a rl y E duca tio n Ch ildish Tra its
Ch a r a ct e r
s Co nce rning P a o li F a ily P ro sp e cts
ced b y Tr a ditio n
en
U ph ea v a ls in Fra nce N a p o l eo n
I nfl u enc e Of M a rb e uf
A ppo inte d to a S ch o la rshi p His E fl o rts to L ea rn Fr ench a t
A utun D e v elo p ent Of His C ha ra cte r His Fa th e r D el e
ga t e o f th e Co rsica n No b ility a t Versaill e s
’
m
m
m
m
.
HE trials Of poverty made the B u o napa rt es so
clever and adroit that suspicion s o f Shiftiness in
small matters were developed later o n and these led
,
indi sp ensa ble a utho rity Fro mth emh e e xcerpted eno ugh
fo r t h e yo uth Of Na po l eo n is t h e
ma tter fo r a na rticle which b efo re
co llectio no f h is o wnp pers edit ed his di sgra ce wa s publish ed in a n
umb e r Of th e Revue d es
no t a lwa ys j udicio usly by F1 6
e a rly n
d ér ic M a sso na nd publi sh ed by hi m D e ux M o nd e s but in th e publi ca
inco Opera tio nwith G Bia gi u nd e r
tio n th ere wa s no sta tement Of
th e titl e Na po l éo n inco nnu
Th e
a uth o rity a nd th e a rticl e w a s fo r
a ls a re no w inth e La ur entia n
go tten impo rta nt a s it was Th e
o rigin
Libra ry a t Flo rence The y we re o rigina ls w ere no t fo und o r kno wn
intru sted by th e E mp ero r to Car until in th e sa le ca tal o gue o f Lo rd
dinal Fe sch a s a sa f depo sita ry Ashburnh a ms libra ry a pp ea red
pro b a bly in th e h Ope tha t they a lo t entitl e d merely Na po l eo n
wo uld e ventua lly b e de stro yed P a pers Thi s fa ct w as bro ught to
W ha t th e ca rdina l a ctua lly d id
th e a uth o r s a ttentio n by a friend
with themrema ins Obscure S o me a nd wh en a fter a sma rt co mp eti
time e a rly in th e nine te enth cen tio n b e tween a gents o f th e French
tury the y ca me into p o sse ssio n a nd I ta lia n go ve rnments t h e ma n
Of a c e rta inLibri o n
e Of t h e Fr e n
ch u scripts wer e dep sited a t Flo rence
go ve rnment libra ry inspe cto rs a n h e so ught p e rmissio n immedi a tely
unscrupulo us co ll ecto r and dea l er to examine a nd study th em Th is
Th e
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[
NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
36
to an over close scrutin y Of their acts The Opinio n
h as n ot yet disappeared among reputable authorities
that Na b u lio ne and Na po leo ne were one and the same
born o n Jan u ary seventh 1 7 68 Joseph b eing really the
younger born on the date assign ed to his di stinguished
bro ther The earliest documentary evidence co nsists
o f two papers
o n e in the archives Of the French war
department one in those o f Ajaccio The former is
dated 1 7 8 2 and tes tifies to the birth Of Na b u lio ne o n
January seventh 1 7 68 and to his baptism o n January
eighth ; the latter is the copy n ot the original Of a gov
ment con tract which decl ares the birth o n January
e rn
seventh Of Joseph Na b u lio n Neither is decisive but
the addition of Jose ph with the use Of the two French
forms for the name in the second with the cl ear intent
Of emph asizing his quality as a Frenchman destroys
much Of its value an d leaves the weight o f authority
with the former The reasonablen ess Of the suspicion
seems to be heightened by the fact that the certificate
Of Napoleon s marriage gives the date Of hi s b i rth as
February eighth 1 7 68 Moreover in the marriage con
ptly gra nted th ey pro ved so me pla c es wh ere th e writing is
was pro m
unco mmo nl y b ad th e a utho r s o wn
to
b e th e lo st Fesch p a pe rs
transcri pt pre se nts th e fa cts as
d fo r t h e first tim
e it w as po s
an
sibl e t o Obta in a cl ea r a cco unt sta ted in the se p a ges W ithin a
few y ea rs M Ch u q
Th e
u e t h a s sum
med
o f Na po l eo n s ea rly yea rs
sta nda rd a uth o rities hith erto h a d up a dmira bly a ll o u r a uth entic
b een th e wo rks Of Nasi ca Co sto n kno wle dg e Of th e subj ect — in a
bo o k entitl e d : La j e unes se d e Na
an
d Jung : whil e th ey stil l ha v e a
certa inva lue it is Slight inV iew po léo n His o wn resea rch es ha ve
bro ught t o light so me furth e r va lu
o f t h e r e lia bl e d eductio ns t o b e
dra wnfro mth e o rigina l b o y p a pers a bl e ma t e rial I ha ve no t h esi
Of N a po l eo n B o n
a p a rt e
La ter ta t ed in thi s re visio n to m
a k e th e
freest u se o f t h e la t st a utho rities
o n an
d a ft er th e publica tio n o f
but it is a gra tifi ca tio n tha t no
t h e co rr espo nding po rtio n Of this
substa ntia l cha ng e s exc ept by
Life the y were edited printed
I n th e m
a in th e re
w a y f slight a d d iti ns h a ve been
a nd publi sh ed
fo und nece ssa ry
is no ro o mf r d ifl e ence wi th th e
tra nscript Of M M a sso n but in
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[1 7 68 7 9
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
38
—
marriage sought to appear Older than he was and
Joseph s contract was written when the misstatement
in i t was valuable as makin g him appear thoroughl y
F rench
Among other absurd efforts to besm
i rch Napoleon s
character i s the o ft repeated insinuation that he fixed
h i s birthday o n the greatest high festival Of the Roman
Church that Of the Assumption Of the Virgin Mary in
order to assure its perpetual celebrati on ' In sober fact
the researches Of indefatigable antiquaries have brought
to light not only the documentary evidence referred to
but l ikewise the circumsta nce that Napoleon in o ne
paper Spelled Lapu li o n was a not uncommon Corsi can
name borne by several distingu i shed men and that in
the early generation Of the Buonaparte family the boys
had been named Joseph Napoleon and Lucien as they
followed o ne another into the world In the eighteenth
century spelling was scarcely more fixed than in the
sixteenth No r in the walk Of li fe to which the Buona
partes belonged was the fixity Of names as ri gid then as
it later became There were three Maria Ann as in the
family first and last o ne Of whom was afterward called
Elisa
As to the form Of the name Napoleon there is
a curious though unimportant confusi on We have
already seen the forms Nab u lio ne Na b u lio n Napoleone
Napoleon Contemporary documents give also the
form Na po lo e o ne and his marriage certificate uses
e Colum
Na po lio ne On the V end Om
n stands Na po lio
Imp whi ch might be read either Na po lio ni Imperatori
I n either case we have i ndica
o r Na po lio Imperatori
tions Of a new form Na po li o n or Na po liu s The latter
whi ch was more probably intended would seem to be
an attempt to recall Ne o po lu s a recognized saint s
n ame The absence Of the name Napoleo n from the
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NAP OLE O N S C H ILDH OO D
]
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39
calendar o f the Latin Church w as considered a serious
reproach to its bearer by those who hated him and
their in cessan t taun ts stung him In youth his constan t
retort w a s that there were many s ai nts and onl y three
hundr ed and sixty fiv e days in the year In after years
he had the matter remedi ed an d the French Catholics
for a time celebrated a S t Napoleon s day with proper
ceremonies among which was the sin ging of a hym
n
composed to celebrate the power and virtues Of the
holy man fo r whom it was named The irreverent
school boys Of Autun and B rienne gave the nickn ame
”
“
straw n ose
to both the brothers
pa ille o u nez
The pronunciation therefore was probably as u ncer
tai n as the form Na pa ille—a u nez being probably a
The chameleon li ke charac
di stortion Of N a po u ill o né
ter Of the n ame correspo nds exactly to the chameleo n
like character Of the ti mes the man an d the lands Of
The Corsican noble and
hi s birth and Of his adoption
French royali st was Napoleone de Buonaparte; the
Corsican republi can and patriot was Na po lé o ne Buona
r
the
French
republican
N
a
o
l
o
n
Buonaparte
a
t
é
é
;
;
p
p
the victorious general B onaparte ; the emperor Napo
léon There was likewise a change in this person s
handwriting analogous to the change in his nationality
and Opinions It was probably to co n ceal a most de
fecti v e kn owledge Of French that the adoptive French
man as republican consul and emperor abandoned the
f airly legible han d of his youth and recurred to the
atrocious o ne Of his childh ood continuing always to use
it after hi s defini te choice Of a country
S tormy indeed were his nation an d hi s b irth time He
“
hi mself sai d : I was born while my country w a s dying
Th irty thousan d French vomited o n o u r shores drown
ing the throne o f liberty in waves Of blood
such was
the horrid sight which first met my view The cries Of
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[1 7 68 7 9
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
40
—
the dyin g the groans o f the oppressed tea rs o f despair
”
s u rrounded my cradle at my b i rth
These were the words he used i n 1 7 89 while still a
Corsican in feelin g when addressing Paoli They str ain
chronology for the sake Of rhetorical e fl ect but they
t ru th qy picture the circumsta nces un der which he
was conceived Among many others Of a similar
character there is a late myth whi ch recalls in det ail
that when the pains Of parturition seized his mother
ber just
s h e was at mas s and that sh e reached her cham
in time to deposit on a carpet o r a piece Of embroidery
representing the young Achilles the pro di gy bursting
B y the man himself
SO impetuously in to the world
his nature was always represented as the product of hi s
hour and this he considered a suffi cient excuse fo r any
line Of conduct he chose to follow When in banishment
at Longwood and on his death bed he recalled the cir
s t a nces Of his childhood in conversations with the
cu m
“
attendant physici an a Corsican like himself
Nothin g
awed me ; I feared no o ne I struck one I scratched
another I was a terror to everybody It w a s my brother
Joseph with whom I had most to do ; he w as beaten
bitten scolded and I had put the blame o n hi malmost
before he kn ew what he was about ; was telling t al es
about him almost before he could collect his wits I
had to be quick : my mama Letizia woul d have restrained
my warlike temper ; She would not have put up with my
defiant petulance Her tenderness w as severe metin g
o u t punishment and reward with equ al justice ; merit
and demerit sh e took both into accoun t
O f hi s earliest education he s ai d at the same time
”
Li ke everythi ng else in Corsica it was pitifu l
Luc i en
Buonaparte hi s great uncle was a canon a man Of
substance with an income Of five thousand livres a year
and Of some education
s u fli ci ent
at least to permit
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NAP OLE ON S CHI LDH OO D
41
his further ecclesiastica l advancement
Uncle Fesch
whose father had received the good education Of a
Protestan t S wiss boy an d had i n turn imparted hi s
kn owledge to hi s own so n was the friend an d Older
playmate of the turbulent little Buonaparte The child
learned a few n otions of B ible history an d doubtless
also the catechi sm from the canon ; by hi s eleven year
Old uncle he was taught his alphabet In his Sixth year
he was sent to a dame s school The boys teas ed hi m
because his stockings were always down over his Shoes
and for hi s devotion to the girls o ne named G ia co m
i
netta especially He met their taunts w th blows usin g
sticks bri cks or any handy weapon
According to his o wn story he w a s fearless in the
face o f superior numbers however large His mo ther
according to his brother Joseph declared that he wa s a
perfect imp Of a child S he herself described him as
fond Of playing at war with a d rum wooden sword
and fil es Of t o y soldi ers The pious n uns who taught
hi mrecognized a certain gift for figures in styling him
thei r little mathematician Later when in attendance
at the Jesuit school he regularly encountered on his way
thither a soldier wi th whom he exchanged hi s o wn p iece
o f white bread for a morsel Of th e other s coarse co m
mi ssary loaf The excuse he gave according to his
mother w a s that he must learn to like such foo d if he
were to be a soldi er
In time his passio n fo r the sim
ple mathematics he studied in creased to such a degree
that she assigned hima rough shed in the rear Of their
home as a refuge from the di sturb i ng noise Of the family
F o r exercise he walked the streets at ni ghtfall with tum
bled hair and disordered clothes O f French he kn ew n o t
a word ; he had lessons at school in his mother tongue
whi ch he learned to read under the i nstruction Of the
Abbé Recco The worthy teach er arrayed his boys in
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79
NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
42
1
two bodies : the diligent un der the vi ctorious stan dard of
Rome the i d le a s van quished Carthagini an s Napoleon
Of right belonged to the latter but he was transferred
no t because Of merit by th e sheer force o f his imperious
temper
This scanty information is a ll the trustworthy kn owl
edge we possess concerning the little Napoleon u p to his
tenth year With slight additions from other sources
it is substan tially the great Napoleon s own accoun t o f
himself by the mouthpiece partly Of hIS mother in hi s
ma rchi in that last
prosperous days partly Of Anto m
period Of self—examin ation when to him as to other men
consistency seems the highest virtue He was doubt
less striving to compound with his conscience by em
ph a
s izing the adage that the child is father t o the man
that he was born what he had al ways been
In 1 7 7 5 Corsica had been fo r six years in the posses
sion o f France and on the su rface all was f air There
was however a little remnant Of faithful patriots left
in the island wi th whom Paoli and hi s banished friends
were still in commu nication The royal cabin et seek
ing to remove every possible danger Of disturban ce even
SO s light a one as lay in the di s a fl ecti o n of the few scat
and in the unconcealed distrust
t ere d n ationalists
whi ch these felt for their conformin g fellow ci tize ns
began a little later to make advances in order if possible
to W in at least Paoli s neutrality if no t hi s acquiescence
All in vai n : the exile was not to be moved From time
to time therefore there was thr oughout Corsica a
n oticeable flow i n the tide of patriotism There are
in dications that the child Napoleon was conscious Of
thi s i nfluence listening probably with intense in terest
to the sympathetic tales about Paoli and his struggles
ong the people
fo r liberty which were sti ll told am
As t o Charles de Buonaparte some things he had
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NAP OLE O N S CHILDH OO D
43
hoped fo r from annexation were secured His n obili ty
and offi cial rank were safe ; he w as in a f air way to reach
even higher distinction B ut what were honors without
wealth ? The domestic mea ns were const an tly growin g
smaller while expe nditures increased with the a ccu m
u
lating digni ties and ever growin g family
He had
ma de hi s humble submission to the F rench ; hi s recep
tion had been warm and graceful The authorities
knew Of his pretensions to the estates Of his ancestors
The Jesuits had been disgraced and b anished but the
much litigated O done property had not been restored
to him ; on the contrary the buildings had been co n
verted into school houses an d the revenues turned in to
various channels Years had passed and it w a s evi
dent that hi s suit was hopeless H o w could substantial
advantage be secured from the Ki n g ?
His friends General Marbeuf in particular were Of
the Opinion that he cou l d profit to a certai n extent at
least by securing for his chi ldren an education at the
expense Of the sta te Whi le it is likely that from the
first Joseph w as destin ed for the priesthood yet there
w as provision fo r ecclesiastical tr aining un der royal
patronage as well as for secular and a transfer from the
latter to the former w as easier than the reverse Both
were to be placed at the college Of Autun fo r a prelimi
nary course whatever their eventual destination might
be The necessary steps were soon t aken and in 1 7 7 6
the formal supplication for the two eldest boys was
forwarded to Paris Immediately the proof Of four
noble descents was demanded The movement Of
letters w as Slow that Of Offi cials even slower and the
delays in securing C opies and authentications Of the
various documents were long and vexatious
Meantime Choiseul had been disgraced a nd o n
May tenth 1 7 7 4 the o ld Kin g had died ; Louis XVI
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[1 7 68 7 9
NAP OLE O N B O NAPAR TE
44
-
now reign ed The inertia whi ch marked the brilliant
decadence Of the Bourbon monarchy was finally over
co me The new social forces were partly emancipated
Facts were examined and their significance considered
B ankruptcy was n o longer a threateni n g phantom but
a menacin g re a lity of the most serious nature Re
t re nch m
e nt and reform were the order o f the day
N ecker was trying hi s promising schemes There was
among them o ne fo r a body cons i sting Of delegates
from each o f the three estates
nobles ecclesiastics
and burgesses
to assist in deci di ng that troubleso me
question the regu l ati on o f imposts The S wiss fin ancier
hoped to destr o y in this way the sullen defiant influence
Of the royal in tendants I n Corsica the governor an d
the i ntendant both thought themselves too shrewd to
be trapped and secured the appointment from each Of
the Corsi can estates Of men who were believed by them
ble servants The needy sui tor Charles
t o be their hum
de Buonaparte was to be the delegate at Vers ai lles Of
the nob ility They thought they kn ew th is man in
particular but he was to prove a s malleable in Fran ce
as he had been in Corsica
Though nearly pe nniless the noble deputy with the
vanity Of the born courtier was fl attered and accepted
the mission setting o u t o n December fif teenth 1 7 7 8 by
way Of Italy with his two sons Joseph and Napoleon
With them were Joseph Fesch appoi nted to the sem
i
nary a t Aix and V a res a Letitia s cousin who w as to
be su b deacon at Autun J o seph and Napo l eon both
asserted in later life that during thei r sojourn in Florence
the grand duke gave hi s friend thei r fa ther a letter to
his royal Sister Marie An toi nette As the grand duke
was at that ti me in Vienna the whole account they
give Of the journey is probably though perhaps not
intentionally untrue It was no t to the Queen s inter
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[1 7 68 7 9
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
46
—
he heartily disliked and when rebuked fo r in attention
“
”
he coldly replied :
S ir I know that already
On
April twenty firs t 1 7 7 9 Napoleon a ccording to th e
evidence Of his pe rsonal memoran dum left Autun
havin g been admitted to Brienne an d it w as to Marbeu f
that in later lif e he correctly attributed his appoin t
ment After spendi ng three w eeks with a school friend
the little fellow en tered upon his duties about the middl e
o f May
O n New Year s day 1 7 7 9 the B u o napa r tes had
arrived at Autun and for n early four months the youn g
Na po leo ne had been tr ained in the use of French He
learn ed to speak fluently though not correc tly a nd
wr ote short themes in a way to satisfy his teacher
Pro di gy as he w as later declared to have been hi s re al
progress w as slow the difli cu lties of that elegant and
polished tongue having scarcely been reached ; so that it
w as wi th a most imperfect knowledge Of their language
and a sadl y defective pronunciation that he made hi s
appearance among his future sch oolmates Havin g we
may suppose been assign ed to the first vacancy that
occurred in any o f the roy al colleges his fir st destin ation
had been Tiron the roughest and most remote of the
twelve
But as fortun e would have it a change was
somehow made to B rienne That establishme n t was rude
enough The instruct o rs were Mini mpriests and the life
w as as severe as it could be made wi th such a clienta ge
under half educated an d inexperienced monks In spite
Of a ll e fl o rt s to the contrary however the place had an
ai r o f elegance ; there w as a certai n school boy display
proportionate to the means and to the good o r bad
breeding Of the youn g nobles als o a very keen discrim
ina tio n am
ong themselves as to rank social quali ty an d
i liar with the ruth
relati v e i mportance Those fam
lessness Of boys in their treatment Of o ne another can
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NAP OLE O N S CHILDH OO D
47
easily conceive what was the reception Of the newc o mer
whose nob i lity was u nkn own an d unrecogni zed in France
an d whose mean s were Of the scantiest
During hi s son s preparatory studies the father had
bee n busy a t Versai lles wi th fur ther supplications
among them o ne for a supplement from the royal purse
to his scanty pay as delegate and another for the speedy
settlement Of his now notorious claim The fo rmer Of
the two was granted not merely to M de Buonaparte
“
but to his two colleagues in view Of the excellent b e
havior
otherwise subserviency
Corsican
o f the
delegation at Vers ailles When in addi tion the cer
tifica te Of Napoleo n s appointment fin ally arrived an d
the fa ther set o u t to place his son at school wrth a
barely proper outfit he had no difli cu l ty in securing
s u fli cie nt mo n ey to meet his imme di a te an d pressing
n ecessities
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C HAPTER IV
’
NAP OLE ON S S CH OOL DAY S
1
-
Milita ry S ch oo ls in Fra nc e
N a po l eo ns I nit ia tio n into th e L ife
o f B rien
ne
Re gu l a ti o ns Of th e S ch o o l
Th e Co urse Of S tud y
N a po leo ns P o w e rfu l Friends His Rea d ing and Oth e r
A v o ca tio ns His Co mra de s His S tudi e s H is P rec o city
His Co nduct a nd S ch o la rsh ip Th e Change In His Life P la n
His I nfl u ence in His Famil y His Ch o ice Of th e A rtill ery
Servic e
’
’
.
T was an Old charge th a t the son s o f poor gentle
men destin ed to be artillery Offi cers were bred like
prin ces The in stitution at B rienne with eleven other
Sim
i lar a cademies had bee n but recently foun ded as a
protest again st the lu xury which had reign ed in the
military schools at Paris and La Fl eche B oth these
had bee n closed for a time because they could n ot be
reformed ; the latter was however o ne Of the twelve
from the first and that at Paris was afterward reopened
as a finishi ng school The monasteri es Of various reli
f
orders
were
chosen
as
seats
o
the
n
ew
colleges
i
s
o
u
g
and their owners were put in charge with instruction s
to secure simpli city Of life and manners the formatio n
of character and other desirable benefits each one in
its own way in the school or schools intrusted to it
The result s o far had been a failure ; there were simply
not twelve firs t rate instructors in each branch to be
found in France for the new posi tions ; the in structio n
was therefore limited and poor SO that in the intellectual
léo n Jung : B o na p a rt e e t so n
Th e a uth o rities fo r t h e p e rio d
nu
t emps
B Oh tlingk :
Na po l eo n
a re M a ss o n: Na pol eo n inco n
B o nap a rte : seine Jugend u nd sein
u e t : La j eu n
e sse d e Na p o
Ch u q
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10 1
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NAP OLE O N S S CH OO L DAY S
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49
stagn ati on th e right standards of co nduct declined
while the old n otio n s Of hollow courtlin ess and co n
In order
tio nal behavior flourished as never before
v en
to e n ter his boy at Brienne Charles de Buonaparte
presen ted a certificate Sign ed by the in tendant and two
n eighbors that he could n ot educate hi s so n s without
help from the Kin g and w as a poor man having n o
This paper was
in come except his salary a s assessor
countersign ed by Marbeuf as commandin g general and
to him the request was formally granted This bein g
the regular pr o cedure it is evident that all the youn g
nobl es of the twelve schoo ls enjoying the royal boun ty
were poor and Should have had little or no pocket
money Perhaps for this very reason though the school
provided for every expense includin g pocket money po l
ish ed manners and funds Obtai ned surreptitiously from
powerful friends indifl erent to rules were the thi ngs most
needed to secure kind treatment for an entering boy
These were exactly what the youn g gentleman scholar
from Corsica did not possess The ignorant and u n
worldly Minim fathers cou ld neither foresee n or if they
had foreseen allevi ate the miseries in ciden t to his arrival
un der such con di tions
At Autun Napoleo n had at least enjoyed the sym
pathetic society Of his mild and emotional brother
whose easy goin g nature cou l d smooth many a rough
place He was now entirely without companion ship
rese ntin g from the outset both the ill natured attacks
and the playf u l personal allusions thr ough which boys
so Often begin and with time knit ever more fi rml y
their in expli cable friendships TO the taunts about
Corsi ca which began immediately he an swered coldly
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mp rk mmn L C s s M e
mri l d S int H elen An
t m
m h i M émir s C st n
E
o
o
o
o
a
e
e
ar c
a
:
a e
as
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e
e
-
o
e
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:
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o
o
:
r miere s a nnée s d e Na po leo n
Na sica : M émo ire s s u r l enfance e t
Ia j e une ss e d e N p leo n
P e
.
’
a
o
.
[
1 7 7 9—84
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
50
I hope o n e day to be in a position to give Corsica her
”
liberty
E n tering o n a cert ain occasion a room in
which unkn own to him there hung a portrait Of the
hated Choiseul he started back a s he caught S ight Of
it and burst in to bitter revil in gs ; for this he was co m
pelled to undergo chastisement
Brienne was a nursery fo r the qualities first developed
at Autun The buildin g was a gloomy and massive
struc t ure Of the early eighteenth century which stood
o n a commandi n g site at the entrance o f the town
flanked by a later addition somewhat more commodious
The dormitory consisted Of two long rows Of cells open
ing o n a double corridor about a hundred and forty i n
all : each Of these chambers w as six feet square and co n
tai ne d a foldin g bed a pitcher and a basin
The pupil
was locked I n at bed time his onl y means of com
muni
cation being a bell to arouse the guard who Slept I n the
hall Larger rooms were provided for his toilet ; and he
studied where he recited in still an other suite There
was a common refectory in which four simple meals a day
were served : for breakfast and lun cheon bread an d water
with fruit either fresh o r stewed ; for di nn er soup with
the soup meat a s i de dish a nd dessert ; for supper a join t
with salad o r dessert Wi th the last two w as served a
mild mixture o f wine and water kn own in school slang as
“
”
abundance
The outfit Of clothi ng comprised under
wear for two changes a week a u niform consisting o f a
bl u e cloth coat faced and trimmed with red a waistcoat
Of the same with white revers and serge breeches either
blue or black The overcoat was Of the same material
as the uniform with the same trimmin g but with white
linin g The stu di es comprised Latin mathematics the
French lang u age and literature English German
geography drawing fencing music vocal as well as
instrumental and dan cin g
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h a te d Cho i seu l h e
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NAP OLE O N S S CH OOL DAY S
5:
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Perhaps the severe regimen Of living coul d have been
mitigated and brightened by a course Of study nomi
na lly an d ostensibly SO rich and full ; but in the list Of
masters l ay and clerical there is no t a n ame Of emi
nence Neither Napoleon n or his co n tempo rary pupils
recalled in later y ears any portion Of their work as
stimu l ating nor any in structor as havin g excelled in
ability The boys seem to have disliked heartily both
thei r studies and their masters Young Buonaparte had
likewise a dista ste for society and was thr own upo n
his o wn un ai ded resources to sa tisfy his e ager mind
Undisciplin ed in spirit he was impatien t o f self disciplin e
and worked spasmodically in such subjects as he liked
disd ainin g the severe trai nin g Of his m
ind even by hi m
self He di d learn to spell the foreign tongue Of hi s
adopted co un try but his handwritin g never good was
bad o r worse accordi n g to circumstances Dark soli
tary and untamed the new scholar assumed the indi f
ference Of wounded vanity despised all pastimes and
foun d deli ght either in books o r in sco mfu l exasperatio n
of his comrades when compelled to asso ciate with them
There were quarrels and bitter fights i n which the Ish
ma elite s hand was against every other S ometimes in
a kind Of frenzy he infli cted serious wounds o n his fel
low studen ts
At length even the teachers mocked hi m
and deprived himo f hi s p o sition as captain in the school
battalion
The climax Of the miserable busin ess was reached
“
when to a taunt that hi s ancestry was nothing
his
”
father a wretched tipstaff Napoleon replied by chal
lenging his tormen tor to fight a duel For thi s O ffense
he w as put in co nfinement while the instigator went
unpunished It was by the in tervention Of Marbeuf
that his young friend was at length released B ruised
and wounded in sp i rit the boy woul d gladly have Shake n
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[1 7 7 9 84
NAP OLE O N B ONAP ARTE
52
—
the dust Of Brienne from his feet but necessity forbade
mu ni ca tio n Napoleon had
Either from so me di re ct co m
with his protector o r through a dramatic but u na u th en
ti ca te d letter purportin g to have been written by hi m
to hi s friends in Corsica and still i n existence Marbeu f
learned tha t the chiefest cause o f all the b i tterness w as
the in equality between the po cket a llowances of the
young French nobles and that Of the young Corsican
The kindly general displayed the liberali ty of a family
fri end and gladly in creased the boy s gratuity admin
is te ring at the same time a smart rebuke to him for his
readi ness to take Ofl ense He is likewise thought to have
introduced his young charge to Mme Lom enie de
Brienne whose mans i on was nea r by l Thi s noble
woman it is asserted became a second mother to the
lonely ch ild : though there were no vacations yet long
holi days were numerous and these were passed with
her ; her tenderness softened hi s rude nature the more
so as she knew the val ue Of tips to a school boy an d
admi ni stered them li berally though judi ciously
Nor was this if true the onl y light among the Shadows
in the p i cture of his later B ri enne school days Each
of th e hundr ed and fifty pupils had a small garden spot
assigned to him Buonaparte developed a passion for
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Th e so urc es o f th e se sta t e
ents a re t w o l e tt e rs o f 5 April ,
1 7 8 1 , an
d 8 Octo be r , 1 7 83 ; first
printed in th e M é o ires su r la
v ie d e B o na p a rt e e t c , e t c , par
Thi s
le co te Cha rl es d Og
1
m
m
m
.
,
.
’
pseudo nymco vers a still unkno wn
a uth r ; th e do cum
e nts ha ve been
fo th e m
sidered g n
o st pa rt co n
uiuc a nd ha ve bee n reprinted as
such by ma ny a utho rities includ
ing J u ng
Th o ugh this a uth o r
was a n o ffi ci a l in t h e m
inistry Of
war a nd h a d its a rchi v es a t his
o
e
r
,
.
di spo sa l h e gives o ne l e tte r witho ut
an
y a uth o rity a nd th e o th e r as in
th e Ar chi es d e la gu e rr e
M a ny
sea rch e rs including th e writer
ha ve so ught th emth er e witho ut
result La tterly th eir a uth enticity
ha s beende nied o nth e gro und o fin
herent impro b a bility Since po ck e t
mo ney was by rul e a lmst u n
kno wn in th e r ya l co ll ege s a nd
Co rsi ca n h o m
esickn
e ss is a s co m
mo n as tha t Of th e S wi ss But
rul es pro ve no thi ng a nd th e le tte rs
seeminh e rently genuine
,
“
”
v
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m
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1 0
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NAP OLE O N S S CH OO L DAY S
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53
his own an d annexin g by force the neglected plots Of
hi s two neighbors created for hi mself a retreat the
solitude Of which w as in sured by a thick and lofty hedge
planted about it T0 this citadel the san ctity Of whi ch
he protected with a fury at times half ins ane he was
wont to retire in the fai r weather Of a ll seasons with
whatever books he cou l d procure In the co mpanion
shi p Of these he passed happy pleasant and fruitfu l
hours His youthful patriotism had bee n in tensified
by the hatred he now felt for French school boys and
“
through them fo r Fr an ce
I can never forgive my
“
father he once cried fo r the Share he had in u nitin g
”
Corsica to France
Paoli became hi s hero and the
favorite subjects Of his reading were the m
i ghty deeds
Of men and peoples especiall y in antiquity S uch
“
”
matter he found abundant in Plutarch s Lives
Moreover his punishmen ts and degradation by the
school authorities at once created a sentiment in his
favor among hi s companions which not only counter
acted the efl ect o f Ofli cia l penalties but gave hima sort
Of compensatin g leadership in their games Wh en
driven by storms to abandon his garden haunt and to
associate in the public hall wi th the other boys he Often
instituted sports in whi ch opposing camps Of Greeks
and Persian s o r Of Romans and Carthaginia ns fought
un til the uproar brought down the authorities to end
the co nflict O n o ne occasion he proposed the game
common enough elsewhere but n ot so familiar then in
France Of buil di n g snow forts o f storming and defending
them and Of fightin g with snowballs as weapo n s The
propositio n w as accepted and the preparations were
m ade under his direction with scientific zeal ; the intrench
ments forts bastions and redoubts were the adm
i ration
Of the neighborhood F o r weeks the mimic warfare
went o n Buonaparte always in comm an d being some
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[1 7 7 9 84
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
54
—
ti mes the besieger and a s Often the besi eged S uch was
the aptitude such the resources and such the command
ing power which he showed in ei ther r Ole that the wi nter
was always remembered in the annals Of the school
O f all his contemporaries only two became men Of
mark Gudin an d Na nso u ty Both were capable s o l
diers receiving promotions and titles at Napoleon s
han d during the empire B o u rrienne havi ng sunk to
the lowest depths under the republi c found employment
as secretary Of General B onaparte In this positi on he
continued until the consulate when he lost both fortune
and reputation in doubtful money speculations Fro m
old affection he secured pardon and further employment
bei ng sent as mi nister to Hamburg There his lust for
money wrought his fin al ru i n The treacherous m
emoirs
which appeared over his name are a compilation edited
by him to Obt ai n the means Of livelihood in hi s declin
ing years Throughout life Napoleon had the kindliest
feelings fo r Brienne and all connected with i t In hi s
death struggle o n the battle field s Of Champagne he
showed favor to the town and left it a large legacy i n
hi s will
NO school mate o r master appealed to him in
vain and many Of hi s comrades were i n their insignifi
cant lives dependent fo r exi stence o n his favor
It i s a trite remark that di amonds can be polished
o nly by diamond dust Whatever the rude processes
were to which the rude nature Of the young Corsican
was subjected the result was re markable Latin he
disli ked and treated with d i sdainf u l neglect Hi s par
ti cu l a r aptitudes were fo r mathe m
atics for geography
and above all for hi story in whi ch he made fair progress
Hi s knowledge Of mathe m
atics was never profound ; i n
geography he d i splayed a remarkable and excellent
memory ; biography was the department Of hi story
which fascinated him In all di rections however he
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NAP OLE O N S S CH OO L DAY S
55
-
w as quick i n his perceptions ; the rapid maturing Of hi s
mind by reading and reflection w as evident to all his
associates hostil e though they were The most con
l
evidence
Of
the
fact
wi
l
be
found
i
n
a
letter
v incin
g
written probably in July 1 7 84 when he w as fiftee n
years Old to an uncle
possibly Fesch more li kely
1
Paravicini
concerning fami ly matters
His brother
Joseph had gone to Autun to be educated for the Church
his sister (Maria An na) Elisa had been appointed on the
royal foundation at Saint Cyr and Lucien w a s if po s
sible to be placed like Napoleo n at Brienne The two
younger children had already accompanied their father
on his regular journey to Versaill es and Lucien w a s no w
install ed either in the school itself or n ear by to be in
readin ess for any vacancy All w a s well with the rest
except that Joseph was uneasy an d wished to become
an Officer t o o
The tone Of Napo leon is extraordi n ary Opening
with a commonplace little sketch Of Lucien such as
any elder brother might draw o f a youn ger he proceeds
to an analysis of Joseph whi ch is remarkable S earch
in g and thorough it explains with fulln ess o f reasonin g
and illustration how much more advan tageous from the
worldly poin t Of view both for Joseph and for the family
“
would be a career in the Church : the bishop Of Autun
wou l d bestow a fat living o n hi m and he was himself
”
sure Of becomi n g a bishop
As an o bi ter dictu mit
contains a curious expression Of contempt fo r in fantry
as an arm the origin Of which feeling is by n o means
clear Joseph wishes to be a soldier : very well but
in what branch Of the profession ? He cou ld not enter
the navy for he kn ows no mathematics ; nor is his doubt
fu l health suited to that career
He would have to
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u Ca ss e S pplement 5 la
Co rre spo nda nce d e Na po leo n I
1
D
,
u
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'
,
V ol X,
.
p 50
.
.
M a sso n, I 7 9- 84
,
.
[
1 7 7 9- 84
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
56
study two years more for the navy and four if he were
to be an engineer ; however the ceaseless occupation Of
this a rmOf the service wou l d be more than his strength
could endure Similar reasons mili tate agai nst the
artillery There remains therefore only the infantry
“
Good I s e e He wants to be all day idle he wants
t o march the streets all day and besides what is a slim
infantry Office ? A poor thi n g three quarters Of the
ti me ; and that nei ther my dear father no r yo u nor my
mother no r my d ear uncl e the archdeacon des ires fo r
he has already Shown some Sli ght tendency to folly and
extravagance
There is an utter absence Of loose talk
o r Of enthusiasm and no allusion to princ iple o r senti
ment It is the work Of a cold calculating and dicta
There is a poetica l quota tion in it very
t o ri a l nature
apt but very badly spelled ; and while the expression
throughout i s fair it is by no means what ight be
expected from a person capable Of such thought who
had been studyin g French for three years and using it
exclusively in daily life
In August 1 7 83 Buonaparte and B o u rrienne accord
ing t o the statement of the latter shared the fir st prize
in mathematics and soon afterward in the same year
a royal in spector M d e Kera li O arrived at B rienne to
test the progress Of the Ki ng s wards He took a great
fancy to the little Buonaparte and declarin g that
though unacquain ted with his family he found a spark
in him whi ch must no t be extin gui shed wrote an
emphatic recommendation o f the lad couched in the
“
followin g terms : M de Bonaparte (Napoleon) born
August fifteenth 1 7 69 Height four feet ten I nches
ten lines [about five feet three inches English] Con
s ti t u tio n:
excellent heal th docile disposi tion mild
str ai ghtforward thoughtful Conduct most sa tis fa c
tory ; h as always been distin gui shed for his applicati on
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NAP OLE ON B O NAP ARTE
58
1 7 79
—
84
thither o r to Metz in order to m ake up his deficiencies
in the mathematical sciences and pass hi s examin ations
to enter the royal servi ce along with Napoleon o n con
dition that the latter would renoun ce hi s pl an s for the
navy and choose a career in the army
The letter in which the boy communicates his decisio n
to his father is as remarkable as the one just mentioned
and ve ry clearly the sequel to it The anxious and
industrious parent had fin ally broken d o wn and in hi s
feeble heal th had taken Joseph as a support and help
With the same
o n the arduous homeward journey
succinct unsparing statemen t as before Napoleon co n
fesses his disappointment an d in commanding p hr ase
with logical analysis lays down the reasons why Joseph
must come to Brienne in stead o f going to Metz There
is however a new element in the composition
a
frank hearty expression Of affection for his family and
a mes sage Of kindly remembrance to his friends But
the most striking fact in view o f subsequent develop
”
“
ments is a request for B oswell s History Of Corsica
“
and any other histories or memoirs relating to that
”
“
kingdom
I will bring them back when I return if
” 1
it be Six years from no w
The immediate sequel
makes clear the direction Of hi s mind He probably di d
not remember that he was preparing if possible to strip
France Of her latest and highly cherished acquisiti on at
her o w n cost o r if he did he must have felt like the
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This l e tt er, which is with o ut
d a te , is printed in Co sto n, as
ta ken fro th e newspa pe rs ; a ga in
in a r e vised fo r
in Na sica : M e
’
o ir e s s u r l e nf a nc e e t la j e un
e sse
d e Na po léo n, p 7 1 , w h o cla i e d t o
ha ve co ll a ted it with th e o rigina l ;
an
d a ga in in Jung : B o na p a rte e t
so n te
ps , wh o gives as hi s re fer
en
ce , Archives d e la gue rre, pre
1
m
m
m
.
m
,
m
se rving ex a ctly th e fo rmgiven by
Na sica Th e Na po leo n p a pe rs Of
t h e W a r D epa rtm
ent w e re fr ee ly
an
d I b e lie v e e ntirely put int o
my hands fo r exa mina tio n This
l e tter wa s no t a mo ng th em; in
fa ct my efl o rts t o co nfirm th e
refe rences o f Jung w ere sa dly
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inefl ect u a l
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a n 10
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]
’
NAP OLE O N S S CH OO L DAY S
-
59
archer plumi n g his arrow from the Ofl cast feathers Of
his victim s win g It is plai n that his humiliations at
school his studi es in the story Of liberty his inherited
b ent a n d the present di sappointment were all cumula
tive in the result Of fixing his attentio n o n hi s native
land as the destined sphere Of hi s activity
Four days after the probable da te Of writin g he passed
hi s exami n ation a second time before the n ew in spector
announced his choice Of the artill ery as hi s branch Of the
serv ice and a month later w a s ordered to the m
ili tary
academy in Paris This in stitution had not merely been
restored to its former ren ow n : it no w enjoyed a special
reputation as the place Of reward to whi ch o nl y the fore
most candidates for offici al honors were sent The choice
Of artillery seems to have been reached by a simple process
Of exclusion ; the infantry w a s too u nintell ectual and
indolent the cavalry t o o expensive an d aristocratic ;
between the engin eers and the artill ery there was littl e
—
in neither did wealth or i nfluence co n trol
t o choose
promotion The decision seems to have fallen a s it
did because the artillery w a s accidentally mentioned
fir st in the fatal letter he had received announ cin g the
family straits and the necessary renunciation Of the
navy On the certificate which was sent up with Napo
“
leon fro mB rienne was the note : Character masterful
”
imperious and headstrong
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C HAPTER V
1
I N P ARI S AND V ALE N CE
— Tea ch e rs a n
—
m
tr
ducti
o
P
a
ris
d
C
o
r
a
d
e
s
D ea th o f
n
t
o
o
In
—
—
n
a
M
His e rits Th e S ch oo l a t P a ris
Ch a rl e s d e B u o p a rte
— N a po l eo ns P o v e rty — His Ch a ra ct e r a t th e Cl o se o f His
S ch oo l Yea rs A ppo inte d Lie ut ena nt in th e Regim
e nt o f La
Fere — D emo ra liza tio n o f th e Fr ench Army Th e M e n in
Re turn to S tud y
Hi s
th e Ra nk s — N a po l eo n as a B ea u
P ro f e ss io n a nd Vo ca tio n
’
.
T was o n O ctober thirtieth 1 7 84 that Napoleo n left
2
Brienne for Paris
He was in the sixteenth year
Of his age enti rely ign orant Of what were then called the
“
humaniti es but f ai rly versed in history geography
and the mathemati cal sciences His kn owledge like
the bent Of his mind was practi cal rather than theoret
ical and he knew more about fortification and Sieges
than about metaphysical abstractions ; more about the
deeds Of history than about its philosophy The new
surroundings into whi ch he was introduced by the
Mini m father who had accompanied him and his four
comrades fromB rienne all somewhat younger than hi m
self were difl erent indeed from those Of the rude convent
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Autho rities a s b e fo re fo r thi s
a
nd th e fiv e ch a pt e rs fo ll o wing
.
Thi s is t h e da te given by
hi
s
e lf o nth e slip Of p a pe r h e a d ed
“
”
u es d e
Epo q
a v ie
an
d co n
ta ined in th e Fe sch p a pe rs , no w
depo sited in th e La ur entia n Li
b ra ry a t Fl o renc e He re a nd th e re
2
m
m
.
text is ve ry difficul t to deciph er
but th e line P a rti po ur l ec l e d e
th e
,
“
’
o
ris
ct br
P a , le 30 O o e 1 7 84 is per
fectly e
e
Las Ca e , in th e
M e o rial, V o l I , 1 60 , e e en
Na o eo n a s o n Keralio in
e a n
it wa s no t fo r his
a
fo r
o r his a a n en
th e
a
e
h e i e ne in th e
b oy
a
h e e n hi
i
e e
e a a o nt o P a
l gibl
ss
r pr s ts
p
m
pl
u ti g
q
d cl ri g th t
birth
tt i m ts but
u liti s
d sc r d
q
th t
s t m with m
p rf ct pr p r ti
ris
.
.
.
.
E T 1 5
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.
1 7
]
IN PARI S AND VAL ENCE
61
The splendid palace constructed o n
h e had left behi n d
the plans o f Gabriel early in the eighteenth century still
’
stands to attest the King s design Of lodging hi s gentle
men cadets in a style worthy Of thei r high birth , an d
anners as well as Of instructing
o f educating them in
them The do estic arrangements had been o n a par
wi t h th e regal lodgings o f the corps
SO far had matters
gone in the di rection Of elegance and luxury that as we
.
m
m
.
.
have s aid the establishment w as closed But it had
been reopened within a few months about the end of
1 777
Whil e the worst abuses had been corrected yet
still the food was in quantity at least lavish ; there were
provided two uniforms complete each year with under
wear su fli cient fo r two changes a week what was the n
considered a great luxury ; there was a great s ta fl o f
liveried servants and the O ffi cers in charge were men
Of polished manners and o f the hi ghest distinction
At
the very close of his life Napoleon recalled the arrange
“
ments as made for men Of wealth
We were fed and
served splendidly treated altogether like Ofli cers enjoying
a greater competence than most of o u r families greater
”
than most Of us were destined to enjoy
At Six teen
and with his in experience he w as perhaps an inco m
e
p
tent judge O thers Vaublanc fo r example thought
there was more show than substance
B e that as it may Bonaparte s defiant scorn and
habits o f solitary study grew stronger together It is
asserted that hi s humor foun d vent in a preposterous
and peevish memorial addressed to the minister Of war
o n the proper trainin g Of the pupils in French military
schools ' He may have written it but it is almost
impossible that it Should ever have passed beyond the
walls Of the school even as is claimed for revision
by a former teacher Berton Nevertheless he found
almost if no t altogether for the first time a real friend
.
,
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[1 7 84 86
—
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
62
in the perso n Of des Mazis , a youth n oble by birth and
nature , who was assi gn ed to hi as a pupil teacher , and
m
-
moreover a foundation scholar l ike himse lf It is
also declared by various au thorities that from time to
ti me he enjoyed the agreeable society Of the bishop Of
Autu n who w as now at Vers ai lles Of his sister Elisa at
S aint Cyr an d toward the very close Of a family friend
who had just settled in Paris the beautiful Mme
Permon mother Of the future duchess Of Abrant es
Although born in Corsica s h e belonged to a branch of
the noble Greek family Of the Comneni In view o f the
stringent regulati ons both o f the military school and Of
S ai nt Cyr these visi ts are problematical though no t
impossible
Rigid a s were the regulations Of the royal establish
ments thei r enforcement depended Of course o n the
character Of their directors The marquis who presided
over the military school w as a veteran place holder hi s
assistant w a s a ma n Of no force and the di rector Of
studi es w a s the o nly conscientious Ofli cial Of the t hree
He knew his charge thoroughl y and w as recognized by
Napo leon in later years a s a man Of worth The course
Of studies w a s a continuation o f that at B rienne and
there were twenty o ne instructors in the various branches
Of mathematics history geography and languages
De l E sgu ill e endorsed o ne Of B u o na pa r te s exe r cises in
“
history with the remark : Corsica n by nation an d
character He will go far if circumstances favor
Dom
ai ro n s ai d Of his French style that it w as
granite
”
heated in a volcano
There were admi rable masters
seven in number for riding fencing and dancing In
none Of these exercises di d Buonaparte excel It w as the
avowed purpose Of the in stitution to make its pupils pious
Roman Catholics The parish priest at B rienne had
inistered the sacraments to a number of the boys
adm
w as
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E T
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5
1
—
1 7
] IN PARI S AND VALE N CE
m
63
in cluding the young Corsican who appe ars to have sub
i t t e d without cavil to the severe religious trai ning Of
the Paris school : chapel with mass at half past six in
the mornin g grace before and after all meals and chapel
ag ain a quarter before nin e in the evening ; o n holidays
catechism for n ew students ; S undays catechism and
high m ass and vespers with co nfession every S atur
day ; communion every two months Long afte rwards
the Emperor remembered de Jui gne his chapl ain with
kindness and overwhelmed hi m with favors O f the
hun dred an d thirty two scholars resident during Buona
parte s time eighty three were b o arders at four hundred
dollars each ; no n e Of these att ained distinction the
majority did n ot even pass their examinations The
rest were scholars of the Ki ng and were dili gent ; but
even of these o nly o ne o r two were re ally able men
It was in the city Of M me P ermo ns residence at
Montpelli er that o n the twenty fourth Of February
Thi s was apparently
1 7 8 5 Charles de Buonaparte died
a fin al and mortal blow to the Buonaparte fortun es
for i t seemed as if with the father must go all the family
expectations The circumstances were a fit close to the
life thus ended Feeli ng his health somewhat restored
and desp ai rin g Of further progress in the settlement o f
hi s well worn claim by legal methods he had determined
o n still another journey Of solicitation to Vers ailles
With Joseph as a companion he started ; but a serious
relapse occurred at s ea and ashore the painfu l disease
contin ued to make such ravages that the father and
s o n s e t o u t for Montpellier to consult the famous special
ists Of the medical facul ty at that place It was in
vain and after some weeks o n February twenty fourth
the heartbroken father breathed hi s last Havi ng
learned to hate the Jesuits he had become indifferent
to all religion and is said by some to have repelled with
,
-
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[1 7 84 86
—
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
64
his la st exe rtions the kin dly servi ces of Fesch who w as
now a fro cked pri est and had hastened to his brother
in law s bedsi de to o ff er the final co nsolations of the
Church to a dyi ng ma n O thers declare that he turned
again to the solace Of religi on and was attended on his
death bed by the Abbé Co u s t o u
Joseph prostrated by
o ns house an d received
grief was taken in to Mme P erm
‘
the tenderest consolation
Failure as the ambitious father had been he h ad
n evertheless been s o far the support Of hi s f am
i ly i n
thei r hopes Of advancement S ycophant and schemer
as he had beco me they recognized his untiring energy
He
left
them
n thei r behalf and truly loved him
i
nn
iless
and
i
n
debt
but
he
died
in
the
i
r
ser
v ice and
e
p
they si ncerely mourned for hi m O n the twenty thi rd
Of March the sorrowing boy w rote to his great uncle the
archdeacon Lucien a letter in eulogy Of his father and
beggi ng the support Of hi s uncle as guardian Thi s
appo i ntment was legally made not long after
On the
twenty—ei ghth he wrote to hi s mother Both these
letters are in e ld s t ence and sound l ike rhetorical school
exercises corrected by a tutor That to hi s mo ther is
however di gnified and a fl e ctio na t e referring in a b eco m
in g spirit to the support her chil dr en owed her As if
to show what a thorough child he still w a s the dreary
little note closes with an Od d po stscript giving the
i rrelevant news Of the birth two days earlier of a royal
prince
the duke Of Normandy ' Thi s ma y have been
added for the benefit Of the censor who ex amin ed all the
correspondence of the young men
S ome t ime before Ge neral Marbeuf had married and
the pecu niary supplies to his boy friend seemafter that
event to have stopped Mme de Buonaparte w a s left
wi t h four in fant children the youngest Jerome but
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l
,
M ém
o ires d u ro i Jo wph I
,
,
29
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,
NAP OLE O N
66
fifty Sixth
[
B O NAP ARTE
1 7 84— 8 6
His appoin tmen t therefore was due to an
entire absence Of rivalry the youn g nobility having no
predi lectio n for the arduous duties Of service in the
artillery He was eligible merely because he had pass ed
the legal age and had given evidence Of s u fli cient
1
acquisitions In an oft quoted description purporting
to be an Ofli cial certificate given to the youn g o fli cer o n
leavin g he is characterized as reserved and industrious
preferring study to an y kin d Of amusement delighting
in good authors diligent in the abstract sciences caring
2
little fo r the others thoroughl y train ed in mathematics
and geography ; quiet fond Of solitude capri cious
haughty extremely in clin ed to egotism Spe aking little
energetic in hi s replies prompt and severe in repartee ;
havin g much self esteem ; ambitious and aspirin g to any
“
”
hei ght : the you th is worthy Of protection
There is
unfortun ately no documenta ry evidence to sustai n the
genuineness Of this report ; but whatever its origin it
is so n early contemporary that it probably contain s
some truth
The two friends had both asked for appoin tments in
a regiment stationed at Valence kn own by the style o f
La F ere Des M az is had a brother in it ; the ardent
young Corsican would be nearer hi s native land an d
might perhaps be detached for service in hi s home
They were both n omin ated in S eptember but the
appoin tment was no t made un til the close Of O ctober
Buonaparte was reduced to utter pe nury by the long
delay his onl y reso urce be ing the two hundred livres
provided by the funds Of the school for each o f its pupils
until they reached the grade Of capt ain It w as prob
Ta ke n fro m th e a po crypha l
La s Ca se s I 1 1 2 Na po l eo n
M em
o irs Of th e Co unt d Og
co nf esse d his ina b ility t o l ea rn
pre
V io sly m
e nti ned
Ge rman but prided himself o n
See M a sso n
N po leo n inco nnu I 2 3 ; Ch u
his hi sto ries ] kno wl edge
u t I 60 ; Jung I 1 2 5
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E T 1 5
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1 7
]
IN PARI S AND VALENCE
67
ably and according to the gen erally received a ccount
at hi s comrade s expense and in his company that
he traveled Their slender funds were exhausted by
boyish dissipation at Lyons and they measured o n
foot the long leagues thence to their destination arriv
in g at Valence early in November
The growth Of absolutism in Europe had been due at
the outset to the employment Of standing armies by
the kin gs an d the consequent alliance between the
crown which was the paymaster and the people who
furnished the sol di ery There was constant confli ct
between the crown and the nob ili ty concerni ng pri vilege
con stant fri ction between th e nobility and the people
in the survivals Of feudal relation This sturdy and
wholesome contention among the thr ee estates ended at
last in the victory Of the ki ngs In time therefore the
army became no longer a mere support to the monarchy
but a po r tio n o f its moral organi sm Sharing i ts virtues
and its vices its we akn ess and i ts strength reflecti ng
as in a mirror the true condi tion Of the state SO far as
it was personi fied in the ki n g The French army in
the year 1 7 8 5 was i n a sorry plight With th e consoli
dation Of classes maan
n Old monarchical soci ety it had
Q
co me to pass th at under the prevai ling voluntary
system none but men Of the lowest social stratum
would e nlist B arracks and camps became schools Of
“
”
vice
Is there exclaimed o ne who at a later day
“
was active in the work Of army reform
is there a
father who does not shudder when abandoni ng hi s s o n
not to th e chan ces of war but to the associations Of a
”
crowd Of scoun drels a thousand times more dangerous ?
We have already had a gli mpse o f the character Of
the offi cers Their first thought was social posi tion and
pleasure duty and the practice Of thei r professi on being
considerations o f almost vani shi ng importance Thi n gs
,
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[1 7 84 86
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
68
—
i nistration
were quite as bad in the central adm
Neither
the org anizati on no r the equ i pment nor the commis
sariat w as in condition to insur e accuracy o r prompt
ness in the workin g Of the machin e The regi men t Of
“
La F ere w as but a sample of the whole
Dancin g
”
three ti mes a week says the advertisement for recruits
“
rackets twice and the rest Of the time skittles prison
ers base and drill Pleasures reign every man h as the
”
B u o na pa rt e s
highest pay and all are well treated
in come comprisin g his pay Of eight hun dr ed hi s pro
an d the
v inci a l allowance Of a hun dred and twenty
school pension Of two hun dred amoun ted all told to
eleven hundred and twenty livres a year ; his necessa ry
expe nses fo r board and lod ging were seven hundred an d
twen ty leaving less than thirty fiv e livres a month
about seven dollars fo r clothes an d pocket mon ey
Fifteen years a s lieutenan t fifteen as captain and for
—
the rest Of his life h alf pay with a decoration
such
was the su mmary Of the prospect before the ordin ary
commonplace Officer in a like Situation Meantime he
w as comfortably lodged with a kin dly Old sou l a some
“
ti me tavern keepe r named B ou whose daughter Of a
”
certain age gave a mother s care to the youn g lodger
In his weary years Of exile the Emperor recalled hi s
service at Valence as inv aluable The artillery regiment
Of La F ere he said was unsurpassed in perso nnel and
training ; though the Ofli cers were t o o Old for e fli ciency
they were loyal and fatherly ; the youngsters exercised
their wi tty sarcasmon many but they loved them all
Durin g the first months Of his garriso n service Buona
parte as an apprentice saw arduous service in matters
Of detail but he threw Ofl entirely the darkness and
reserve Of his character taking a full draught from the
brimm
in g cup o f pleasure O n January tenth 1 7 86
he was finally r eceived to full standin g a s lieutenan t
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E T
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1 5
—
1 7
] IN PARI S AND VALENCE
69
The novelty the absence Of restraint the comparative
emancipation from the arrogance and slights to whi ch
he had hi therto been subject good news from the family
i n Corsica whose hopes as to the i nheritance were once
more high
a ll these ele m
ents combined to in toxicate
for a time the boy Of sixteen The strongest will can
no t forever repress the exuberance Of budding ma nhood
There were balls and with them the first experience Of
gallantry The youn g Offi cer even took dancing lessons
Moreover in the drawing rooms o f the Abbé S aint
Ruf and Of his friends for the first time he s a w the
—
mann ers and heard the talk Of refined society
pro
v inci a l to be sure but excellent
It was to the special
favor Of Monsei gn eur de Marbeuf the bishop Of Autun
that he owed his warm reception The acquaintances
there made were with persons Of local consequence who
in later years reaped a rich harvest for their co nd es cen
sion to the young stranger In two excellent hous eholds
he was a welco me and i ntimate guest that Of La u b erie
and Colombier There were daughters in both His
acquai ntance with Mlle de La u b erie was that o f o ne
who respected her ch aracter and appreciated her beauty
In 1 80 5 she was appoin ted lady in waiting to the Empress
but declined the appointment because Of her duties as
wife and mother In th e in timacy wi th Mlle d u Colom
bier there was more coquetry S he w as a year th e
se nior and li ved on her mother s estate some m
iles from
the town Rousseau had made fashionable long walks
and life in the open The frequent visi ts Of Napoleo n
to Caroline were marked by youthf ul gaiety and bud
ding love They spent many innocent hours in the
fields and garden Of the chateau and parted with regret
Their friendshi p lasted even after she became M me de
Bressieux and they corresponded i ntimately for long
years
O f hi s fellow Ofli cers he s a w but li ttle though
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[1 7 84 8 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
70
—
“
he ate regu l arly at the table Of the Thr ee P i geons
where the li eutenants had their mess Thi s w as not
because they were distant but because he h ad no
geni us for good fellowshi p and the hab i t o f i ndifference
to hi s co mrades had grown strong upon him
The peri od Of pleasure w as not long It is i mposs ible
to judge whether the li ttle self indulgence w as a weak
relapse froman iron purpose o r part Of a definite plan
The former i s more likely so abrupt and apparently
consci ence stricken was the return to labor Hi s in cli na
tions and hi s earnest hope were comb i ned i n a longi ng
for Corsi ca l It was a b i tter disappo intment that under
the army regulations he must serve a year a s second
li eutenant before leave could be granted As if to co m
pensate hi mself and s till his longings for home an d
fami ly he sought the c ompanionshi p Of a youn g Corsican
artist named P o nto rnini then living at To u rno n a few
miles di sta nt TO this friendship we o w e the first
authentic portrai t Of Buonaparte It exhi bits a striking
profile with a well Shaped mouth and the expression Of
gravity is remarkable i n a S i tter s o young The face
portrays a studious mind Even during the mon t hs
from November to April he had not enti rely deserted
his favori te studies and agai n Rousseau had been their
compani o n and gu i de In a little study of Corsica
dated the twenty Sixth Of Ap ril 1 7 86 the earli est of
his manuscript papers he refers to the S ocial Contract
o f Rousseau with approval
and th e last sentence i s :
“
Thus the Corsicans were able in Obedi ence to all the
laws o f justice to shake Off the yoke o f Genoa and can
”
do likewise wi th that Of the French Amen
But in
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F o r an a
1
musing c ric tur by
a
a
e
u et
co mra d e a t P ris se e Ch u q
La j ne sse d
N po leo n I
2 62
Th e l eg nd is
Buo na pa rt e
a
a
eu
.
,
e
e
a
:
,
:
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,
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co urs vo l e a u seco u rs d e P ao li
po ur le t irer d es ma ins d e ses
is
en
ne m
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5
—
1 7
]
IN PARI S AND VALENCE
71
the spring it was the then famous but since forgotten
Abbé Rayn al Of whom he became a devotee At the
fir st blush it seems as if B u o na pa rt e s studies were
irregular and haphazard It is customary to attribute
slender powers Of Observation and undefin ed purposes
to childhood and youth The Op ini on may be correct
in the main and wou l d fo r the matter o f that be true
But the more we
a s regards the great mass Of adults
know Of psychology through autob i ographi es the more
certain i t appears that many a great li fe plan has been
formed in childhood and carried through with unbend
ing rigor to the end Whether B uonaparte consciously
ordered the course Of hi s study and reading or no t there
is unity in i t from first to last
After the fir st rude beginnings there were two nearly
parallel lines in hi s work The first was the acquisi ti on
Of what was essential to the practice o f a profession
nothi ng more NO o ne could be a soldier in e i ther
army or navy without a practical knowledge Of hi story
and geography for the earth and its inhabitants are in
a special sense the elements Of military activity No r
can towns be fortified nor camps intrenched no r any
Of the manifold duti es o f the general in the field be
performed without the science Of quantity and numbers
Just these things and just so far a s they were practical
the dark ambitious boy was wi lli ng to learn For
Spelling grammar rhetori c and philosophy he had no
care ; neither he no r hi s Sister Elisa the two strong
n atures o f the family could ever Spell any language
with accuracy and ease o r speak and write with rhetor
ical elegance Among the private papers o f his youth
there is but o ne mathematical study Of any importance ;
the rest are e i ther trivial o r have some practical bearing
o n the proble m
s Of gunnery When at B rienne his
patron had certified that he cared nothing for a e com
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NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
mnts and ha d none
[
1 7 84— 8 6
This w as the
to the
end But there w as ano ther branch Of kn owledge
equally practical but at that ti me necessary to so few
that it w as neither ta ught no r lea rn ed in the s choo ls
the art o f politics
h
li
s
p
e
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,
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.
—8
86
[7
7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
74
1
a teacher a young scholar would learn through con
ent the evil s Of a passing soci al state as
v incing argu m
they were not exhi b i ted elsewhere He would discern
the dangers Of eccles i astical authority o f feudal privi
lege Of absolute monarchy ; he would s ee thei r di sas
trous infl uence in the prostitution not o nl y Of soci al
but Of personal morali ty ; he wou l d become fami li ar
W ith th e necessity for renewing in stitutions as the o n
ly
means of regenerating society All these lessons would
have a value not to be exaggerated O n the other hand
when it came to the substitution Of posi tive teachi ng fo r
negative criticism he would learn nothi ng Of value and
much that w as most dangerous In utter di sregard o f
a sound historical method there was se t up as the co mer
stone Of the new poli ti cal structure a fiction o f the most
treacherous kind Buonaparte in his notes written as
he read Shows hi s contempt for it in an admirable refu
t a tio n o f the fundam
ental error Of Rousseau as to the
“
state Of nature by this remark : I beli eve man in the
state Of nature had the same power Of sensation and
”
reason which he now has
But if he did not accept
the premi ses there w as a portion Of the conclusion which
he took with avi dity the most dangerous point in all
Rousseau s system; namely the doctrine that a ll power
proceeds fro m the people not because Of thei r nature
and their hi storical organization in to families and co m
mu ni ti es but because of an agreement by indi viduals
to secure pub lic order and that consequently the co n
sent given they can withdraw the order they have
created they can destroy In this lay not merely the
germ but the whole systemOf extre me radi cali sm the
essence t h e substance and the su mOf th e French Revo
lu ti o n o n i ts extrem
e and doctrinaire side
Rousseau had been the prophet and forerunner Of the
new soc i al di spensation The scheme fo r applying its
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1 8
S TUDY AND GARRI SON LIFE
75
principles is foun d in a work which bears the name o f
a very medi ocre person th e Abbé Raynal a ma n who
enjoyed in his day an extended and splendid reputation
which no w seems to have had only the slender fo u nd a
tions Of unmerited persecution and th e friendship Of
superior men In 1 7 7 0 appeared anonymously a volume
Of whi ch as was widely known he w as the co mpiler
“
The Philosophi cal and Political History Of the Estab
lish m
e nt s and Commerce o f the Europeans in the Two
”
Indi es is a miscellany of extracts from many sources
and Of short essays by Ra yna l s brilliant acqu aintances
o n superstition
tyranny and similar themes The re
pu t e d author had written for the public prints and had
published several works none o f which attracted atten
tion The amazin g success Of this o ne was no t remark
able if a s some critics now believe at least a third of
the text was by Diderot However this may be the
posi tion of Raynal as a man Of letters immediately
became a foremost o ne and such was the vogue o f a
second edition published over hi s name in 1 7 80 that
the authorities became alarmed The climax to hi s
renown w as achi eved when in 1 7 8 1 his book was
publicly burned and the compiler fled in to exil e
By 1 7 8 5 the storm had fin ally subsided and though
he had not yet returned to France it is supposed that
through the friendship o f Mme d u Colombier the
fri endly patroness Of the young lieutenant co m
mu nica
tion was opened between the great ma n and hi s as pir
”
“
ing reader l
Not yet eighteen are the startling words
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M a sso n (Na po leo n inco nnu
V o l I p 1 60 ) d enie s a ll th e sta t e
1
,
mnts Of thi s p r gr ph H lik
wise pr v s t h i wn s tisf cti n
th t B n p rte w n ith r in
Ly ns n in D o u y a t thi s time
Th na rra tive h r giv en i b se d
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e
a a
o
e
o
a
o
a
a
o
or
e
a
s o
as
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e
e
a
a
o
e
e
a
e e
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s
a
Ju ng wh o fo l
lo ws th e fo rmer inh is reprint Of th e
do c u ments givi ng th e ve ry dubi
o u s re fe r en
ce M ss Archive s d e la
gue rre Altho ugh the se ma nu
scri pts co uld no t b e fo und by me
I a mno t willing to disca rd Jung s
o
n Co sto n a nd
on
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[1 7 8 6 8 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
76
—
in the letter written by Buonaparte
I am a writer
it is the age when we must learn Will my boldn ess
subject me to your rai llery ? NO I am sure If
indulgence be a mark Of true genius you should have
much indulgence I inclose chapters o ne and two Of a
hi story of Corsica with an outline of the rest If you
approve I will go on ; if you advise me to stop I will
go no fur ther
The young historian s letter teems
with bad spelling and bad grammar but it is saturated
with the spirit Of his age The chapters a s they came
to R a yna l s hands are not in existence so far as is kn own
and posterity can n ever judge how monumental their
author s assurance was The abbé s reply w as kindl y
but he advised the novice to complete his researches
and then to rewrite his pieces Buonaparte w as no t
unwilling to profit by the counsels he received : soon
after i n Jul y 1 7 8 6 he gave two orders to a Genevese
bookseller one for books concerning Corsica another
for th e me moirs Of M me de Warens and her servant
Claude Anet whi ch are a sort Of supplemen t to Rous
”
Confessions
s ea u s
During May Of the same year he jotted down wi th
considerable fullness his notions o f the true relations
between Church and S tate He had been readin g Rou
stan s reply to Rousseau and was evidently overpowered
with the necessity Of subordinatin g ecclesiastical to
secul ar authority Th e paper is rude and in complete
but it shows whence he derived hi s policy of dealin g
with the Pope and the Roman Church in France It
has very un justly been called an attempted refutation Of
Christianity : it is nothing Of the sort Ecclesiasti cism
a utho rity co m
ple te ly no r to im so me slight co ll a tera l e vidence
pugu hi s goo d faith M en inOffice See Vieux : Na po leo n 5 Lyo n p
freq
uently pla y stra nge pra nks 4 a nd So uvenirs a l usa ge d es
with ffi cia l p p ers a nd th se ma y ha bitants d e D o u a y D o ua y 1 8 2 2
M o reo ver th re is
ye t b e fo und
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1 8
] S TUDY AND GARRI SO N LI FE
77
and C h ristianity being hopelessly confused in his min d
he uses the terms in terchangeably in an academic and
polemic discussion to prove that the theory Of the social
contract must destroy all ecclesiastical as sumption Of
supreme power in the state
S ome of the lagging days were spent no t onl y in
novel readi ng as the E mperor in after years confessed
to Mme de R é m
u sa t but in attempts at novel writin g
to relieve the tedi um Of idl e hours It is said that first
and last B uonaparte read Werther five times through
Enough remains among hi s boyish scribblin gs to Show
how fantastic were the dreams bo th Of love and of glory
in which he indulged Many entertain a suspicion that
amid the gai eties of the winter he had reall y lost his
heart o r thought he had and w as repulsed At least
”
“
in hi s Dialogue on Love written five years later he
says I too was once in love and proceeds after a
few lines to decry the sentiment as harmfu l to man
kin d a some thin g from which Go d would do well to
emancipate it This may have refe rred to his first
meetin g and conversation with a courtesan at Paris
whi ch he describes in o ne o f hi s papers but thi s is no t
likely from the context which is not concerned with the
gratification Of sexual passion It is Of the nobler senti
ment that he speaks and there seems to have been in
the in terval no opportunity fo r philandering so good as
the o ne he had enjoyed during hi s boyish acquain tance
with Mlle Caroline d u Colombier It h as at all events
been her good fortune to secure by this supposition a
place in history not merely a s the fir st gi rl friend o f
Napoleon but as the Object Of his first pure passion
But these were his avocations ; the real occupation Of
his time was study B esides readin g again the chief
works Of Rousseau and devouring those o f Rayn al his
most beloved author he also read much in the works
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[1 7 se s 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
78
Of Voltaire Of Filangieri Of Necker and Of Adam S mith
With note book and pencil he extracted annotated and
criticized hi s min d alert and every faculty bent to the
clear apprehension Of the subject in hand TO the con
cepti o n of the state as a private corporation whi ch he
had imbibed from Rousseau w a s now added the con
v ictio n that the institutions Of France were no longer
adapted to the occupations beliefs o r morals Of her
people and that revolution was a necessity To judge
from a memoir presented some years later to the Lyons
Academy he must have absorbed the teachi ngs Of the
”
“
Two Indi es almost entir e
The consumin g zeal for stu di es o n the part Of this
incomprehensible youth is probably unparalleled Hav
ing read Plutarch in hi s chi ldhood he now devoured
Herodotus S trabo and Dio d o ru s ; China Arabia and
the Indies dazzled hi s imagi nation and what he could
lay hands upon concerning the East was soon assimi
lated England and Germany next engaged his atten
tion and toward the close Of hi s stu di es he became ardent
in examining the m
i n utest parti culars Of French hi s
tory It was moreover the science Of history and
not its literature which occupied hi m dry details
Of revenue resources and institutions ; the S orbonne
the bull Unigeni tu s and church history in general ; the
character Of peoples the origi n Of institutions the
—
philosophy o f legislation
all these he stu di ed and
i f the fragments Of his notes be trustworthy evidence
as they surely are with some thoroughness He also
found time to read the masterp i eces Of French litera
ture and the great critical judgments whi ch had been
passed upo n them l
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Th e v o lum
es o f N a po l éo n in
co nnu co nta in th e text o f th e se
pa pe rs a s deciphe red fo r M
.
M a sso n a nd revise d by hi m M y
ne x a m
ina tio n, whi ch a nteda t ed
h is tr a nscriptio n by
o re th a n a
.
ow
m
E T
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1 7
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]
1 8
S TUDY AND GARRI SO N LIFE
79
The agreeable and studi ous li fe at Valence was s oon
ended Early in August 1 7 8 6 a little rebellion known
”
Tw o cent Revolt broke o u t in Lyons over a
as the
st rike o f the silk weavers fo r two cents an ell more pay
an d the revolt Of the ta vern keepers against the enforce
”
ment Of the B a nv in an ancient feudal ri ght levyi ng
a heavy tax on the sale Of wine The neighboring gar
risons were ordered to furnish thei r respecti ve quota s
for the suppressi on Of the upris ing B u o na pa r t e s
company was sent among others but those earli er o n
the groun d had been active several workmen ha d bee n
kill ed and the disturbance was already quelled when he
arrived The days he spent at Lyons were so agreeable
that a s he wrote his uncle Fesch he left the city with
”
“
regret to follow his destiny
His regiment had been
ordered northward to Douay in Flanders ; he returned to
Valence and reached that city about the end o f August
Hi s furlough began nominally o n O ctober fir st but for
the Corsican Ofli cers a month s grace was add ed so
that he was free to leave on S eptember first
The ti me Spent under the summer skies Of the north
would have been dreary enough if he had regularly
recei ved news from home Utterly without success in
fin ding occupation in Corsica and hope less a s to France
Joseph had some time before turned his eyes toward
Tuscany for a possible ca reer He was now about to
make a fin al effort and seek personally at the Tuscan
capita l Offici al recognition with a view to relearning his
native tongue now almost forgotten and to Obtaining
subsequent employment Of any kin d tha t might Offer
in the land Of hi s birth Lucien the archdeacon was
de m
yea r
led m
e t o trust th eir
o n th e
u es
a
V ie
Epo q
a uth e nticity a bso lute ly a s far a s
which h s th e a ppea ra nce o f a
t h e writer s m
goo d ca su l scribbling d o ne in a n idle
o ry a nd
em
faith a re co nce rned I ca nno t mo ment o n th e first scra p tha t
re ly s po sitively as M a sso n do e s ca me to ha nd
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[1 7 86 8 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
80
—
seriously ill and Ge neral Marbeuf the last influential
friend Of the family had di ed Louis had been promi sed
a s ch o la rshi pino ne Of the royal artillery schools ; depri ved
Of hi s patron he wo u ld probably lose the appoin tment
Finally the pecu niary a fl a irs Of Mme de Buonaparte
were again entangled and now appeared hopeless S he
had fo r a time been receiving an annual state bounty
fo r raising mulberry trees as France was i ntroducing
si lk culture i nto the island The i nspectors had con
ne d this year s work and were wi thhold ing a su b
d em
These were the facts
s t a nti a l portion Of the allowance
and they probably reached Napoleon at Valence ; it was
doubtless a knowledge o f them which put an end to all
his light heartedness and to his study historical o r poli ti
cal He immediately made ready to avai l himself of hi s
leave so that he might in stantly s e t o u t to his mother s
relief
Despondent an d anxious he moped grew miserable
and contracted a Slight malarial fever which for the
next Six o r seven years never enti rely relaxed i ts hold
o n him
Among his papers has recently been found the
long wild pessimistic rhapsody to which reference has
already been made and in whi ch there is talk o f su i ci de
The plaint i s Of the degeneracy among men Of the d es tru c
tion Of primiti ve simpli city in Corsi ca by the French
occupati on o f his o wn isolation and Of hi s yearning to
see his fri ends once more Li fe is no longer worth while ;
his country gone a patriot has naught to live for espe
cia lly when he has no pleasure and all is p ain
when the
character Of those about him is to hi s o wn as moonli ght
is to sunlight If there were but a single life i n his way
he would bury the avenging blade Of his country and
her violated laws i n the bosomOf the tyr ant S ome Of
hi s com
plaining was even less coherent than this It
i s absurd to take the morbid outpouring seriously
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[1 7 se s7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
82
to S ir Neil Campbell that he had been sent thi ther
”
But in the Epochs Of My Life he wrote that he left
Valence on S eptember first 1 7 86 for Ajaccio arrivi ng
Weighi ng the probabilities it seems
o n the fifteenth
likely that the latter w a s doubtful S ince there i s but
the slenderest possib ili ty Of hi s havin g been at Douay
i n the following year the only other hypothesis and
there exi sts no record Of hi s activities in Corsica before
the Spring Of 1 7 8 7 The C hronology Of the two years
is still i nvolved i n Obscurity and it i s possible that he
went with hi s regiment to Douay contracted his ma
laria there and did not actu ally get leave Of ab se n ce
until February fir st of the latter ye ar
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CHAP TER VII
F URTH E R ATTE MP TS AT AUTH OR SHI P
S tra its Of th e B u o na p a rte Fa m
il y
N a po le o ns E ffo rts to Reli e v e
—
—
h
H
S
tudi
s
m
o
m
e
e
His Hist o r y a nd S h o rt S t o rie s
T e
’
Visit to P a ris Rene w e d P e titio ns t o Go v e rnment
M o re
A uth o rship S e cur e s E xte nsio n o f his Le a v e — Th e F a m
ily
Fo rtune s D e spe ra t e Th e Histo ry o f Co rsic a Co mpl e t e d
Fa ilure to Find a P ub lish e r
I ts S ty l e Opinio ns a nd Va lu e
S entiments E xpr ess e d in his S h o rt S to ri e s N a p o l eo n s
His L ife a t A ux o nne H is
I rr e gula ritie s a s a French Ofli cer
Va in A pp e a l to P ao li Th e Histo ry D e di ca te d to N e c ke r
,
,
’
.
HEN Napoleon arrived at Ajaccio and after
an absence Of eight years was again with his
family he found thei r affairs in a seri ous condition
Not one Of the Old French Offici als remai ned ; the dip
lo m
a tic leniency o f occupation was giving place to the
Official stringency Of a permanent possessi on ; propor
tio na t ely the disaff ection Of the patriot remnant am
ong
the people was Slowly developing into a wide spread
discontent Joseph the hered i tary head o f a family
whi ch had been thoroughl y French in conduct and was
supposed to be SO in sentiment which at least looked
to the Ki ng for further favors was s till a stanch royalist
Having been unsuccessful in every other direction he
was now seeking to establish a mercantile connection
with Florence whi ch wou l d enable him to engage in the
Oil trade
A modest beginning was he hoped about to
be made It was hi gh time for the onl y support Of hi s
mother and her chi ldren in the failure to secure the
promi sed subsidy for her mulberry plantatio ns was the
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[1 7 8 7 89
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
84
—
income Of the Old archdeacon , who was now co nfined to
hi s room , and growin g feebler every day under attacks
’
Unfort un ately, Joseph s well meant efl o rts
Of gout
-
.
agai n came to naught
The behavior Of the pale feverish masterful youn g
lieutenant was n o t altogether praiseworthy He filled
the house with his n ew fangled philosophy an d assumed
a self importan t air Among his papers an d in hi s own
handwritin g is a blank form for engaging and bin ding
recruits Clearly he had a tacit understandi n g either
with himself o r with others to secure some Of the fin e
Corsican youth for the regiment Of La Fé re But there
is no record o f any success in the enterprise Among
the letters which he wrote was o ne date d April first 1 7 8 7
to the ren own ed Dr Tissot Of Lausann e referring to
his correspondent s in terest in Paoli and asking advice
concerning the treatment of the canon s gout The
physician never replied and the epistle was foun d
“
among his papers marked unanswered an d of little
interest
The Old ecclesiastic li stened to his nephew s
patriotic tirades and even approved ; Mme de Buona
parte col d ly disapproved S he would have preferred
calmer more efli cient common sense Not that her
so n was inactive i n her behalf ; o n the contrary he began
a series Of busy representations to the provin cial Oflicials
which secured some good will and even triflin g favor to
the family But the results were otherwise u nsa tis fa c
tory for the mulberry money was not paid
Napoleon s zeal fo r study was not in the least abated
in the atmosphere Of home Joseph in his memoirs says
the reunited family was happy in spite of troubles
There was reciprocal joy in thei r companionship a nd his
long absent brother was glad i n the pleasures both Of
home and Of nature so congenial to his feelings an d his
tastes The most impo rta nt part of Napoleo n s baggage
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[ 78 7 8 9
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
86
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1
round Of family cares wen t o n ; but the days and weeks
brought n o relief 1 11 heal th there w as and perhaps
suffici ent to justify that plea but the physi cal fever
was in tensified by the checks whi ch want s e t upon ambi
tion The pass io n for authorship reasserted i tself with
undi minished violen ce The history Of Cors i ca was
resumed recast and vigorously continued whi le at the
same time the writer completed a short story entitled
”
“
The Coun t of Essex
with an English setting o f
course
and wrote a Corsican novel The latter
abounds in bitterness against France the most potent
force in the development Of the plot bei ng the dagger
The author s u s e Of French though easi er i s still very
A slight essay o r rather story in the style
imperfect
“
”
Of Voltaire en titled The Masked Prophet was also
completed
It was reported early in the autumn that many regi
ments were to be mobilized for speci al service among
them that Of La F ere This gave Napo leon exactly the
ope ning he desired and he left Corsica at once without
reference to the end Of his furlough He reached Paris
in O ctober a fortnight before he was due H i s regi ment
a y have spent a few days with
w as still at Douay : he m
i t in that c i ty But this i s not cert ai n and soon after
i t w as tran sferred to S t D enis now almost a suburb Of
Pari s ; it was destined fo r service i n western France
where incipient tum u l ts were presaging the comi ng
storm Eventually its destination w as changed and it
The Estates —General of
w as ordered t o Auxo nn e
France were about to meet fo r the first ti me i n o ne
hundred and seventy fiv e years ; they had last me t in
They were no w
1 6 1 4 and had broken up i n disorder
c alled a s a desperate remedy not understood but at
least untried for ever i ncreasing e mbarrass ments ; and
the government fearing still greater disorders w a s
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E T
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ATTEMPT S AT AUTH O R S HIP
]
87
i ght break o u t in
makin g ready to repress an y that m
All this
di stricts kn own to be speciall y disaffected
w as apparently Of secondary importance to youn g
B uonaparte ; he had a scheme to u s e the crisis for the
benefit o f his famil y Compelled by their utter d es titu
tion at the time Of his father s death he had tempo
r a rily and fo r that occasion assumed hi s father s r O
le
Of suppliant No w for a second time he sent in a peti
tion It w as written in Paris dated November ni nth
and addressed in his mother s behalf to the
1 787
intendant for Corsica resident at the French capit al
His name and position must have ca rried some wei ght
it could no t have been the mere e ffrontery of an a d v en
turer whi ch secured him a hearing at Vers a illes an inter
view with the prime minister Lomenie de B ri enne and
admission to all the minor O ffi cials who mi ght deal with
his mother s cl ai m All these privi leges he declares
that he had enjoyed and the statements must have been
true The petition w a s prefaced by a personal letter
contai nin g them Though a supplicat ion i n form the
request is unli ke hi s father s humble and almost cringi ng
papers being rather a de mand fo r justi ce than a peti
tion fo r favor ; i t i s unl ike them in another respect
because it cont ai ns a falsehood o r at least an utterly
mi sleading half truth : a statement that he had shortened
hi s leave because Of his mother s urgent necessities
The paper was not handed in un til after the expiration
Of his leave and hi s true Object was not to rejoin his
regi ment as was hinted in it but to secure a second
extension Of leave S uch was the slackn ess Of di scipline
that he spent a ll of November and the first half Of
December i n Paris
During this period he made
acquaintance with the darker Side Of Paris life The
papers n umbered four five and six i n th e Fesch colle e
tion give a f airly detai led accoun t Of o ne adventure and
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NAP OLE O N B O NAP ARTE
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1 7 87 - 89
The second suggests th e writing
hi s bitter repentance
Of hi story as an antidote fo r u nhappines s , an d the last
is a long , rambling effusion in denunciatio n Of pleasure ,
passion , and license ; Of gallantry as utterly inco patible
.
m
with patriotism His acquaintance with hi story is
ransacked for examples S till another short effusion
which may belong to the same period is in the form Of
an imaginary letter saturated likewise wi th the Corsie
spirit addressed by Ki ng Theodore to Walpole It has
little val ue or meaning except as it may possibly fore
shadow the i nfluence o n Napoleon s imagination Of
England s boundless hospit a lity to politic al fugitives
like Theodore and Paoli
Lieutenant B uonaparte remai ned in Paris un til he s u c
issio n to spen d the next six
cee d e d in procuring perm
months in Corsica at hi s o wn charges He was quite
a s disin genuous in his request to the Minister Of War as
in his memorial to the intendant for Corsica represent
ing that the estates of Corsica were about to meet and
that his presence was essential to safeguard important
interests which in his absence would be seriously com
promised Whatever such a plea ma y have meant his
serious cares as the real head o f the family were ever
uppermost and n ever neglected Louis had as was
feared lost hi s appointment and though not past the
legal age w as reall y too Old to aw ai t another vacancy ;
Lucien was determined to leave B rienne in any case
and to stay at Aix i n order to seize th e fir st chance which
might arise of entering the seminary Napoleon made
—
some provision
what it was is not known
fo r
Louis s further temporary stay at B rienne and then
took Lucien with him as far as their route lay together
He reached hi s home again o n the first Of January 1 7 88
The affai rs Of the family were at last utterly desperate
an d were likely moreover to grow worse before they
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
99
1
or was o f recent formation Napoleon no w in tended to
make fame and profit go hand in hand The meeting
Of the Corsican estates w a s as far as is kn own entirely
forgotten and authorship w as resumed not merely with
the ardor Of o ne who writes frominclin ation but with
the regul ar drudgery Of a craftsman In spite Of all
discouragements he appeared to a visitor in his family
still considered the most devoted in the island to the
French monarchy because so favored by it as bein g
full o f vivaci ty qu ick in his speech and motions his
min d apparently hard at work in digestin g schemes an d
fo rming plans and proudl y rejectin g every other su g
gestion but that Of his own fancy F o r this intolerable
ambition he was Often reproved by the elder Lucien
his un cle a digni ta ry Of the church Yet these a dmo ni
ti ons seemed to make no i mpression upon the mind Of
Napoleon who received themwith a grin Of pity if no t
” 1
Of contempt
The amusements Of the versatile and
headstrong boy would have been su fli cient occupation
for most men Regulating as far a s possible hi s
mother s complicated affairs he journeyed frequentl y
to B astia probably to collect money due fo r young mu l
berry trees which had been sold possibly to get material
fo r his history
O n these visits he me t and dined with
the artillery Ofli cers Of the company stationed there
O ne Of them M de Ro man a very pronounced royali st
2
h as given in his mem
oirs a strikin g portrait Of his guest
His face was not pleas in g to me at all his character
still less ; and he was s o dry and sententious fo r a youth
o f his age a French O ffi cer t o o that I n ever for a m
oment
entertained the thought of m aking himmy friend My
kn owledge Of governments ancient and modern was
not su fli ciently extended to di scuss wi th him his favorite
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rr espo nd ence Of Sir Jo hn S incla ir I 4 7
So uv enirs d u n Ofl l cier ro ya liste par M d e R
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1
20
ATTEMPT S AT AUTH O R S HIP
]
subject Of co nversation SO when in my turn I gave
the di nner which happened three or four times that
year I re tired after the coffee leaving him to the han ds
Of a captai n Of ours far better able than I w as to l o ck
arms with such a valiant an tago nist My comr ades
like myself saw nothing in thi s but absurd pe dantry
We even believed that this magisterial tone which he
assumed was meaningless u ntil o ne day when he reasoned
SO forcibly o n the rights Of nations i n general hi s o wn
in particu l ar Stu pete gentes ' that we could no t recover
from o u r amazement especially when in speaking Of
a meetin g Of their Estates about calling which there was
some deliberation and which M de B arrin sought to
delay following in that the blunders o f hi s predecessor
he said : that it was very surp ris i ng that M de B arrin
thought to prevent themfrom deliberatin g about their
interests adding in a threatening tone M de B arrin
does not know the Corsicans ; he will s e e what they can
do
Thi s expression gave the measure Of his character
O ne Of our comrades replied : Would you draw your
sword against the King s representative ? He made no
answer We separated coldly and that w as the last
time this former comrade did me the honor to dine wi th
”
me
Making all allowance this incident exhibits the
feeling and purpose Of Napoleon During these days he
also completed a plan for the defense Of S t Florent
Of La M o r tilla and Of t h e Gulf of Ajaccio ; drew up a
report o n the organi zation of the Corsica n m
i litia ; and
wrote a paper o n the strategic importance Of the Made
leine Islands This was his play ; his work was the
history o f Corsica It was finished sooner than he had
expected ; anxious to reap the pecu niary harvest Of his
labors and f
resu m
e his duties
he was ready for the
printer when he left for France in the latter part Of May
to secu re its publication Al though dedicated in its
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NAP O LE O N B O NAPARTE
2
9
—8
9
first form to a powerful patron Mo nseigneur Marbeuf
then Bishop o f S ens like many works from the pe n Of
ge nius it rem ai ned at the author s death in manuscript
The book was o f moderate size and Of moderate
merit l Its form repeatedl y changed from motives Of
expedi ency w as at first that Of letters addr essed to the
Abbé Rayn al Its contents display little research an d
n o scholarshi p The style is intended to be popular
an d is dramatic rather than narrative There is
exhibited as everywhere i n these early writings an
in tense hatred Of France a glowing afl e ctio n for Corsica
and her heroes A very short accoun t Of o n e chapter
will suffi ciently characterize the whole work Hav ing
ou tlined in perhaps the most effective passage the
career Of S ampiero and sketched hi s di plomatic failures
at a ll the Europe an courts except th a t Of Co nsta nti
no ple where at last he had secured sympathy and w as
prom
i sed aid the author depicts the patriot s bitterness
when recalled by the news Of his wife s treachery Co n
fronting hi s guilty spouse deaf to every plea for pity
hardened against the tender caresses Of his childr en the
“
”
Corsican hero utters judgment
Madam he sternly
“
says in the face Of crime a nd di sgrace there is no other
”
resort but dea th
Vannina at first falls un co nscious
but regaining her sen ses sh e Clasps her chi ldren to her
breast and begs life for their sake But feeling that the
petitio n is futile She then rec al ls the memory o f her
earlier virtue and facing her fate begs a s a last favor
that n o bas e executioner shall lay hi s soiled hands on
the wife of S ampiero but that he himself shall execute
the sen tence V a nnina s behavior moves her husband
“
but does no t touch his heart
The pity and tender
”
“
ness
says Buonaparte
which sh e should have
awaken ed foun d a soul thenceforward closed to the
P rint ed in Na po leo ninco nnu V o l II p 1 6 7
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
94
1 78
—
7 89
have bee n thought by believers in augury to be pro
“
'
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credible
i
n
st
a
nce
How
far
can
the
passion
i
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h
e
t
p
”
for fame go ' Among the papers Of thi s peri od are
”
“
also a constitution for the cal otte a secret society
Of his regiment organized to keep its members up to the
mark Of conduct expected fromgentlemen and O fficers
and many poli tical notes One Of these rough drafts
is a proj ect for an essay on royal po wer intended to
treat Of its origin an d to display its usurpations and
which closes with these words : There are but few
”
kin gs who do not deserve to be dethroned
The various absences Of Buonaparte from his regiment
up to th i s time are anta goni stic to o u r modern ideas
Of military duty The subsequent ones seem Simply
inexpli cable even in a service SO lax a s that Of the
crumbling B ourbon dynasty Almost imme di ately af ter
Joseph s return on the first Of June he sailed for France
He did not reach Auxonne where the artill ery regiment
La Fé re was now stationed un til early in that month
He remai ned there less than a year and a half
1 7 88
and then actually Obtained ano ther leave Of absence
from S eptember tenth 1 7 89 to February 1 7 9 1 whi ch
he fully intended should end in his retirement from the
1
French service
The in cidents Of this second term Of
garrison lif e are not numerous but from the considerable
Simila r insta nces o f r epea ted was in rela tio ns wi th a f mo us
an
d l eng th ened a bse nce fro mduty
ctress and wro te ve rse s wh ich
am
on
g th e yo ung Ofli cers a re ar e printed E ven M e tte rnich
numro us a nd ea sily fo und in th e
reco rds tha t th e yo ung N po leo n
a rchiv e s
Neve rth less Buo na
B o na p a rt e h ad j ust l eft th e Al sa
p a rte s ca se is a v e ry extra o rdina ry tian ca pita l wh en h e himse lf
e xa m
ple Of h o w a cl eve r pe rso n a rrived th ere in 1 7 88 La ter In
co uld wo rk th e system Th e f cts 1 80 6 a fencing ma st er cl imed
a e b a d en
o ugh but a s m
a ny citie s
tha t h e ha d instructed bo th th ese
cl ai med Ho me r SO in th e N po le gre a t men in th e ea rli r yea r a t
on
i c l ge nd e v nts o f
so j urn S tra sburg Y t th e wh l ta l is
a t S tra sburg
bo ut this time imp ssibl S e Na po le ninc nnu
wer e given in gr t d ta il He V o l I p 4
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] ATTEMPTS AT AUTHOR S HIP
95
body Of his notes and exercises which dates from the
period we kn ow t h at he sudde nly developed great zeal
i n the study Of artillery theoreti cal and practica l and
that he redoubled his industry in the pursuit Of histori cal
an d political science In the former lin e he worked
e expert With his instructor
diligently and becam
D u t eil he grew inti mate and the friendship was close
throughout life He associated o n the best of terms
wi th his Old frien d des M az is and began a pleasant
acquaintance with Gassendi SO faithful was he to the
minutest details Of his professio n that he received marks
Of the highest distin ction Not yet twenty and onl y a
second lieutenant he was appointed with Six Ofli cers
issio n
o f hi gher ra nk a member Of the regi mental comm
to study the best disposal Of mortars and cannon i n
firing Shells Either at this time o r later (the date is
uncertain) he had sole charge o f important manoeuvers
held in honor Of the Prin ce Of Condé These honors he
recoun ted with honest pride in a letter dated August
twenty second to his great un cle Among the Fesch
papers are considerable fragments Of his writing on the
theory practice and hi story Of artillery An tiquated
as are their contents they show how patient and thorough
was the work Of the student and s ome Of their ideas
adapted to n ew conditions were his permanent posses
sion as the greatest master o f artillery at the hei ght
Of his fame In the study Of poli ti cs he read Plato and
exami ned the constitutions Of antiqui ty devouring with
avidity what literature he could fin d concerning Venice
Turkey Tartary and Arabia At the same time he
carefully read the history Of England and made some
accurate Observations o n the condi tio n Of contempo
ra ne o u s politics in France
His last di sappointment had rendered him more
t a citu mand misanth ropic than ever ; it seem
s clear that
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
96
1 7 8 7- 3
9
he w as workin g to become an expert no t for the benefit
Of France but for that Of Corsi ca Charged wi t h the
oversight Of so me Slight works o n the fortifications he
displayed such in competence that he was actually
punished by a sh o rt arrest Misfortune still pu rsued
the f amily The youth who had been appo inted to
B rienne when Louis was expecting a scholarshi p sud
M me de Buonaparte was true to the family
d enly died
tradition and immedi ately forwarded a petition for
the place but was as before unsuccessful Lucien w as
not yet admi tted to Aix ; Joseph was a barrister to be
sure but b riefl ess Napoleon once again but for the
—
last time
and with marked impatience even with
too k up the task Of solici tation The
irnpertinence
o nly result was a good humored non—committal reply
Meantime the first mutterin gs o f the revolutionary o u t
bre ak were heard and spasmodic d isorders trifli ng but
portentous were breaking o u t no t onl y among the
people but even among the royal troops On e o f these
at S eurre was occasioned by the news that the hated
an d n otorious syndicate existing under the scandalous
“
agreement with the King known as the B arg ain Of
”
Famine had been makin g additional purchases Of
grai n from two merchants Of that town This was in
April 1 7 89 Buonaparte was put in command Of a
company and sent to aid in suppressin g the riot But
it was ended before he arrived ; on May first he returned
to Auxonne
Four days later the Esta tes met at Versailles What
i n d o f the restless bitter dis a p
w as passin g in the m
pointed Corsi can i s again pl ainly revealed A famous
letter to Paoli to whi ch reference has already been
made i s dated June twelfth It is a justification o f his
cherished work as the only means Open to a poor ma n
the slave Of circumstan ces for summonin g the French
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NAP OLE ON B ONAP ARTE
by
—
[1 78 7 89
mn ws ha t the hat d
e
t
e
d
w
1 7 89
.
B u o nap a rte
m min M
at
in
ad
d
a
C H A RL ES B O NA P A RTE
FATH ER O F T H E EM P ER OR NA P O LEO N
I 7 85
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
93
[1 7 8 7 89
—
was most u ndigni fied and petty With the u nprin
ent Of despai r in want Of mo ney not of
ciple d resentm
advice he entirely remodeled i t for the third ti me its
chapters bei ng now put as fragmentary tradi tions into
the mouth Of a Corsi can mount ain eer In thi s form it
was dedicated to Necker the famous S wiss who as
French mi nister Of fin ance was vainly struggli ng with
the problem Of how to di stri bute taxation equally and
to collect from the privileged classes their share A
copy was first sent to a former teacher for cri ti cism
His judgment was extremely severe bo t h as to expression
and style In particular attention was ca lled to the
di sadvantage Of i ndulgi ng in so much rhetoric for the
benefit o f an overworked public servant li ke Necker
and to the inappropri ateness Of putting hi s o w n meta
physi cal generalizations and captious cri ticism of French
royalty i nto the mouth o f a peasant mountaineer
B efore the correspondence ended Napoleon s student
life was over Necker had fled the French Revolution
was rushing o n with ever increasing speed an d the
young adventurer despai ri ng Of success as a writer
seized the pro ffered Openi ng to become a man o f acti on
In a letter dated January twe lfth 1 7 8 9 and written
at Auxonne to hi s mother the young Ofli cer gives a
dreary account Of hi mself The swamps Of the neigh
alarious exhalations rendered the
b o rh o o d and the i r m
place he thought utterly unwholesome At all events
he had contracted a low fever which undermin ed his
strength and depressed hi s Sp i rits There was no
immediate hope Of a favorable response to the peti tion
for the moneys due on the mulberry plantation because
“
this unhappy period in French fin ance delays furiously
(s i c) the discussion Of o u r affai r Let us hope however
that we ma y be compensated for o u r long and weary
”
w aiting and that we shall receive complete restitution
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E T I S 20
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] ATTEMPT S AT AUTH O R S HIP
99
He writes fu rther a terse sketch of publi c a fl ai rs in Fran ce
and Europe spe aks despairingly Of what the council Of
war has in store for the engin eers by the proposed
reorg anization and closes with tender remembrances
to Joseph and Lucien begging for news and reminding
them that he ha d received no home letter Since the pre
cedin g O ctober The reader feels that matters have
come to a climax and that the scholar is soon to enter
the arena Of revolutionary activity Curiously enough
the language used is French ; this is probably due to the
fact that it was in tended for the family r a ther than for
the n eighborh oo d circle
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CHAPTER VIII
THE
RE V OLUTI ON I N FRAN CE
French Ar isto cra cy P rie sts L a w ye rs a nd P e tty N o b l e s
B urgh ers A rtisa ns a nd L a bo r ers I ntelli g ent Curio sity o f
E x a spe r a ting A na chro ni s m
t h e N a tio n
s Co ntra st o f D e
ma nd a nd Re so u rce s Th e Grea t N o b l e s a B a rrie r to Re fo rm
— M ista k e s Of t h e King — Th e E sta t e s M ee t a t V e rsa ill e s
D o w nfa ll o f Fe u d a l
Th e Co urt P a rty P ro vo ke s Vio l enc e
P rivil e g e
Th e
,
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T last the ideas Of the cen tury had declared open
war o n its in stitutions ; their moral conquest was
already coextensive with central and western Europe
but the first efforts toward their realization were to be
made in France fo r the reason that the line Of least
resistance was to be foun d not through the most down
trodden but through the freest and the best instructed
nati on o n the Continent B oth the clergy and the
n obility Of France had become accustomed to the
absorption in the crown Of their an ci ent feud al power
They were content with the great Ofli ces in the church
i n the army and in the civil admi ni stration wi th ex
emption from the payment Of taxes ; they were happy
in the deli ghts Of literature and the fin e arts in the joys
Of a polite
self indu lgent and spendthrift society s o
artificial and conventio nal that for most Of it s members
a su fli cient occupation was foun d in the study and
expositio n Of its trivial but complex customs The con
duct and main tenance Of a sal on the stage gallan try ;
clothes table mann ers the u se Of the fan : these are
specimens Of what were considered n ot the incidents but
the essenti als Of life
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NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
1 0 2
1 7 87
—
89
this w as still more t rue Of the burghe r s In 1 6 1 4 at
the close o f the middl e ages the thi rd estate had been
little concerned with the agri cultural laborer F o r
various reasons this class had been gr adually ema nci
pated until now there was less serfage i n France than
elsewhere ; more than a quarter perhaps a third Of
the land was in the hands Of peasants and other small
proprietors Thi s to be sure was economically disas
trous fo r over divisi on Of land makes tillage u npro fit
able and these very men were the taxpayers The
change had been still more marked in the deni zens Of
towns During the last two centuri es the wealthy bur
gesses had grown still more wealthy in the expansi on
Of trade commerce and manufactures ; many had
struggled and bought their way into the ranks of the
nob i lity The small tradesmen had remained smug
hard to move and resentful Of change But there was
a large body Of men unknown to previous constituti ons
and growing ever larger w i th the increase i n population
— i ntelligent and unintell i gent arti sans
half educated
employees in workshops mi lls and trading houses ever
recruited from the country population seeki ng such
i ntermittent occupati on as the towns afforded The
very lowest stratum Of thi s society was then a s now
most dangerous ; idle di ssipated and unscrupulous
they were yet su fli ci ently educated to di scuss and dis
semin ate perilous doctrines and were Often most ready
i n speech and fe r tile in resource
This comparative well being Of a nation devoted like
the ancient Greeks to novelty avid Of great ideas and
great deeds holding Opinions not merely for the pleasure
Of intellectual gymn astics but logicall y and with a view
to thei r realization sensi tive to influences like the deep
impressi ons made o n thei r thi nk ers by the English and
Ameri can revolution s
such relative comfort with its
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1 8
E T
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] THE REV OLUTI O N IN FRANCE
1 03
atten dant Opportunities for discussion w a s no t the least
o f many causes whi ch made France the vanguard in the
great revolution which had already triumphed in theory
throughout the contin ent and was eve n tually to trans
form the social order Of all Europe
Discussion is not only a safety valve it is absolutely
essential in governments where th e religion morals
Opini ons and occupations Of the people give form and
character t o instituti ons and legislation The central
iz e d and despotic Bourbon monarchy Of France was a n
anachr onismamong an intelligent people S o was every
institution emanating from and dependent upon it It
w as impossible for the structure to stand indefinitely
however tenderly it was treated however cleverly it
was propped and repaired As in the case Of England
in 1 688 and Of her colonies in 1 7 7 2 the immedi ate and
direct agency in the crash was a matter Of money But
the analogy holds good no further for in France the
questions Of property and taxation were vastly more
complex than in England where the march Of events
had SO largely destroyed feudali sm o r in America where
feudalism had never exi sted O n the great French
estates the laborers had first to support the proprietor
and hi s representatives then the Church and the King ;
the minute remainder o f their gains was scarcely s u fli
ci ent to keep th e wolf from the door The small pro
r
i
r
e
t
o
s were so hampered in their Operations by the
p
tiny size Of their holdings that they were still restricted
to ancient and wretched methods Of cul tivation ; but
they t o o were so burdened with contributions di rect and
indi rect that fami ne w a s always imminent with them as
well Under whatever name the tax w as kn own license
(octroi) bri dge and ferry toll road work salt tax o r
whatever it may have been it was chi efly distasteful
not because o f its form but because it was Oppre s
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 04
1 78
7 89
-
sive S ome o f it w a s pai d to the proprietors some to
the state The former was more hatefu l because th e
gai ner was near and more tangible ; the hatred o f th e
coun try people for the feudal privileges and those who
held them w as therefore concrete and quite as in tense
as the more doctrinaire dislike o f the poor in the towns
to the rich S uch was the alienation Of classes from
each other throughout the beginning and mid dl e of the
century that the di sasters which French arms su fl e red
at the hands Of Marlborough and Frederick so far from
hum
i liating the nation gave pleasure and not pain to
the masses because they were as they thought defeats
n ot of France but Of the nob ility and of the crown
Feudal dues had arisen when those i mposing them
had the physical force to compel their payment and were
also the proprietors Of the land on which they were
exacted No w the nobility were entirely stripped o f
power and in many instances Of land as well How
e mpty and bottomless the oppressive i nstitutions and
how burdensome the taxes which rested o n nothi ng
but a paper grant musty with age and backed only by
royal complaisance ' Want to o was always looki ng i n at
the doors Of the many while the few were enjoying the
national substance This year there was a crisis for
before the previous harvest time devastating hai l storms
had swept the fields in 1 7 88 ; duri ng the winter there
had been pinchi ng want and many had perished from
destitution and cold ; the advancing seasons had brought
warmth but su fficient ti me had not even yet elapsed
fo r fields and herds to bri ng forth their increase and by
the myriad fire s id es Of the people hunger was still an
unwelcome guest
With wholeso me economy such crises may be s u r
mounted in a rich and fertile country But economy
had no t been practised fo r fifty years by the governi ng
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 06
1 7 87
89
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an d the people knew that they thems elves were
n ot onl y bankrupt but also hun gry and oppressed
At last the Kin g aware Of t h e nation s extremity began
to un dertake refo rms without reference to class prej u
dice and o n his o wn authority He decreed a stamp
tax and the equal distribution of the lan d tax He
strove to compel the unwillin g parliament Of Paris a
court Of justice which though ancient he hims elf h a d
but recently recons ti tuted to regi ster his decrees a nd
then banished it from the capital because it wou l d not
That court had been the last remai ni n g che ck o n a b so
lu ti smin the country an d as such an ally Of the people ;
SO that although the motives a n
d the meas ures Of Lo uis
were just the hi gh handed mean s to whi ch he resorted
in order to carry them alienated him still fur ther from
the a fl e ctio ns Of th e nation The parliament in justi
fying i ts Opposition had declared that taxes in Fran ce
co u l d be l ai d onl y by the Esta tes General The people
had almost forgotten the very name an d were entirely
i gnorant Of what that body w as vaguely suppo sin g
that like the English Parliament or the American Con
gress it was in some sense a legislative assembly They
therefore made their voice heard in no un certain so u nd
demandi ng that the Esta tes should meet Louis aban
do m
ed hi s attitude Of independence an d recal l ed the
Paris parliament from Troyes but o nly to exasperate
i ts members still further by insistin g on a huge loan
on the restoration Of civil rights to the Protes tan ts a nd
o n restrictin g n ot o nly i ts powers but those Of all Simi
lar courts throughout the realm The parliament the n
declared that France w as a limited monarchy with con
s ti tu tio na l checks o n th e power Of the crown and e xas
en flocked to the city to remonstrate again st
pera t ed m
the menace to their liberties in the degradation Of all the
parliaments by the King s action in regard to that of
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1 8
—
E T
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20
] THE REVOLUTI O N IN FRANCE
1 0 7
Paris Those from Brittany formed an association
which soon admitted other members and developed
in to the notorious Jacobin Club s o called fro m i t s
meeting place a convent o n the Rue S t Honoré once
occupied by Dominican mo nks who had moved thither
fromthe Rue S t Jacques
TO summon the Estates was a virtual confessio n that
absoluti smin France was at an end In the seventeenth
century the three estates deliberated separately S uch
matters came before them as were submitted by the
crown chiefly demands for revenue A decision was
reached by the agreement of any two Of the three and
whatever proposition the crown submitted was either
accepted o r rejected There was no re al legislation
Louis no doubt hoped that the eighteenth century a s
He could
b ly wo u l d be like that of the seventeenth
sem
then by the coali tion Of the nobles and the clergy against
the b urghers or by any other arran gement o f two to
o ne secure autho rization either for his loans o r for hi s
reforms as the ca se might be and s o carry both But
the France of 1 7 89 was not the France o f 1 6 1 4 As
soon as the call for the meeting was issued and the
decisive steps were taken the whole country w a s flooded
with pamphl ets Most o f them were ephemeral ; o ne
was epochal In it the Abbé S iey es asked the question
”
“
What is the third estate ? and answered so as to
strengthen the already Spreading convicti o n that the
people of France were really the nation The King
was so far convin ced a s to agree that the thi rd esta te
Should be represented by delegates equal in nu mber to
those Of the clergy and nobles combined The elections
passed quietly and o n May fifth 1 7 8 9 the Estates met
at Versailles under the shadow Of the court It was
mediately evident that the hands Of the clock could
im
no t be put back two centuries and that here was gath
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 08
—
ered an assembly unlike any that had ever met in the
country determi ned to express the sentiments and to
be the executive of the masses who in their opinion
constituted the nation On June seven teenth there
fore after long talk and much hesitati on the repre
selves the
senta tiv es of the thi rd estate decl ared them
representatives Of the whole nation and i nvited their
colleagues of the clergy and nobles to joi n t hem Their
meeting place having been closed i n consequence Of this
deci si on they gathered without authorization in the
royal tennis court o n June twentie th and boun d them
selves by oath not to disperse until they had i ntroduced
a new order Lou i s was nevertheless nearly successful
in his plan Of keeping the sittings Of the three esta tes
separate He was thwarted by the eloquence and
courage Of M i rabeau On June twenty seventh a ma
m
of
the
delegates
fro
the two upper estates join ed
o
r
i
t
j
y
those Of the th i rd estate in constituting a n ational
assembly
At this jun ctur e the court party began the disastrous
policy which in the end was responsible for most Of the
terrible excesses Of the French Revolution by insi stin g
that troops should be call ed to restrai n the Assembly
and that Necker Should be bani shed Louis Showed
the same vacill ating Spiri t now that he had di splayed
in yieldin g to the Assembly and assented The noble
offi cers had lately Shown themselves un trustwor thy
and the men in the ranks refused to Obey when called
to fight against the people The baser Social elements
Of the whole country had long Since swarmed to the
capital Thei r leaders now fanned the flame Of popular
d i scontent until at last resort was had to violence On
July twelfth the barri ers o f Paris were burned and
the regular troops were defeated by the mob in the Place
in itself a
e ; o n Ju l y fourteenth the B astille
V end Om
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 10
[1 7 8 7 8 9
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S t B artholomew Of privilege they s u rrendered
their privileges in a mass Every vestige no t onl y o f
feudal but also Of chartered privilege was to be swept
away ; even the Ki ng s hunting groun ds were to be
reduced to the di mensions permitted to a p rivate gentle
man All men alike it was agreed were to renounce the
convention al and arbitrary distin c tions which had created
inequali ty in civil and political life and accept the a b so
lute equality Of citizenshi p Liberty and fraternity were
the two springers Of the n ew arch ; i ts keystone w a s
to be equali ty On Au gu s t twenty third the Assembly
decreed freedomOf reli gious opinion ; o n the n ext day
freedom Of the press
th e
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CHAPTER IX
B UONAP ARTE AND RE V OLUTI ON m C ORS I CA
N a po l eo n5 S tu di es Co ntinu e d a t A uxo nne A no t h e r I llne ss a nd
Furlo ugh His S ch eme Of Co rsica n L ib er a tio n His
a
A ppea ra nce a t Tw ent y His A tta inments a nd Ch a ra cte r
e w a rd J o urn
Th e Ho m
ey
H is S hift y Co nduct
New P a rtie s
—
—
h
rsic
a
li
c
e
t
i
a
n
d
t
e
N
a
t
i
o
n
a
lists
N a po l eo n B e
t
a
S
in Co
c o me s a P o litic al A gita to r a nd L ea d e r o f th e Ra dical s
b ly I nc o rpo ra te s Co rsica with Fra nc e
Th e N a tio nal A ss em
ne st y to P a o li
Mom
enta ry Jo y o f th e C0 1
an
d Gr a nts Am
sica n P a trio ts Th e Fr ench A ss emb l y Ridi cul e s Ge no a s
N a po l eo ns P la n fo r Co rsic a n A dministra tio n
P r o t est
’
’
’
.
UCH were the events takin g place in the great world
while Buonaparte w as at Auxonne That town
as had been expected was most un easy and on July
ni neteenth 1 7 8 9 there was an actual outbreak Of vio
lence di rected there as elsewhere ag ainst the tax
receivers The riot was easily suppressed and for some
weeks yet the regular roun d Of studious monotony in
the young lieutenant s life was not disturbed except as
“
hi s poverty made hi s ascetici sm more rigorous
I have
”
no other resource but work he wrote to hi s mother ;
“
I dress but once in eight days [S unday para d e P] ; I
sleep but little since my illn ess ; it is incredible I
retire at ten and rise at four in the morning I t ake
”
but o ne meal a day at three ; that is good fo r my health
More bad n ews came from Corsica The starvin g
patriot fell seriously ill and for a time hi s life hung in
the balance O n August eighth he was at last su fli ci ently
restored to travel and applied fo r a six months fur
lough to begin i m
mediately Under the re gu lations in
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[1 7 8 9 90
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 I 2
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spi te Of his previous leaves and irregulari ties he was
this year entitled to such a vacation but no t befo r e
O ctober His plea that the winter was unfavorable for
the voyage to Corsica w a s characteristic for i t was
nei ther altogether true nor altogether false He was
feverish and ill exci ted by news Of turmoil s at ho me
and wished to be o n the scene Of action ; thi s would have
been a true and s u fli cient ground for hi s request It
was likewise true however that his chance for a smoo t h
passage was better in August than i n O ctober and thi s
evi dent fact though probably i rrelevant mi ght move
the authori ti es Thei r answer was favorable and o n
S eptember S ixteenth he left Auxonne
In the i nterval occurred a muti ny i n the regiment
The pay Of the menwas far in arrears and they demanded
a di vi si on Of the surplus which had accumulated from
the vari ous re gimental grants and which was managed
by the Ofli cer s for the benefit Of their o w n mess The
Ofli ce rs were co m
pelled to yi eld s o far had revolutionary
license supplanted royal and military authority O f
course a general orgy followed It seems to have been
during these days that the scheme of Corsi can liberation
whi ch brought hi mfinally i nto the field Of poli ti cs took
shape i n Napoleo n s mind Fesch had returned to
Corsi ca and had long kept hi s nephew thoroughl y
i nformed Of the Situation By the anarchy prevailing
all about him in France and beginn i ng to prevail i n
Corsica his eyes were Opened to the possibili ties Of the
Revolution for o ne who knew how to take advantage
Of the changed order
The appearance Of Buonaparte in hi s twentieth year
was not i n general noteworthy Hi s head was shapely
but not un common in size although disproportionate
to the frame which bore i t His forehead was wi de
and Of medi umhei ght ; o n each side long chestn ut hai r
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[ 7 9 90
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 1 4
1
principles o f Rousseau and Raynal thoroughly His
conception of politics and men was n ot scientific but it
The trade Of arms had not
w as clear and practical
been to his taste He heartily disliked routine and
despised the petty duties Of hi s rank His professi on
however was a me ans to an end ; Of any mastery of
strategy o r tactics or even interest in the mhe had as
l
yet given no Si gn but he was absorbed in co nt em
p at
i ng and analyzing the explo i ts Of the great world con
u ero rs
In particular his mind was dazzled by the
q
splendors Of the O rient as the only field o n which an
Alexander cou ld have di splayed hi mself and he kn ew
what but a few great min ds have grasped that the
interchange o f relations between the East and the West
had been the life of the world The greatness Of Eng
land he understood to be largely due to her bestriding
the two hemispheres
Up to thi s moment he had been a theorist and might
have wasted his fin e powers by further indulgence in
dazzli ng generalizations as s o many boys do when not
c all ed to test thei r hypotheses by experience Hence
fo rward he w as removed fromthis temptation A plan
for an elective council in Corsica to replace that Of the
nobles and for a local militia having been matured he
was a cautious and practical experimenter from the
moment he left Auxonne Thus far he had put in to
practice none o f hi s fin e thoughts nor the lessons learned
i n books The fam
ily destitution had made him a
solicitor Of favors and but for the turn in public a fl a irs
he mi ght have continued to be o ne His own inclin a
ti ons had made hi m both a good student and a poor
Oflice r ; without a field for larger duties he might have
remai ned as he was In Corsica hi s line of conduct
was not changed abruptly : the possibilities Of greater
thi ngs dawni ng gradually th e application of great co n
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E T 20
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2 1
]
REV OLUTI O N IN C O R S ICA
5
already fo rmed came with the march of events
not like the su n bursting out from behi nd a cloud
Traveling by way Of Aix Napoleon took the u nlucky
Lucien with him Thi s wayward but independent
younger brother m akin g no allowan ce as he tells us
in his published memoirs for the di sd ain an Older boy
at school is supposed to feel for a younger o ne blood
relative o r not had been repell ed by the cold recepti on
Having left that
h is senior had given hi mat B rienne
school against the advice Of the same would b e mentor
his suit for admissio n to Aix had been fruitless Ne ce s
and the two who i n
sity was drivin g him homeward
after days were again to be separated were now fo r
almost the onl y time in their lives co mpanions for a
considerable period Their in tercourse made them no
more harmoni ous in feelin g The only incident Of the
journ ey was a visit to the Abbé Raynal at Marseilles
We woul d gladly know somethin g Of the ta lk between
the master and the pupil but we do not
Napoleon fou n d no change in the circumstances of
the Buonaparte family The Old archdeacon was still
li v ing and for the mo ment all except Eli sa were at
home O n the whole they were more n eedy than ever
The death Of their patron Marbeuf had been followed
by the fin al rejection o f their long urged suit and this
fact combined with the poli tic al Opinions o f the elder
Lucien was beginni ng to wean them from the Offi cial
clique There were the same factions as before
the
OflI cia l party and the patriots
S ince the death Of
Charles de Buonaparte the former had been represented
at Vers ailles by Buttafuoco Ch o is eu l s unworthy ins tru
ment in acquiring the island and now a s then an
u n
i nfl u entia l and consequential self seeker
I ts mem
bers were all aristocrats and royalist in politics The
higher priesthood were o f Similar m
i nd and had chosen
ceptio ns
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[1 7 89 9
— 0
NAP OLE O N B ON APARTE
1 1 6
the Abbé Peretti to represent them ; the parish priests
were with the people B oth the hi gher
as in France
classes were comparatively small ; in spite of twenty
years Of peace under French ru le they were both exces
siv ely unpopular and utterly without any hold on the
islanders They had but o ne partizan with an influential
n ame a son Of the Old time patri ot G a fl o ri the father
The overwhelmi ng majority Of
in law Of Buttafuoco
the n atives were little changed in their temper There
were the Old un swerv ing patriots who wanted absolute
in dependence an d were now call ed P a o lis ts ; there were
the self styled patriots the younger men who wanted
a protectorate that they might enjoy virtual ind epe n
dence and secure a career by peace There was in the
harbor town s on the eastern slope the same submissive
peace loving temper as Of Old ; in the west the same
fiery warlike spirit Corte w as the center Of Paoli s
power Cal vi was the seat o f French influence B astia
w as radical Ajaccio w as about equally divided between
the youn ger and Older parties wi th a strong inf u sion
o f o ffi cial infl uence
B oth the representatives Of the people in the nation al
convention were o f the moderate party ; o ne Of them
Sa lice tti was a m
a n o f ability a friend Of the Buona
partes and destined later to influence deeply the course
Of th el r a fl a irs He an d his colleague Colonna were
urging o n the National Assembly measures for the loc al
administratio n of the island To this faction a s t o
the other it had become clear that i f Corsica was to
reap the benefits Of the n ew era it must be by unio n
under Paoli All Old and young alike desired a
thorough refo rm Of their barbarous jurisprudence and
like all other French subjects a free press free trade
the abolition Of all privilege equality i n taxatio n
eligibility to Ofli ce wi thout regar d to r ank an d the
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[1 7 89 9
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
I 1 8
nothi ng but submit the suggestion to the body against
whose influence it was aimed the hated council Of
twelve n obles The stupid sarcasm Of such a step w as
well nigh crimi n al
Under such instigation the flames Of discontent broke
Paoli s agents were agai n most active
o u t in Corsica
In many town s the people rose to attack the citadels
and to seiz e the authority In Ajacci o
o r barracks
Napoleon de Buonaparte pro mptly asserted hi mself as
the natural leader The already exi stin g de mocratic
club was rapi dl y organized into the nucleus Of a home
guard and recruited in numbers B ut there were none
Of Paoli s moun taineers to aid the unwarlike burghers
as there had been in B astia G a ffo ri appeared o n the
scene but neither the magic of his name the troops
that accompanied hi m nor the adverse representations
Of the council which he brought with him could allay
the discontent He therefore remai ned for three days
i n seclusion and then departed i n secret O n the other
i dated permitting without
hand the populace was inti m
resistan ce the roo ms Of the club to be closed by the
troops and the town to be put under martial law
Nothing remai ned fo r the agitators but to protest and
disperse They held a fin al meeting therefore o n
O ctober thirty firs t 1 7 89 i n one Of the churches and
Signed an appeal to the National Assembly to be pre
sented by Sa lice tti and Colonna It had been written
and was read aloud by Buonaparte as he now signed
1
hi mself S ome Share in its composi tion was later clai med
for Joseph but the fiery style the numerous blunders
in grammar and spelling the terse thought and the
concise form are all characteri stic Of Napoleon The
right Of pet i tion the recital Of unjust acts the illegal
action of the council the use Of force the hollown ess Of
P rinted in Co st o n I I 9 4
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E T 20
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2 1
]
REV OLUTI O N IN C O R S ICA
1 1 9
the pretexts under which their request had been refused
the demand that the troops be withdrawn an d redress
granted
all these are crudely but forcibly presented
The document presages revolution Under a well con
stituted and regul ar authority its writer and signatories
would Of course have been punished fo r insubordina
tion
Even as things were an Officer Of the King w as
running serious risks by hi s promi nence in connectio n
wi th it
Discouraging as was the outcome o f this movement
in Ajaccio similar agitatio ns elsewhere were more
successfu l The men o f Isola Rossa under Arena who
had just returned fro m a consultatio n wi th Paoli in
England were entirely successful in seizing the supreme
authority ; s o were those Of Bastia under Murati a
devoted friend of Paoli O ne untrustworthy authority
a personal enemy Of Buonaparte declares that the latter
thwarted in hi s o wn town at once went over to B astia
then the residence Of General de B arrin the Fre n ch
royalist governor and successfully di rected the revolt
in that place but there is no corroborative evidence to
this doubtful story
S imultaneously with these events the Natio n al
Assembly had been debating how the position o f the
King under the new consti tution w as to be expressed
by his title Absolutism bei ng ended he could no
longer be ki ng Of France a style whi ch to men then
li ving impli ed ownership King o f the French was
“
selected as the n ew form ; should they add and Of
”
Navarre ? Sa li ce t ti with consummate diplomacy had
already warned many Of his fellow delegates of the
danger lest England should intervene in Corsica and
France lose o ne Of her best recruitin g groun ds To hi s
compatriots he s e t forth that Fran ce w as the best pro
tector whether they desired partial or complete inde
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 20
pend ence
1 7 89
—
90
He n ow suggested that if the Assembly
thus recognized the separate i dentity Of the Pyrenean
people they must supplement thei r phrase still further
“
by the words and Of Corsica
for i t had been only
n ominally and as a pledge that Genoa in 1 7 68 had put
France in control At this stage Of the debate Volney
presented a number o f formal demands from the Co r
sican patriots asking that the posi tion Of their coun try
be defined O ne Of these papers certai nl y came from
B asti a ; among them also was probably the docu ment
whi ch had been executed at Ajacci o Thi s was th e
cul mination Of the skilful revolutionary agi tati on whi ch
had been started and directed by Masseri a un der Paoli s
gui dance The an omalous posi tion Of both Corsica and
Navarre was clearly depicted in the mere presen t ation
Of such petiti ons
If the Na v a rre s e are not French
”
what have we to do with them o r they wi th us ? s ai d
M i rabeau The argument was as unanswerable for o ne
land as fo r the other and both were incorporated i n the
rea hn: Corsica on November th i rtieth by a proposition
Of Sa lice t ti s who was apparently unwilli ng but who
posed as o ne under imperative n ecessity In reality
he had reached the go a l for whi ch he had long been
strivin g D u m
o u riez later SO renown ed a s a general
and Mirabeau the great statesman and orator had
both been members of the French army o f occupation
which reduced Cor s i ca to submission The latter now
recalled hi s misdeed with sorrow and shame in an impas
d e rs includ
s io ne d plea for amnesty to all poli tical Ofl e n
ing Paoli There w as bitter opposition but the great
orator prevailed
The news w as received in Corsica with every mani
s
fe s t a tio n Of joy ; bo nfires were lighted and Te D eu m
were sung in the churches Paoli to rejoin his o w n
agai n ' What more could di s i nterested patriots desire ?
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 22
1 7 8 9 —9 0
The situation w a s n ow most delicate as far as Buona
parte w as concerned His suggestio n Of a local mili tia
contemplated the extension Of the revolutionary move
ment to Corsica His appeal to the National Assembly
demanded merely the right to do what one French city
o r d istrict after another had done : to establish loc al
authority to form a National Guard and to unfurl the
red white and blue There was nothi ng in it about
the incorporation Of Corsica in France ; that had come
to p as s through the insurgents Of B astia who had been
organized by Paoli inspired by the attempt at Ajacci o
and gui ded at last by Sa li ce t ti A little later Buona
parte took pain s to set forth how much better under
his plan would have been the situation Of Corsican
affairs if with their guard organized and their colors
mounted they could have recall ed Paoli and have
awaited the event wi th power either to rej ect such
pro posi tions a s the royalists if successful would have
made o r to accept the conclusions Of the French Assembly
with proper self respect and not o n compulsion Hith
erto he had lost no Opportunity to express his hatred Of
France ; it is possible that he had planned the virtu al
independence Of Corsi ca with himself as the liberator
o r at least as Paol i s S amp i ero
The reservations Of
h i s Ajaccio document and the b i tterness Of his feelings
are not however s u fli cie nt proo f Of such a presumption
But the in corporation had take n place Corsica was a
portio n of F r an ce , an d everyb od y was wild wi th delight
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CHAPTER X
FI R S T LE S SON S I N RE V OLUTI ON
French So ldi e r a nd Co rsica n P a trio t P a o li s He sita ncy His
Re turn to Co rsica
C ro ss P urpo s e s in Fra nc e
A New Fu r
l o ugh M o ne y Tra nsa ctio ns o f N a po l eo na nd Jo s e ph Ope n
Ho stilitie s Ag a inst Fra nc e — A ddre ss t o th e French Ass emb l y
Th e B a stia U prising
Reo rg a niz a tio nOf Co rsica n A dm
inistr a
tio n M ee ti ng o f N a po leo na nd P a o li Co rsica n P o litics
S tu d ie s in S o cie t y
’
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.
HAT was to be the future Of o ne whose feelings
were s o hostile to the nation with the fortunes
of whi ch he now seemed irrevocably identified ? There
is n o evidence that Buo n aparte ever asked hi mself such
disquieting questions TO judge from hi s conduct he
was not in the least troubled Fully aware Of the dis
organization both social and mi litary wh i ch was well
nigh universal in France with two months more Of his
furlough yet unexpired he awaited developments not
haste ning to meet diffi culties before they presented
themselves What the young democrats could d o they
did The town govern ment wa s en ti rely reorganized
with a friend Of the B u o na pa rt es as mayor and Joseph
employed at last ' as hi s secretary A local guard
was also raised and equipped B eing French however
and no t Corsican Napoleon could not accept a command
i n it for he w a s already an offi cer in the French army
But he served in the ranks as a common soldier an d was
an ardent agi tator in the club which almost imme di ately
reopened its doors In the impossibility Of further
action there was a relapse into authorship The hi story
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1 23
[1 7 99
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 24
Corsica was again revised though no t softened ; the
letters i nto whi ch it w as di vided were addr essed to
Rayn al In collaboration with Fesch Buonaparte also
drew up a memoir o n the oath whi ch w a s required from
priests
When Paoli first received news Of the amnesty granted
at the ins tance o f Mirabeau an d of the action taken
by the French Assembly which had made Corsica a
French department he was deli ghted and deeply moved
Hi s noble in stincts told him at once that he could no
longer li ve i n the enjoyme n t Of an Engli sh pension or
even in England ; for he w as convinced that hi s country
would eventually reach a more perfect autonomy under
France than under the wing Of any other power an d
that as a patriot he must not fail even in appearance
to maintain that position But he also felt that his
return to Corsica wou l d endanger the success Of this
policy ; the ardent moun taineers would demand more
extreme measures for co mplete independence than he
could take ; the lowlanders would be an gry at the attitude
Of sympathy with h i s Old fri ends which he must assume
In a sp i ri t Of self sa crifice therefore he made ready to
ex change his comfortable exile for o ne more uncongenial
and Of course more b i tter
But the National Assembly with less insight desired
nothi n g s o much a s hi s presence in the new French
department He w a s growing Old and yielded ag ain st
his better judgment to the uni ted solicitation Of French
interest and Of Cors i can impolicy Passi ng through
France he was detained for over two months by the
ovations forced upon hi m In Paris the King urged him
t o accept honors Of every kind ; but they were firmly
refused : the reception however whi ch the Assembly
gave hi m in the name Of li berty he declared to be the
proudest occas i on of his li fe At Lyons the populace
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[1 7 90
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 26
republicans Of the Assembly ; for should the evacuation
be secured it w as believed that either the radi cals in
Corsica would rise overpo wer and destroy the friends
Of France call in E nglish help and di minish the number
o f democratic departments by o ne o r that Genoa would
imme di ately step in and reassert her sovereign ty The
moderates Of S t Floren t were no t to be thus duped ;
sharp and angry discussions arose among both ci tizens
an d troops as to the Obedi ence due to such orders
and soon both soldiers and townsfolk were i n a frenzy
Of excitement A collisi on between the two parties
occurred and Rully w as killed Papers were found o n
his person which proved that his sympathi zers woul d
gladly have abandoned Corsica to its fate For the
moment the young Corsi cans were more devoted than
ever to Paoli Sin ce now onl y through hi s good Ofli ces
wi th the French Assembly could a chance fo r the success
Of their plans be secured
S uch was the di versi ty Of Opinion as to ways and
means as to resources opportunities and deta ils that
everything was for the moment in co nfusion On
April sixteenth Buonaparte applied fo r an extension Of
his furlough until the following O ctober o n the plea o f
continued i ll health that he might drink the waters
a second ti me at O rezza whose springs he explai n ed
had shown themselves to be effi cacious in his complaint
He may have been at that resort once before or he may
not Doubtless the fever was still lingerin g in hi s
system What the degree Of his illness was we cannot
tell It may have u nfitt ed him for active service with
his regiment ; it di d not di sable hi mfrom pursuing hi s
occupations in writin g and political agi tation His
request w as granted on May twentieth The history
Of Corsica w as no w fin ally revised and the new ded ica
ti on completed This with a letter an d so me chapters
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LE SSO N S IN RE VOLUTI ON
1 27
b o ok was forwarded to Rayn al probably by
post Joseph who was o ne of the delegates to meet
Paoli would pass through Marseilles wrote Napoleon
to the abbé and would hand him the rest if he should
The text Of the unlucky book was not
s o desire
materially altered Its theory appears always to have
been that history is but a succession Of great names and
the story therefore i s more a biographical record than
a connected narrative The dedication however was a
new step in the painf u l progress Of more accurate think
ing and better expressi on ; the additions to the volume
cont ain ed am
id many immaturities and platitudes some
ripe and clever thought B u o na pa r te s passion for
his bantling w as once more the ardor Of a misdirected
genius unsul li ed by th e desire for money which had
played a temporary part
We kn ow nothing definite Of his pecu niary a fl a irs
but somehow o r other his fortunes must have mended
There is no other explanat i on Of his numerous and costly
journeys an d we hear that for a time he had money in
his purse I n the will which he dictated at S t Helena
is a bequest Of one hundred thousand francs to the
chi ldren Of his friend who was the first mayor o f Ajaccio
by the popu l ar will It is not unlikely that the legacy
was a grateful souveni r Of advances made about thi s
time There is another possible explanation The
club Of Ajaccio had chosen a delegat i on Of which Joseph
Buonaparte was a member to bring Paol i ho me from
France To meet its expenses the mu ni cipali ty had
forced the authorities of the prI es t s sem
inary to open
their strong box and to hand over upward Of two
thousand francs Napoleon may have shared Joseph s
portio n We should be reminded in such a stroke
but with a di fference to be sure Of what happened
when a few years la ter the hungry and ragged soldiers
Of
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[1 7 90
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 28
Of the Republic were led in to the fat pl ains of Lo m
bardy
The contemptuous attitude o f the Ajaccio liberals
toward the reli gion of Rome seriously alienated the
superstitious populace from them Buonaparte was
once attacked in the public square by a processio n
organi zed to deprecate the policy Of the National As
On e
b ly with regard to the ecclesiastical estates
sem
Of the few royali st Ofli cials left in Corsi ca also took
advantage Of the general disorder to express his feelings
plainl y as to the acts Of the same body He was arrested
tried in Ajaccio and acquitted by a sympatheti c judge
At once the liberals took alarm ; their club and the
and then on June twenty fifth
Ofli ci a ls first protested
assumed the O ffensive in the name Of the Assembly It
was o n thi s occasion probably that he w as seen by the
family friend who narrat ed his memories to the Engli sh
diarist already mentioned
I remember to have seen
Napoleon very active among the enraged populace
again st those then called aristocrats and ru nni ng
through the streets Of Ajaccio so busy in pro moting
dissatisfactio n that though he lost his hat he di d not
feel nor care for the efl e ct s Of the scorching su n to whi ch
he was exposed the whole Of that memorable day The
revolution having struck its poisonous root Napoleo n
never ceased stirring up his brothers Joseph and Lucien
who being mo ved at his instance were constantly
attending clubs and popular meeti ngs where they Ofte n
delivered speeches and debated publi c matters while
Napoleon s a t listeni ng i n silence as he had no turn fo r
”
oratory
On e day i n December the narrator con
I was sent for by his uncle already mentioned
ti nu es
in order to assist hi mi n preparing his testament ; and
after having settled his family concern s the conversa
r
tion turned upon politics when speakin g of the im
o
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[1 7 99
NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
1 36
authorities The paper wa s dated O ctober thirty firs t
and fearlessly signed both by himself and the
1 7 89
other leaders including the mayor It execrates the
sympathizers with the Old order i n France and lauds
the Assembly with all its works ; denounces those who
sold the land to France which coul d O ffer nothing but
an end Of the chain that bound her ; and warns the
enemies Of the new constitution that thei r day is over
There is a longi ng reference to the ideal self determina
tion whi ch the previous attempt might have secured
The present risi ng is justified however as an e ffort to
1
f
carry o u t the principles o the new charter
There are
the same suggested force and suppressed fury as i n his
previous manifesto the same fervid rhetoric the same
lack Of coherence in expression The same two elements
that Of the eighteenth century metaphysics and that Of
his o w n uncultured force combine in the co mposition
Naturally enough th e unrest of the town was not
diminished ; there was even a sl i ght colli sion between
the garrison and the civil authorities
Buonaparte was Of course suspected and hated by
Catholi cs and military alike French Ofli cer though
he was no o ne in Corsi ca thought Of hi m otherwise than
as a Corsican revolut i oni st A mong his o wn friends he
continued his unswerving career It was he who was
chosen to wri te the address from Ajacci o to Paoli
although the two men did not meet until somewhat
later Wi th the arrival Of the great li berator the grasp
Of the Old O ffi cials o n the i sland relaxed and the bluster
Of the few who had grown rich in t h e royal service
ceased The Assembly was finally triumphant ; this new
department was at last to be organi zed l ike those Of
the adoptive mother It was high time for the publ i c
order was seri ously endangered in th i s transi ti on period
F o r t h e t e xt see Na po leo n inco nnu I I 9
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LE SSO N S
IN
REV OLUTI O N
The disturban ces at Ajaccio had been trifli ng compared
with the revolutionary procedure i naugurated and
carried to extremes in B astia This city being the
capital and residence of the governor Buonaparte and
his comrades had no sooner completed their address
to the French Assembly than they hurried thither to
beard de B arrin and revolutio nize the garri son Thei r
success w as complete : garrison and citizens ali ke were
roused and the governor cowed Both sol di ers and
people assumed the tricolor cockade o n November fif th
B arrin even assented to the formation Of a
1 7 89
nation a l militia On this basis order w a s established
This w as another affair from that at Ajaccio and
attracted th e attention Of the Paris As sembly strongly
influencing the government in its arrangements with
Paoli The young Buonaparte was naturally very
un easy as to his position a nd s o rema ined fai rly quiet
until February when the incorporation Of the island
with France was completed Immediately he gave free
vent to his energi es Two letters Of Napoleon s written
in August 1 7 90 display a feverish spirit Of unrest in
hi mself and enu m
erate the many uprisings in the
n eighborhood with their varying degrees Of success
Under provisional authority arrangements were made
after some delay to hold elections for the Ofli cia ls Of
the new system whose legal design ati on was directors
Their appointment and conduct would be d e t ermma
tive Of Co rsica s future an d were therefore Of the highest
impo rtance
In a pure democracy the voters assemble to deliberate
and record their decisions S uch were the local di s
triet meetings in Corsica These chose the representa
tiv e s to the central constituent assembly which was to
meet at O rezza o n S eptember nin th 1 7 90
Joseph
Buonaparte and Fesch were among the members sent
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[1 7 90
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 32
from Ajaccio The healing waters which Napoleon
u afi at O rezza were the influence o f the
wished to q
debates Although he could n ot be a member Of the
assembly o n account Of his youth he w as determined
to be present The three relatives traveled fro mtheir
home in compan y Joseph enchanted by the scenery
Napoleon studying the strategic po i nts o n the way
I n order that hi s presen ce at O rezza might not unduly
a fl e ct the course Of events Paoli had deli cately chosen
as his temporary home the village Of Rosti no which was
o n their route
Here occurred the meeting between
the two great Corsicans the ma n o f ideas and the man
Of action NO doubt Paoli w as anxious to win a family
so important and a patri ot so ardent In any case he
invited the three young men to accompany him over
the fata l battle ground Of Ponte Nuovo If it had
really been Napo leon s ambition to become the chief
Of the French National Guard for Corsica which would
n ow in all probability be fully organiz ed it i s very
likely that he woul d have exerted himself to secu re the
favor Of the o nly man who could fulfil his desire There
is however a tradition whi ch tends to Show quite the
contrary : it is said that after Paoli had pointed out the
disposition Of his troops fo r the fat al confli ct Napoleo n
“
dryly remarked The result of these arrangements was
”
just what it w as bound to be
A mong the Emperor s
reminiscences at the close Of his life he recalled thi s
meeting because Paoli had o n that occasion declared
him to be a man Of ancient mold like o ne Of Pluta rch s
heroes
The constituent assembly at O rezza sat for a month
I ts sessions passed al m
ost without an y incident Of
importance except the first appearance of Napoleon
as an orator in various public meetings held in connec
tion with i ts labors He is sai d to have been bashful
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[1 7 90
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 34
The choice o f Pozzo di B orgo fo r a mission Of such
importance in preference to Joseph was a di sappo i nt
ment to the B u o napa rt e s In fact not one Of the plans
concerted by the two brothers succeeded Joseph sus
ta ine d the pretensi ons Of Ajaccio to be capital of the
island but the honor was awarded to B astia He w as
n ot elected a member Of the general directory though
he succeeded in bei ng made a member fo r Ajaccio in
the di strict directory Whether to work Off hi s ill
humor o r from far seein g purpose Napoleon use d the
hours not spent i n wire pulli ng and listeni ng to the pro
Of
the
asse
m
bly
for
m
a
ki
n
g
a
ser
i
es
Of
excurs
i
ons
ce e din
s
g
which were a v i rtual canvass Of the nei ghborhood
The houses Of the poorest were his resort ; partly by
his inborn power Of pleasing partly by diplomacy he
won their h earts and learned thei r in most feelings
His purse which wa s for the moment full was open for
their gratification in a way whi ch moved them deeply
F o r years target practice had been forbidden as givin g
dangerous ski ll i n the use Of arms L iberty havin g
returned Napoleon reorganized many Of the Old rur al
festivals i n which contests Of that nature had been the
chief feature o fl e ring prizes from his o wn means for
the best marksmen among the youth His success in
feeli ng the pulse of pub lic opinion w a s SO great that he
never forgot the lesson No t lon g afterward in the
neighborhood Of Valence
in fact to the latest ti mes
he courted the society Of the lowly and established
when possible a certain in timacy with them This
gave hi mpopularity while at the same time i t enabled
hi m to Obtain the most v aluable in dications Of the
gener al temper
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CHAPTER X I
TRAI TS OF CHARA CTE R
Lite r a ry Wo rk Th e L yo ns P riz e — E ssa y o n Ha pp iness
b itio n Th e Co rsica n P a trio ts Th e B ro th e rs
Thw a rt e d A m
N a po l eo n a nd L o uis S tudie s in P o litics Reo rga niz a tio n Of
y — Th e Ch a ng e in P u b lic Opinio n A New L ea v e
t h e A rm
o f A b s enc e — N a p o l eo n A g a in a t A ux o nne — N a po l eo n a s a
Furth e r L ite ra ry E ff o rts Th e S entimenta l Jo ur ney
Tea ch e r
H is A ttitud e To w a rd Re ligio n
.
N hi s return to Ajaccio the rising agitator co n
as before to frequent his club The
ti nu e d
action Of the convention at O rezza in displacing Butta
fuoco had inflamed the young politicians sti ll more
ag ai nst the renegade This e ffect was further height
ened when it was known that at the reception o f their
delegates by the National Assembly the greater coun
cil had under M ira b ea u s leadership virtually taken
the same position regarding both himand his colleague
Napo leon had written probably in the previous year
a notorious di atri be against B uttafuoco in the form o f a
letter to i ts Object and the very ni ght o nwhi ch the news
from Paris w as received he seized the opportunity to
read it before the club at Ajaccio The paper as no w
i n existence is pompously dated January twenty thi rd
”
“
1 79 1
from my su mmer house Of M illeli
Thi s was
the retreat o n o ne Of the little fam
i ly properties to
wh i ch reference has been made There in the rocks was
a grotto known familiarly by that name ; Napoleon had
improved and b ea u tifie d the Spot usi ng it as he did his
garden at B rienne for contemplation and quiet study
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[1 7 9 1
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
Although the letter to Matteo Butt a fuoco h as been Ofte n
printed and was its au thor s first successful er rt in
writing much emphas i s should not be laid on it except
innoting the better power to express tumultuous feeling
and in marking the implications which Show an expa n
sion Of character Insubordinate to France it certai nly
is and intemperate ; turgi d to o as any youth of twenty
co u ld well make it NO doubt also i t w as intended
to secure notoriety for the writer It makes clear the
thorough apprehension i ts author had as to the radical
character o f the Revolution It is hi s fin al and publi c
renunci ation Of the royali st principles o f Charles de
Buonaparte It contains also the last profess ion Of
morality which a youth is not ashamed to make before
the cyni cism Of his own li fe becomes t o o evident for the
castigation Of selfishn ess and insincerity in others I ts
substance i s a just reproach to a selfish t rimmer ; the
froth and scum are characteristic rather of the time and
the circumsta nces than Of the personality behi nd them
There is no further mention Of a di fference between the
destinies Of France and Corsi ca To co mpare the pam
phl et wi th even the poorest work Of Rousseau a s has
Often been done is absurd ; to vilify it as ineffective trash
is equally s o
As may be imagined the Letter was received wi th
mad applause and ordered to be printed It w as now
the close Of January ; B u o na pa r te s leave had expired
on O ctober fifteenth O n November sixteenth after
loitering a whole month beyond his ti me he had Secured
a document from th e Ajaccio Ofli cial s certi fyi ng that both
he and Louis were devoted to the new republi can order
and bespeaking ass i stance for both in any diffi culties
which might arise The busy Corsican perfectly under
stood that he might already a t that ti me be regarded as
a deserter in France but still he continued his danger
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 38
relic Of barbarism celi bacy a reprehensible practice
O ur animal nature demands food shelter clo thing and
the companionship Of woman These are the essentials
o f happ in ess ; but fo r i ts perfection we require both rea
These theses are the tolerable po r
s o n and sentiment
tions bei ng discussed wi th some coherence But much
bast
Of the essay is mere meaningless rhetoric and bo m
which sounds like the effusion Of a boyish rhapsodi st
“
At the sound Of your [reason s] voice let the enemi es
Of nature be still and swallow th eir serpents tongues
”
“
in rage
The eyes Of reason restrain m ankind from
the precipice Of the passions as her decrees modify like
”
wise the feeling Oi their rights
Many other passages
Of equal absurdity cou l d be quoted full Of far fetched
metaphor aboun ding in strange terms straining rh e to ri
1
cal figures to distortion
An d yet in spite Of the b o m
bast certain essential Napoleonic ideas appear in the
paper much as they endured to the end namely those o n
heredity o n the equal division Of property and o n the
nature Of civi l society An d there is one prophetic s en
“
tence which deserves to be quoted
A disordered
imagi nation ' there lies the cause and source Of human
misfortun e It sends us wandering from sea to sea from
fancy to fancy and when at last it grows c alm Oppo r
t u ni ty h as passed the hour strikes and i ts possessor
dies abhorring life
In later days the au thor t hrew
what he probably suppo sed w as the onl y existing manu
script Of this vaporing e ffus i on into the fire But a
copy Of it had been made at Lyons perhaps because
“
as he sai d that it might
o ne Of the judges thought
have been written by a ma n otherwi se gifted with co m
mo n sense Another h as been found among th e papers
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m
ay n
ea rly all
Th e se phra se s
b e fo und in t h e no t e s which h e
a de
h a d ta ke no r j o ttings h e h a d
1
m
while rea ding Vo ltair e a nd Ro us
sea u : Na po leo n inco nnu II 2 0 9
,
2 92 .
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22
TRAIT S OF CHARACTER
]
1 59
confided by Napoleon to Fesch The proofs Of a u th en
plete It seems miraculous that its writer
ti ci t y are com
Should have become as h e di d master Of a concise and
nervous style when once hi s words became the comple
ment of his deeds
The second cause for B u o na pa rt e s delay in return i ng
to France o n the expiration o f hi s furlough was his
po litical and military ambition Thi s was suddenly
quenched by the receipt of news that the Assembly at
Paris would no t create the longed for National Guard
n or the ministry lend itself to any plan for ci rcumvent
ing the law It was therefore evident that every
chance Of becoming Paoli s li eutenant was finally gone
By the advi c e Of the president himself therefore Buona
parte determined to withdraw once more to France and
to await results Corsica was still di stracted A French
ent just at this time to
Ofli ci a l sent by the war depart m
report o n its condition is not sparing Of the language he
uses to denounce the independent feeling and anti
“
”
French sympathies Of the people
The Italian he
says acqu i esces but does not forgive ; an amb i tious
”
man keeps no faith and estimates his life by hi s power
The agent further descri bes the Corsicans as s o accus
to m
e d to u nrest by forty years o f anarchy that they
would gladly seize the first occasion t o throw o ff the
domi nation Of laws which restrain the soci al di sorder
The Buonaparte faction enumerated with the patriot
brigand Z a mpa gli ni at their head he calls despicable
” “
creatures
ruined in reputation and credit
It would be hard to find a higher compliment to Paoli
and his fri ends considering the source from whi ch these
words e man
ated They were all poor and they were
all in debt Even now in the age Of refo rm they saw
their most cherished plans thwarted by the presence
in every town o f garrisons co mposed of Officers and men
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[1 7 9 1
NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
1 40
who th ough long resident in the island and atta ched
to its people by many ties were nevertheless conserva
tive in their feelings and by the i ns tin ct Of thei r tra
dition and discipline devoted to the still powerful o fli ci al
bureaus n ot yet destr oyed by the Revolu tion To re
place these by a well organized and equipped National
Guard w as no w the most ardent wish Of a ll patriots
There was nothi ng un worthy in Napoleon s longing for
a command under the much desi red but ever elusive
reconstitution o f a force organized and armed accord
ing to the model furnished by France itself Repeated
disappoi ntments like those he had suffered before and
was experienci ng again would have crushed the spirit
mon man
o f a co m
But the youn g author had his manuscripts in hi s
pocket ; o ne of them he had means an d authority to
pub li sh Perfectly aware moreover Of the di so rga n
iza ti o n in the nation and the army careless of the order
fulm
i nated o n December second 1 7 90 against absent
Ofli cers which he kn ew to be aimed especially at the
young nobles who were deserting i n troops with his
spirit undaunted and his brain full of resources he left
Ajaccio on February first 1 7 9 1 having secured a new
s e t o f certificates as to his patriotism and devotion to
the cause Of the Revolution Like the good s o n an d
the good brother which he had always been he w as
n ot forgetful of his family Life at his home had not
become easier Joseph to be sure had an Ofli ce and a
career but the younger children were becoming a source
Of expense and Lucien would not accept the provision
which had been made for hi m The next now ready
to be educated and placed w as Lo uis a boy al re ady
between twelve and thirteen years Old ; accordingly Louis
accompanied his brother Napoleon had no promise
not even an outlook fo r the child ; but b e determined
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[1 7 9 1
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 42
according to service among the lower Ofli cers ; th e same
with room for royal di scretion among the hi gher grades ;
di vision Of the forces in to reg u lars reserves and
national guards the two former to be still recruited by
vo luntary enlistment The ancient and privileged con
and many other formerly existing but inefli
s t a b u l a ry
cient armed bodies were swept away and the present
systemOf gendarmerie was created The m
i litary courts
too were recons tituted under an impartial body Of mar
tial law S i mple numbers were substi tuted for the titu
lar distinctions hitherto used by the regi ments and a fair
schedul e Of pay pensions and mili tary honors abolished
The necessi ty of co m
a ll chance for undue favoritis m
l istm
ent was urged by a few with all the
pu l so ry e n
energy Of powerful convicti on but the plan w as dismissed
as despotic The Assembly debat ed as to whether
un der the new system king or people Should wi eld the
mili tary power They could find no satisfactory solu
tion and fin ally adopted a weak co mpromi se whi ch went
far to destroy the power Of Mirabeau because carri ed
through by him The entire work Of the comm
ission
was temporarily rendered worthless by these two essen
tial defects
there was no way Of fil ling the ranks no
strong arm to di rect the system
The first year Of trial 1 7 90 had given the disastrous
proof By this time all monarchical and absolutist
Europe was awakened against France ; onl y a mere
han dful Of enthusiastic men in England and America
still fewer elsewhere were in sympathy with her eff orts
The stoli d common sense Of the rest s a w only ruin ahead
and vi ewed askance the idealismof her unreal subtleti es
The French nobles sickened by the thought Of reform
had continued their Silly and wicked flight ; the nei gh
boring powers now preparing fo r an armed resistance
to the spread Of the Revolution were not slow to abet
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22
TRAIT S OF CHARACTER
]
1 43
them in their schemes O n every border agencies fo r
the encouragement Of desertion were establi shed and
by the Openi ng Of 1 7 9 1 the e ffective fightin g force Of
France was more than deci mated There was n o longer
any question o f d iscipl ine ; it was enough if any person
worthy to command o r serve could be retained But
the remedy fo r thi s disorganization was at hand In the
letter to Fesch to whi ch reference h as already been
made Napoleon after his Observations among the
“
people wrote : I have everywhere found the peasants
firm in their stirrups [steadfast in their Opinions]
especially in D au phiny
They are a ll di sposed to
perish in support o f the co n stitution I saw at Valence
a resolute people patrioti c soldiers and aristocratic
Officers There are however some exceptions for the
pres i dent Of the club i s a captain named d u G erbeau
He is captain in the regi ment Of Forez in garrison at
Valence
The women are everyw here royalist It
is not amazi ng ; Liberty is a prettier woman than they
and ecl ipses them Al l the pari sh priests of D a u phiny
have taken the civic oath ; they make sport Of the
bishop s outcry
What is called good society is
three four ths ari stocratic
that is they di sguise them
”
selves as admirers Of the Engli sh Constituti on
What a conci se terse sketch Of that ris ing tide Of
national feeling which was soon to make good all de
fe cts and to fill all gaps in the new mili tary system put
the army as part o f the nation under the popular
assembly kni t regulars reserves and home guard into
one and give moral support to e nforcing the propos al
for co mpulsory enlistment '
This movement was B u o napa rte s Opportunity D e
cla ring that he had twice endeavored s i nce the exp i ra
tion Of his extended furlough to cross into France he
produced certificates to that effect from the authorities
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[1 7 9
NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
1 44
Aj accio and begged fo r his pay and allowances since
that date His request was granted It is impossi ble
to deny the truth Of his statement or the genui neness
of his certificates But both were loose perversi ons Of
a half truth Shi fts palliated by the uncert ai nties Of a
revoluti onary epoch A hab i tual casuistry i s further
show n in an in teresting letter written at the same time
to M James a bus iness fri end Of Joseph s at Ch alons
in whi ch there occurs a passage Of double mean ing to
“
the effect that hi s elder brother hopes to come i n
person the following year as deputy to the National
”
Assembly whi ch was no doubt true ; for i n Sp i te o f
being in capaci tated by age he had already s a t in the
Cors i can conventi on and i n the Ajacci o councils But
the imperfect French Of the passage could also mean
and casually read does carry the i dea that Joseph
being already a deputy would visit his friend the
following year i n person
B u o na pa r t e s connecti on with his Old regiment was
soon to be broken He jo ined i t o n February thi rteenth ;
he left i t o n June fourteenth Wi th these four months
his total servi ce was five years and nine months ; but
he had been absent with o r without leave something
more than half the time ' His Old friends in Auxonne
were few in number if indeed there were any at all
No doubt his fellow Ofli ce rs were tired of performing
the absentee s duties and Of good fellowship there could
be in any case but li ttle with such d ifl e rence Of taste
poli tics and fortune as there was between himand them
However he made a few new friends ; but i t was in the
main the o ld soli tary life which he resumed His o wn
room was in a cheap lodging house and according to
the testimony Of a visitor furnished with a wretched
uncurt ai n ed couch a table and two chairs Loui s
slept on a pallet in a closet near by All pleasures but
Of
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1 46
[1 7 9 1
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
would enable the wri ter to co mplete his pamphlet on
Corsi ca The patriot again replied in a very discouragin g
tone : Butta fuoco was too contemptible for notice the
desired papers he was unable to send and such a boy
coul d not in any case be a hi storian Buonaparte was
undismayed and continued his researches Joseph was
persuaded to add his soli citations for the desi red papers
to those Of his brother but he too received a flat refusal
S hort as was B u o na pa rt e s resi dence at Auxonne he
availed hi mself to the utmost Of the slackn ess Of dis
cipline i n order to gratify his curiosity as to the state Of
the country He p aid frequent visi ts to M a rrno nt in
Dijon and he made what he called at S t Helena his
”
“
S entimental Journey to Nuits i n Burgundy The
account he gave Las Cases Of the ari stocracy in the
little city and Of its assemblies at the mansion Of a wine
merchant s widow is most entertai ning TO his host
Gassendi and to the worthy mayor he aired his radical
doctrines with great complacence but accordi n g to his
o wn account he had not the best Of it in the discussions
whi ch ensued Under the emp i re Gassendi s s o n w a s a
member Of the council Of state and in o ne o f its sessions
he dared to support some Of his Opinions by quoting
Napoleon himself The Emperor remembered perfectly
the conversation at Nuits but meaningly s ai d that hi s
fri end must have been asleep and dreamin g
S everal traditions which throw some light o n Buona
parte s attitude toward religi on date from thi s last
resi dence in Auxonne He had been prepared for con
fir m
a tio nat Brienne by a confessor who was now in retire
ment at D Ole the same to whom when First Consul he
wrote an acknowledgment Of his indebtedness adding
“
Wi thout religi on there is no happ iness no future po s
”
sible I commend me to your prayers
The dwelling
of this good man was the frequen t goal o f his w alks
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E T 22
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]
TRAIT S O F CHARACTER
47
abroad Agai n he once jocularly asked a friend who
vi sited hi min his roo m if he had heard mass that morn
in g Openin g as he spoke a trunk in whi ch was the
complete vestment Of a priest The regimental chapl ain
who must have been his friend had co nfided it to him
for safe keepin g Fin ally it was in these dark and
never forgotten days Of trial that Louis was confirmed
probably by the advice o f his brother Even though
Napoleon had collaborated with Fesch in the paper
though he
o n the oath Of priests to the constitution
himself had been mobbed in Corsica as the enemy Of
the Church it does not appear that he had any other
than decent and reveren t feelings toward religion and
its professors
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CHAPTER XII
THE RE V OLUTI ON D : THE RH ONE VA LLE Y
A D a r k P eriod B uo na pa rte Firs t Lie ut enant S ec o nd So jo u rn
in Va l ence
B oo k s a nd Rea ding
Th e N a tio na l A sse m
b ly o f
Fra nc e Th e King Re turns fro mVe rsa ill e s A dministra tive
Re fo rm
s inFra nc e P a ss ing o f th e Old Ord er Flight o f th e
King
B u o na pa rte s Oa th t o S us ta in th e Co ns tituti o n
H is
Vie w Of th e Situa tio n His Re vo lutio na ry Z ea l I ns u b o rdi
p a tienc e with D ela y A Se rio u s B lund er Avo ided
na tio n I m
Re turn to Co rsica
,
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’
HE tortu o us c o urse Of N apoleon s li fe for the
years from 1 7 9 1 to 1 7 9 5 has been neither de
scribed nor understood by those who have written
i n his interest It w a s hi s own desire that his biog
ra phie s i n spite Of the fact that his public life bega n
after Rivoli sh ou l d commence with the recovery Of
Toulon for the Convention His detractors o n the
other hand have studied this prefatory period with
such evi dent bias that di spassio na te readers have been
repelled from its consideration An d yet the sordid
tale well repays perusal ; for in this epoch Of his life
many Of his characteristic qualities were tempered an d
ground to the keen edge they ret ain ed throughout
S wept onward toward the trackless ocean Of political
chaos the youth seemed afloat without oars o r co mpass :
in reality his craft was well u nder con trol and hi s
chart correct Whether we a ttribute his conduct to
accident o r to design from an a dventurer s point Of
view the instin ct whi ch made him spread his sails to
the breezes Of Jacobin favor was quite as sound as that
wh ich later when Jacobinism came to be abhorred
m ade him anxious that the fact should be f o rgotten
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[1 7 9 1
NAP OLE O N B O NAPAR TE
1 50
Napoleo n teaching him and frequenting the poli tical
club ; both destitute and probably suffering for the
Ofli ce r s pay was soon far in arrears
In such desperate
strai ts it was a relief for the elder brother that the allure
ments Of hi s former associations were d issipated ; such
companionship as he n ow had w as among the m
i ddl e
an d lower classes whose estates were more proportionate
to hi s o wn and whose sent iments were virtually iden
tical with those which he professed
The list Of books which he read is significa n t : Coxe s
”
“
Travels in S witzerland
Duclos s Memoirs Of the
Reign s Of Louis XIV and Louis XV
Machiavell i s
”
“
“
”
Hi story Of Florence Voltaire s Essay o n Manners
”
“
D u v erne t s
History Of the S orbonne
Le Noble s
“
“
S p i ri t Of Gerson
and D u la u re s History Of the
”
Nob ili ty
There exist among his papers outli n es more
o r less complete Of a ll these books
They prove that
he u nderstood what he read but unlike other similar
jottings by hi m they give little evidence Of critical
power Aside from such historical studies as wou l d
i nary t o that revolution a ry
expl ai n the events prelim
age upon which he s a w that France w as entering he
was carefully ex aminin g the attitude Of the G al lican
Church toward the claims Of the papacy and consider
ing the r Ole Of the aristocracy in society It is clear
that he had no in tention o f bein g merely a curi ous
o nl ooker at the successive phases Of the political and
social transmutation already begi nning ; he was bent o n
examining ca uses comprehending reason s an d sharing
in the movement i tself
By the summer Of 1 7 9 1 the fir st stage in the trans
formation Of France had a hno s t passed The reign Of
moderation in reform w as nearly over The National
Assembly had apprehended the magnitude but not the
n ature o f its task and w as un able to grasp the co nse
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RH O NE VALLEY REV OLUTI O N
q
1 51
The
nces Of the new constitution it had outlined
n ation was su fli ciently famili ar with the i dea Of the
u e
.
crown as an executive but hitherto the executive had
been at the same t ime legislator ; neither King nor
people quite knew how the King was to Obey the natio n
when the former trained i n the school o f the strictest
absolutism was deprived Of all voli tion and the latter
gave its orders thr ough a single chamber responsive to
the levity Of the masses and controlled neither by an
absolute veto power nor by any feeli ng o f responsibility
to a calm public Op ini on Thi s was the urgent problem
which had to be solved under condi t i ons the most u nfa
v o r a b le that could be conceived
During the autumn Of 1 7 89 famine was actually
stalking abroad The Pari sian populace grew gaunt
an d d i smal but the Ki ng and ari stocracy at Vers ai lles
had food in plenty and the contrast was he ightened by
a lavish display in the palace The royal family was
b etrayed by o ne Of its own house the despicable Philip
”
Egalité who sought to stir up the basest dregs Of
society that in the ferment he might rise to the top ;
hungry Paris stung to actio n by rumors whi ch he
spread and by bribes which he lavished put Lafayette
a t its head and o n O ctober fifth marched o u t to the
gates Of th e royal residence in order to make conspicuous
the contrast between its o wn sufferings and the wasteful
comfort Of its servants as the King and his ministers
were now considered to be Louis and the National
Assembly yi elded to the menace the court retu rned to
Paris po litics grew hotter and more bitter the fickle
ness Of the mob became a stronger influence S oon the
Jacobin Club began to wield the mightiest single infl u
ence and as it did so it grew more and more radical
Throughout the long and trying winter the mas ses
remai ned nevertheless qui etly expectant There was
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 52
much tumultuous ta lk but action was suspended whil e
the Assembly sat and struggled to solve its problem
elaborating a really fine paper constitution Unfo r
t u na t ely the provisions Of the document had no relation
to the political habits o f the French nation o r to the
experien ce Of England and the United S tates the only
free governments then i n existence Feudal privilege
feudal provinces feudal n ames having been obliterated
the whole Of F rance was rearranged into adm
i nistrative
departments with geographical in place Of historical
boun daries It was felt that the ecclesiastic al domains
the holders Of whi ch were considered as mere trustees
shou l d be adapted to the same plan and this w as done
E cclesi as tical as well as aristocratic control was thus
removed by the stroke Of a pen In other words by
the destruction Of the mechanism through which the
temporal and spiritual auth o rities exerted the remnan ts
Of their power they were both completely paralyzed
The King was deni ed all i nitiative being granted merely
a suspe nsive veto and in the reform Of the judicial
system the prestige Of the lawyers w as also destroyed
Royalty was turned into a function and the courts
were stripped o f both the moral and physic al force
necessary to compel Obe di ence to their decrees Every
form o f the guardianship to whi ch for centuries the
people had been accustomed w as thus removed
royal
aristocratic ecclesiastical an d judicial Untrained to
self control they were as ready for mad excesses as
were the German An abaptists after the Reformation o r
the English sectaries after the executio n of Charles
Attentio n has been called to the disturbances which
arose in Auxonne and elsewhere to the emigration Of
the nobles fromthat quarter to the utter break between
the parish priests and the hi gher church functionaries in
D a u phiny ; thi s was but a sample Of the whole
When
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 54
ceremonies at Valence There is a tradition tha t they
occurred durin g B u o na pa rt e s second residence in the
city and that it w as he who superintended the draping
of the choir in the principal church It i s said that the
hangings were arranged to represent a f u nerary urn
and that beneath in conspicuous letters ran the legend
”
“
Behold what remains Of the French Lycurgus
Mira
beau had indeed displayed a geni us fo r politics hi s
scheme for a strong ministry chosen from the Ass embly
standing in bold relief agai nst the feebleness Of Necker
in persuading Louis to accept the suspensive veto and
to choose his cabin et without relation to the party in
power When the ma d dissipatio n of th e statesman s
youth demanded its penalty at the hour SO critical for
France the King and the moderates alike lost courage
In June the worried and worn o u t monarch determined
that the game was not worth the playing and o n the
twenty firs t he fled Though he w as captured and
brought back to act the impossible rOle o f a democrati c
prince the patriots who had wished to advance with
experi ence and tradi tion as guides were utterly dis
credi ted All the world could s ee h o w pusillanimous
w as the royalty they had wished to preserve and the
m a sses made up their mind that real or nomin al the
institution w as not o nl y useless but dangerous This
feeli ng was strong in the Rhone val ley an d the adjoining
districts which have ever been th e home Of extreme
radicalism S ympathy with Corsica and the Corsicans
had long been active in southeastern France Neith er
the island nor its people were felt to be str an ge When a
society for the defense Of the constitution w as formed in
Valence B uonaparte though a Corsican w as at first
secretary then presi dent Of the assoc i ation
”
“
The Friends Of the Constitution grew daily more
n umerous more powerful and more rad ical in that
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E T 22
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RH O NE VALLEY REV O LUTI O N
23
.
1 55
city ; and when the great solemnity Of swearing allegiance
to the new order was to be celebrated it was ch osen as
a conveni ent and suitable place for a convention Of
twenty two similar associations from the neighboring
The meeting took place on July third 1 7 9 1 ;
di stricts
the o fli cia l administrati on Of the oath to the c ivil mi li
tary judicial and ecclesiastical authorities occurred o n
the fourteenth B efore a vast altar erected o n the
drill ground in the presence Of all the dignitaries wi th
cannon booming and the air resounding with shouts and
patriotic songs the Ofli cia ls in groups the people in
mass swore with uplifted hands to sustain the consti
t u ti o n to Obey the National Assem
bly and to die if
need be i n defending French terri tory agai nst invasion
S cenes as impressive and dramati c as this occurred all
over France They appealed powerfully to the i magina
ti on Of the nation and profoundly influenced public
”
“
Opini on
Until then said Buonaparte referri ng to
“
the solemnity I doubt not that if I had received orders
to turn my gu n s against the people hab i t preju di ce
education and the Ki ng s name would have i nduced
me to Obey With the taking Of the national oath it
became otherwise ; my instincts and my duty were
”
thenceforth in harmony
But the pos i tion Of li beral Ofli cers was still most
trying In the streets and among the people they were
in a congenial atmosphere ; behind the closed doors Of
the drawing rooms in the society Of ladies and among
their fellows in the mess there were constraint and
suspicion Out of doors a ll was exultation ; in the
houses Of the hi therto privileged classes all was sadn ess
and uncertainty But everywhere indoors o r o u t was
spreading the fear Of war if not civil at least foreign
war with the French emigrants as the allies Of the
assailants On this point Buonaparte was mistaken
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[1 7 9 1
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 56
As late as July twenty seven th 1 7 9 1 he wrote to Na u
din an intimate frien d who w as chi ef of the milita ry
“
bureau at Auxonn e : Will there be war ? No ; Europe
is di vided betwee n sovereign s who rule over men an d
those who rule over cattle and horses The former
understand the Revolution an d are terrified ; they would
gladly make personal sacrifices to a nni hilate it but they
dare no t lift the mas k for fear the fir e should bre ak o u t
in their o wnhouses S ee the history Of England Hollan d
etc Those who bear the rule over horses m
i su nd er
stand and cann ot grasp the bearin g Of th e constitution
They think this chaos o f incoherent ideas mean s an en d
Of French power You would suppose to listen to them
that our brave patriots were about to cut o ne another s
throats and with their blood purge the land Of the crimes
”
committed against kings
The news contai ned in this
letter is most in terestin g There are accounts o f the
zeal and spirit everywhere shown by th e democratic
patriots Of a petition for the tri al Of the Kin g sent up
fro mthe recent meeting at Valence an d an assurance
“
by the writer that hi s regiment is sure ex cept a s to
half the offi cers He adds in a postscript : The southern
blood courses in my veins as swiftly as the Rho n e
” 1
Pardo n me if you feel di stressed in readin g my scrawl
Restlessness is the habit Of th e agitator a nd Buo na
parte s temperament was not exceptional His move
ments and purposes during the mon ths Of Ju l y and
August are very uncertain in the absence of documen tary
evidence su fli ci ent to determin e them But hi s earliest
biograph ers following what was in their time a c o m
pa ra ti v ely short tradition enable us to fix some things
with a high degree of probability The youn g radi cal
had been but two months with hi s new comman d when
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Buo na p a rte to Na udin 2 7 July 1 7 9 1 in B u ch ez e t Ro ux Histo ire
P a rl e m
en
ta ire XVI I 5 6
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[1 7 9 1
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 58
It w as r are good fortune that the young hotspur was
no t yet to be cast into the seethin g cal d ron of French
politics The time was not yet ripe for the exercise Of
his powers The storming Of the B astille had symbol
ize d the overthrow Of privilege and absolute monarchy ;
the flight Of the King presaged the overthrow Of mo n
archy absolute o r otherwise The executive gone the
legislatur e popu l ar and democratic but ign oran t how
i nister o r conduct affairs the judiciary equally
to adm
d isorganized and the army tran sform
i n g itself i nto a
patriotic organization
was there more to come ? Yes
Thus far in spite Of well meant attempts to substitute
n ew constructions for the Old all had been disintegration
French society w as to be reorganized o nly after further
pulverizing ; cohesio n wou l d begin onl y under pressure
from without — a pressure applied by the th reats Of
erratic royalists that they wou l d brin g in the foreign
powers to coerce and arbitrate by the active demon
i grants by the outbre ak o f forei gn
s Of the em
s t ra ti o n
wars Thes e were the events about to take place ; they
would in the end evolve from the chaos Of mo b rule
first the irregular and temporary d ictatorshi p of the
Convention then the tyranny Of the Directory ; at the
same time they woul d infuse a fervor o f patriotism into
the whole mass Of the French nation stunned helpless
and leaderles s but loyal brave and vigorous In such
a crisis the people woul d tolerate if n ot deman d a
leader strong to exact respect for France and to enforce
his commands ; would prefer the vigorous mastery of
S till
o ne to the feeble misrule Of the many o r the few
further the man was as un ready as the t ime ; for it was
in all probability not as a Frenchman but as a n ever
“
true Corsica n patriot that Buonaparte wished to Show
”
hims elf overcome Obstacles at this conjun ctur e
On August fourth 1 7 9 1 the National Assembly at
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E T 22
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23
RH O NE VALLEY REV OLUTI O N
1 59
last decided to form a paid volunteer n ational g uard o f
a hun d red thousand men an d their decision became a
law o n August twelfth The term Of enli stment was a
year ; fo u r batt alions were to be r ai sed in Corsica
Buonaparte heard Of the decision o n August tenth and
was convin ced that the hour for realizin g his long
cherished aspirations had fin ally struck He cou l d cer
t a in
l y have do n e much in Paris to secure Ofi ce in a
F rench Corsican national guard and with this in mi n d
he immediately wrote a memorandum on the armament
addressing it with characteristic
o f the new force
assurance to the minister Of war When however
three weeks later o n August thirtieth 1 7 9 1 a leave Of
absence arrived to which he was enti tled in the course
Of routine and whi ch w as not granted by the favor Of
any o ne he had abandoned all idea Of service un der
France in the Corsican guard The di sorder Of the
times was such that whi le retaining Ofli ce in the French
a rmy he cou l d test inan independent Corsican command
the possibility Of cli mbing to leadership there before
abandoning his present subordin ate place in France
In view apparently Of thi s new venture he had for
some time been taking advances from the regimental
paymas ter until he had n ow in hand a considerable
su m
two hundred and ninety livres A formal
announcement to the authorities might have elicited
embarrassing questions from them SO he and Louis
quietl y departed without explanatio ns leaving fo r
the second ti me debts o f considerable amou nt They
reached Ajaccio o n S eptember sixth 1 7 9 1
Napoleon
was no t actually a deserter but he had in co n templation
a step toward the defiance Of French authority
the
accepta nce of service in a Corsica n milita ry force
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C HAPTER X III
B UONAP ARTE THE C ORSI CAN JACOB IN
m
m
B u o na par te s Co rsic a n P a trio tis
His P o sitio n in His Fa il y
’
Th e S itua tio n o f Jo ph
N a po l eo ns
Co rsica n P o litics
P o w e r in th e J a c o b in C lu b Of A j a ccio
His Fa ilure a s a Co n
t esta nt fo r Lit e ra ry Ho no rs A ppo int e d A djuta nt Ge ne ra l
His A ttitud e To w a rd Fra nc e His New A bitio ns Use o f
Vio l enc e Lie utena nt-Co l o nel o f Vo lunt eers P o litics in
A j a ccio
His First E xpe rienc e Of S tr ee t Wa rf a r e His Ma ni
fe sto Dis isse d to P a ris His P l a ns Th e P o sitio n o f
’
Lo uis X V I B u o na pa rte s D e lin u encie s Diso rga niza tio n
Th e M a rse illa is
in th e Ar y
P e titio n fo r Reinsta t e ent
— B u o na p a rt e a S pe cta t o r — His E sti a t e Of Fr a nc e
His
S ta t e Of P a ris
P r e s enc e a t th e S ce ne s Of A u g ust Te nth
Fligh t Of L a fa ye tt e
’
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HI S was the third time in four years that Buona
1
parte had revisited his home
O n the plea Of i ll
health he had been able the fir st ti me to remain a year
and two months giving full play to his Corsi can patriot
ism an d his o wn ambitions by attendance at O rezza
a nd by political agitation among the people The
secon d time he had rem ained a year an d four months
retai ning his hold o n his commission by subterfuges and
irreg ularities which though condoned had strained his
relatio ns with the mi nistry Of war in Pari s He had
Openl y defied the royal authority relying o n the coming
storm fo r the c o ncealment Of his conduct if it shoul d
prove reprehensible or for preferment in hi s o wn coun
try ii Corsica should secure her liberties There is no
re ason therefore to suppose that his intentio ns for the
I t is no t e ntire ly cl e a r whe th er h e a rriv e d l a te in S ept e m
be r o r
ea rly in Octo b e r 1 7 9 1
e d until M ay 1 7 9 2
H e re m
a in
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1 60
.
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 62
[
1 7 9 1 —9 2
sever al impo rtan t conj u nctures Paoli is thought by
some to have bee n wounded by the fr ank criticism Of
hi s strategy by Napoleon : more likely he distrusted
youths educated in France and w h o though noisy
Corsican s were he shrewdl y guessed i mpregn ated with
French idealism He him
s elf cared for France o n
l y as
by her help the largest possible autonomy fo r Corsica
could be secur ed In the direc tory Of the depar tment
Of Corsica Joseph and with hi m the Buonaparte in
fl u ence w as re d u ced to impotence while gratified with
The i gn orance Of the ad mi nistrat o rs
hi gh position
w as onl y paralleled by the di fficulties Of their work
D u ring the last few mon ths religious agi ta tion h ad
been steadily increasing Pious Catholics were em
bittered by the virtual expulsion of the Old clergy and
the induction to Ofli ce o f new priests who had sworn
to uphold the constitution Am
i d the disorders o f
administratio n the people in ever larger numbers had
secured arms ; as Of yore they appeared at their assem
blies under the guidance o f their chiefs ready to fight
at a moment s noti ce It w as but a step to violence
and without any other provocation than religious exas
pera ti o n the town sfolk o f B astia had lately sought to
kill thei r new bishop Even Arena who had SO recently
seized the place in Paoli s i nterest was now regarded
as a French radical mal treated and banished wi th hi s
supporters to Italy The new election w as at hand ;
the contest between the P a o lis ts and the extreme French
party grew hotter and hotter Not onl y deputies to
the new assembly but likewise the superi or Ofli cers Of
the new guard were to be elected Buonaparte being
only a lieutenant Of the regulars could according to the
law aspi re no higher than an appo i ntment as adjuta nt
major wi th the title and pay Of capt ai n It was n ot
worth while to lo se his place in Fran ce fo r this SO he
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22 2
3]
THE C O R S ICAN JAC O BIN
1 63
determined to stand fo r one Of the higher electi ve
Offices that of li eutenant colonel a position which woul d
give him more power and under the latest legislation
entitle him to ret ai n his gr ade in the re gul ar army
There were now two political clubs in Ajaccio : that
Of th e Corsican Jacobins country people for the most
part ; and that Of the Corsican Feuillants composed Of
the Ofli cia ls and town sfolk Buonaparte became a
moving spirit i n the former and determined at any cost
to destroy the influence Of the latter The two previ ous
attempts to secure Ajaccio for the radicals had failed ;
a thi rd was already under consideration The new
leader began to garnish his language with those fin e
an d specious phrases which thenceforth were never
wanting in his utterances at revolutionary cri ses
“
”
“
Law he wrote about this time is like those statues
Of some Of the gods which are ve iled under certai n cir
cu m
s ta n
ces
F o r a few weeks there was little or nothi ng
to do i n the way Of electioneering at home ; he therefore
Obtai ned permission to travel with the famous Volney
who desired a phi losopher s retreat fro m Paris storms
and h ad been chosen di rector Of commerce and manu
factures in the island This journey was for a candidate
like B uonaparte invaluable as a means Of Observatio n
and Of wi nni n g friends for hi s cause
B efore the close Of thi s trip his fur lough had expired
hi s regiment had been put o n a war footin g and orders
had bee n issued for the return Of every Officer to his
post by Christmas day B ut in the execution of his
fix ed purpose the young Corsican patri ot was heedless
Of milita ry Obligations to France and wil fully remained
absen t from duty On ce more the spell Of a wild free
life was upon hi m; he was enli sted fo r the campaign
though without posi tion o r money to back hi m The
essay on happiness which he had presented to the
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[7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 64
1
— 2
1
9 9
Academy of Lyons had failed as a matter of course to
“
win the prize o ne of the judges pronoun cing it t oo
badl y arranged t oo un even too disconnected and to o
”
badly written to deserve attention
This de cision
was a double blow for it w as announced about this
time at a momen t when fame and money wou ld both
have bee n most welcome The scanty in come from the
lan ds purchased with the legacy Of the o ld archdeacon
remain ed the onl y resource of the family fo r the lavish
hospitality whi ch according to im
memorial semi bar
barous tradi tion was required of a Corsican candidate
A peremptory order was now issued from Paris that
those o fli cers Of the line who had been serving in the
Nati onal Guard wi th a grade lower than that of lieu
tenant colonel Shou l d return to regular service before
April first 1 7 9 2 Here w as an implicatio n which
might be turned to account As a lieutenant o n leave
Buonaparte should of course ha ve returned o n Decem
ber twenty fifth ; i f however he were an Ofli cer Of v o lu n
teers he could plead the new order Though as yet the
recruits had not come in and no companies had bee n
formed the mere idea was su ffi cient to suggest a means
for savin g appearances An appoin tment as adjutant
major was soli cited from the major general in comman d
o f the departme n t and he un der authorization Obtain ed
in due time from Paris granted it S afe from the
charge of desertion thus far it was essential fo r his
reputation and for his ambition that Buonaparte should
be elected lieuten ant colonel S uccess would enable
him to plead that his first lapse in disciplin e was due to
irregular orders from hi s superior that anyhow he had
been an adjutant major and that fin ally the position of
lieutenant colonel gave him im
munity from punishment
an d left himblameless
He nevertheless was uneas y an d wrote two lette rs
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 66
—
1
92
second lieutenant colonel In th i s way he was assured
Of good wi ll from two o f the three comm
issioners ; the
other was o f course hostile bein g a partizan of P eraldi
The election as usual in Corsica seems to have
passed in turbulence and noisy violence Hi s enemies
attacked Buonaparte with every weapon : their money
thei r influence and in particular with ridicule Hi s
stature his poverty and hi s absurd ambitions were held
up to contempt and scorn The young hotspur w as
cut to the quick and forgetting Corsi can ways made
the wi tless blunder of challenging P era ldi to a duel
an institution scorned by the Corsican devotees Of the
vendetta The climax o f contempt was P era ldi s failure
even to notice the challenge At the crisis Sa li cet ti a
warm friend o f the B u o na pa rt es and a high Ofli cia l of
the department appeared with a considerable armed
force to maintain order This cowed the conservatives
The third commissioner living as a guest with P e ra ldi
was seized during the night precedi ng the election by a
body o f B u o na pa rt e s friends and put under lock and
“
key in thei r candi date s house
to make you entirely
”
free ; yo u were no t free where you were s ai d the in sti
gator of the stroke when called to explain To the use
o f fine phrases was n
ow added a faci lity in e m
ployi ng
vi olence at a pinch whi ch likewise remai ned character
i s ti c of Buonaparte S career down to the end
Na sica
who alone records the tale sees in thi s event the pre
cursor o f the long series Of state strokes whi ch culmi
na t ed on the eighteenth B rumaire There I s a story that
in o ne o f the s cu fli es incident to thi s brawl a member
o f Pozzo di
B orgo s f amily was thrown down and
trampled on B e that a s it may Buona parte was su c
ce ss in
This o f course intensified the hatred already
l
existing and from that moment the families of P eraldi
an d o f P ozzo di B orgo were his deadl y enemies
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THE C O R S ICAN JAC O B IN
—
23
T
2
2
E
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1 6
7
Qu enza who was chose n fir st lieutenant c o lonel w as
a man Of no cha racter whatever a nobody He was
moreover absorbed in the duties o f a place in the depart
mental admi nistration Buonaparte therefore was in
virtual command o f a sturdy well armed legal force
Having been adjutant major and being now a regularly
elected lieutenant colonel accordin g to statute he
applied with a well calculated efl ro nt ery to his regi
mental paymaster for the pay whi ch had accrued during
hi s absence
It was at first refused for in the interval
he had been cashiered for remaini ng at home in dis
obedience to orders ; but such were the irregu larities o f
that revolutionary time that later virtual deserter as he
had been it was actuall y paid and he was restored to
his place He sought and Obtain ed from the military
authorities o f the island certificates o f hi s regular stand
ing and leave to present them in Paris if needed to
maintain hi s rank a s a French Offi cer but in the final
event there w as n o necessity fo r their use NO o ne
w as more adroit than B uonaparte in takin g advantage
o f possibili ties
He was a plurali st without conscience
A French regu lar if the emergency shoul d demand it
he was likewise a Corsican patriot and commander in the
volunteer guard o f the islan d fully equipped for another
move Perhaps at last he cou l d assume with success
the liberator s rOle o f S ampiero But an opportunity
must occur or be created On e was easily arranged
Ajaccio had gradually become a resort for many ardent
Roman Catholics who had refused to accept the n ew
order The town authorities although there were some
extreme radicals among them were o n the whole in
sympathy with these conservatives Through the de
vices Of his friends in the city government B u o na pa rt e s
battali on the second was o n o ne pretext o r another
assembled in and around the town Thereupon follow
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[
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 68
ing the most probable accoun t which too is supported
by B u o na pa rt e s own story a deman d was made that
accordi ng to the recent ecclesiastical legislation Of the
National Assembly the Capuchin mo nks who h ad bee n
Feel
so far u n disturbed should evacuate their friary
ing ran so high that the other volunteer companies were
summoned ; they arrived o n April first At o n ce the
publi c order was jeopardi zed : o n o ne extreme were the
religious fanatics o n the other the political agitators
both o f whom were loud with threats and ready for
violence In the middle between two fires was the
mass Of the people who sympathized with the ecclesias
tics but wanted peace at any hazard Quarreling
began first between individuals Of the various factions
but it soon resu lted in conflicts between civilians and
the volun teer guard The first step taken by the mili
ta ry was to seize and occupy the Cloister which lay just
below the citadel the fin al goal o f their leader whoever
he was and the town sfolk believed it w as Buonaparte
Once insi de the Citadel walls the Corsicans in the
regular French service would it was hoped fraternize
with their ki n; with such a begi nnin g all the garriso n
mi ght in time be won over
This further exasperated the ultramontanes and on
Easter day Apri l eighth they made demonstrations
ing commander
Buonaparte
SO seri o us that the schem
again it was believed
foun d the much des ired pre
text to interfere ; there was a m elee and one Of the
militia Offi cers was killed Next morning the burghers
foun d their town beset by the volunteers Good citi
zens kept to their houses whi le the acting mayor and
the council were assembled to authorize an attack o n
the citadel The authorities could not agree and dis
di
r
the
follo
ing
forenoon
it
was
scovered
that
w
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s
e
d
;
p
the acting mayor an d his sympathi zers had taken refuge
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 70
1 79 1 —
92
ad mini strati on restored For his present purpose there
fore the peace must be kept and B uonaparte upon
who m whether justly o r not the blame fo r these recent
broils rested must be removed elsewhere if poss ible ;
but as the troublesome youth was the s o n Of an o ld
friend and the head o f a still i nfluential family it must
be done wi thout O ffen se The government at Pari s
might be pacified if the absentee officer were restored
to his post ; with Quenza in command o f the volunteers
there wou l d be little danger Of a second outbre ak in
Ajaccio
It was more than easy therefore fo r the discredi ted
revolutionary o n the implied condi tion and under
standing that he shoul d leave Corsica to secure from the
authorities the papers necessary to put himself and his
actions in the most favorable light Buonaparte armed
himself accordingly with an authenticated certificate
as to the posts he had held and the period during which
”
“
he had held them and with another as to his civi sm
the phr ase used at that time to designate the quality
The former seems
o f friendliness to the Revolution
to have been framed according to hi s o wn statements
and was speciously deceptive ; yet in form the com
mander in chief the municipality Of Ajaccio and the
authorities o f the depar tment were united in certifying
to his unblemished character and regular standing
This was some thing Whi ther should the scapegoat
b eta ke hi mself ? Valence where the royalist colonel
regarded him a s a deserter was of course closed and in
Paris alone cou l d the necessary steps be taken to secure
restoration to rank wi th back pay o r rather the reversal
Of the whole record as it the n stood o n the regimental
books For this reason he likewise secured letters of
introduction to the leading Corsicans in the French
capital His departure w as s o abrupt as to resemble
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THE C O R S ICAN JAC O B IN
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1 71
flight He hastened to Corte and remain ed just long
en ough to understan d the certai nty o f his overwhelming
loss in publi c esteem throughout Corsi ca O n the way
he is said to have seen Paoli fo r a short ti me an d to have
received some enco u ragement in a plan to raise another
battalion o f volunteers Joseph clai med to have advised
hi s brother to have nothin g to do wi th the plan but to
leave imme di ately fo r France In any case Napoleon s
mind was clear
A career in Corsica o n the grand
scale was impossible for hi m Borrowing money for
the journey he hurried away and sailed from B astia
on May second 1 7 9 2 The outlook might have di s
heartened a weaker man P eraldi the Corsi can deputy
w as a near relative Of the defeated rival ; Paoli s dis
pleas ure was only t oo manifest ; the bitter hate Of a
large element in Ajaccio in cluding the royalist com
mander o f the garrison was unconcealed Napoleon s
energy rashness an d ambition combined to make Pozzo
He was accused of being a traitor
di Borgo detest him
the source o f all trouble o f plot ting a new S t B artholo
mew ready for any horror in order to secure power
Rejected by Corsica would France receive hi m? Would
not the few F rench friends he had be likewise alienated
by these last escapades ? Could the formal record o f
regimental Offe nses be exp u nged ? In any event how
Sli ght th e prospe ct Of success in the great mad capital
amid the co nv u lsive thr oes o f a natio n s disorders '
But in the last consideration lay his o nly chan ce : the
nation s di sorder w as to supply the remedy for Buon a
parte s irregu larities The King had refused hi s sanc
tio n to the secu l arizatio n Of the estates which had once
been held by the emigrants and recusan t ecclesiastics ;
the Jacobin s retorted by open hostility to the monarchy
The plottin g of noble and princely refugees with various
royal and other schemers two years before h ad b een a
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1 79 1 9 2
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 72
crime agai n st the King and the constitutio nalists for
it jeopar di zed their last chance for existence even their
very lives Withi n so Short a time what had been
crim
i nal in the emigrants had seemingly become the
o nly means o f self preservation for their intended victi m
His constituti onal supporters recogni zed that in the
adoption Of this co u rse by the King the last hope of a
peaceful solution to their awful problem had di sappeared
It was now almost certain and generall y believed that
Louis hi mself was in negotiation with the forei gn Sov
e r eigns ; to thwart hi s plans and avert the consequences
it was essential that open hostilities agai nst hi s secret
alli es Shou l d be begun Consequently on April twen
tie th 1 7 9 2 by the influence of the Kin g s friends war
had been declared against Austria The populace awed
by the armies thus called o u t were at fir st silently
defiant an attitude whi ch changed to Open fury whe n
the defeat Of the French troops i n the Austrian Nether
lan ds was announced
The moderate republicans Or Girondists as they were
c alled from the di stri ct where they were strongest were
now the medi ating party ; thei r leader Roland w as
summoned to forma ministry and appease this popul ar
rage It w as o ne o f his colleagues who had ex a mined
the compl aint against Buonaparte received from the
commander o f the garriso n at Ajaccio According to a
strict interpretation o f the military code there was
scarcely a crime which Buonaparte had not committed :
desertion disobedience tampering attack o n con
stituted authority and abuse o f offi ci al power The
minister reported the conduct o f both Qu enza an d
Buonaparte as most reprehensible and declared that
if their O ffense had been purely military he would have
court martialed them
Learning first at Marseilles that war h ad broken o u t
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NAP O LE O N B O NAPARTE
1 74
—
92
tal His scanty resources were already exhausted but
he found B o u rrienne a former school fellow at B rienn e
in equal straits wai ting like hi mself fo r some thing to
turn up O ver their meals in a cheap restauran t on the
Rue S t Honoré they discussed various means of gain
ing a livelihood and seriously contemplated a partn er
ship in subletting furni shed rooms But B o u rrienne
very quickly Obtai n ed the post Of secreta ry i n the
embassy at S tuttgart so that hi s comrade was left to
make his struggle alone by pawning what few articles
Of value he possessed
The days and weeks were full of inciden ts terrible
and suggestive in their nature The Assembly di smissed
the King s body guard on May twenty nin th ; on June
thi rteenth the Giro n dists were removed from the
mi nistry ; wi thi n a few days it w as kn own at court that
Prussia had taken the field as an ally Of Austria and o n
the seventeen th a conservative F eu illa nt cabin et was
formed Three days later the popular insurrectio n
began on the twenty sixth the n ews of the coalition
was announ ced and o n the twenty eighth Lafayette
endeavored to stay the tide of furious discontent whi ch
was now rising in the Assembly But it w as as ruthl ess
a s that Of the ocean and o n July eleven th the coun try
There w as however a tem
w as declared i n danger
po ra ry check to the rush a mome n t o f repose In which
the King on the fourteenth celebrated among hi s
people the fall Of the B astille But an address from
the local asse mbly at Marseilles had arrived demanding
the dethronemen t of Louis and the aboli tion Of the
monarchy S uch was the impatience of the great
southern city that wi thout wai tin g for th e logic al efl ect
o f their declaration its i n
h abitants determin ed to make
a demonstration in Paris O n the thirtieth a deputa
tion five hun dred stron g arrived b efore the capital
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THE C O R S ICAN JAC O B IN
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1 75
O n August third they entered the city Singing the
immort al song whi ch bears the i r name but which was
written at S trasburg by an Officer Of engineers Rouget
de Lisle The southern fir e of the newcomers kindled
agai n the flame Of Parisian se di tion and the radicals
fanned it At last on August tenth the co nfl a gra tio n
burst forth in an uprising such as had not yet been see n
o f all that w a s outcast and lawless in the great town ;
with them consorted the discontented and the envious
the giddy and the frivolous the curious and the fickle
all the unstable elements Of society This time the
Kin g was unnerved ; in despair he fled for asylum to
the chamber Of the Assembly That body u nsym
pa
thetic for him but sensitive to the ragings of the mob
without found the fugitive unworth y o f his Ofli ce
B efore ni ght the kingship was aboli shed a nd the royal
family were imprisoned in the Temple
There is no proof that the youn g Corsican was at
this time other than an interested Spectator In a
hurried letter written to Joseph on May twenty ninth
he notes the extreme confusion o f affairs remarks that
Pozzo di Borgo is on good terms with the minister Of
war and reco mmends his b rother to keep on good terms
with Paoli There is a characteristic little paragraph
o n the u niform Of the national guard
Though he m akes
no reference to the purpose o f his journ ey it is clear that
he is calm a ssured that in the wholesale flight of Ofli cers
a man like himself is assured of restoration to rank an d
duty Two others dated Jun e fourteenth and eighteenth
respectively are scarcely more valuable He gives a
crude an d superficial accoun t o f French a fl a irs intern al
and extern al o f n o value as hi story He had made
un successful e ff orts to revive the plea fo r their mother s
mulberry subsidies had dined with M me Permon had
visited their Sister Mariann a at S t Cyr where She had
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 76
—
been c alled Elisa to di stingu ish her from another
Marianna He specu l ates o n the chance o f her marry
in g without a dot In qu i et times the wards of S t Cyr
received o n leaving a dowry o f thr ee thousan d livres
with thr ee hundred more for an outfit ; but as matters
then were the esta bli shment w as bre aking up an d there
were no funds for that purpose Like the rest the
Corsican girl was soon to be stripped o f her pretty u ni
form the neat silk gown the black gloves an d the
dain ty bronze slippers whi ch M me de Main tenon h a d
prescribed for the noble damsels at that royal school
In another letter written four days later there is a
graphi c account Of the thr eateni ng demonstratio ns
made by the rabble and a vivid description which in
dica tes Napoleon s be ing present when the mob recoil ed
at the very door o f th e Tuileries before the calm an d
dignified cou r age o f the King There is even a story
told a s o f the time by B o u rrienne a very doubtful
a uthority but probably invented later o f B u o napa rt e s
“
openl y express in g co n tempt for riots
How could the
King let the rascals in ' He should have shot down a
few hundred and the rest wou l d have run
Thi s
statement like others made by B o u rrienne is to be
received wi th the utmost caution
In a letter written about the beginning o f July pro b
ably to Lucie n o r possibly to Joseph and evidentl y
intended to be read in the Jacobin Club Of Ajaccio
there are clear in dications of its w riter s temper He
speak s with judicious cal mn ess Of the project for educa
tio na l reform ; of L afayette s appearance before the
Assembly which had pronounced the coun try in danger
and was now sittin g in permanence as perhaps necessary
to prevent its taking an extreme and dangerous course ;
o f the French as no longer deserving the pains men took
fo r them since they were a people old an d with o ut c on
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s ta t e
M
NAPO L EO N B ONAP ARTE
[
1 7 9 1 —9 2
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mn
e
t
5 1
1
1
' h as
me t y W
t
r
mm m m
e
of the
,
j
ro
ec
t
p
is to b e
fo r ed u ca e
F
ro m
th e c
oll e t n f W C C r ne
c io
o
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a
BO
N A P A RT E
N ERA L I N C H I EF O F T H E A R M Y O F I TA LY
GE
[
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 78
1 7 9 1 —9 2
shop kept by F a u v ele t de B o u rrienne brother o f his
The impression left after readi ng
o ld school friend
his narrative o f the frightfu l carnage before the Tuileries
of the indecenci es committed by frenzied women at the
close of the fight o f the mad excitement in the neigh
borin g cafés and of hi s own calmness throughout i s
that he was in n o way connected ei ther with the actors
“
”
Hurrah for the nati on '
o r the i r deeds except to Shout
when summoned to do s o by a gang of ru ffia ns who were
parading the streets under the banner of a gory head
1
elevated on a p ike
The truth of hi s statements cannot
be established by any collateral evidence
It is not likely that an ardent radical leader like
Buonaparte well kn own and influential in the Rhone
valley had remained a stranger to the Marseilles depu
t a tio n If the Duchesse d Ab ra nt é s be worthy o f an y
credence he was very influential and di splayed grea t
activity with the authorities during the seventh and
eighth running hither thither everywhere to secure
redress for an illegal domiciliary visit which her mother
M me Permon had received o n the seventh But her
testimony is Of very little va lue such is her anxiety
to establi sh an early inti macy with the great man o f
2
her time Joseph in his memoirs declares that his
brother was present at the co nflict of August tenth
“
and th a t Napoleon wr ote him at the time If Louis XVI
”
had appeared on horseback he would have conquered
After the victory Of the Marseillais continues the
“
passage quoted from the letter I s a w a man about to
ki ll a sol di er of the guard I said to him S ou thron
let us spare the unfortunate ' Art thou from the
S outh ?
Yes
Well then we will spare
Moreover it is a fact that S anterre the notorious leader
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s s : M émo ri l d e S a inte Helene V 1 7 0
o ir e s d u ro i Jo m
M ém
ph I 4 7
La s Ca e
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E T 22
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]
23
THE C O R S ICAN JAC O BIN
1 79
Of the mob o n that day was three years later o n the
thi rteenth o f Vendémiaire most useful to Buonaparte ;
that though degraded from the O ffice o f general to which
he w as appointed in the revolutionary army he was in
All this
1 8 0 0 restored to his rank by the First Consul
is consiste n t with Napoleo n s assertion but it proves
n othing conclusively ; and there is certainl y ground for
susp i cion when we reflect that these events were ulti
mately decisive o f B u o na pa rte s fortunes
The Feuillant mini stry fell with the King and an
executive council compo sed o f ra di cals took its place
F o r one Single day Paris reeled li ke a dru nkard but o n
the next the shops were open again On the followin g
S unday the opera was packed at a benefit performance
for the widows and orphans of those who had fallen in
vi ctory A few days later Lafayette as commander
of the armies i n the North issued a pronunciamento
again st the popular excesses He even arrested the
comm
i ssioners Of the Assembly who were sent to sup
plant hi mand take the ultimate direction o f the cam
pa ign B ut he quickly found that his Old prestige was
gone ; he had no t kept pace wi th the ma d rush Of popular
Opinion ; neither in perso n n or as the sometime co m
mander o f the National Guard had he any longer the
slightest influen ce Impeached and declared an outlaw
he like the Kin g lost hi s balance and fled for ref u ge
into the possessions o f Li ege The Austrians violated
the sanctuary o f n eutral territory and captured him
exactly as Napoleon at a later day violated the neutrali ty
o f B aden in the case Of the Duc d E n
On
August
hi
e
n
g
twen ty third the strong place o f Longwy was delivered
in to the han ds of the P russians the capitul ation being
due as was cl aimed to treachery amon g the F rench
officers
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C HAPTER XIV
B UONAP ARTE THE FRE N CH JACOB IN
m
m
Furth e r So licita tio n P ro o tio n Na po l eo n
Reinsta t e ent
Re turn to A j a c cio
D is
d E lisa
Occup a tio ns in P a ris
an
B uo na p a rte a French Ja co b in E xpe ditio n
o rd e rs inCo rsica
’
ia Co urse o f Fr ench Affa irs P a o li s Ch a nge d
s t S a rdin
a gai n
M is
E stra ng e e nt o f B u o na p a rt e a nd P a o li
At titud e
cha nc e s in th e P re p a ra tio ns a ga inst S a rdinia Fa ilur e o f th e
French D e ta ch ent B uo na p a rt e a nd th e Fia sco o f th e COI
sica n D e ta ch ent H is Co issio n L a ps e s Furth e r D e
’
R e sul ts o f Fr ench Victo ry
E ngl a nd s
t s inFr a nc e
v elo p en
—
—
a
n
e
lic
y
li
D
g
r
D eno unc e d a nd S u o ne d to P a ris
P
a
o
i
n
o
P
m
m
m
m
mm
mm
.
HE comm
ittee to which B u o napa rte s request f o r
rein statement was referred made a repo rt o n
June twen ty fir st 1 7 9 2 exonerating hi m from blame
The reasons given were avowedly based on th e r epre
that D u t eil
s o f the suppli ant himself : fir st
se nt a ti o n
the inspector had gi ven him permi ssion to sa il for
Corsica in time to avoid the equi nox a distorted tru th ;
an d second that the Corsican authorities had certified
to his civism his good conduct and hi s constant pres
ence at home during hi s irregul ar absence from the
army a truthful statement but inco mplete sin ce no
mention was made o f the disgraceful Easter riots at
Ajaccio an d of B u o na pa rt e s share in them The attitude
of the government i s clearly expressed in a despatch Of
i nister o f war La j a rd to Maillard
July eighth from the m
commander Of the Ajaccio garrison The misdeeds o f
Que nza an d Buonaparte were o f a civil and not a mili
tary n ature cognizable therefore un der the new legisla
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 82
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n ature with the carelessness Of an adventurer and the
e fl r o nt e ry of a gam
bler the newly fledged capt ai n
promptly put in an appli ca tion for a position as lieu ten
ant colonel o f ar tillery in the sea service The author
ities must have thought the petition a joke for the
paper was pigeonholed and has been found marked
S R that is s a ns r épo nse
without reply Probably
it was written i n earnest the motive being possibly an
invincible distaste for the regiment in which he had been
disgraced which w a s still in command o f a colon el who
was not disposed to leni ency
An easy excuse for Shirki ng duty and returni ng to
the o ld habits of a Corsican agitator w a s at hand The
events Of August tenth settled the fate o f all monarchical
institutions even those which were partly charitable
Among other royal foundations suppressed by the As
b ly o n August eighteenth was that of S t Cyr for
s em
mally styled the Establishment Of S t Louis The date
fix ed for closing was just subsequent to B u o na pa rt e s
promotion and the pupils were then to be di smissed
Each benefici ary was to receive a mileage o f o ne livre
for every league she had to traverse Three hundred
and fifty two was the su m due to Elisa S ome o ne
must escort an unprotected girl o n the long journey ;
n o o ne was so suitable as her elder brother and natural
protector Accordi ngly o n S eptember first the brother
and sister appeared before the proper authorities to
apply for the traveling allowance o f the latter What
ever other accomplishments Mlle de Buonaparte had
learned at the school of S t Louis sh e was sti ll as
deficient in writing and spelling as her brother The
formal requisiti o ns written by both are still extant ; they
would infuriate any conscienti ous teacher in a pri mary
school Nor did they suffi ce : the school authorities
demanded an order from bo th the city and depart
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THE FRENCH JAC O B IN
23
1 83
ment O ffi cials It was by the kin d in terventio n of the
mayor that the red tape was cut ; the money was p ai d
o n the next day and that night the brother and the
Sister lodged in the Holland Patriots Hotel in Paris
where they appear to have remained for a week
This is the statement o f an early b i ographer an d a p
pears to be borne o u t by an autograph letter o f Napo
leon s recently found in which he says he left Paris
o n a date which although the figure is blurred seems
1
to be the nin th
S ome days would be necessary fo r the
new captain to procure a further lea ve of absence Judg
ing from subsequent events it is possible that he was
also seeki ng further acquaintance and favor with the
infl uential Jacobins Of Paris During the days from
the second to the seventh more than a thousand Of the
royalists confined in the prisons o f Paris were massacred
It seems incredi ble that a man o f Napoleon s tempera
ment should have seen and known nothing o f the riotous
events connected with such bloodshed Yet nowhere
does he hint that he had any personal knowledge It
is possible that he left earlier than is generall y supposed
but it is not likely in view o f the kn own dates o f his
journey In any case he did not seriously co mpromise
hi mself doing at the most nothing further than to make
plans for the future It may have beco me clear to him
for it was true and he behaved accordingly that France
w as not yet ready for hi m nor he for France
It is moreover a strong indication Of B u o na pa rte s
interest in the French Revolution being purely tenta
tive that as soon as the desired leave w as granted prob
ably in the second week Of S eptember without waiting
for th e all important fifteen hun dred livres of arrears
no w due hi m but not pai d until a month later he and
They traveled by diligence
hi s sister s e t o u t fo r home
Na po léo n inco nnu I I 40 8
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[1 7 9
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 84
—
2
93
to Lyon s an d thence by the Rhone to Marseilles Dur
ing th e few hours h alt Of the boat at Valence Napoleon s
friends among them some Of hi s creditors who appar
ently bore hi mno grudge w ai ted o n hi mwi th kindl y
manifesta tions o f in terest His former lan dl ady Mme
B o u although her bill had been but i ns i gnificantly di min
ish e d by payments o n accoun t brought a s her gift a
basket of the fruit in whi ch the neighborhood abounds
at that season The regiment w as no longer there the
greater portion with the colonel bein g now o n the
o u ri ez facing the vic
northeastern frontier under D u m
O n the fourteenth
t o rio u s legions Of Prussia and Austria
the travelers were at Marseilles ; in that friendly demo
cratic city they were n early mobbed as aristocrats
because Elisa wore feathers in her hat It is said that
Napoleo n flung the Offending Object into the crowd wi th
“
”
a scornful No more aristocrats than you
and so
turned their howls into laughi ng approval It w as about
a month before the arrears of pay reached Marseilles
two thousand nine hundr ed and fifty livres i n all a
handsome su mof money and doubly welco me at such
a crisis It w as prob ably O ctober tenth when they s ailed
for Corsica and o n the seventeenth Buonaparte was
once more i n his home n o longer s o confident perhaps
of a ca reer among his o wn people but determin ed to
m ake another effort It was his fourth return Lucie n
an d Fesch were leaders in the radical club ; Joseph was
at his Old post hi s ambition to represent Ajaccio at
Paris was agai n thwarted the successful candidate
having been Multedo a family friend ; Louis as usual
was di sengaged and idl e ; M me Buonaparte and the
youn ger ch ildren were well ; he hi mself was o f course
triumphantly vindicated by hi s pro moti on The ready
money from the fortune of the o ld archdeacon w as long
sin ce exhausted to be sure ; but th e excellent vineyards
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[1 7 9
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 86
—
2
93
Buonaparte could not be neutral ; his nature and hi s
surroun di ngs forbade it His fir st step w as to resume
mand in the volun teers and un der pretext o f
his com
inspe cting th eir posts to m ake a journ ey through the
island ; his second was to go through the form o f seeking
a reconciliation with Paoli Corsican historians in their
eagerness to appropriate the greatn ess o f both Paoli and
Napoleon hab i tually misrepresent their relations At
this ti me each w as playing for hi s own hand the elder
exclusively for Corsica s advantage as he s a w it ; the
y oun ger was more ambitious personally al though he
w as beginning to s e e that in the course of the Rev o lu
tion Corsica would secure more complete autonomy as
a French department than in any other way It is not
at all clear that as late a s thi s time Paoli w a s eager for
Napoleon s assistance nor the latter for Paoli s support
The complete breach came soon and l asted un til when
their vi ews n o longer clashed they both Spoke gener
o u sly o ne o f the other
I n the clubs among his
friends and subordinates at the various military s t a
tions Napoleon s talk was loud and imperious hi s
manner haughty and assuming A letter written by him
at the time to Costa then lieutenant in the mili tia and
a thorough Corsican explains that the writer is detain ed
from going to Boni facio by an order from the gener al
(Paoli ) to come to Corte ; he will however haste n to his
post at the head of the volun teers o n the very next day
and there will be an end to a ll disorder and irregul arity
“
Greet o u r friends and assure them of my desire to
”
further their i nterests
The epistle was written in
Italian but that fact si gnifies little in comparison with
“
the n ew tone used in speaking about France : The
enemy h a s abandoned Verdu n and Lo n gwy and recrossed
”
the ri ver to return home but our peo ple a re not asleep
Lucien added a postscript expl aini ng that he had sent a
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THE FRENCH JAC O BIN
—
T
2 2 23
E
.
1 87
pamphl et to his dear Costa as to a friend no t as to a
B oth
co —worker for that he had been unwilli ng to be
the brothers seem already to have considered the possi
b ility Of abando ning Corsica
No sooner had war been declared again st Austria In
April than it became eviden t that the powers whose
territories bordered on those o f France h ad previously
reached an agreement and were about to form a coali
tion in order to make the war general The Austrian
Netherlands what we no w kn ow as B elgium were
already saturated with the revolutionary spirit It was
not probable that much annoyance wo u l d come from
that quarter S pain Prussia and Holland would h o w
ever surely join the alliance ; and if the Italian prin
cipa liti es
with the kin gdom o f S ardi nia shoul d take
the same course France would be in dire strai ts It
was therefore suggested i n the Assembly that a blow
should be struck at the house o f S avoy i n order to awe
both that an d the other courts o f Italy into inactivity
The idea Of an attack o n S ardinia for this pur pose origi
na t ed in Corsica but among the friends of Sa li ce tti
and it was he who urged the scheme successfully The
Sister island was represented a s eager to free itself from
the control of S avoy In order to secure Paoli s infl u
ence no t onl y in his o wn island but in S ardi nia where
he was li kewise well kn own and admired the mi nisters
forced upon hi m the unwelcome appointment o f lieu
tenant general in the reg u lar army an d his frie n d P era ldi
was sen t to prepare a fleet at Toulon
The events Of August tenth put an end fo r the time
being to constitutional govern ment i n France The
commissioners Of the Paris sections supplanted the muni
and D anton climbing to power a s the
cipal council
“
representative plain man became mo mentarily the
presiding genius o f the new Jacobin commune which
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1 79
93
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 88
soo n able to usur p the supreme control o f France
A call w as issued for the election by m anhood suffrage
o f a National Convention
and a committee of sur
v eilla nce w as appo in ted with the bloodthirsty Marat
as its motive power
At the in stigation of this com
mi ttee large numbers of royalists constitutio nalists
and others suspected of holding kin dred doctrin es were
thr own in to pri son The Assembly went thr ough the
form Of co nfirmin g the new despotism inclu di n g bo th
the commune of the sections and a Jacobin mi nistry in
which D an ton held the portfolio o f justi ce
It then
di spersed
On S eptember second began that general
clearance o f the j ails under mock forms o f justice to whi ch
reference has been made It w as reall y a massacre and
lasted as h as been said for five days Versailles Lyo ns
”
“
Meaux Rheims and Orléans were similarly purifi ed
Am
id these scenes the immaculate Robespierre whose
hands were not so iled with the blood spilled o n August
tenth appeared as the ca lm statesman controlli n g the
wild vagaries of the rough and impulsive but unselfi sh
and un calculating Danton These t w o with Philip
Egalité and Collot d H erb o is were among those elected
to represent Paris in the Convention That body met
As they sat in the amphi
o n S eptember twenty firs t
theater o f the Assembly the Girondists o r moderate
republicans who were in a strong majority were on the
right o f the president s chair High up o n the extreme
“
left were the Jacobin s o r Mountain
between were
“
”
placed those timid trimmers who were called the Plain
”
“
and the Marsh accor di n g to the degree Of their
democratic sentiments The members were of course
without exception republica ns The fir st act o f the
Convention wa s to abolish the monarchy an d to declare
France a republic The next w as to establish an execu
tive council It w as decreed that S eptember twenty
w as
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 90
1 7 9 2 —9 3
patriot anxious to keep all the i nfluence he could and as
a family friend o f the B u o na pa rt es he was unwi lli ng
to order the young captain back to hi s post in France
as he might well have done The interview between
the two men at Corte was therefore indecisive The
Older was benign ant but firm in refusing his formal con
sent ; the younger pretended to be in dign ant that he
could not secure his rights : it is said that he even threat
ened to denounce in Paris the anti nationalist attitude
Of his former hero SO it happened that Buonaparte
returned to Ajaccio with a permissive autho rization and
welcomed by his men assumed a command to which he
cou l d have no cl ai m while Paoli Shut his eyes to an act
Of flagrant insubordination Paoli s a w that Buonaparte
was irrevocably committed to revolutionary France ;
Buonaparte w as convinced or pretended to be that
Paoli w as again leaning toward an English protectorate
F re nch imperialist writers hint without the slightest
basis of proof that both Paoli and Pozzo di B orgo were
in the pay o f England Many have believed in the
same gratuitous manner that there w as a plot among
members o f the French party to give Buonaparte the
chance by means o f the S ardini an expe di tion to seize
the chief co mmand at least o f the Corsican troops and
thus eventually to supplant Paoli If this conjecture
be true Paoli either kn ew nothing Of the co nspiracy o r
behaved as he did because hi s own plans were n ot yet
ripe The drama o f his o wn personal perplexities cross
purposes and ever false positio ns was rapi dl y moving
to an end ; the logic o f events w a s t o o strong fo r the u p
right but perplexed Old patriot and a scene or two would
soon complete the fin al act Of his public career
The plan for invading S ardi nia w as over complex and
too nicely adjusted O ne portion Of the fleet was to
skirt the Italian shores m ake demonstratio ns in the
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23
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THE FRENCH JAC O B IN
1 91
various harbors and deman d i n one o f them
that Of
Naples
publi c reparation for an ins u l t al ready O ffered
to the new French flag which displayed the thr ee
colors o f liberty The other porti o n was fir st to em
bark the Cors i can guards and French troops at Ajaccio
then to u nite with the former in the B ay o f Palma
whence both were to proceed agai nst Cagliari B ut the
French soldiers to be taken fro mthe Army of the Var
under General Anselme were in fact non existent ; the
onl y mili ta ry force to be found was a portion o f the
Marseilles national guard
mere boys un equipped u n
trained and inexperienced Winds and waves t o o were
adverse : two o f the vessels were wrecked and o ne was
disabled The rest were badly demoralized and their
crews became un ruly O n the arrival Of the Ships at
Ajaccio a p a rty o f roi stering s ailors went ashore a fli lia t e d
medi ately wi th the French sol di ers of the garrison
im
and in the rough horse play o f such occasions picked
a quarrel with cert ai n o f the Corsican mili tia killing
two o f their number The character o f the islanders
showed itself at once I n further v i olence and the fiercest
threats The tumult was fin ally allayed but it was
perfectly clear that for Corsicans and Marseillais to be
embarked on the same vessel was to invite mutin y riot
and bloodshed
Buonaparte thought he saw his way to an independent
command and at once propo sed what was mani festly
the only alternative
a separate Corsican expe dition
The Fren ch fleet accordingly embarked the garrison
troops and proceeded o n its way ; the Corsicans re
mai ned ashore and B uonaparte wi th them S cenes like
that at Ajaccio were repeated in the harbor Of S t Florent
and the attack o n Cagli ari by the French failed partly
as mi ght be supposed from the poor equip ment o f the
fleet an d the wretched quality o f the men partl y b e
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NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
1 92
1 79 2 - 93
cause the two fl o tillas or wha t was left of them f a iled
to eff ect a jun ction at the appointed place an d time
When they di d unite it w as February fourteenth 1 7 9 3 ;
the men were ill fed and mutinous ; the troops that
landed to storm the place fell into a panic and would
actu al ly have surrendered if th e Ofl i cers had no t quickly
re embarked them The costly enterprise met wi th but
a single success : Naples w as cowed an d the court
promised neutrali ty with reparatio n for the insult to
the tricolor
The Corsi can expedition w as quite a s ill sta rred as
the French Paoli accepted B u o napa rt e s plan but
appointed hi s nephew Colonna Cesari to lead with
“
instructions to s e e that if possible
thi s unfortun ate
” 1
The disappo inted but
expedition Shall end in smoke
stubborn young aspiran t remain ed in his subordi na te
place as an Offi cer Of the second battalion of the Corsican
n ational guard It w as a month before the voluntee rs
could be equipped and a French corvette with her
attendant feluccas could be made ready to sail On
February twentieth 1 7 93 the vessels were finally armed
manned an d provisioned The desti na tion Of the fl otill a
was th e Magdalena Islands o ne Of whi ch is Caprera
sin ce renown ed as the home of Garib aldi The troops
embarked and put t o sea Almost a t once the wind
fell ; there w as a two days c alm an d the Ships reached
their destination with di m
i nished supplies and dispirited
crews The first attack made on S t S tephen was
successfu l B uonaparte an d his guns were then lan ded
o n that spot to bo m
bard across a n arrow str ait Mag
dalena the chief town on the mai n islan d The e nemy s
fir e was s o on sil enced an d n o thi n g rem ai n ed but for
the corvette to work slowly roun d the interve nin g island
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p rted by Arrighi a nd Renucci and give n in Napo leo n inco nnu
e o
II , 4 1 8
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1 7 9 2 —93
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
1 94
tyranny of feud al privileges the whole social edi fice w as
slack in every joint and there w as no strong hand to
tighten the bolts ; fo r the Kin g in d allying with foreign
cour ts had virtu ally deserted his people The mo n
archy h a d therefore fallen but n ot until its friends had
resorted to the expedient of a foreign w a r as a prop to
its fortunes The early victories w o n by Austria and
Prussia h ad stung the nation to madn ess Robespierre
an d D an ton havin g become di cta tors all moderate
policy was ecli psed The executive coun cil of the Con
gathered
v e ntio n determi n ed to appease the nation
thei r strength in one vigorous effort an d put thr ee great
armies in the field O n November Sixth 1 7 9 2 to the
amaz ement o f the world D u mo u riez won the battle of
Jemmapes thus con querin g the Austrian N etherlan ds as
far nort h as Li ege
The S cheldt which had been closed Sin ce 1 648 thr ough
the i nfluence o f England and Holland was reopened
trade resumed its n atural channel and in the exu b er
ance of popu l ar joy measures were taken fo r the imme
diate estab lishment o f a B elgian republi c The other
two armies under Cu s tine and Kell ermann were less
successful The fo rmer having occupied Frankfort was
driven back to the Rhine ; the latter defeated the Allies
at Valmy but f ailed in the tas k o f co m
ing to Custine s
support at the proper moment for co mb ined action
Meantime the agitation in Paris had taken the form o f
“
person al animosity to Louis Capet a s the le aders Of
the disordered populace called the King
In November
moned to the bar o f th e Convention and
he was sum
questioned When it came to the consideration of an
actual trial the Girondists willing to save the prisoner s
life claimed that the Convention had no j u ri sdi ction
and must appeal to the so vereign people for a u th o riza
tion The Jacobi ns insisted on the sovereign power Of
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THE F RE N CH JAC O BIN
22
1 95
the Co nven tion Robespierre protesting in the name Of
S upported
t h e people ag ai n st a n appeal to the people
by th e n oisy o utcries no t o nly o f the Parisian populace
but Of their f oll o wers elsewhere the radical s prevailed
By a vote of three hun dred and sixty six t o three hun
dred and fifty fiv e the verdict o f death w as pronounced
o n January seventeenth 1 7 93 and four days later the
sentence was executed Thi s act was a defian ce to all
mon archs o r in other words to all Europe
The younger Pitt was at this jun cture prime mi ni ster
Of England Like the majority o f hi s countrymen he
had mildl y approved the course o f the French R ev o lu
tion down to 1 7 89 ; with them i n the same way his
opinions had since that time un dergone a change By
the aid Of Burke s biased but masterful eloquence the
English people were gradually co nvin ced that Jacobi n
ism violence and crime were the essence of the move
ment constitution al reform but a specious pretext
B etween 1 7 89 and 1 7 9 2 there w as a rising tide o f adverse
publi c sentiment so swift and strong that Pitt was u n
able to follow it By the execution o f Louis the Eng
li sh moderates were silen ced ; the n ews was received
with a cry of horror and the nation demanded war
Were kings heads to fall and republica n ideas s u p
ported by republican arm
ies to Spread like a co nfl a gra
tion ? The still mon archical liberals Of England could
give n o answer to the case of Louis o r to the instance o f
Belgium and were stunned The Engli sh anti Jacobins
became a s fan atical as the French Jacobins Pitt could
n ot resist the torrent Yet in his extreme necessity he
s aw hi s chan ce fo r a double stroke : to throw the blame
for the war o n France and to co nsolidate once more
his n early vanished power i n parliament With mas
t e rly adroitness France was tempted into a declaration
of war agai nst Engl and E n thusiasm raged in Paris
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N AP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
1 96
—
like fire among dry stubble Fran ce if so it must be
against the world ' Liberty and equality her religio n '
The land a camp ' The entire people an army ' Three
hundr ed thousand men to be selected equipped an d
drilled at once '
Nothing indicates that Buo n aparte was in any w ay
moved by the terrible m assacres o f S eptember or eve n
by the n ews Of the King s unmerited fate B ut the
declaration o f war w as a novelty which must have
deeply interested him ; for what was Paoli now to do ?
From gratitude to England he had repeatedl y and ear
nes tly declared that he co u l d never take up arms agai nst
her He was already a lieutenant gener al in the ser
vice o i her enemy hi s division w as assi gn ed to the feeble
and di sorganized Ar my of Italy whi ch w as nomi nally
being equ i pped for active servi ce and the leadership
so ran the news received at Ajaccio h ad been co nferred
o n the Corsican di rector
The fact was that the radi
cals o f the Conventi o n had long been aware o f the old
patriot s devotion to constitutional monarchy an d now
Th ree
sa w their way to be rid Of s o dangerous a fo e
successive commanders of that army had already foun d
di sgrace in their attempts with inadequate m
eans to
dislodge the S ardinian troops from the mountain passes
o f the Maritime Alps
Mindful therefore o f their fate
an d o f his Obligatio ns to England Paoli firmly refused
the proffered honor S uspicion a s to the existence Of an
English party in the island had early bee n aw akened
among the members o f the Moun t ai n ; for half the C0 1
sican delegatio n to the Co nven tio n had Opposed the sen
tence p assed on the King and Salice tti was the o nly
member who voted in the affi rmative
When the ill
starred S ardi nian expedition reached Tou l on the blame
Of f ailure was laid by the Jacobins o n Paoli s shoulders
Salice t ti who w a s now a re al power among the leaders
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1 7 9 2 —9
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
1 98
3
Jacobin s to the deputy o f the depar tmen t in Paris Of
all this Napoleon kn ew nothing : he an d Lucien were
slightly alienated because the latter thought his bro ther
but a lukewarm revolution ary The n ews o f the defee
tion Of D u mo u riez had just arrived at the capital pub
lic opinion was infl amed and o n April second P ao li
who seemed likely to be a second D u mo u riez was su m
mo ned to appear before the Convention F o r a moment
he became again the most popul ar man i n Corsica He
had al ways retain ed many warm personal friends eve n
among the radicals ; the royalists were now forever
alienated from a government which had killed their
king ; the church could no longer expect protectio n
when impious men were i n power These three elements
united immediately with the P a o lis t s to protest agai nst
the arbitrary act o f the Co nventio n Even in that
land of co nfusio n th ere was a degree of ch aos hi therto
une qu aled
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CHAPTER XV
A JA COB I N HE GI R A
Th e Wa ning o f Co rsic a n P a tri o t is m— Ris e Of Fr ench Ra dical
Ano th e r S ch em
e fo r Lea d e rship
is m A llia nce with Sa lice t ti
Fa ilur e to S eize th e Cita d e l o f A j a ccio S e co nd P la n
’
B uo na p a rt e Fina ll y
P a o li s A ttitud e To w a rd th e Co nv enti o n
P la ns Of
Discre dite d in Co rsica
P a o li Turn
s t o E ngla nd
Th e ir A rriv a l in To ul o n
N a pe
th e B u o na p a rt e Fa ily
’
leo ns Ch a ra cte r H is Co rsican Ca ree r Le sso ns o f His Fail
ur e s His Ab ilit y, S itua tio n, a nd E xpe rience
m
'
.
UONAP ARTE w as
for an instant among the most
zealous Of Paoli s supporters and t aking up his
ever ready pen he wrote two impassioned papers whose
respective tenors it is not easy to reconcile : one a n
appeal to the Convention in Paoli s behalf the other a
demand addressed to the municipality of Aj a ccio that
the people should renew their oath o f allegiance to
France The explanation is somewhat recondite per
haps but not di scre di table Sa lice tti as chairman o f a
committee of the convention o n Corsican a fl airs had
conferred with Paoli o n April thirteenth
The resul t
w as so satisfactory that o n the sixteenth the latter was
urged to attend a second meeting at B astia in the interest
of Corsican reconciliation and intern al peace Mean
time Lucie n s pe rformance at Marseilles had fir ed the
train which led to the Convention s actio n ag ai nst
Paoli and o n the seventeenth the order for hi s arrest
reached Sa lice t ti who was o f course charged with i ts
execution For thi s he was not prepared nor w as
Buonaparte The essential of Corsican annexation to
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[1 7 93
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
299
Fra nce w a s order The Corsican folk flocked to protect
Paoli in Corte and the local government declared for
him There w as in choate rebellion an d withi n a few
days the districts of C al vi and B astia were squarely
arrayed wi th Sali ce tti ag ainst Bo nifacio and Ajaccio
which suppo rted Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo The Buona
partes were convinced that the decree o f the Convention
At the same
w as precipitate and pleaded for i ts re call
time they s a w no hope for peace in Corsica except
through in corporation with France But compromise
proved impo ssible There w as a truce when Paoli o n
April twenty sixth wrote to the Convention regretting
that he could not Obey their su mmons on account o f
In
infirm
i ti es a nd declaring his loyalty to France
consequence the Convention withdrew its decree and
sent a new commission Of which Sa lice t ti was not a
membe r Thi s w as i n May o n the eve Of the Girondi n
overthrow The measures o f reconciliation proved
un availing because the Jacob i ns o f Marseilles learning
th at Paoli w a s Girondist in senti ment stopped the
commission and forbade their proceeding to Corsi ca
Meantime Captain B u o na pa r te s French regi ment
had already been some five months in active service
If his passi on had been o nl y for military glory that was
to be found nowhere so certai nly as in it s ranks where
he should have been But hi s passi on for poli tical
renown w a s clearly far stronger Where could it be so
easily gratified a s in Corsica under the present condi
ti ons ? The personali ty of the young adventurer had
e been curiously double : but whi le he had
fo r a long ti m
successfully retained the position o f a French o fli ce r in
France hi s identity as a Corsican pat riot had been
nearly obliterated in Corsica by his constant quarrels
and repeated f ailures Havin g become a French rad
ic al he had been forced in to a certai n anta goni sm to
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[1 7 93
NAP OLE O N B O N AP ARTE
20 2
great career u nder France o n the other qu i ckly chose
the latter The same considerations weighed with
Buonaparte ; he followed his patron and as a reward
was appointed by the French commissio n inspector
general o f ar till ery for Corsica
Sa lice t ti had gran ted what Paoli would n ot : B uona
parte was free to strike hi s blow for Corsican leadership
With swi ft and decisive measures the last scene in hi s Cor
si can adventures was arranged S everal great guns which
had been saved fro ma war ship wrecked in the harbor
were lying o n the shore unmounted The inspector gen
eral hypocritically declared that they were a temptatio n
to insurgents and a menace to the public peace ; they
should be stored in the citadel Hi s plan was to seize
the moment when the heavy pieces were passing the
drawbridge and at the head o f his followers to t ake po s
session Of the stronghold he had SO long coveted and s o
often failed to capture If he could hold it for the Co n
v e ntio n a career in Corsica wo u l d be at last assured
But again he was doomed to disappointment The
former garrison had been composed Of French sol di ers
O n the fai lure of the S ardi ni an expedi tion most Of these
had been landed at Toulon where they still were The
men in the ci tadel of Ajaccio were therefore in the main
islanders although some French infan try and the French
gunners were still there ; the n ew commander was a
P a o li s t who refused to be hoodwinked and would no t
act without an authorization from his general in chi ef
The value o f the seizure depended o n its promptness
In order to secure a su fli ci ent number of faithful follow
ers Buonaparte started o n foot for B astia to consul t the
commissi on Learning that he was already a suspect
at Corte and in danger o f arrest he turned o n hi s steps
only to be confronted at B ocognano by a band of
P e ra ld i s followers
Two shepherds from his own
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A JAC O B IN HEGIRA
]
E T 23
.
203
esta te foun d a place of co n cealmen t for him in a house
belongi ng to their friends and he passed a day in hiding
escap in g after nightfall to Ucciani whence he return ed
1
to Ajaccio in safety
Thwarted in o ne n otio n B uona
parte then proposed t o the followers he already had two
alternatives : to erect a barricade behin d whi ch the gun s
could be moun ted and tr ained o n the citadel o r ea sier
still to carry o ne Of the pieces to some spot before the
main entrance and then batter in the gate Neither
scheme was considered feasible and it was determined
to secure by bribes if possible the co Opera tio n Of a
portion o f the garriso n The attempt failed through
the integrity of a single man and is interestin g only as
havin g been Napoleon s first lesson in a n art which was
thenceforward an unfailing resource Rumors of these
proceedi ngs soon rea ched the friends Of Paoli an d
Buonaparte was summoned to report immediately at
Corte S uch was the inten sity o f popular bittern ess
again st hi m in Ajaccio for his desertio n Of Paoli that
after a series o f n arrow escapes from arrest he w a s
compelled to flee in disguise and by water to B astia
which he reached on May tenth 1 7 9 3 Thwarted in
their efforts to seize Napoleon the hostile party vented
its rage on the rest o f the family hun ting the mother
a nd chi ldre n from their town house which was pillaged
and burned first to M illeli then through jungle an d over
hi lltops to the lonely tower Of Capitello near the s ea
A desire for revenge o nhis Corsican persecutors would
n ow give an ad di ti o nal stimulus to Buonaparte and still
an other device t o secure the passionately desired citadel
o f Ajaccio was proposed by him to the commissioners o f
the Convention and adopted by them The remnants
of a S wiss regiment stationed n ear by were to be march ed
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B o th th ese men w ere genero usly remembered in th e se cre t co dicils
o f Na po l eo n s will
1
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[1 7 93
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
29 4
into the city as if for embarkmen t ; several F ren ch war
vessels from the harbor Of S t Florent in clu di ng one
frigate with troops munitio ns and arti llery o n board
were to appear unexpectedl y before the city lan d their
men and guns and then with the help Of the S witzers
and such Of the citizens a s espoused the French cause
were to overawe the town and seize the citadel Cor
sican aff airs had n ow reached a crisis for this was a
virtual declaration o f war Paoli so understood it and
measures o f mutual defiance were at once taken by
both sides The French commissioners formally deposed
the Ofli cia ls who sympa thi zed with Paoli ; they in turn
took steps to increase the garriso n o f Ajaccio an d to
strengthen the popular sentiment i n their favor
O n receipt o f the news that he had been summon ed to
Paris and that hostile commissioners had bee n sent to
take his place Paoli had immediately forwarded by
the hands o f two friendly representatives the temperate
letter in which he had declared his loyalty to Fran ce
In it he had Offered to resign and leave Corsica His
messengers were seized and temporarily det ain ed but
in the end they reached Paris and were kin dly received
On May twenty ninth they appeared o n the floor o f the
Convention and w o n their cause On Jun e fif th the
former decree was revoked and two days later a n ew
and friendl y com
mission o f two memb ers sta rted for
Corsica But at Marseilles they fell into the hands of
the Jacobin mob and were arrested Ign orant Of these
favorable events and the un toward circumstances by
which their eff ect was thwarted the disheartened states
man had written and forwarded o n May fourteenth a
second letter o f the same tenor as the first This
measure likewise had failed o f effect for the messenger
had been stopped at B astia now the focus Of Sa licet ti s
influence an d the letter had never reached its destina ti on
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[1 7 9 3
NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
299
of patriotism but o nly by a base ambition to suppla nt
the aged president and then to adopt whichever plan
wou l d best further his own interest : ready either to
esta blish a virtu al autono my i n his fatherlan d or to
1
deliver it entirely in to the hands of F ran ce
In thi s p ai nful document B uo naparte sets forth in
fiery phrase the early en thusiasm of republicans for the
return o f Paoli and their disillusionment when he su r
rounded hi mself wi th ven al me n like Pozzo di Borgo
with relatives like hi s nephew Leonetti with his vile
creatures in gen eral The misfortunes o f the S ardi nian
expe di tion the disgraceful disorders o f the island the
failure o f the commissioners to secure Ajaccio are all
alike attributed to Paoli
Can perfid y like this invade
the human heart ?
What fatal ambition overmasters
a graybeard of Sixty eight ?
O n hi s face are goodn ess
and gentleness in his heart hate an d vengeance ; he h as
an oily sensibility in hi s eyes and g al l i n hi s soul but
”
n either character nor strength
These were the s en
en
ts prope r to a radical o f the ti mes an d they found
tim
acceptance among the leaders Of that cl ass in Paris
More moderate men did what they could to avert the
impending breach but in vai n Corsica w as far com
mu nica tio n slow and the misun derstandi ng which
occurred w as co nsequently u n avoidable It was no t
un til July fir st that Paoli received news o f the pa cifi
ca t o ry decrees passed by the Convention m o re than a
month before an d then it was too late ; groping in the
dark and u n able to get n ews he had formed his judg
ment from what was going on in Corsica an d h ad
therefore comm
i tted himself to a change Of policy
To
1
an
d a free car el essly written ru n
F o r thi s pa pe r see Na po leo n
menta ry o n men and
ning co m
inco nnu I I 46 2 Jung : B o na pa rte
ps I I 2 66 and 498 things Th e pa ssa ge q
uo ted is
e t so n t em
ta ken fro mth e la tter
Th e re a ppea r t o ha v e bee n an
ded t o b e fil ed
o ffi cial po rtio nint en
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A JAC O BIN HEGIRA
]
E T 23
.
20 7
him as to most thinking men the e n tire structure of
F rance social fin an ci al and politic al seemed rotten
Civil war ha d broken out in Vendee ; in B rittany the
wildest excesses passed unpunished ; the great cities of
Marseilles To u lon an d Lyons were in a sta te o f an archy ;
the revolution ary tribunal had bee n established in
Paris ; the Committee Of Public S afety had usurped the
supreme power ; the Fran ce to whi ch he had in trus ted
the fortun es of Corsica w as no more Already an agent
was in communi cation wi th the English diplomats in
Ital y O n July tenth Sa lice t ti arrived in Paris ; o n the
seventeent h Paoli w as declared a trai t o r an d an outl aw
and hi s friends were indicted for tri al But the English
fleet was already in the Mediterranean an d although
the British protectorate over Corsica wa s not established
until the followin g year in the interval the French and
their few remai ning sympathizers o n the i sland were
able at best to hold onl y the three t o wns Of B asti a
S t Florent and C alvi
After th e last fia sco before the cita del o f Ajaccio the
situatio n o f the B u o na pa rt es w as momen tarily des
perate Lucien says in his memoirs that shortl y before
his brother had spoke n longingly of India o f the Engli sh
empire as destin ed to spread with every year and o f
the career which its expans io n opened to good Ofli cers
Of artill ery
who were scarce among the B ritish
“
sca rce enough everywhere he thought
If I ever
”
“
choose that c areer s aid he I hope you will hear of
me In a few years I sh all return thence a rich nabob
”
an d bring fine dowries for o u r three Sisters
But the
s cheme was deferred and then aban doned
Sa lice t ti
had a rranged for his o wn return to Paris where he
woul d be safe Napoleo n felt that flight was the onl y
resort for him and his Accordin gly o n June eleventh
three da ys earlier th an his patro n he and J o seph acco m
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[1 7 93
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
208
b y Fesch embarked with their mother and the
rest o f the family to jo in Lucien who had remain ed
at Toulon where they arri ved o n the thi rteenth The
Jacobins of that city had received Lucien as a sympa
thetic Corsican with honor Doubtless his family home
less and destitute for their devotio n to the republic
would fin d encouragement and help until some favorable
turn in affai rs should restore the i r country to France
and reinstate them no t only in their Old posse ss i ons
but in such new digni ties as would fitly reward thei r
long and painful devotion S uch at least appears to
have been Napoleon s general idea He was provide d
with a legal certi ficate that his famil y was one Of
importance and the richest in the department The
Convention had promised compens ation to those who
had suffered losses
As had been hoped o n their arrival the B u o na pa rt es
were treated with every mark Of di stin ction and ample
provision was made for their comfort By act of the
Convention women an d Old men in such circumstances
received seventy fiv e livres a month infants forty fiv e
livres Lads received si mply a present of twenty fiv e
li vres Wi th the preli mi n ary payment of o ne hundred
and fifty livres which they promptly received the
B u o na pa rt e s were better Ofi than they had been at
home Lucien had appropriated Napoleon s certi ficate
Of birth in order to appear Older than he was and
having now developed i nto a fluent demagogue was
soon earnin g a small salary in the commissary depart
ment o f the army Fesch also foun d a comfortable
berth in the same department Joseph calmly dis
played Napoleo n s co mmi ssi on i n the National Guard as
his o wn and received a higher place wi th a better salary
The soverei gnty of th e Convention was everywhere
acknowled ged thei r revolutionary courts were estab
n
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[1 7 93
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
210
kn owledge What he had learn ed came from inborn
capacity from desultory reading and fr o m the un tutored
imaginings Of his garden at B rienne his cave at Ajaccio
What more plausible than
o r his barrack chambers
that he shou l d first turn t o the land o f his birth with
some hope o f happiness usefu l ness or even glory '
What more mor tifying than the revelation that in man
hood he was too French for Corsica a s in b oyhood he
had been to o Corsican for France '
The story o f his sojou rns and adventures in Corsica
has no fascination ; it i s neither heroic nor satanic but
belongs to the d u ll and mediocre realism which makes
up s o much o f commonplace life It is difli cu l t t o fin d
even a thread o f continuity in it : there may be on e as
to purpose ; there is n one as to either conduct o r theory
There is the passionate admiratio n of a souther n n ature
for a hero as represented by the ide al P a oli There is
the equally southern qu ality of quick but tran sien t
hatred The love o f dramatic efl ect is Shown at every
turn in the perfervid style of his writings in the m o ck
dignity of an edi ct issued from the grotto at M illeli in
the empty honors o f a lieutenan t col on el wi thout a real
command in the p al try style Of an arti llery in spector
with no artillery but a few dism antled guns
But the most prom
i n en t characteristic o f the youn g
man was his shiftiness in both the good and bad sen ses
o f the word He would perish with mo rtifica ti o n ra ther
than f ail in devising some expedient t o meet every
emergency ; he felt n o hesitatio n i n changing hi s po int
o f view a s experie n ce destroyed a n ide a l or a n u n
fo re
seen chan ce was to be seized an d improved Moreover
repeated fai lure did not dishearte n him D etestin g
garrison life he n eglected its duties and endured pu n
ishm
e nt
but he secured regular promotion ; defeated
again and again before the citadel o f Ajacci o each time
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A JAC O BIN HE GIRA
E T 23
.
2 1 1
he return ed u ndismayed to make a fresh trial under
new auspices o r in a new way
He was n o spendthrift but he had n o scruples abolit
money He was proud in the headshi p o f his family
and reckless as to how he should support them o r should
secure their promotion S olita ry i n hi s boyhood he
had beco me in his youth a compani on and leader ; but
his true friendshi ps were not with his soci al equals
whom he despised but with the lowly whomhe under
stood F in ally here was a citizen o f the world a man
without a country ; hi s birthright w as gone fo r Corsi ca
repelled him France he hated for sh e had never adopted
him He w as almost wi thout a professi on for he had
neglected that Of a soldier and had failed both as an
author and as a poli tician He was apparently t o o
without a Si ngle gui di ng principle ; the world had been
a harsh stepmother at whose knee he had nei ther learned
the truth nor experienced kindn ess He appears con
sistent in nothi n g but in making the best o f events as
they occurred SO far he was a man neither much
better nor much worse than the world i nto which he was
born He w as quite as un scrupulous as those about
hi m but he was far greater than they in perspica city
adroitness adapta b ili ty and persistence During the
period before his expul si on from Corsica these quali ti es
o f leadershi p
were scarcely recognizable but they
exi sted AS yet to all outward appearance the li ttle
captai n o f artillery was the same sli m ill proporti oned
and rather insi gni ficant youth ; but at twenty three he
ha d had the experience of a much greater age Conscious
o f his powers he had dream
ed many day dreams and
had acquired a habit of boastful conversation in the
family circle ; but fully cognizant o f the dangers in ci
dent to his place and the un settled condi tions about
him he was cautious and reserved i n the outside world
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CHAP TER XVI
THE
S UP P E R OF B EA UCAI RE
Re v o lutio na ry M a dne ss
U prising Of th e Giro nd ists Co nv en
tio n Fo rc e s B e fo re A vigno n B o na p a rte s First S ucc e ss in
A rms I ts E ffe ct upo n His Ca ree r His P o litica l P a mphl e t
Th e Ge nius it Displ a y s
A cce pte d a nd P u b lish e d b y
Au th o rit y S eizure Of To ul o n b y th e Allie s
’
.
T was a tempestuous time in Proven ce when o n Jun e
thi rteenth the B u o na pa rt es arrived at Tou l on
The i r movements during the first few months cann ot
be determin ed ; we onl y kn ow that after a very short
1
ll
resi dence there the family fled to Marsei es
Much
too is obscure in regard even to Napoleon sol di er as
he w a s It seems as if this period o f their history had
been wilful ly co nfused to conceal how intimate were
the connections of the entire family with the Jacobin s
B ut the Obscurity may also be due to the character of
the times Fleeing before the storms o f C o rsican revo
lu tio n they were c aught in the whirlwind o f Fre n ch
anarchy The Girondists after involving the country
in a desperate foreign warfare had shown themse lves
incompetent to carry it o n In Paris therefore they
had to give way before the Jacobins who by the exer
cise o f a reckless despotism were able to di splay an
unparalleled energy in its prosecution Against their
1 Th e m
em
o irs o f Jo se ph and
in t h e D cum
ents hi sto riq
u e s sur
Lucien suppo rt ed by Co sto n a nd la Ho ll a nde I 34 a sse rts ca t ego ri
‘
ca lly in d e ta il tha t they to o k up
th e a no nym
o us l o ca l histo ria n o f
M a rseill e s a ll unite in d ecl a ring
their a bo d e in La Va l ette a s b
th a t th e Buo na pa rte fa mily l nd ed urb o f To ul o n whe re th ey ha d
there ; o n th e o the r h a nd Lo uis l anded
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u
[1 7 93
NAP O LE O N B O NAP ARTE
2 14
The n ext move Of the i nsurgent Girondists Of Mar
seilles w a s in the di rection o f Paris and by the first
week o f July they had reached Avign on on their way
to join forces with their equally successful friends at
Lyons With characteristic zeal the Conven tio n had
created an army to meet them The n ew force was put
under the command o f Carteaux a ci v ilian but a ma n
Of energy According to di rections received from Pari s
he quickly advanced to cut the e nemy in two by o ccu
This move was
pying the strategic point Of Valence
successfu lly made Lyons was left to fight its o wn battle
an d by the middle Of July the general o f the C o nven tio n
was encamped before the w alls o f Avignon
Napoleon Buonaparte had hastened to Nice where five
companies Of his regiment were stationed and rejoinin g
the Fren ch army never faltered ag ain in his allegi ance
to the tricolor Jean D u t eil brother Of the youn g
man s former patron was in the Savoy capital high in
command He promptly set the youn g ar tillerist at
the work Of completing the shore batteries O n Jul y
third and eighth respectively the new captain made
written reports to the secretary fo r war at Paris and t o
the di rector of artillery in the arsenal o f Toulon B oth
these papers are succinct an d well written Almost
imme di ately Buonaparte w a s intrusted with a mission
probably co nfidential since its exact nature is unknown
and s e t o u t for Avignon He reached his destin ation
almost in the moment when Carteaux began the in vest
men t of the city It was about July sixteenth when he
en tered the republican camp having arrived by devious
ways a nd after n arrow escapes from the enemy s hands
Thi s time he was absent from his post o n duty The
works and guns at Nice bein g in adequate and al most
worthl ess he was probably sent to secure supplies from
the stores Of Avign on when i t should be conquered
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]
—
THE S UPPER O F BEAUCAIRE
E T 23 24
.
2 1 5
S uch were the str ai ts o f the needy repub lican general
that he immedi ately appointed his visi tor to the co m
mand Of a strong body o f flying arti llery In the first
attack on the town Carteaux received a check But
the insurgents were raw volunteers and seem to have
felt more and more dismayed by the menacing atti tude
in
Of the surroun di ng po pul ation : o n the twenty fif t h
1
the very hour Of victory they began their retreat
The road to Marseilles w as thus clear and the com
mander unwisely Opened his lin es to occupy the ev a cu
ated town s o n his front Carteaux entered Avignon o n
the twenty sixth ; o n the twenty seventh he collected
his force and departed reachin g Tarascon o n the twenty
eighth and on the twenty ninth B eaucaire Buona
parte whose battery had done excellent service advanced
for some distan ce with the main army but was ordered
back to protect the rear by reorganizing and recon
s t ru cting the art i llery park which had been di smantled
in the assaul t o n Avign on
This first successful feat o f arms made a profound
impression o n B u o na pa r te s mind and led to the deci
sion which settled his career His spirits were still
lo w for he w a s su fl ering from a return Of his o ld malarial
trouble Moreover hi s family seems already to have
o st pro b a bl e
Th e se a re t h e m
is t s w e re thro wn into p a nic a nd
rea so ns fo r t h e re trea t S evera l d eca mped Neith er th e co ntem
lo ca l chr o nicle rs So u llier A ud ri po ra ry a utho ri ties no r Na po leo n
a nd
himse lf e ver mentio ned a ny such
Jo u d o u writing a ll th ree
de cl re ea ch a nd all r ema rka ble circumsta nces
a bo ut 1 844
In
tha t Buo na p a rt e with hi s ba tte ry fa ct a p a ssa ge Of th e S o up er d e
fo ll w ed th e right b ank Of th e B ea uca ir e a ttribut es th e re trea t
R ho ne a s far a s t h e Ro ch e r d e
t o th e ina bility o f a ny e xcept v e t
Justice wh ere h e mo unted h is e ra n troo ps t o wi thsta nd a siege
guns a nd Opened fire o n t h e w a lls Fina ll y Buo na p a rt e wo uld surely
ha ve b een pro mo ted fo r such
o f t h e city
H is fire was so a c
cur a te tha t h e d estro yed o ne a nexplo it D o mma rtin a co mra d e
ca nno na nd kill ed Severa l gunners wa s thus rewarded fo r a much
Th e be sieg ed g a rriso n o f fed e r al
sma ller se rvice
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[1 7 9 3
NAP O LE O N B O NAPARTE
2 1 6
bee n driven from Toul on by the uprising of the hostile
party : in any case they were now depe ndent o n charity ;
the Corsican revolt agai ns t th e Convention was vir
t u a lly successful and it was s aid that in the island the
name o f Buonaparte w as considered as li ttle less execrable
than that o f Buttafuoco What must he do to get a
decisive share in the surging rolli ng tumult about him?
The visionary boy w as transformed into the practical
man Frenchmen were fighting an d wi nning glory
everywhere and among the men who were reaping
laurels were so me whomhe had kn own and even despised
at B rienne
S ergeant P ich egru for instance Ideas
which he had momentarily e n tertai ned
e nlistment
1
in the Russian army service with England a career in
the In di es the return o f the nabob
all such visions
were set aside forever and an application w as sent for
a transfer from the Army o f Italy to that o f the Rh ine
The suppression o f the southern revolt would soon be
accomplished and inactivity ensue ; but on the frontier
Of the north there w as a warfare worthy o f his powers
i n which i f he could only attract the attention of the
authorities long service rapid advancement and last
ing glory mi ght all be secured
But what must be the first step to secure notoriety
here and no w ? How coul d that end be g ai n ed ? The
Old instinct o f author shi p returned irresistibly and in
the long intervals o f easy duty at Avign on where as is
most probable he rem ai ned to complete the task assign ed
”
“
to him Buonaparte wrote the S upper Of B eauc aire
his fir st literary work of re al ability As if by magic
hi s style is utterly changed being n ow concise correct
1
R ussia nfl ee t inth e M e dite rra nea n
Th e Archive Russ e fo r 1 866
sta te s tha t in 7 88 Na po leo n Th e sta t ement may b e tru e and
Buo na p a rte a pplie d fo r a ne nga ge pro b a bly is but the re is no co r
ment to Z a bo ro wski P o temkins ro bo ra tive e vidence to susta in it
le ut ena nt w h o w as th en with a
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[1 7 9 3
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 1 8
tary science that the army which rem ain s behin d its
in trenchments is beaten : experien ce an d theory agree
”
o n this poin t
The conclusion o f the co nversa ti on is a triumphan t
demo nstratio n that th e cause of the insurgents is alre ady
lost an argument convicting them o f reall y desirin g no t
moderati on but a counter revolution in their own
interest an d Of displayin g a willin gn ess to imi ta te the
Vendean s an d ca ll in foreign aid if necessary In one
remarkable passage the sol di er grants that the Giron
dists may have been outl awed imprisoned and cal um
ni a t ed by the Mount ai n in its own selfish interest but
“
adds that the former were lost without a civil war by
means o f which they cou l d lay down the law to their
enemies It was for them your war was really useful
Had they merited their early reputation they woul d
have thr own dow n their arms before the cons titution
and sacrificed their own in terests to the public welfare
It is easier to cite D ecius than to imitate him TO day
they have shown themselves guilty of the worst possible
crimes ; have by their behavior justified thei r pro scrip
tion The blood they have caused to flow h as efia ced
the true services they had rendered
The Montpelli er
manufacturer is o f opinion that whether this be true
o r no
the Convention now represents the nation an d
to refuse Obedience to it is rebellion and counter rev o lu
tion History kn ows no plainer sta tement than this o f
”
the de facto de jure pri n ciple the co nvictio n that
“
”
might makes right
At last then the leader had shown himself i n seizin g
the sa lient elements o f a complicated situation an d the
man Of affairs had found a style in which to express his
clear cut ideas When the tide tur ns it rises without
interrupti on B u o na pa rt e s pamphl et w as scarcely writ
ten before its v alue w as discerned ; for at that momen t
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THE S UPPER O F BEAUCAIRE
E T 23 24
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2 1 9
arrived o ne o f those legations n ow represen tin g the
sovereign ty of the Convention in every field o f Opera
tions Thi s o ne was a most i nfluential committee o f
E s cu di e r Ricord and the younger brother o f
thr ee
Robespierre Accompanying them w as a comm
i ssion
charged to renew the commissary stores in Corsica for
the few troops still holding out in that islan d Sali ce tti
was at its head ; th e other member was G a spa rin B uona
parte we may i nfer found easy access to the favor of
“
”
his compatriot Sa li ce t ti and The S upper o f B eauc aire
was heard by the pleni potentiaries with atten tion Its
merit was imme di ately recognized as is said both by
G a spa rin and by the you nger Robespierre ; in a few
days the pamphl et was published at the expense Of the
1
state
O f B u o na pa r te s life between July twenty
ninth and S epte mber twelfth 1 7 93 there are the most
conflicting accounts S ome s a y he was at Marseilles
others deny it His brother Joseph thought he was
occu p i ed in collecting munitions and supplies fo r the
Army o f Italy His earliest biographer declares that he
traveled by way o f Lyons an d Au x onne to Paris return
ing by the same route to Avignon and then ce journ ey
in g to Olli oul es near Tou l on F rom the army head
quarters before that city Sa li ce t ti wrote o n S eptember
twenty sixth that whi le Buonaparte was passing on his
way to rejoin the Army o f Italy the authorities in charge
o f the siege changed his destin ation and put him i n
command Of the heavy artillery to replace Dommartin
in capacitated for service by a woun d It has been
hi n ted by both the suspicious and the credulous writers
1
pre ssio n j o urna l Th e seco nd impre ssio n
Th e v e ry first im
w a s in twenty p a g e s print ed by
a ppea rs t o h a v e b ee n a r eprint
fro m t h e Co urie r d Av igno n: it t h e publi c print er a s a t ct fo r th e
phl e t o f sixteen times to b e distributed thr o ugh
w as a ch ea p p a m
eighbo r
o te n
t t h e ne a r a nd r em
p ges in th e sa me type a nd o n t h e
same pa per a s tha t used by th e ho o d
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[1 7 93
NAP O LE O N B O NAPARTE
2 20
o n the period that the yo un g m an w as empl oyed o n
some secret mission This might be expected from
those who attribute demo nic qualities to the child of
destin y from earliest infancy but there is no slight e st
evidence to sustain the clai m Qu ite possibly the la d
relapsed into the queer restless ways of earlier life It
is evident he was thwarted in hi s hope of tr an sfer to th e
Ar my o f the Rhi ne Unwilling as he w as to serve in
Ita ly ] he finally turned his laggin g footsteps thi ther
Perhaps as high authori ties declare i t was at Mar seilles
that his compatriot Cervoni persuaded him to go as far
at least a s Toulon though Salice t ti and Buonaparte him
self declared later that they met a n d arranged the matter
at Nice
In thi s interval while Buonaparte remai n ed accord
ing to the best authority wi thi n reach o f Avign on s e cu r
ing artill ery supplies and writin g a political pamphlet
in support of the Jacobin s Carteaux had on August
twenty fifth 1 7 9 3 taken Marseilles The capture w as
celebrated by one o f the bloodiest orgies of that horrible
year The Girondists o f Toulon s a w in the fate Of those
at Marseilles the lot apportioned to themselves If the
high contracting powers now banded against France had
shown a sin cere desire to quell Jacobin bestiali ty they
could o n the first formation of the coalition easily have
seized Paris In stead Austria and Prussia h ad shown
the most selfish apathy in that respect bargaini n g
with each other and wi th Russia for their respective
shares Of Poland the bo o ty they were about to seize
The intensity o f the Jacobin movement di d not rouse
them until the majority o f the French people vaguely
grasping the elements of permanen t val ue in the Revo
lu tio n and stung by foreign i nterference rallied around
the o nl y sta ndard which w as firmly upheld
that o f
the Co nven ti o n
an d e nabled that body withi n an
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C HAPTER XVII
T OUL ON
Ja co b in P o we r
Th e
Th r ea t ene d
B u o na pa rt e s Fa t e
H is
A ppo int ent a t To u l o n— His A b ili ty a s an A rtill e rist His
N a e M entio ne d with Dis tinctio n — His P l a n o f Ope ra tio ns
Th e Fal l o f To ul o n B uo na p a rt e a Gene ra l o f B riga d e
B e ha vio r Of th e J a co bin Victo rs A Co rsica n P l o t Ho rro rs
o f th e Fr en
ch Re v o lutio n I nfl u ence Of To u l o n o n B uo na
’
m
m
p a rt e s Ca ree r
1
’
.
OUP LE D as it w as wi th other di scouraging cir
“
”
cu
s t a nces , the
treason o f Toulon struck a
s ta ggering blow at the Conventi on The siege Of Lyons
m
.
still in pr o gress ; the Piedmontese were en tering
S avoy o r the department Of Mont Blanc as it had been
design ated after i ts recent capture by F rance ; the great
i nously silent a n d inactive ; the
city o f B ordeaux was o m
royalists of Vendee were temporarily victorious ; there
was unr est in Normandy and further violence in B rit
tany ; the towns o f Mainz Valenciennes and Condé had
been evacuated and D u nkirk w a s besieged by the D u k e
of York The loss o f Toulon wou l d put a climax to such
di sasters destroy the cre di t of the republic abroad a nd
w as
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Th e a uth o ritie s fo r this i
1
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ta nt epo ch a re prima rily Ju ng :
B o na p a rte e t so n t emps ; M a sso n:
Na po leo n inco nnu ; but a bo ve all
u et La j eu nesse d e N a po lé o n
Ch u q
o ir es
V o l I I I To ul o n Th e M ém
o f B a rr a s a r e utt erly w o rthl e ss
t h e r e fe renc es in La s Ca se s M a r
mo nt a nd e lse where ha ve va lue
but must b e co ntro lle d Th e
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rchives o f th e war dep artment
h a ve been th o ro ughl y exa mined
by severa l investiga to rs th e a uth o r
g th e number Th e r esul ts
am
on
ha ve b ee n printed in ma ny v o l
umes to whi ch th e a bo ve men
an
y Of
t io ned a uth o rs r efe r a nd m
th e o rigina l p a pe rs a re print ed in
who le o r inpa rt by th em
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T O UL ON
E T 24
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2 23
at home perhaps b ring back the Bour bo n s Carn ot
had in the mean time come to the assistan ce o f the
Committee o f S afety Great a s a military organi zer
an d influenti al as a po li tican he had alr eady awakened
the whole land to a still hi gher fervor an d had consoli
dated public sentiment in favor o f hi s plans In Duboi s
de Cr an ce he had an able lieutenan t Fourteen armies
were soo n to move and fight directed by a single mind ;
di sciplin e was about to be e ffecti vely strengthened
because it was t o be the di sciplin e Of the people by
itself ; the envoys Of the Co nven tion were to go to an d
fro successfully laborin g for commo n action and co m
mon enthusiasm i n the executive in both the fighting
services and in the n ation But as yet n one Of these
miracles had been wrought and with Toulo n lost they
might be forever impossible
S uch w as the setting Of the stage in the great natio n al
theater o f F rance when Napoleo n Buonaparte entered
on the scen e The records Of his boyhood and youth
by hi s own hand afford the proof of what he was at
twenty four It h as required no searching an alysis
t o discern the man n or trace the influen ces o f his edu
cation Except for short a nd unimportant periods the
story is complete and accur ate It is moreover a b so
What does it Show ? A well
lu tely unsop hi sticated
i ly wi th some fortune
b o m Corsican child of a fam
glad to use every resource Of a di sordered time for
securing education and money patriotic at heart but
willing to profit from France o r in deed from Russia
England the O rient ; wherever material advantage was
to be found This b o y w as both idealist and reali st
each in the hi gh degree correspo ndi ng to his great
abilities He shone n ei ther as a scholar nor as an Offi cer
—
being Obdurate to all traini ng
but by independent
exertions an d desul tory reading o f a high class he formed
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[1 7 93
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
2 24
an ideal o f society in whi ch there prevailed e qu ality of
sta tion and purse p u rity o f life and manners religio n
wi thout clericalism free speech and honorable a d m
inis
His n ative land un trammeled by
t ra ti o n o f jus t laws
French control woul d realize thi s ideal he had fondly
hoped : but the Revolution emancipated it completely
entirely ; and what occurred ? A reversio n to every vicious
practice Of medievalism he himself being sucked into
the vortex and degraded into a common adventurer
Disenchanted and bitter he then turned to France
Abandoning hi s double r Ole his i nterest in Corsica was
then ceforth senti mental ; his fine facul ties whe n focused
o n the re alities o f a great world suddenl y exhibit them
selves in keen Observation f ai r conclusions a more than
academic interest and a skill in the conduct of lif e
hitherto obscured by unfavorable conditions Already
he had foun d play for all his powers both with gun and
pen He was not o nly eager but ready to deploy them
i n a hi gher service
The city o f Toulon was now formally and n ominally
invested
that i s according to the then accepted
general rules for such operations but with no regard
to those peculiarities Of its Site which onl y master
minds could mark and use to the best advantage The
large double bay is protected from the southwest by a
broad peni ns ula joined to the mainland by a very narrow
isthmus and thus Opens southeastward to the Medi
terranean The great fortified city then regarded as
o ne Of the strongest places in the world lies far within
Excellent
o n the eastern Shore Of the inner harbor
authorities considered it impregn able It is protected
o n the landward side by a n amphi theater o f hi gh hi lls
which leave to the right and left a narrow strip o f roll
ing country between their lower slopes and the sea
On the east Lapo ype commanded the left wing of the
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[1 7 93
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
226
was still lieutenant when they first met an d that he
created him captai n It is likely in view of their su b
sequent in timacy at Paris that they were also intimate
at Toulon ; the rest o f B arras s story is a fabrication
But although the investme n t Of Toulon was complete
it was we ak On S eptember eighteenth the total force
From time to
o f the ass ailants was ten thousand men
time reinforcements came in and the various seasoned
batt alions exhi bited o n occasion great gall antry and
courage But the muni tions and arms were never
sufficient an d under civilia n Ofli cers both regu l ar s an d
recruits were impatient o f severe disci pli ne The
artill ery in particular was scarcely more than nomi n al
There were a few field pieces two large and efli cient
gun s o nly and two mortars By a mistake o f the war
department the general Ofli cer detailed to organize
the artillery did not receive his orders in time and
rem ained o n his station in the eastern Pyrenees un til
after the place fell Manifestly some o ne was required
to grasp the Situation and supply a crying deficiency
It was with no trembling hand that B uonaparte l ai d
hold of his task For an effi cient artillery service
artill ery Ofli ce rs were essenti al and t here were almost
none In the ebb and flow o f popul ar enthusiasm many
republicans who had fallen back before the storms Of
faction al excesses were now willing to co me forward
and Napoleon not publi cly committed to the Jacobins
was able to win many capable assistants from among
men Of his class His nervous restlessness found an
outlet in erecting buttresses mounting gun s and in
v igo ra tin
g the whole service until a zealous activity
o f the most promising kind was di splayed by o ffi cers
and men ali ke B y S eptember twenty ninth fourteen
guns were mounted and four morta rs th e essential
material was gathered a nd by Sheer self assertion
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N APO LE O N BONM M
42 9
only and two mortars
M
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[1 7981
By a mis ta ke o f t h e war
the artiller y did n ot receive his orders in tim
e an d
rem ai ned o n his sta tio n in the ea s ter n P ymees un til
after th e place fell M anifes tly so me o ne wa s re q uired
‘
.
no ne
I n th e e b b and l o w of po pu la r
ou t le t
in ere cting b u t trefi es ,
.
1 ,
mo unti ng gu m a nd
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ih
]
T O UL O N
E T 24
.
227
Buonaparte was in complete charge The o nly check
was in the ignorant meddling of Carteaux who though
energetic and zealous though born and bred i n camp
being the s o nOf a sol di er was after all not a soldier but
F o r his battle p i eces and
a very f ai r f
a r tis t (painter )
portr aits Of mi litary celebriti es he had received large
pri ces and was as vain o f hi s arti sti c as o f hi s mi li tary
talent though both were mediocre S trange characters
rose to the top in those troublous times : the pai nter s
opponent at Avign on the leader Of the insurgents had
been a tailor ; hi s successor was o ne La po ype a physi
B u o na pa r t e s ready pen stood him agai n in good
cia n
stead and he sent up a memorial to the mini stry expl ai n
ing the Situation and asking fo r the appointment o f an
artillery general with full powers The co mm
issioners
transmi tted the paper to Paris and appoi nted the
memoriali st to the hi gher rank o f acting commander
Though the commandi ng general cou l d not well
yield to his subordi nate he did most ungraci ously to
the Conventi on legates B etween the seventeenth and
twentieth o f S eptember effective batteries under Buona
parte s co m and forced the enemy s fri gates to with
draw from the neighborhood Of La S eyne on the inner
bay The shot were red hot the fire concentrated and
the guns served with cool efli ciency Next day the
village was occupied and with only four hundred men
Gener al D ela b o rd e marched to seize the E gu ille t t e the
key to the si ege as Buonaparte rei terated and reiterated
He was in gloriously routed ; the Bri ti sh landed reinforce
ments and erected strong forti ficati ons over ni ght They
styled the place Fort Mulgrave It was speedily flanked
by three redoubts To Buonaparte this conte mptuous
defiance was insu fferable : he Spoke and Sa lice tti wrote Of
the si ege as destitute both o f br a ins and means There
upon the Pari s legates began to represent Carteaux
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[1 7 93
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
228
an incapable and demand his recall Buonaparte
ransacked the surrounding town s and countryside for
cannon and secur ed a number ; he establi shed forges
at O lli oules to keep his apparatus in order and entirely
reorg ani zed hi s personnel With fair effi ci ency and
substantial quantity of guns and shot he found hi m
self without suffi ci ent powder and wrote i mperi ously to
his superiors enforcing successfully hi s de mand Mean
time he made hi mself consp i cuous by personal dari ng
and exposure The days and nights were arduous
because Of the enemy s activi ty In successi ve sorties
o n O ctober first e i ghth and fourteenth th e B ri ti sh gar
rison o f Fort Mul grave gai ned both ground and prestige
by successive victories It w as hard for the French to
repress their i mpatience but they were not ready yet
for a general move : not a Single arm of the service was
y w as becomi ng d emo ra l
s u fli cie ntly strong and the arm
ize d by inactivity
The feud between general and legates
grew bitter and the demands of the latter for materi al
were di sregarded alike at Paris and by D o ppe t who had
just captured Lyons but would part wi th none of his
guns o r ammunition o r men for u se at To u l on La po ype
and Carteaux quarreled b i tterly and there w as such
confusi on that B uonaparte ended by squarely disobey
ing his superior and taki ng many mi nor move ments
into hi s own hand ; he was so cocksure that arti llery
alone would end the siege that the general dubbed hi m
Capt ai n Cannon Finally the wrangling o f a ll concerned
cri ed to heaven and o n O ctober twenty thi rd Carteaux
was transferred to the Army Of Italy with headquarters
at Nice He left for hi s new post o n November seventh
and five days later his successor appeared In the
interi m the no minal commander w as La po ype really
pted by B uonaparte
Sa lice t ti pro m
Thus at length the artist w a s removed from command
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[1 7 9 3
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 30
by General Dundas Their earliest movements were
successful and the commander in chi ef of the besieged
came out to s e e the victory But the tide turned the
French revolutionists ralli ed and the sortie w as re
pulsed The event w as made doubly important by the
chance capture o f General O H a ra the English com
—
mandant S uch a capture is rare Buonaparte was
profoundl y impressed by the fact He Obtained per
mi ssi on to visi t the E nglish general in capti vity but
“
was col dl y received TO the question : What do you
“
”
require ? came the curt reply : To be left alone and
”
o w e nothi ng to pity
Thi s striking though uncourtly
reply delighted Buonaparte The success w as duly
”
reported to Paris In the Moniteur o f D ecember
seventh the n ame o f Buo n a Parte is mentioned for the
first ti me and as among the most di stingu i shed in the
action
The councils o f war before D u go m
mi er s arrival had
been numerous and turbul ent although the solitary
plan o f Operations suggested by the commander and hi s
ai des wou l d have been adequate o nl y for capturing an
From
inland town and probably no t even for that
the beginni ng and with fierce iteration Buonaparte had
expl ain ed to his colleagues the special features Of their
task but a ll in vain He reasoned that To u l on de
pend ed fo r its resisting power o n the Alli es and their
fleets and must be reduced fr o m the Side next the s ea
The English themselves un derstood this when they
seized and fortified the redoubt of Fort Mulgrave
kn own also by the French as Little Gibraltar o n the
tongue o f land separating to the westward the inn er
from the outer bay That post o n the promontory
styled the E gu ille tt e by the nati ves must be taken
From the very moment Of his arrival this simple but
clever conception had been ur ged o n th e coun cil of war
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T O UL ON
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by Buonaparte But Carteaux coul d n ot and would
n ot see its importance : it was no t until a skilled co m
mander took charge that B u o na pa rte s insight was
justified and his plan adopted At the same time it
w a s dete rmi n ed that operations should also be di rected
against two other strong outposts o n e to the north the
other to the northeast Of the town There was to be
a genuin e effort to capture Mt Faron o n the north and
a demonstration merely agai nst the third point But
the concentration o f force was to be against the
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E gu ille t t e
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Finally on December seventeenth after careful
preparation a concerted attack was made at all three
points Ofli cers and men were daring and efli cient
everywhere Buonaparte assuming responsibility fo r
the batteries was ubiquitous and reckless The move
ment o n which he had se t his heart w a s successful in
every portion ; the enemy was not only driven withi n
the interior works but by the fall o f Little Gibraltar
The
hi s commu nication with the s ea was endan gered
whole peninsu la the fort itself the point and the neigh
boring heights were captured Victor M u iro n Buona
parte and D u go m
mier led the storming columns The
Allies were utterly demoralized by the fierce and bloody
struggle S ince therefore the supporting fleets could
no longer remain in a situation SO precarious the
bes i eged at once made ready for departure embarking
with precipitate haste the troops and many o f the
inhabitants The S paniards fir ed two frigates loaded
with powder and the explosio n Of the magazines shook
the city and its suburbs like an earthquake In that
moment the young S idn ey S mith landed from the
B ritish ships and laid the trai ns which kindled an awful
fl a gra tio n The captured French fleet lying at
co n
anchor the magazines and shops o f the arsen al all its
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
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enclosures burst into flames and o ne explosion followed
another in an awe inspirin g volcanic eruption The
besi egers were s tu pefied as they gazed and stopped
their ears In a few hours the city was completely
evacuated and the foreign war vessels sa iled away
fro mthe o fli ng The news o f this decisive victory w as
despatched without a moment s delay to the Convention
The names o f Sa li ce t ti Ro bespierre Ricord F ré ro n
and B arras are mentioned in D u go mm
i er s letters a s
those Of men who had w o n distin cti on in various posts ;
that o f Buonaparte does no t occur
There was either jealousy o f his merits whi ch are
declared by his enemies to have been unduly vaunted
o r else hi s share had been more in s i gnificant than i s
generally supposed He related at S t Helena that
during the Operations before Toulon he had had three
horses killed under him and showed Las Cases a great
scar o n his thi gh which he said had been received in a
bayonet charge at Tou l on
Men wondered at the
fortune which kept me invu lnerable ; I always concealed
”
my dangers in mystery The hypothesis Of his insig
ni fica nce appears unlikely when we exami ne the memoirs
written by hi s contemporaries and consider the precise
tradi tions o f a later generation ; it becomes untenable
in view o f what happened o n the next day when the
commissioners nom
inated hi mfor the offi ce Of general
Of brigade a rank whi ch in the exchange Of pri soners
with the English was reckoned as equal to that of
lieutenant general In a report written o n the nin e
inister of war D u t eil speaks in the
t eenth to the m
“
highest terms o f Buonaparte
A great deal o f science
as much intelligence and t o o much bravery ; such is a
faint sketch o f the virtues o f this rare o fli cer It rests
with you minister to retain them for the glory Of the
”
republic
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 34
consequences o f the malign ant anarchy now raging
throughout F rance The massacres at Lyons Mar
seilles and Toul on were the reply to the horrors o f like
o r worse nature perpetrated in Vend ee by the royalists
Danton having used the Paris sectio n s to overawe the
Gi rondist majority of the Conventio n Marat gathered
his riotous band Of sansculottes and hounded the
di scredited remnant Of the party to death fli ght o r
arrest His bloody career was ended only by Charlotte
Corday s dagger Passions were thus inflamed unti l
even Danton s conduct appeared calm moderate and
pared with the reckless b lo o d thi rs ti
ine fli cient when co m
ness o f H ebert now leader o f the Exagérés The latter
prevailed the Vendeans were defeated and C i tizen
Carrier Of Nantes in three months took fiftee n thousand
human lives by his fiendi shly ingeni ous systems Of
drowning and shooting In short France was chaos
and the Sa li cet tis o f the time might hope for anythi ng
Not
o r fear everything in the throes o f her disorder
His instinct led him to stand
SO a man like Buonaparte
in readi ness at the parting Of the ways O thers m
ight
choose and press forward ; he gave no Si gn o f being
moved by current events but stood with his eye still
fixed though now in a backward gaze o n Corsica ready
if interest o r self preservation requ i red it fo r another
effort to seize and hold it as his o wn It was self esteem
no t Corsican patriotism hi s French interest perhaps
which now prompted hi m Determined and revenge
ful he was again through the confusion Of affai rs at
Paris to secure means for his enterprise and thi s time
The infl uence
o n a scale proportionate to the diffi culty
of Toulon upon B u o na pa rt e s fortunes was incalculable
Throughout life he spoke of the town o f the siege and
hi s share therein o f the subsequent events and o f the
men whose acquaintance he made there with lively
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T O UL ON
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E T 24
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2 35
and emphatic interest T0 all associated wi th the cap
ture he was in after years generous to a fault except a
few enemies like Auna whomhe treated with harshn ess
In particul ar it must not be forgotten that among many
men Of minor importance he there began his relations
wi th some o f his greatest generals and marshals : Desaix
Marmont Junot M u i ro n and Chauvet The experi
ence launched him on hi s grand career ; the intimacies
he formed proved a strong support when he forced
himself to the front Moreover hi s respect for England
was heightened It was not in violation o f a pledge to
hold the place for the Bourbon pretender but by right o f
Sheer ability that they took precedence o f the Al lies i n
command They were ha ughty and di ctatorial because
the i r associates were uncertain and di vided When the
Comte de Provence was suggested as a colleague they
refused to admit him because he was detested by the
best men o f his own party In the garrison of nearly
fifteen thousand no t a thi rd were British Buonaparte
and others charged themw i th perfid y in a desire to hold
the great fort fo r themselves but the charge was untrue
and he did no t di sdain them but rather a dm
i red an d
imitated their policy
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CHAPTER XVIII
A JACOB I N GE NE RA L
m
m
Co nfir e d as a
Transfo r a tio n in B u o na pa rte s Ch a ra ct e r
’
Fr ench Gene ra l Co nduct o f His B ro th e rs N a po leo ns
H is R e p o rt o nM a rse ill e s
Th e New Fr ench A r y
Ca utio n
B uo na p a rt e th e Ja co bin Le a d e r Ho stilities wit h A ustria
E nthusia s
o f th e Fr en
ch Tr oo ps
B uo na
a nd S a rdi nia
pa rte in So cie ty His P la nfo r a nI ta lia n Ca p aign
’
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I TH E RTO prudence had no t bee n characteristic o f
Buonaparte : his escapades and di sobedience had
savo red rather o f recklessness Like scores o f others in
his class , he had fully exploited the looseness o f roy al
and early republican ad i nistration ; hi s madcap and
.
m
hotspur versatility distinguished hi mfrom his comrades
n ot in the kind but in the degree o f his bold effrontery
The whole outlook having changed since his final flight
to France his conduct now began to reveal a defini te
plan
to be marked by punctilious Obe di ence so me
ti mes even by an al most puerile caution His family
was homeless and penni less ; their onl y hope for a liveli
hood was in co Opera tio nwi th the Jacobins who appeared
to be growing more influential every hour Through
the powerful friends that Napoleon had made among
the representatives o f the Co nvention me n like the
younger Robespierre F ré ro n and B arras much had
al ready been gai ned
If his nomination to the o fli ce o f
general Of bri gade were co nfirmed as it was almost cer
tain to be the rest would follow since with his innate
capacity fo r adapting hi mself to circu mstances he had
duri ng the last few weeks successfully cultivated hi s
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[
NAP OLE O N B O NAP ARTE
2 38
—
1 793
94
I n the in terval between nomination an d co nfirmatio n
the youn g as pirant thr ough the fau l t of his friends w as
i nvolved i n a most serious risk Salice t ti and the Buo
na pa rt e brothers Joseph Lucien and Lou i s went wi ld
wi th exu l tation over th e fall o f Toulon and began by
reckless assumptions and untruthful representations to
reap an abundant harvest o f spo ils Joseph by the
u s e of hi s brother s Corsican commission had posed a s
a lieutenant colonel ; he w as now made a commissary
general of the first class Lou i s without regard to hi s
extreme youth was promoted to be adjutant major o f
artillery
a digni ty which was Short li ved for he w as
soon after ordered to the school at Ch alons a s a cadet
but which served like the greater success o f Joseph
to tide over a Crisis Lucien retai ned hi s post as keeper
of the comm
issary stores in S t Maxi mi n where he w as
the leading Jacobin styling himself Lucius B rutus and
”
rejoici ng in the sobriquet o f the li ttle Robesp i erre
The positions of Lucien and Louis were fanta stic even
for revolutionary times Napoleon w as fully aware Of
the danger and w a s correspondi ngly c i rcum
spect It
was possibly at hi s o w n suggestion that he w as a p
pointed o n December twenty six th 1 7 93 inspector o f
the shore fortifications and ordered to proceed im
medi
ately on an inspection o f the Mediterranea n coast a s
far a s Mentone The expedition removed himfrom all
temptation to an unfortun ate d isplay of exultation o r
anxiety and gave hima new chance to display hi s powers
He performed his task wi th the thoroughness o f an ex
pert ; but in s o doin g his zeal played him a sorry trick
eclipsing the caution o f the revolutionist by the eager
ness Of the sagacious general In hi s report to the
minister of war he co mprehensively di scussed both
the fortification Of the coast and the strengthening of the
n avy which were alike indi spe nsable to the wond erful
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A JAC O B IN GENERAL
E T 24
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2 39
scheme Of Operations in Ital y whi ch he appears to have
been already revolvin g in his min d The Army of
Italy and in fact all southeastern France depended at
the mo ment fo r sustenance o n the commerce o f Genoa
professedly a neutral state and friendl y to the French
republic Thi s essential trade could be protected o nly
by making interference from the English and the Span
ia rd s impo ssible o r at least diffi cult
Arrived at Marseill es an d with these ideas occupying
hi s whole mind Buonaparte regarded the situation as
seri ous The B ritish and S panish fleets swept the seas
and were virtually blockading all the Mediterran ean
ports of France At Toulon as has been told they
actually entered and departed only after losin g control
o f the pro m
ontory which forms the harbor There is a
si mi lar conformation Of the groun d at the entrance to
the port o f Marseilles but B uonaparte found that the
fortress whi ch occu pied the commanding promontory
had been di smantled With the i nsti nct o f a strategi st
and with no other thought than that o f his duti es as
i nspector he sa t dow n and o n January fourth 1 7 9 4
wrote a most impoli tic reco mmendation that the for
t ifica tio n sho u l d be restored i n such a way as to
”
“
command the town
These words almost certainly
referred both to the possi ble renewal by the conquered
French royalists and other malcontents of thei r efl o rt s
to secure Marseilles and to a conceivable effort on the
part of the Allies to seize the harbor Now it happened
that the liberals of the town had regarded thi s very
stronghold as their B asti lle and i t had been dismantled
by them in emulation o f thei r brethren Of Paris The
language and motive o f the report were therefore
capable o f m
isinterpretation A storm at once arose
among the Marseilles Jacobins agai nst both Buona
parte and hi s superi or General La po ype ; they were both
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 40
1 7 9 3— 9 4
denounced to the Convention and in due time about
the end Of February were both summoned before the
bar o f that body In the mean time B u o na pa rt e s
nomi nation as general o f brigade had been co nfirmed
hi s commission arriving at Marsei lles o n February six
t eent h
It availed nothing toward restori ng hi m to
populari ty ; o n the contrary the masses grew more
susp i cious and more menacing He therefore returned
to the protection o f Sa lice t ti and Robespierre then at
To u lon whence by their advice he despatched to Paris
by speci al messenger a poor sp i rited exculpatory letter
adm
i tting that the onl y use of restori ng the fort would
”
i li
be to co mmand the town that is control it by m
tary power in case of revolution Having by this lan
guage pusi llanimously ackn owledged a fau l t which he
had not committed the writer by the advice o f Sa lice t ti
and Robesp i erre refused to Obey the formal summons
o f the Convent i on when it came
Those powerful pro
t e ct o rs made vigorous representations to their friends
Both they and he
in Paris and Buonaparte was saved
might well rely o n the di stinguished service rendered
by the culprit at To u l on ; his mi li tary achievement might
well outweigh a sli ght political delinquency O n April
first 1 7 94 he assumed the duties Of hi s new command
reporting hi mself at Nice La po ype went to Paris
appeared at the bar o f the Convention and was
triumphantly acqu itted Naturally therefore no indict
ment coul d lie against the inferior and B u o napa r te s
n ame was n ot even mentioned
A single circumstance changed the French Revolution
from a sectarian dogma into a national movement By
the exertions and plans o f Carnot the effective force o f
the French army had been raised in less than two years
fromo ne hundred and twelve thousand to the astoni sh
ing figure Of over seven hundred and thirty thousand
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 42
no u nce d
Montagn ard that is an extreme Jacobin
Augustin Robesp i erre had quickly learned to s e e and
hear with the eyes and ears o f hi s Corsican friend whose
fidelity seemed assured by hatred Of Paoli and by a
desire to recover the fami ly estates in hi s native island
Many are pleased to discuss the question o f B u o na pa r t e s
attitude toward the Jacobin terrori sts The dilemm a
they propose i s that he was either a convinced and sin
cere terrorist o r that he fawn ed o n the terrori sts from
interested motives This last appears to have been the
Op inion o f Augustin Robespierre the former that Of hi s
sister Marie for the time an intimate friend o f the
B uonaparte sisters Both at least have left these
Opi ni ons o n record in letters and me oirs There is no
need to impale ourselves o n either horn if we co nsider
the youth as he was feeling no responsibility whatever
for the condi tions in to whi ch he was thrown takin g
the world as he found i t and using its opportuni ties
whi le they lasted For the time and in that place there
were terrorists : he made no confession of f aith avoided
all snares and served hi s adopted country as sh e was
in fact with li ttle reference to poli tical Shi bboleths He
s o se rved her then and henceforth that until he lost
both hi s poise and hi s indispensable power sh e laid
herself at his feet and adored hi m Whatever the ties
whi ch bound them at first the ascendancy o f Buona
parte over the young Robespierre was thorough in the
end His were the suggestions and the enterprises the
political conceptions the mil i tary plans the devices to
obtain ways and means It was probably his advice
whi ch was determi native in the scheme o f operations
finally adopted Wi th an astute and fertile brain with
a feverish energy and an unbounded ambiti on Buona
parte must attack every problemo r be wretched Here
was a most interestin g one complicated by geographic al
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A JAC O B IN GENERAL
E T 24
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2 43
po li ti cal naval and mi litary elements That he seized
it considered i t and found some solution is i nherently
probable The conclusi on too has all the marks Of hi s
geni us Ye t the glory Of success was justly M a ss é na s
A select thi rd Of the troops were chosen and di vided
in to three divisi ons to assume the Offens i ve under
Mass ena 5 direction agai nst the a hno s t impregn able
posts o f the Austrians and S ardinian s I n the upper Apen
nin es The rest were held I ngarrison partly as a reserv e
partly to overawe the newly annexed department o f
which Nice w a s the capital
Genoa now stood i n a peculiar relation to France
Her oligarchy though called a republic was in sp i rit
the antipodes o f French democracy Her trade was
essenti al to France but Engli sh influence predomi nated
in her councils and English force worked its wi ll i n her
domain s I n O ctober 1 7 9 3 a French supply Shi p had
been s eized b y an English squadron i n the very harbor
S oon afterward by way Of rejo i nder to thi s act o f vio
lence the French mi nister at Genoa wa s Offi cially in
formed from Paris that a s it appeared no longer possible
for a French army to reach Lombardy by the di rect
route thr ough the Apenn in es it might be necessary to
advance along the coast through Genoese territory
This announcement was no threat but serious earnest ;
the plan had been carefully considered and was before
long to be put into execution It was merely as a feint
that in Apri l 1 7 9 4 hostilities were formally opened
again st S ardini a and Austria Mass ena seized Venti
mi glia o n the sixth Advancing by Oneglia and O rmea
in the valley o f the S tura he turned the posi tion o f the
alli ed Austrians and S ardi nians thus compelli ng them
to evacuate their strongholds o ne by o ne until o n May
seventh the pass of Tenda leading direct into Lombardy ,
was abandoned by them
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 44
4
The result of this movement was to infuse n ew e u
th u sia sminto the army w hi le at the same time it set
free for off ensive warfare large numbers o f the garrison
troops i n places now no lo nger in danger Massena
wrote in terms of exultation o f the devoti on and end ur
ance which hi s troops had shown in the sacred n ame of
“
liberty
They kn ow how to conquer and never com
pl ai n Marching barefoot and often without ratio ns
they abuse no o ne but sing the loved notes o f Ca i ra
T will go t wi ll go ' We 11 make the creatures that
”
surround the despot at Turin dance the Carmagn ole '
Victor Amadeus King o f S ardi ni a was an excellent
specimen Of the benevolent despot ; it was he whom they
meant Augustin Robespierre wr o te to his brother
Maximili en in Paris that they had found the coun
try before them deserted : forty thousand souls had
fled from the single valley of On eglia having been terri
fie d by the accounts of French savagery to women and
children and o f their impiety in devasta ting the churches
and reli gious establishments
Whether the phenomenal success o f this Short cam
pa ign which lasted but a month w a s expected or n ot
noth ing was do n e to improve it and the advan cing
battalions suddenly stopped as if to make the impress i o n
that they could go farther o nly by way o f Genoese terri
tory Buonaparte would certai nly have shared in the
campaign had it been a serious attack ; but except to
bri ng captured stores from On eglia he di d nothing
devoti ng the months o f May and June to the comple
tion Of his Shore defenses and living at Nice with his
mother and her fam
ily That famous and coquettish
town was now the center o f a gay republican society in
whi ch Napoleo n and his pretty sisters were important
persons They were th e constant companions of young
Robespierre an d Ricord The former amazed by the
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 46
an d E ngland recall in g her successes in the same line
during the American Revolution had established a press
in the city fo r printing coun terfeit French money whi ch
was sent by secret mercantile communications to Mar
seilles and there was put into circu l ation It was co n
sequently soo n determined to amplify greatly the plan
o f camp ai gn and likewise to send a mission to Genoa
Buonaparte was himself appointed the envoy and thus
became the pivot o f both movements
that again st
P i edmo n t an d that again st Genoa
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C HAPTER XIX
VI CI SS I TUDE S I N W AR AND D I P LOMA CY
S igns o f M a turit y Th e M issio n to G eno a Co urse o f th e
”
Fre nch Repub lic Th e Te rro r
Th e rm
ido r B uo na p a rt e
His P re science — A dventur e s Of His B ro th e rs
a S ca p e g o a t
N a po l eo ns D e fens e o f His Fre nch P a trio tism Bl oo dsh e d
ding fo r Amuse ment New E xpe di tio n Ag a inst Co rsica
B u o na pa r te s A dvic e fo r I ts Co nduct
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UONAP ARTE S
’
plan for combi ning operatio n s
ag ainst bo th Ge noa and S ardi nia was at first
hazy In hi s earliest efforts to expand and clarify it he
wrote a rambling document still in existence which
draws a contrast between the opposite policies to be
adopted with reference to Ita ly a n d S pai n In it he
also cal ls attentio n to the scarcity of o ffi cers suitable for
co ncerted actio n i n a great enterprise an d a remark
concerning the course to be pursued in this particular
case co n tains the germ of hi s whole military system
“
Combin e your forces i n a war as i n a siege on one
po int The breach once made equilib rium is destroyed
everything else is useless and the place is t aken D O
not conceal but concen trate your attack
I n the
matter of po litics he sees Germany as the main prop of
Oppositio n to democracy ; S p ain is to be dealt with o n
the defensive Italy o n the offensive But contrary t o
what he a ctually di d i n the following year he advi ses
again st proceeding too f ar int o Piedmo nt lest the a d
v ersa ry should g ain the a dv a ntage of positio n
Thi s
paper Rob espierre the younger ha d i n his pocket whe n
he left for Paris summoned to ai d his brother in difli
cu ltie s which were n ow pressing fast upon hi m
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[1 7 94
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 48
Ricord was left behind to direct at least n ominally
the movements both of the armies an d of the embassy to
Ge noa Buonaparte continued to be the real power
Military operatio ns having been suspended t o await the
result of di plomacy hi s instructions from Ricord were
drawn s o a s to be loose and merely formal On July
eleventh he st arted from Nice reaching his destina tio n
three days later During th e week of hi s stay — for
he left ag ain o n the twenty firs t
the envoy made his
representatio n s an d laid down his ultimatum that the
republic o f Genoa should preserve absolute neutrality
neither permitti ng troops to pass over its territories
n or lending aid in the co ns tructi on Of milita ry roads
a s She was charged with doing secretly His success in
overawing the oligarchy was complete and a writte n
promise o f compliance to these demands w as ma de by
the Doge Buo n aparte arrived agai n in Nice o n the
twen ty eighth We may imagin e that as he traveled
the roman tic road betwee n the moun t ai ns an d the sea
the rising general and di plomat indulged in many rosy
dreams probably feeling already o n his shoulders the
insignia o f a commander in chief B ut he w as return
ing to disgrace if not to destructi on A week after his
arrival came the stupefying news that the hour glass
had once again been reversed that o n the very day Of
his o wn exu l tant retur n to Nice Robespierre s head had
fallen that the Mountai n w as shattered and that the
land was agai n staggering to g ain its b alan ce after
another politic al earthqu ake
The shock had bee n awful but it was directly trace
able to the accumulated disorders o f Jacobin rule A
rude and vigorous but eerie order o f things had been
inaugurated on November twenty fourth 1 7 93 by the
There was first the new calendar in
s o called republic
which the year I bega n o n S eptember twen ty seco nd
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 50
S partan simplicity and severity compulsio n was the
1
means to their utopia The Jacobins were nothing if
not thorough ; and here was another n ew and awf u l
“
thi ng
the Terror
which had broken loose wi th
its foul furies o f party ag ai nst party through all the
land It seemed at last as if it were exhausting itself
though for a ti me it had grown in intensity as it spread
in extent It had created three factions in the Mountain
Early in 1 7 94 there remained but a littl e handful o f
avowed and still eager terrorists in the Convention
Hebert and his friends These were the atheists who
had abolished religion and the past bowing down before
the fetish which they dubbed Reason They were
seized and put to death o n March twenty fourth There
then remained the cliques of D anton and Robespierre ;
the former claiming the name of moderates and telli ng
men to be cal m the latter with no principle but devotion
to a person who cl ai med to be the regenerator o f society
These hero worshipers were for a time victorious Dan
t o n like H é b er t w as fo u l ly murdered and Robespierre
remained alone virtually dictator But his theatrical
conduct in decreeing by law the existence o f a S upreme
B eing and the immortality of the soul and in organizing
tawdry festivals to supply the place of worshi p utterly
embittered ag ai nst him both atheists and pious people
In disappointed rage at hi s f ai lure he laid aside the
characters Of prophet and mild saint to give ven t to
his natural wickedness and to b ecome a devil
During the long days Of Jun e and July there raged
agai n a carni val of blood known to history as the Great
”
Terror
I n less than seve n weeks upward o f twelve
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ux H st ir
pp
pp
t Just
I n B u ch ez e t Ro
i o e
,
2 68
P a e e n a i e , XXXI ,
—
2 9 0 , 4 1 5 —4 2 7 ; XXX I I ,
3 35 3 8 1
et s e , a n
d in (E u v res d e S
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1
rl m t r
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q
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pp 360 —4 2 0 will b e fo u nd a few
pl e s o f th eir vie ws in th eir
e xa m
o wn w o rds
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T
2
E
4 25
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]
WAR AND DIPL O MACY
2 51
hun dred victims were im
molated The unbridled license
First the aristo
o f the guillotin e bro adened as it ra n
cra ts had falle n then royalty the n their sympathizers
then the hated rich then the merely well to do and
lastly anybody no t cringing to exis ting power The
reaction agai nst Robespierre w as o ne Of univers al
fear I ts in ception w as the work Of T a llien F o u ch é
B arras Carrier Freron and the li ke men o f vile char
acter who kn ew that if Robespierre co u ld mai ntain his
”
“
pose of the In corruptible their doom was sealed In
this sense Robespierre was what Napoleon called hi m
“
”
at S t Helena the scapegoat o f the Revolution
The
uprising Of these acco mplices was however the o ppo r
t u ni ty long desired by the better elements in Parisian
society and the two antipodal classes made commo n
cause Dictator as Robespierre wished to be he was
formed o f other stuff fo r when the reckonin g came his
brutal violen ce was cowed On July twenty seven th
(the ninth of Thermidor) the Conventio n turn ed o n
him in rebelli on extreme radical s and moderate co n
Terrible scenes
s erv a tiv e s combining fo r the e ff ort
were enacted The sections o f Paris were divided
so me for the Convention some for Robespierre The
artillerymen who were ordered by the latter to batter
down the part of the Tuileries where hi s ene m
ies were
sitting hesita ted and disobeyed ; at once all resis tan ce
to the decrees Of the Convention d i ed o u t The dic
tator would have bee n his o wn executioner but hi s
fal tering terrors stopped him m
i dway i n his h alf com
mi tt ed suicide He and hi s brother with their friends
were seized and beheaded o n the morrow With the
downfall of Robespierre went the last vestige o f s oci al
o r po litical authority ; fo r th e Conve n tion w as no lo n ger
t rusted by the nation
the o nl y organized power with
popular support which was left wa s the army
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[1 7 9 4
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 52
This was the n ews whi ch travelin g southw ard fi nally
reached Toulon Marseilles an d Nice cities where
Robespierre s stan chest adheren ts were fl a u nting their
newly g ai ned importan ce No wonder if the br ains Of
commo n me n reeled The recent s o c alled parties h ad
The v icto ri
di sappeared fo r the moment like wr aiths
o u s group in the Conventi on now kn own a s t h e Ther
mid o ria ns was compo un ded o f elemen ts from them
both and cl aimed to represe n t the whole o f France as
the wretched facti ons who had s o long controlled the
governmen t had never do ne Where no w shou l d those
who had been active supporters o f the late a d m
inis
tra tio n turn fo r refuge ? The Corsica ns who had es
caped from the island at t h e same time with Salicetti
and the B u o na pa rte s were nearly all wi th the Army of
Italy Employment had been given to them but hav
in g f ailed to keep Corsica fo r France they were n ot in
favor It had al ready been remarked in the Comm
ittee
o f Public S afety that their patriotism was less m a nifest
than their dispositio n to e nrich themselves Thi s too
was the opinio n Of many among their own countrymen
especially o f their own par tizans shut up inB astia o r
Calvi and deserted Sa lice t ti ever ready for emergencies
was no t disconcerted by this o ne ; and with adr oit base
ness turned informer denoun cing as a suspicious schemer
his former protégé and lieutenant Of whose budding
greatn ess he w as now well aware He was apparen tly
both jeal ous an d alarmed Possibly however the
whole procedure was a ruse ; in the critical jun cture the
apparen t tr aitor was by thi s conduct ab le efli ciently t o
succor and save his compatriot
B u o na pa r te s missio n to Ge noa had been ope nly
political ; secretly it was also a mi litary reconn aissan ce
and his co nfiden tial instructions virtu all y dicta ted by
h imself ha d u nf o rtunately leaked out
They had di
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[I 7 9 4
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 54
willing e nough to spare him if not driven to extrem
ity
As the true state o f things i n Corsica began to be
kn own i n France there was a general disposition to
blame and punish the infl uenti al men who had brought
thi ngs to such a desperate pass and made the loss o f
the island probable if not certai n Sa li ce t ti Multedo
and the rest quickly unloaded the whole blame o n Buona
parte s shoulders so that he had many enemies in Paris
Thus by apparent harshn ess to one whom he still con
sid e red a subor di n ate the real culprit escaped suspicion
Assured o f immunity from punishment himself Sa lice t ti
was content with his rival s humiliatio n an d felt n o
real rancor toward the family This is clear from his
treatment Of Louis Buonaparte who had fallen from
place and favor along with hi s brother but w a s by
Sa lice t ti s i nfl u ence soo n afterward made an o fli ce r of
the home guard at Nice Joseph had rendered hi mself
conspicuous in the very height o f the storm by a bril
liant marriage ; but neither he nor Fesch was arrested
and both managed to pull through with whole skins
The noisy Lucien was also married but to a girl who
though respectable was poor ; and in conse quence
he was thoroughly frightened at the thought Of losing
his means o f support But though menaced with arrest
he was sufficiently insignificant to escape for the time
Napoleon was kept in captivity but thi rteen days
Sa lice t ti apparently found it easier than he had supposed
to exculpate himself from the ch arge either of partici
pating in Robespierre s conspiracy or Of having brought
about the Corsi can insurrection More than thi s he
found himself firmin the good graces o f the Thermi
dorians among whom his Old friends B arr a s and F ré ro n
were held in high esteem It would therefore be a S i mple
thin g to liberate General Buonaparte if only a proper
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]
WAR AND DIPL O MACY
2 55
expressio n o f opinio n could be secu red from him The
clever prisoner had it ready before it w as n eeded To
the faithfu l Junot he wrote a kindl y note declini n g to be
rescued by a body Of frien ds o rgani zed to storm the
1
i
prison o r scale ts walls
S uch a course would have
“
co mpromised him further But to the representatives
”
o f the people
he wrote in language whi ch finally com
mit ted hi mfor life He explain ed that in a revolution
ary epoch there are but two classes Of men patriots
and suspects It co u ld easily be seen to whi ch class a
man belonged who had fought both in testin e and forei gn
“
foes
I have sacrificed residence in my department I
have abandoned all my goods I have lost all for the
republic S ince then I have served at Toulon with some
di stinction and I have deserved a share with the Arm
y
o f Italy in the laurels it earned at the taking o f Sa o rgio
On eglia and Tanaro On the discovery o f Robespierre s
conspiracy my con duct was that of a man accusto med
”
to regard nothing but principle
The letter concludes
with a passion ate appeal to each o ne o f the controlling
Ofli cia ls separately a n d by n ame that is to both Sa li ce t ti
“
and Alb itt e for justice and restor a tion
A n hour
later if the wicked want my life I will gladly give it to
them I care so little for it I weary so Often o f it ' Yes ;
the idea that it may be still useful to my coun try is
”
all that makes me bear the burden with courage
The
word for country which he employed pa trie could o nly
be interpreted as referring to Fran ce
Sa li ce t ti in person went through the form of examining
the papers Offered in proof of B u o na pa rte s statements ;
foun d them as a matter o f course satisfactory ; and the
commissio n ers restored the suppliant to partial liberty
but not to his post He was to remain at army head
quarters and the still terrible Committee of S afety w a s
Co rr espo nda nce d e Na po léo n I No 35
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[1 7 94
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 56
to receive regular reports of his doings Thi s too was
but a subterfuge ; o n August twentie th he w a s restored
to hi s rank A few weeks la ter commissioners from the
Thermidorian s arrived with orders that for the present
all Offensive operatio n s in Italy were to be suspended
in order to put the strength o f the district into a mari
time expeditio n again st Rome an d ultimately against
Corsica which was n ow in the hands o f England
Buonaparte immediately so ught an d by Salice tti s favor
Obtain ed the impo rta nt charge of equipp i ng and in
spectin g the artillery destined for the enterprise He no
doubt hoped to m ake the venture tell in his perso nal
interest against the Engli sh party n ow triumphant in
his home This was the middl e o f S eptember Before
beginn in g to prepare for the Corsican expedi tion the
army made a fin al demonstration to secure its lines It
was durin g the preparatory days of this Short camp ai gn
that a dreadful incident occurred Buonaparte had
long since learned the power of women and had been
ardently attentive in turn both to Mme Robesp i erre and
“
to Mme R i cord
It was a great advantage to please
”
“
them he said ; for in a lawless time a representative
”
Mme Tu rre a u wife o f
o f the people i s a real power
missioners was n ow the ascendant
o ne o f the new co m
sta r in his attentions One day whi le walking arm in
arm with her near the top Of the Tenda pass B uona
parte took a sudden freak to show her what war was
like and ordered the advan ce guard to charge the Aus
tri an pickets The atta ck was n ot only useless but it
endanger ed the safety o f the army ; yet it was made
accordi ng to command and human bloo d was sh ed
The story was told by Napoleon himself at the close
o f his life
in a tone of repentance but with evident
1
relish
o ria l d e Sa int s Hel en
e I
1 41
La s Ca se s : M em
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[I 7 94
NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
2 58
republican s who have deserved the care Of their country
by the generous manner in which they ha ve suffered
for it — this my friend is the expeditio n which shoul d
”
occupy the attention of the government
His fortune
was i n a sense dependent o n success : the important
position o f artillery inspector could n o t be held by a n
absentee and it was soon fil led by the appointment o f a
rival compatriot Casabianca In the event of failure
Buonaparte would be destitute Perhaps the Old vista
o f becoming a Corsican hero opened up once a gain to a
sore and disappointed man but i t is not probable : the
horizon of his life had expanded too far to be again con
tracted and the present task was probably con sidered
but as a bridge to cross once more the waters o f bitter
n ess O n success or failure hun g his fate Two fel
low adventurers were Junot and Marmont The former
was the chi ld Of pl ain F rench burghers twenty three
years Old a daring swaggerin g youth indifferen t to
danger already an inti mate of Napoleo n s having
been his secretary at Toul on His chequered destiny
was interwoven with that of his friend and he came to
high position But though faithful to the end he was
always erratic and troublesome ; and in an attack o f
morb i d chagrin he came to a violent end in 1 8 1 3 The
other comrade was but a boy of twenty the s o n o f an
Ofli cer who though Of the lower nobility was a co n
revolutio n ary
The boys had met several
v ince d
years earlier at Dijon and agai n as youn g men at
Toul on where the friendshi p was knitted which grew
closer and closer for twenty years At Wagram Mar
mont became a marshal Al ready he had acquired
habits o f luxurious ease and the doubtful fortunes Of
his E mperor exasperated him into critical impatience
He so magnified his o w n importance that at last he
deserted
The labored mem oirs he wrote are the
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E T 24 2 5
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]
WAR AND D IPLOMACY
2 59
apol o gy for his life and for hi s tre a chery Though
without great geni us he was an able man and a n
industrious recorder of valuable impressio n s No t o ne
o f the three accomplished anything during the Corsica n
expedi tion ; their co m
mon humiliati on probably co m
mended both of his juni or comrades to B u o na pa rt e s
tendern ess and thereafter both enjoyed much of hi s
co nfidence especi ally Marmont in wh o m it w a s utterl y
misplaced
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CHAPTER XX
THE E ND OF AP P RE N TI CE SHI P
Th e E nglish Co nq
u es t o f Co rsica E fl ects in I ta l y Th e
B u o na pa rt e s a t To ul o n
N a po leo n Thw a rte d A g ai n D e
p a rtur e fo r P a ris His Cha ra ct e r D e te rmine d His Ca pa ci
“
”
Reso lutio ns Of th e
ti e s Rea ctio n Fro th e Te rro r
Co nv entio n
P a rtie s in Fr a nc e
Th eir La c k o f E xpe rience
— A New Co ns titutio n
Diffe rent Vie ws o f I ts Va lu e
m
.
HE turmoils o f civil war in France had n ow left
Corsica to her o wn pursui ts for man y months
Her in ternal afl airs had go ne from bad to worse and
Paoli unable to control his fierce and wilful people
had found himself helpless Co mpelled to seek the
support of some strong foreign power he had ins tinc
tively turned to England and the English fleet driven
from Toulon was fin ally free to help him On February
seventeenth 1 7 9 4 it entered the fin e harbor o f S t
Florent and captured the town without an efl o r t
Establishi ng a depot whi ch thus separated the tw o
rem ai ning centers Of French influen ce Calvi and B astia
the Engli sh admiral next laid S i ege to the latter The
place made a gallant defense holdi ng o u t for over three
months until o n May twenty second Captai n Horatio
Nelson who had virtually controlled operations for
ei ghty eight days conti nuously
nearly the entire
time
directed the guns o f the Aga m
em
non with such
destructive force against the li ttle city that when the
land forces from S t Florent appeared it was weakened
1
f
beyond the power o resista nce an d surrendered
The
F o r a full a cco u nt o f th ese im
po rta nt Ope ra tions see M ahan: Life o f
Nelso n I 1 2 3 et seq
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 62
had brought the younger chi ldren to a charmi ng h o use
near by where sh e entertained the infl uenti al wome n
of the neighborhood ; and thi ther her busy so n often
withdrew for the pleasures o f a society which he was
now beginning thoroughl y to enjoy Thanks to the
soci al di plomacy o f this most ingenious family every
thing went well fo r a time even with Lucien ; and Louis
now sixteen was made a lieutenant of artillery At
the last moment came what seemed the cli max of
Napoleon s good fortune the assurance that the destina
t i on of the fleet would be Corsica Peace was made
with Tuscany Rome could no t be reached without a
decisive engagement with the Engli sh ; therefore the
first Object Of the expe di tion wou l d be to engage the
British squadron which was cruising about Corsica
Victory would Of course mean en trance into Corsican
harbors
O n March eleventh the n ew fleet se t sail In it s very
fir st encounter with the Engli sh o n March thirteenth
the fleet successful ly manoeuvered and just saved a
fine ei ghty gun ship the Ca I r a from capture by
Nelson Next day there was a parti al fleet acti on
whi ch ended i n a di saster and two fine ships were
captured the Ca I ra and the Cens eu r; the others
fled to Hyeres where the troops were disembarked
1
from their transports and sent back to thei r posts
Naval operations were not resumed for thr ee months
Once more Buonaparte was the victimo f un controllable
circumstance D estitute Of employment stripped even
2
he stood
o f the little credit gain ed in the last half year
fo r the seventh time o n the threshold Of the world
a suppliant at the door In some respects he was worse
equipped for success than at the beginning for he now
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Oire s I 7 7 7 8
M a rm
on
t zM é m
1
I nspe ctio n re po rt in Jung , I I ,
—
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47 7
“
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intrigu
much mbiti n nd
dv nc mnt
TOO
e fo r his a
a
a
o
a
e
e
”
.
E ND OF
APPRE NTICE S HIP
2 63
had a record to expunge To a n outsider the sprin g
ust have appeared the most critical period
o f 1 795 m
1
Of his life
He hi mself kn ew better ; in fact this ill
fated expedition was probably soon forgotten alto
gether In his S t Helena reminiscences at least he
never recalled it : at that time he was not fon d Of men
ing his fai lures little o r great being chiefly con
tio n
cerned to hand himself down to history as a man Of
lofty purposes and unsullied motives B esi des he was
n ever in the slightest degr ee responsible for the terrible
waste o f millions in thi s ill starred maritime enterprise ;
all his o wn plans had been fo r the conduct o f the war
by land
The Corsican administratio n had always had i n
it at least o ne French representative B etween the
latest o f these Lacombe S ai nt Michel now a member o f
the Committee o f S afety and the Sa li ce t ti party no love
was ever lost It was a general feeli ng that the refugee
Corsicans o n the Me di terranean shore were too near
their ho me They were always charged with u nscru pu
lous planning to fill thei r o wn pockets Now somehow
rhaps but nevertheless certainly
o r other inexplicably p e
a costly expedition had been sent to Corsica under the
impulse o f these very men and it had f ailed The
unlucky adventurers had scarcely s e t their feet o n Shore
before Laco mbe secured B u o na par te s appoin tment
to the Army of the West where he would be far from
with orders to proceed imme di ately to
o ld i nfluences
The papers reached Marseilles whi ther the
hi s post
B u o na pa r t es had already betaken them
selves during
2
the month o f April O n May second accompani ed
by Lou i s Junot and Marmont the broken general s e t
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d w
l st
hundred a nd thirty ninth in th e
line o f pro mo tio n
1
H e w a s fa r
o
n th e i
-
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e
, on
ssibly
Po
n , IH, 1
1
Ju g
.
th e
twelfth
.
See
[1 7 9 5
NAP O LE O N B O NAPARTE
2 64
f o r Paris where he arrived wi th his companions
eight days later and rented shabby lodgings in the
Fossés—Montmartre now Aboukir street The style
o f t h e house was Liberty Hotel
At this point B u o na part e s apprentice years may
be said to have ended : he w as virtually the ma n he
remained to the end A Corsican by origin he retained
the national sensibility and an enormous power o f
endurance both physical and intellectual together with
the dogged persi stence found in the me di eval Corsicans
i tive virtue to his family
He was devoted with prim
and hi s people but was willi ng to sacrifice the latter
at least to hi s ambition His moral sense having never
been developed by education and worse than that
having been befogged by the extreme sensibility o f
Rousseau and by the chaos o f the times which that
prophet had brought to pass w as practically lacking
Neither the hostili ty Of his father to reli gion nor his
with the Jesuits cou l d however
o wn experiences
entirely era di cate a superstition which passed in his
mind for f ai th S ometimes he was a s co fl er as many
with weak convicti ons are ; but in general he preserved
a formal and outward respect for the Church He was
however a stanch opponent o f Roman centralization
and papal pretensions Hi s theoretical education had
been narrow and one sided ; but hi s readi ng and his
authorshi p in spite Of thei r superficial and desultory
character had given him certain large and fairly definite
conceptions o f history and poli ti cs But his practi cal
education ' What a poli shi ng and sharpening he had
had against the revolvi ng world moving many ti mes
faster then than in most ages ' He was an adept in the
art o f civil war for he had been not merely an i nterested
Observer but an active participant i n i t during five
years in two countries Long the victim of wiles more
ou t
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 66
habit of running risks
Thi s is the power and th e
temper o f a man Of whom an intimate and confiden ti al
friend predicted that he would never stop short un til
he had moun ted either the throne or the scaffold
The overthrow o f Robespierre w as the result o f an
alli ance between wh a t have been called the radicals
an d the conservatives in the Conven tio n Both were
Jacobins for the Giro ndists had been di scre di ted an d
put out o f doors It was not however the Convention
but Paris which took command Of the resulting move
ment The social structure of France has been so strong
an d the natio n s o ho mogeneous that political co nv u l
sions have had much less i nfluence there than elsewhere
”
“
But the Terror had stru ck at the heart o f n early every
fami ly Of conseque n ce in the capital and the people
were utterly weary of horrors The wave o f reaction
b egan when the woul d b e dictator fell A wholesome
longin g for safety wi th its attendan t pleasures over
powered society and light heartedn ess returned Under
n eath this temper lay but partly concealed a grim
determination not to be thwarted whi ch awed the
Convention S lowly yet surely the Jacobins lost their
power As once the whole land had been mastered by
”
“
the idea of federation and as a later patriotic impul se
had given as a watchword the nation SO n ow another
“
”
refrain was in every mouth
humanity
The very
“
”
“
songs of previous stages the Ca ira and the Car
ma gno le were displaced by new and milder ones
With Paris in thi s mood it was clear that the proscribed
might return and the C onvention for its in temperate
severity must ab d icate
This o f course mean t a n ew politi cal experiment ;
but being as they were sangui n e admirers o f Rousseau
the French felt no apprehension at the prospect The
constitution Of the third republic in France ha s been
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E ND OF
APPRENTICE S HIP
2 67
co nsidered a happy chan ce by m any F ar from being
perfectly adapted to the ne eds o f the nation the fin e
qualities it possesses are the outcome n ot o f Chance nor
It should be
Of theory but o f a ce n tury s experience
remembered that F rance in the eighteenth century had
had no e xperience whatever o f constitutional govern
ment and the spirit Of the age w a s all for theory in
politics Accordi ngly the democratic monarchy o f 1 7 9 1
had failed because its framework having been built of
empty visions its constitution was entirely in the air
The same fate had now overtaken the Girondi st experi
ment Of 1 7 9 2 an d the Jacobin usurpatio n o f the follow
ing year which was ostensibly sanctioned by the popular
adoption o f a new cons titution With perfect confi dence
i n Rousseau s idea that government is based o n a social
contract between individuals the natio n had sworn its
ad hesion to two con stitutions successively an d had
ratified the act each time by appropriate solemnities
Alr eady the bubble o f such a conceptio n had been pu nc
Was it strange that the Co nven tion determined
tu r ed
e Old experime n t ? Not at a ll They
to repeat the sam
kn ew nothi ng better than the Old idea an d never
doubted that the fault lay not in the system but in its
detai ls ; they believed they coul d improve on the work
of their pre ced e sso rs by the change an d modification
Of particulars Aware therefore that their o wn day
had passed they determined before dissolving t o co n
struct a new and improved form o f government The
work was co nfided to a committee Of eleven most Of
whom were Girondi sts recalled for the purpose in order
to hoodwi nk the public They no w separated the exe cu
tive and judiciary from each other and from the legisla
ture di vided the latter into two branches SO as to cool
the heat of popul ar sentiment before it was expressed
in sta tutes and avoidi ng the pitfall d u g fo r its elf by
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 68
the National Assembly made members of the Co nv en
tion eligible for electio n un der the n ew system
If th e monarchy could have been restored at the same
time these features o f the new charter wou l d have
reproduced in France some elements Of the B ritish con
s ti tu ti o n and its adoption would probably have paci fied
the dynastic rulers o f Europe But the restoration of
monarchy in any form was as yet impossible The
B ourbons had utterly discre di ted royalty and the late
glorious successes had been won partly by the lavish
use in the enemy s camp o f money r ai sed and gran ted
by radi cal democrats partly by the prowess of enth u
The compact efficient organiza
s ia s ti c repub licans
tion o f the national army was the work o f the Jacobins
and while the Mountain was discredited in Paris it was
not s o in the provin ces ; moreover the army whi ch w as
o n foot and in the field was in the mai n a Jacobin army
Royalty was so hated by most Frenchmen that the sa d
plight of the child dauphi n dying by inches in the
Temple awakened no compassion and its next lin e al
representative was that hated thing a voluntary exile ;
the nobility who might have furnished the materi al
for a French House of Lords were traitors to their
country actually bearing arms I n the levies o f her foes
The national feeling was a passion ; Louis XVI had been
popular enough until he had outraged it first by order
ing the Church to remain obe di ent to Ro me an d then
by appealing to foreign powers for protection The
emigrant nobles had stumbled over o ne another i n
their haste to mani fest their contempt for nationality
by throwing themselves into the arms of their own class
in foreign lands
Moreover another work o f the Revolution cou ld not
be undone The lands Of both the emigrants and the
Church had either bee n seized and di vi ded among the
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[1 7 9 5
NAP O LE ON B ONAP ARTE
2 70
a pr o foun d sen se in Fran ce Of her hist o ric co n tinuity
with Rome H er system of jurisprudence her speech
her church her very lan d were Roman Recalling thi s
the co n stitutio n framers also recollected that these had
been the gifts o f imperial and Christian Rome It was
a curious but ch aracteristic whim whi ch consequen tly
suggested to the en emies of ecclesiasticism the revival
of Roman forms dati ng from the heathen commonwe alth
Thi s it was which led them to commit the administra
tio n o f g overnmen t in both external and in tern al rela
There however the
ti ons to a divided executive
resemblance to Rome e nded for instead of two consu l s
there were t o be five directors These were to sit as a
committee to appoin t their o wnministerial agents
together with all Ofli cers an d Ofli cials Of the army and
to fill the few positio n s in the adm
i ni strative depart
ments which were n ot elective except those in the
inis
treasury which was a sep arate in depen den t a d m
tra tio n All executive powers except those of the
treasury were li kewise to be in their hands They were
to have n o veto and their treaties Of pe a ce must be
ratified by the legislature ; but they could declare war
wi thout consultin g any o ne The judiciary was to be
elected directly by the people and the judges were to
hold o fli ce for about a year The legislature was to be
separated into a senate with tw o hundred and fifty
members called the Coun cil o f An cients whi ch had the
veto power an d an assembly ca lled the Coun cil o f
Juniors or more popularly from its number the Five
Hundred whi ch had the initiative i n legislation The
members o f the former must be at least forty years Old
a nd married ; every aspiran t for a seat in the latter
must be twenty fiv e an d o f good character B oth t hese
bodi es were alike to be elected by uni versal suffrage
workin g in directly thr ough seco ndary electors an d
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END O F APPRE NTICE S HIP
26
2 71
li mited by educa tio n al an d property qu ali ficatio n s
There were man y wholesome checks an d balances
This constituti on is kn own as th at of I Vendémiaire
An IV or S eptember twenty second 1 7 9 5 It became
oper a tive o n October twenty sixth
The scheme w as formed as w a s in tended un der
Gi ro ndist influence and was acceptable to the natio n
as a whole I n spite o f many defects it might after a
little experience have been amended s o as to work if
the people had been united an d hearty in its support
i d o ria ns who were still
But they were not The Th e rm
Jacobin s a t heart ordered th a t at least two thirds of
the me n elected to sit in the n ew houses Should have
bee n members of the Convention o n the plea that they
alon e had su fli cient experien ce Of affairs to carry o n the
public busin ess at l east fo r the presen t Perhaps this
was in tended as some Off set to the enforced closing o f
the Jac obin Club on November twelfth 1 7 94 due to
menaces by the hi gher classes Of Parisian s o ciety kn own
“
to history as the gilded youth
On the other hand
the royali sts s a w in the new constitution an in strument
ready to their hand shou ld public opinion in its search
for means to restore quiet and order be carried still
further away fromthe Revolution than the movemen t
o f Thermidor had swept it
Their co nduct justified the
measures of the Jacob ins
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CHAPTER XX I
THE
mnt
A N TE CH AMB E R TO SUCCE SS
rr o rists D a ng ers o f th e Th e rm
id o ria ns
S ucc esse s Of Repu b li ca n A rms S o me Re pu blica n Gene ra ls
Th e Tr ea ty Of B a s e l
Vend ea n D is
M ilit a ry P r o digi e s
”
Ro ya list A ctivity
A White Te rro r
o rd e rs Re pr e ss ed
—
e
o
n
n
Frictio n Und e r th e N w C stitutio
Arriva l o f B u o na p a rte
Th e P e o pl e Ang ry
inP a ris
P a ris So cie t y
I ts P o w e r
Re surg enc e o f Ja c o binis m B u o na pa r te s D ej e c tio n
His Re
on
la tio ns with Mm
e P e rm
His M a gnanimity
P u nish
e
th e Te
of
’
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R O M time to time after the events o f Therm
idor the
more active a gents Of the Terror were sentenced
to transportation and the less guilty were imprisoned
O n May seventh 1 7 9 5 thr ee days before B u o na pa r te s
arrival in Paris Fouquier Tinville and fifteen o ther
wretches who had been but tools the executioners o f
the revolutionary tribunal were put to death The
National Guard had been reorgani zed and Pi ch egru was
recalled from the north to t ake command Of the united
forces i n Pari s under a committee of the Co nventio n
with B arras at its head
Thi s was intended to overawe those ci tizens o f Paris
who were hostile to the Jacobin s They s aw the trap
s e t for them
and were angry During the years Of
intern al disorder and foreign warfare just passed the
economic condi tions Of the land had grown worse an d
worse until in the winter of 1 7 94—9 5 the laboring
classes of Paris were again on the verge of starvatio n
As usual they attributed their su fl erings to the govern
ment and there were bread riots Twice i n the sprin g
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2 72
[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
2 74
the in surgents o f the west S ain t Cyr B ema d o t te
and Kleber with many others of B u o na pa r t e s contem
po ra rie s had a lso rise n to distinction i n minor engage
ments
O f peasan t birth P ich egru was nevertheless appointed
b y ecclesiastical infl uence as a scholar at Bri enne
In
the dearth of generals he was selected for promotion by
S ai n t Just as w as Hoche at the time when Carnot dis
covered Jourdan Havin g assist ed Hoche in the conquest
o f Al sace when a divis i on general an d o nl y thi rty two
years Old he began the next year in 1 7 9 4 to deploy
hi s extraordi nary powers and with Moreau as second
in command he swept the Engli sh and Austrians o u t
Both these generals were sensitive
o f the Netherlands
and jealous men ; after brilliant careers under the re
public they turn ed royalists and came to unhappy ends
Moreau w as two years the junior He was the so n
Of a B reto n lawyer and rose to n otice both as a local
po litician and as a volun teer captain in the Breto n
struggles for independence wi th whi ch he had no s ym
pathy As a great soldier he ranks wi th Hoche after
Napoleon in the revolutionary time Hoche was
younger s till having been born in 1 7 68 In 1 7 84 he
enli sted as a common soldier and rose from the ranks by
sheer ability He died at the age of thi rty but a s a
politici an and str a tegist he was already famous Kl eber
was an Alsatian who had been educated in the military
school at Mu ni ch an dmw as already forty one years Old
Having enlisted u nd er th e Revolution as a voluntee r he
distinguished hi mself o n the Rh ine that he w as
so
swiftly promoted ; but thwarted in his ambition to
have an independent command he lost his ardor and
did not again di stingu ish himself un til he secured s er
vice under Napoleon in Egypt There he exhi b i ted such
capacity that he was regarded as o ne o f Bonaparte s
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ANTE CHAMBER T O S UCCE SS
E T 26
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2 75
rivals He w as assassinated by an O riental in Cai ro
B ernadotte w as four years the seni or of Bonaparte the
He too enli sted i n the ranks
so n o f a lawyer i n Paris
as a royal marine and rose by his o wn merits He was
a rude radical whose mi litary abili ty was parall eled by
his skill in di plomacy His swift promotion was Ob
i sh camp aign s
Go uvion S aint Cyr
t aine d in the Rhen
was also born in 1 7 64 at Toul He was a marquis but
an ardent refo rmer and a born soldier He began as a
volun teer captai n o n the staff o f Cu s tine and rising like
the others mentioned became an excellent general though
his chances for distin cti on were few Jourdan was like
wise a nobleman born at Limoges to the rank o f count
in 1 7 6 2 His long career was solid rather than brilliant
though he gained great di stinction i n the northern cam
ilitary adviser o f
arshal the m
pa igns and ended as a m
Joseph Bonaparte in Naples and Madrid
The record o f milita ry energy put forth by the liber
ated n atio n un der Jacobin rule stands as Fox declared
in the House of Commons absolutely uni que Twenty
seven victories eight i n pitched battle ; one hundred and
twenty fights ninety thousand prisoners ; one hundred and
sixtee n tow ns and important places captured ; two hun
dred and thirty forts or redoubts taken ; three thousand
eight hundred pieces Of ordnance seventy thousand
muskets o ne thousan d tons o f powder and ni nety
standards fallen into French hands
such is the in
credi ble tale Moreover the army had been purged
with as li ttle mercy a s a mercantile corporation Shows
to incompetent employees It is Often claimed that
the armies Of republican France and of Napoleon were
after all the armies of the Bourbons Not so The
conscri ption law though very i mperfect in itself was
supplemented by the general enthusi asm; a nati on was
no w in the ranks instead of hirelings ; the reorganiza
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
2 76
tion had remodeled the whole structure and between
January first 1 7 9 2 and January twentieth 1 7 9 5 o ne
hundr ed and ten di vision commanders two hundred and
sixty three generals o f brigade and o ne hundred and
thirty eight adjutant gener a ls either resi gned were su s
pended from duty o r di smissed fro mthe service The
republi c had new leaders an d new men in i ts armies
The nation had apparently determ
i n ed that the
n atural boun dary o f France and o f its o wn revolution
ary system was the Rhi n e Nice and S avoy would
round out their territory to the south Thi s much the
new government it was understood would conquer
administer and keep ; the Revolution i n other lands
impelled but not g uided by French influence must
manage its o wn affairs Thi s was o f course an entirely
new di plomatic s i tuation Under its pressur e Holl and
by the aid of P ich egru s army became the B atavi an
Republic and ceded Dutch Flanders to France ; whi le
Prussia abandoned the coali tion and in the treaty of
B asel s ign ed o n April fif th 1 7 9 5 agreed to the neu
In return for the pos
t ra li t y of all north Ge rmany
sessi ons o i the ecclesi astical princes in central Germany
whi ch were eventually to be secu l arized sh e yielded to
France undi sput e d possessi on of the left bank o f the
Rhi ne S pai n Portugal and the little states both o f
south Germany and of Italy were all alike weary o f the
contest the more so as they were honeycombed with
liberal ideas They were already preparing to desert
England and Aust ri a the great powers which still stood
firm Wi th the exception o f Portugal they acceded
wi thi n a few weeks to the terms made at B asel Rome
as the i nst igator Of the unyi eldi n g ecclesi astics o f Vend ee
was Of course on the side o f Great B ritain and the
E mp i re
At ho me the milita ry success of the republic was for
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B asel
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sig e d
w April fifth ,
1 79 5 ,
agreed to th e neu
[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
2 78
The Jac obin s therefore in view o f so dangerous a
situation an d n ot without some reason had determi n ed
that they themselves should a dmini ster the new con
They were in the most desperate straits
s tit u tio n
because the Paris popu l ace n ow held them directly
respo n sible for the existing scarcity o f food a scarcity
amoun ti ng to fami n e From ti me to time for months
the m ob invaded the hal l of the Convention crav in g
bread with an gry hu ngry clamor The members
mingled with the di sorderly throng on the floor and tem
B ut each
po ra rily soothed them by empty promises
inroad o f di sorder was worse than the precedi ng until
the Mountain was not o nl y without support from the
rabble but an object o f loathing and contempt to them
and their half sta rved leaders Hence their only chance
fo r power was in some n ew rearrangeme n t un der which
they would not be so prominent in affairs The royali sts
a t the same ti me saw in the provisions of the new charter
a mean s to accomplish their o wn ends ; and relyin g
upo n the attitude o f the capital in which mob and
i ned simultaneously to
burghers alike were angry determ
strike a blow for mastery and to supplant the Jacobins
Evidence o f their activity appeared both in military
and poli tical circles Thr oughout the summer o f 1 7 9 5
there was an unaccoun ta ble lang uor in the army It was
believed that P ich egru had purposely palsied hi s o wn
an d Jourdan s ab i lities and the nee dl ess arm
istice he
made with Austria went far to confir m the idea It was
afterward proved that several members of the Co nv en
tion had been in communi cation with royalists Among
their agents was a personage Of some importance
a
cert ai n Aub ry
who having return ed after the events
ents as a
o f Thermidor never disavowed his real sentim
royalist ; and being later made chairman o f the army
comm
i ttee was in that po sition when B u o na pa rt e s
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ANTECHAMBER TO S UCCE SS
2 79
career w as tempo rarily checked by degradation from
the ar tillery to the infantry For this absur d reason
he w as long but unjustly thought also to have caused
the origin al transfer to the west
The Convention w as aware of all that w as t aking place
but was also helpless to correct the trouble Having
abolished the powerfu l and terrible Committee o f S afety
which had conducted its operations with such success as
attends remorseless vigor it was foun d necessary o n
August ni nth to recons truct something similar to meet
the new crisis At the same time the spirit of the hour
was propitiated b y formin g sixteen other committees
to control the action o f the central o ne S uch a di s
persi o n o f executive power was a virtu al par alysis o f
action but i t was to be onl y temporary they wo u l d
soon centralize their strength in an efli cient way The
constitution was adopted onl y a fortnight later o n
August twenty second I m
mediately the sections o f
Pari s began to display irritation at the limitations set
to their choice of new representatives They had many
sympathizers in the provin ces and the extreme rea c
ti o na ries from the Revolution were jub ilant
F o r tu
na tely fo r France Carnot was te m
porarily retained to
control the department Of war He w as not removed
un til the following March
Wh en General Buonaparte reached Paris and went
to dwell in the mean and shabby lodgings which his lean
purse compelled him to choose he foun d the city
strangely metamorphosed Animated by a settled pur
pose no t to accept the position assign ed to himin the
Army o f the West and if necessary to defy hi s military
superiors hi s humor put him out Of all sympathy with
the prevalen t gaiety B i tter experience had taught him
that in civil war the consequences o f victory and defeat
are alike inglorious In the fickleness of public opinio n
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 80
the avenging hero o f to day may easily become the
reprobated outcast o f to morrow What reputation he
had gained at Toulon w a s already dissipated in part ;
the rest mi ght eas ily be squandered enti rely in Vendee
He felt and said that he coul d wait But how about hi s
daily bread ?
The drawing rooms o f Paris had opened li ke magic
”
“
before the sesame of Therm
idor and the prospects
of settled order under the D i rectory There were
visiting di ning and dancing ; dressing fli rtation and in
trigue ; walking driving and riding
a ll the avoca
tions o f a people soured with the cruel and bloody
past and reasserting it s native passion for pleasure and
refin ement All classes indulged in the wi ldest speen
lation securities public and corporate were the sport o f
the exchange the gambling spirit absorbed the energies
Of both sexes in desperate games o f skill and chance
The theaters which had never closed their doors eve n
during the worst periods of terror were thronged from
pit to gallery by a pop u l ace that reveled in exci tement
The morality o f the hour was no better than the old ;
fo r there was a strange mixture o f elements in this new
society The men in power were o f every class
a few
o f the Old aristocracy many of the wealthy burghers a
cert ai n proportio n of the coloni al n abobs from the West
In di es and elsewhere adventurers of every stripe a few
even Of the city popu l ace and so me country commo n
folk The purchase and sale of the confiscated lands
the national domai n which furnished a slender secu
rity for the national debt and depre ciated bonds had
enriched thousands o f the vulgar sort The newly rich
lost their balance and their stolidity becoming as giddy
a nd frivolous and aggressive a s the worst
The ingredi
ents o f thi s queer hodgepodge had yet to learn o ne
another s language and nature ; th e niceties o f speech
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 82
the press The effort w as ill adv ised and th e
results were so deplorable for the conduct of affai rs
that the newspapers were in the even t more firml y
muzzled than ever
When Buonaparte had m ade hi s li ving arrangements
and began to look about he must have been s tu pefied
by the hatred fo r the Convention so gener all y and openl y
mani fested on every Side The provinces had looked
upon the Revolutio n as accomplished Paris was
evidently in such ill humor with the body whi ch repre
’
sented i t that the I epu b lic was to all appearance vir
“
Re elect two thirds o f the Convention
t u a lly undone
”
members to the new legislature ' said the angry dema
“
Never ' Those me n who
g o gu e s Of the Paris sections
by their own co nfession have for three years in a ll these
horrors been the cowardl y tools of a senti ment they could
not restrai n but are now self styled and refo rmed
”
moderates ' Impossible ' Whether bribed by foreign
gold and working un der the infl uence o f royalists
o r by reaso n o f the famine o r through the determination
Of the well—to do to have a radical change o r from all
these influences comb i ned the sections were gradually
organizing fo r resistance and it was soon clear that the
National Guard was in sympathy with them The
Conventi on was equally alert and began to arm for
the co nfli ct They already had several hundred artil
lerym
e n and five thousand regulars who were imbued
with the national rather that the local spirit ; they now
began to enlist a special guard o f fiftee n hu ndred from
the desperate men who had been the trusty foll owers
Of Hebert and Robespierre The fighting spirit o f the
Convention w a s unquenchable Having lodged the
two thirds in the coming government they vi rtually
declared war o n all enemi es intern al and external By
their decree Of O ctober twenty fourth 1 7 9 2 they had
cipa t e
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26
ANTE CHA MBER T O S UCCE SS
2 83
announ ced that the natural limi ts Of France were their
goal Having virtually obtained them they were no w
determined to defend the m This w as the legacy Of the
Convention to the Directory a legacy which indefinitely
prolonged th e Revolution and nullified the new polity
from th e outset
F o r a month or more Buonaparte was a mere o n
l ooker
o r at most an interested examiner of events weighi ng a nd
speculating in obscurity much as he had done three years
before The war department listened to and granted
his earnest request that he might rem ai n in Paris until
there should be completed a general reassignment o f
ined upon and a s his
Ofli cers whi ch had been deter m
good fortun e would have it w a s already in progress
As the fir st weeks passed n ews arrived from the south
o f a reaction in favor Of the Jacobins
It became clearer
every day that the Convention had moral support b e
yond the ramparts of Paris and withi n the city it was
possible to maintain somethin g i n the n ature o f a Jacobin
salon Many o f that f ai th who were disaffected with
the new condi tions in Paris
the Corsicans in par
were welcomed at the home o f M me Permon
ti cu la r
by herself and her beautiful daughter afterward Mme
Junot and Duchess o f Abrantes Sali ce t ti had chose n
the other chi ld a so n now grown as his private secre
tary and was Of course a special favorite in th e house
The first manifestation Of reviving Jacobin co nfidence
was shown in the attack made o n May twentieth upon
the Convention by hun gry rioters who shouted fo r the
constitutio n Of 1 7 93 The resu lt was di sastrous to the
radi cals because the tumult was quelled by the courage
and presence o f mind shown by Boissy d Anglas a calm
and dete rmined moderate Commissioned to act alone
in provisio ning Paris he bravely accepted his responsi
b ili ty and moun ted the president s ch air in the midst o f
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 34
the tumult to defend himself The mob brandished in
hi s face the bloody head o f F é ra u d a fellow member o f
his whom they had just murdered The speaker u nco v
ered his head in respect and hi s un daunted mie n cowed
the leaders who Slunk away followed by the rabble
The co nsequence w a s a total annihilatio n o f the Moun
tai n o n May twenty second The Convention commit
tees were di sbanded their artillerymen were temporarily
di smissed and the co ns titution of 1 7 9 3 w as abolished
The friendl y home o f Mme Permon w as almost the
only resort o f Buonaparte who though disillusioned
was still a Jacobin S ome thing like desperatio n a p
anner ; the lack Of proper food emaciated
pea r e d in hi s m
his frame whil e un certain ty a s to the future left its
mark on hi s wan face an d in his restless eyes It w as
no t asto nishing for his pe rson al and family aff airs were
apparently hopeless His brothers like himself had
now been deprived o f profitable employment ; they
with hi m might possibly and even probably soon be
numbered among the suspects ; destitute of a powerful
il y once m
patron and with his fam
ore in actual want
Napoleon w as scarcely fit in either garb o r humor for
the society even o f his friends His hostess described
“
him as having sharp angu l ar features ; small hands
long an d thin; his hair long and d isheveled ; wi thout
gloves ; wearin g badl y made badl y polished shoes ; hav
ing always a sickly appearance which was the result o f
his lean and yellow complexio n brightened onl y by two
ness
eyes glistening with shrewdness and firm
Bour
rienne who had now return ed from di plomatic service
was not e dified by the appearance o r temper o f his
acquaintan ce who he says was ill clad and slovenly his
character cold Often inscruta ble His smile was hollow
and Often out o f place He had moments o f fierce gaiety
whi ch m ade y o u un easy an d indisposed t o love him
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 86
these words to the political refugee he employs the
“
familiar republican thou in th e peroration addressed
like the introduction to the lady herself he recurs to
”
“
“
the polite and di stant you
Mme Permon my
good wishes go with y o u as with yo ur child You are
two feeble creatures with n o defense May Providence
and the prayers of a friend be with you Above all
be prudent and never remain i n the large ci ties A di eu
” 1
Accept my friendly greetings
The meaning of thi s missi ve is recondite ; perhaps it
is thi s : Mme Permon I loved y o u and cou l d have
ruined the rival who is your protégé with a clear con
science for he once di d me f ou l wrong as he wi ll a c
knowledge But farewell I bear you no grudge O r
else it may announce another change in the poli t i cal
weather by the veering o f the cock AS a good citizen
despising the horrors o f the past I could have denounced
you Sa lice t ti I di d not fo r I recalled old times and
your helplessness and wished to heap coals o f fire o n
your head that you might s ee the error o f your way
The latter interpretation finds support in the co mplete
renunciation o f Jacobinism which the writer made soo n
afterward and in his subsequent labored explanatio n
“
”
that in the S upper o f B eaucaire he had n ot identified
himself wi th the Jacobin sol di er (SO far an exact state
ment o f fact) but had wi shed only by a dispassionate
presentation o f facts to Show the hopeless case of Mar
seilles and t o prevent useless bloodshed
1
Co rr espo nda nc e I No 40
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C HAPTER XXII
B ONAP ARTE THE G N E RAL OF THE C ON VE N
E
TI O
N
1
Disa ppo intments Ano th e r Fu rlo u gh Co nne ctio n wi t h B a rra s
B uo na p a rte a s a B ea u Co ndi
Officia l S o cie t y inP a ris
t io n o f Hi s Fa m
il y A P o litica l Gener a l An Op ening in
Turk e y
S o cia l A dv anc e me nt
Op po rt u nitie s in E ur o pe
S ch eme s fo r Re sto ra tio n P la ns o f
Officia l D e gr a da tio n
th e R o ya lists
Th e Ho stility o f P a ris t o th e Co nv entio n
B uo na p a rt e General o f th e Co nv entio nTroo ps His S tra t egy
.
,
HE overhauli ng o f the army list with the su b s e
quent reassignment o f Ofli cers turned o u t ill for
Buonaparte Aubry the head o f the comm
ittee appears
to have been utterly indifferent to hi m displaying no
ill will and certainl y no active good will toward the
sometime Jacobin whose n ame moreover was last
o n the list o f artillery Ofli cer s in the order o f se niority
Accordi ng to the regulations when one arm of the ser
vice was overmann ed the superfluous Officers were to be
transferred to another Th is was n ow the case with the
artillery and Buonaparte as a su pemu mera ry was o n
J u n e thirteenth ag ai n ordered to the west but this
time only as a mere infantry general o f brigade He
appears to have felt throughout life more vindictiveness
toward Aubry the man whom he b elieved to have been
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this ch pt r
mir s
J s ph
p l
B p rt
v lu bl r f r c s
ddi
tio n to tho se a lrea dy given Th e
mmo irs o f B rr a s a re p a rticula rly
mislea ding e xcept fo r co mp a riso n
Fo r
a
e
th e M e
o e d u ro i
o e
I , a nd B Oh t
,
lingk : Na o eo n o na a e , e t c ,
I , a re a a e e e en e , ina
1
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e
a
.
Go n o ,
For o a o n
on ,
an
i o e d e la S o
ca e
o
le D e o e , a nd in pa rt icu
S i : Ta ea d e
la r A o
e
a nc
ai e ; Pa
la Rev o lu t io n
en
d er Re v o lu
an e
a
Z
t io n
szeit
s ci l c diti s cf
c urt
H st ir
ciété Fr
is
s us
ir ct ir
d lph chmdt
bl ux
Fr
s
ris r
ust d w hr d
2 87
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 88
the author o f this particu l ar misfortune than toward
any other person wi th whom he ever came in contact
In this rigid scrutin y o f the army list exaggerated pre
tensions o f service and un truthful testi monials were
no longer accepted For this reason Joseph also had
already lost his position an d was about to settle with
his family in Genoa while Lou i s w as actually sent back
to school being ordered to Ch alons Poor Luci en over
whelmed in the general ruin o f the radicals and with a
wife and child dependent o n hi m was in despair The
other members of the family were temporarily destitute
but self helpfu l
In thi s there was nothing new ; but for all that the
monotony o f the situation must have been dishearten
ing Napoleon s resolution was soon taken He w a s
either really ill from privation and di sappoin tment or
soon became so Armed with a medi cal certificate he
applied fo r and received a furlough This step having
been t aken the next accordi ng to the un changed and
fam
i liar i n
stin cts o f the man was to apply under the
law for mileage to pay hi s expenses o n the journey
whi ch he h ad taken as far as Paris in pursuance o f the
order given hi mo n March twenty—ninth to proceed to
his post in the west Again followin g the precedents
he cal cu l ated mileage not from Marseilles
o f his life
whence he had really started but fro m Nice thus
largely in creasin g the amoun t which he asked for and
in due time received During his leave sever al pro
occupied
his
busy
brai
n
The
most
importa
t
ec
t
s
j
n
were a speculatio n in the sequestered lands o f the
emigrants and monasteries an d the writing Of two
monographs
o ne a history Of events from the ninth
year 1 1 (August twenty sixth
to
o f Fructidor
the begi nning Of year IV (S eptember twenty third 1 7 9
the other a memoir o n the Army o f Italy The first
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[1 79 5
NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
2 99
Buonaparte After the events of Thermid o r they had
forsworn Jacobini sm altogether and were at present in
alli ance with t h e moderate elemen ts o f Paris society
B arras s ro o ms in the Lux embourg were the center o f
al l that was gay and dazzling in that corrupt and careless
world They were as a matter Of course the resort
Of the most beautiful an d brilliant women influential
but no t over scrupulous M me Ta lli en who has bee n
”
called the goddess Of Th errnid o r was the queen o f
the coterie ; scarcely less beautiful and gracious were the
widow B eauharn ais and Mme R ecamier B arras had
been a noble ; the in stincts o f his class made hi m a
delightful host
What Napoleon s a w and experien ced he wrote to the
faithfu l Joseph The letters are a truthful transcript o f
his e motions the key note Of which is admiration for the
“
Paris women
Carriages and the gay world reappear
o r rather no more recall as after a long dream that they
have ever ceased to glitter Readings lecture courses
in history botany astro nomy etc follow o ne another
Everything is here collected to amuse and render life
agreeable ; yo u are taken o u t o f your thoughts ; how can
you have the blues in this intensity of purpose and
whi rling turmoil ? The women are everywhere at the
play o n the promenades i n the l ibraries I n the
scholar s study yo u find very charming persons Here
onl y o f all places in the world they deserve to hold the
helm: the men are mad about them think onl y o f them
and live o nly by means o f their infl uence A woman
needs S ix months in Paris to know what is her due and
” 1
what is her sphere
AS yet he had not met Mme
B eauharnai s The whole tone of the correspondence
is cheerful and in di cates that B u o na pa rt e s efforts for
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Napo leo n t o Jo seph July 1 7 9 5 ; in D u Ca sse : Les ro is fré res d e
Na po leo n 8 a nd in Jung I I I 4 1
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GE NERAL O F C O NVENTI O N
]
26
2 91
a new alli ance had been successfu l that hi s fortunes
were lookin g up and that the giddy world contained
somethi ng Of uncommon interest AS hi s fortunes
i mproved he grew more hopeful and appeared more in
society O n occasion he even ventured upon li ttle
gallantries Presented to M me Ta llien he was fre
quently seen at her receptions He was at first sh y
and reserved but time and custom put hi mmore at
On e eveni ng a s little groups were gradu ally
hi s ease
formed for the interchange o f jest and repartee he
seemed to lose his timidi ty altogether and assum
ing
the mien of a fortune teller caught hi s hostess s hand
and poured o u t a long rigmarole of nonsense which much
amused the rest o f the circle
These months had also improved the situatio n of the
famil y H i s mother and younger Sisters were somehow
more comfortable in thei r Marse illes home S trange
doings were afterward charged against them but it is
prob able that these stori es are without other fo u nd a
tion than spite Napoleon had received a considerable
nearly twenty seven hun dred francs
s u m for mileage
and good s o n as he always was it i s likely that he
shared the money with his fami ly B oth Eli sa and the
little Pau line now had suitors Fesch described by
“
Luci en as ever fresh not lik e a rose but l ike a good
”
radish w as comfortably w ai ting at Aix in the house
o f o ld acquaintances for a chance to return to Corsica
Joseph s arrangements for movin g to Genoa were nearly
complete and Louis was co mfortably settled at school
”
“
in Ch alons
Brutus Lucien was the o nl y luckless
W ight of the number : hi s fears had been realized and
having been denounced as a Jacobin he was now lying
terror stricken i n the p ri son o f Ai x and all about hi m
men o f hi s stripe were being executed
On August fifth the members Of the new Committee
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 92
Of S afety fin ally entered on their duties Al most the
first document prese n ted at the meeting was B uona
parte s deman d for restoration to hi s rank in the artillery
It rings wi th in dignation an d aboun ds with loose state
ments about his past serv ices bol dl y cl aiming the
honors Of the l ast Short but successful It alian campaign
The paper was referred to the proper authorities and
a fortnight later its writer received peremptory orders
to join his corps i n the west What cou ld be more
amusin gly characteristic o f this persistent man than to
read i n a letter to Joseph u nder date o f the followin g
“
day August twentieth : I am a tta ched at thi s moment
to the topographical bureau of the Comm
i ttee of Safety
for the direction of the armies in Ca mo t s place If I
wish I can be se n t to Tu rkey by the government as
gener al of artillery with a good salary an d a Splendi d
title to o rgani ze the artillery o f the Grand Turk
Then follow plans for Joseph s appoin tment to the co n
sul ar service for a meeting at Leghorn and for a further
land speculation At the close are these remarks which
not onl y exhibit great acuteness of observation but are
noteworthy as di splaying a permanent quality Of the
man that o f al ways h avin g an alternative in readi ness :
“
It is quiet but storms are gathering perhaps ; the
primaries are going to meet in a few days I sh all take
with me five o r six Ofli cers
The co m
mission a nd
decree of the Com
mittee o f S afety which employs me
in th e duty Of directing the arm
ies and plans of campaign
bein g m o st flattering to me I fear they will n o longer
allow me to go to Turkey We Shall se e I may have
o n hand a camp ai gn to day
Write always as i f
I were goin g to Turkey
Th is was all half true By din t of soliciting B arras
and D o u l ce t de Pontecoulant another well wisher both
men Of influen ce and by importuning F réro n then at
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 94
during 1 7 46 There is sufficient evidence that Buona
parte read M ai llebois and any reader may s ee the
resemblances o f the two plans But the differences
at first sight insigni ficant are a s vital as the di fferences
o f character in the two men
L ike the many other
charges o f plagiarism brought against Napoleon by
pedants thi s o ne overlooks the difference between
mediocrity and genius in the use of materials It is
not at all likely that the supe ri ors of Buonaparte were
ignorant o f the best books concerni ng the i nvasion of
It al y or Of thei r almost conte mporary hi story They
brought no charges Of plagi ari sm for the excellent reason
that there i s none and they were impressed by the
suggestions o f thei r general It is even possible that
B uonaparte formed his plan before reading M ai ll ebois
Volney declared he had heard it read and commentated
by i ts author Shortly after hi s return from Genoa and
1
Nice
The great scholar was already a s profoundly
impressed as a year later Carnot and now the w ar
commission A few days later the writer and author
e aware of the impressi on he had
o f the plan beca m
made : it seemed clear that he had a reali ty in hand
worth every poss ib ility in the O rient He therefore
wrote to Joseph that he was going to remai n in Paris
explaining as if incidentally that he could thus be o n
the lookout fo r any desirable vacancy in the consular
service and secure it if possible fo r hi m
Dreams o f another kind had supplanted in his min d
all visions o f O riental splendor ; fo r in subsequent
letters to the same correspondent written al most daily
he unfolds a seri es o f rather star tling schemes which
among other thi ngs include a marri age a town house
and a country residence with a cabri olet and thr ee
horses How all this was to co me about we cannot
Ch a pta l : M es so uv enirs su r Na po leo n p 1 9 8
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26
GENE RAL OF C O NVENTI O N
2 95
entirely discover The marriage plan is clearly stated
Joseph had wedded one o f the daughters o f a compara
He was requested to sound
tiv ely wealthy merchant
his brother—in law conce rning the other the famous
Dési rée Clary who afte rward became Mme B ernadotte
Tw o o f the horses were to be supplied by the govern
ment in place Of a pair whi ch he mi ght be supposed to
have possessed at Nice in accordance with the rank he
then held and to have sold accordi ng to orders when
sent on the maritime expediti on to Corsica Where
the thi rd horse and the money for the houses were
to come from is inscrutable ; but as a matter o f fact
Napoleon had already left hi s shabby lodgings for better
ones in M ich o di ere street and was actually negotiat ing
for the purchase of a handsome detached resi dence near
that of B o u rrienne whose fortunes had also been re
t riev e d
The country seat which the specu l ator had i n
view and for whi ch he intended to b i d as high as a mil
lion and a half o f francs was kn ocked down to another
purchaser for three m
i lli ons o r as the price o f gold then
was about forty thousand dollars ' SO great a person
age as he now was must o f course have a secretary and
t h e faithful Junot had been appointed to the o ffi ce
The appli catio n for the horses turned o u t a serious
matter and brought the adventurer once more to the
verge o f ruin The story he told was not plain the
records did not substantiate it the hard headed officials
of the war department evidently did not believe a
—
o
f
syllable
his representations
whi ch in fact were
untruthful
and the central committee having again
lost a third Of its members by rotati on among them
D o u l ce t there was no o ne no w in it to plead Buona
parte s cause Accor di ngly there was no little talk
about the matter in very i nfluential c i rcles and almost
simultan eo usl y was i ssued the report con cerni ng hi s
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2 96
formal request fo r restoration which had been delayed
by the routin e prescribed in such cases and was o nly
no w completed
It was not o nl y adverse in itself
but contained a confidential in closur e animadverti ng
severely o n the irregularities of the peti tioner s conduct
and in par ticular o n hi s stubborn refusal to obey orders
and join the Army o f the West Thus it happened that
on S eptember fif teen th the name o f Buonaparte was
o fli cia lly struck fro mthe list of general Ofli ce rs o n duty
“
i n view Of his refusal to proceed to the post assign ed
”
hi m
It really appeared as if the name Of Napoleon
mi ght almost have been substituted fo r that of Tantalus
in the fable But it was th e irony o f fate that on this
very day the subcommittee o n foreign affai rs submitted
to the full meeti ng a proposition to send the man who
was now a disgraced culprit in great state and with a
full su i te to take service at Constantinople in the army
o f the Grand Turk '
N 0 o ne had ever understood better than Buon aparte
the possibilities o f poli tical influence in a mili tary
career No t only cou l d he bend the bow o f Achilles
but he always had ready an extra string Thus far
in his ten years o f service he had been promot ed only
once according to routine ; the other steps Of the height
which he had reached had been secured either by some
startling exhibition Of ability or by i nfluence or chicane
He had been first Corsican and then French first a
politician and then a sol di er S uch a veteran was
n ot to be dismayed eve n by the most stunning blow ;
had he not even now three powerful protectors
B arras Ta llien and F ré ro n? He tu rned his back
therefore with ready adaptability o n the unsympathetic
Officials Of the army the mere soldiers with cool heads
an d merciless judgment The evident short cu t to resto
ration was to carry thr ough the project o f employment
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
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frontier for P ich egru to raise the white flag and to
advance with hi s troops o n Paris and for a simultaneous
risi ng Of the royali sts in every French district O n
O ctober fourth an English fleet had appeared o n the
northern shore o f France having o n board the Count
accompanied
o f Artois and a large body o f emigrants
by a powerful force Of Engli sh composed in part o f
regulars in part o f volunteers Thi s completed the
preliminary measures
With the first great co nflict in the struggle avowed
royalism had o nl y an indirect connection By this time
the Paris sections were thoroughly reorgani zed having
purged themselves o f the extreme democratic elements
from the suburbs They were well drilled well armed
and enthusiastic for resistance t o the decree o f the Co n
“
two
v e ntio n requiring the comp u l sory re electio n o f the
”
thirds from its existing membershi p The N ational
Guard was not less embittered against that measure
There were three experienced o fli cers then in Paris who
wer capable Of leading an insurrection and could
;
be relied o n to oppose the Convention These were
D a ni ca n D u h o u x d H a u t eriv e and Laffont all royalists
at heart ; the last was an emigrant and avowed it The
Conventi on had also by this time completed its e nlist
ment and had taken other measures o f defense ; but it
was without a trustworthy person to command its
forces for among the fourteen generals o f the republic
then present in Paris onl y two were certainly loyal to
the Convention and both these were men Of very
indi ff erent character and o fli cers o f n o capacity
The Convention forces were tech ni cally a part o f the
army known as that o f the interior of whi ch Menou
mander The new consti tution having been
was the com
formally proclaimed o n S eptember twenty—thi rd the
S i gns o f open rebellio n i n Paris became too clear to be
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25
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GENERAL O F C O NVENTI O N
26
2 99
longer disregarded and o n that night a mass meeting
Of the vari ous sections w a s held i n the O déon theater
i n order to prepare plans fo r Open resi stance That o f
prising the w ea lthi
Lepelle ti er i n the heart o f Paris co m
est and most influential o f the mercan tile class after
ward assembled in its hall and issued a call to rebelli on
These were no contemptible foes : on the memorable
tenth Of Au gust theirs had been the battali on o f the
National Guard which di ed with the S wiss in defense
Menou in Obedience to the command
o f the Tu il eries
o f the Convention to di sarm the insurgent sections
confronted them for a moment But the work was not
to his taste After a Short parley during whi ch he
feebly recommended them to di sperse and behave like
good ci tizens he withdrew his forces to their barracks
and left the armed and angry secti ons masters o f the
s i tuation Prompt and energetic measures were more
necessary than ever For so me days already the Co n
Carnot
v entio n leaders had been discussing the i r plans
and Ta lli en fin ally agreed with B arras that the ma n
most likely to do thoroughly the active work was
Buonaparte But apparently they dared not alto
m
for
B
arras
hi
self
was
appointed
g e th ef trust hi m
,
“
commander in chi ef His little Corsican Officer who
will not stand o n ceremony as he called hi m was to
be no minally lieutenant On O ctober fourth Buona
parte was summoned to a conference The messengers
sought hi m at hi s lodgings and in all his haunts but
could not fin d hi m It was ni ne in the evening when he
appeared at headquarters in the Place d u Carrousel
This delay gave B arras a chance to insinuate that his
ardent republi ca n friend who all the previous week had
been eagerly solici ting employment was untrustworthy
in the crisis and had been negoti ating with the se c
Buonaparte reported hi mself as having come
tio na rie s
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
30 0
from the section o f Lepelletier but as h avin g been
reconnoitering the enemy After a rather tart co nversa
tion B arras appointed hi maide de camp the position for
which he had been destin ed from the first Wha tever
was the general s understandi ng o f the situation that
1
the
de
was
clear
that
he
was
to
be
h
i
s
ow
n
master
of
ai
Not a momen t was lost and throughout the night
most vigorous an d incessant preparatio n was made
Buon aparte was as much hi mself in the streets o f Paris
as in those Of Ajaccio except that his energy was pro
l
more
feverish
as
the
defense
the
Tuileries
r
t
i
o
n
a
t
e
o
f
o
y
p
and the ridi ng school attached to it in which the Co n
v e ntio n s a t was a grander task than the n ever a cco m
The avenues
plish ed capture of the Corsican citadel
and streets o f a city somewhat resemble the m ain and
tributary valleys of a mountain range and the task of
campaigning in Paris was less unlike that o f ma noeu
v erin
g in the n arrow gorges Of the Apen ni n es than
mi ght be supposed ; at least B u o napa rte s strategy was
nearly identical for both All hi s measures were
masterly The fo e scattered as yet throughout Paris
”
om
sica n t erro rist a nd Rému s a t t e
en
M y a cco unt o f this m
to us crisis in B u o na pa t e s life co rds h er mo th er s a ma ze ment
w a s writt en a ft e r a ca re ful study
tha t a ma n so littl e kno wn Sh o uld
o f a ll t h e a uth o rities a nd a cc o unts
ha ve ma de so goo d a ma rria ge
a s fa r a s kn
o wn Th e r ea d e r will
But o n th e o th er ha nd Thieba ult
on
o gra ph Z iv y : Le
find in t h e m
de cla res tha t B u o na pa rte s a ctiv i
treiz e Vendémia ire ma ny reprints ties impre ssed e ve ry o ne B a rra s s
en
ts a nd ce rta in co nclu la bo red effo rt is suspicio us a nd
o f d o cum
sio ns dr wn fro m th em Th e th n a s a t To ulo n the re a re th e
re sult is goo d as fa r a s it go es but re sults S me p eo pl e in po wer
like all histo ry written fro mpublic ga ve himcredit fo r th ey b esto we d
p a pe rs so lely it is inco mpl e te o n h ima n e xtra o rdina ry rewa rd
Buo na p a rt e was o nly o ne Of se ven Then t o o why Sh o uld we utterly
genera ls a ppo int ed t o se rve unde r di sca rd B u o napart e s o wn ev i
B a rr a s I t see ms likewise tru e d ence which co rro bo ra tes a t lea st
tha t h is explo its d id no t bring a s far a s t h e t ext go e s th e e vidence
dra wn fro mo ther so urces ?
himinto gene ra l no tice fo r M a ll e t
d u P an S pea ks o f himas a Co r
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CHAPTER XX III
THE D AY OF THE
PARI S S E CTI ON S
Th e Wa rf a r e o f S t Ro ch a nd th e P o nt Ro ya l
Ord e r Re st o r e d
’
P o liti ca l D a ng e rs
B u o na pa r te s
M ea ning o f th e Co nfli ct
D ile a His Tru e A ttitud e S udd enWe al th Th e D irec
to ry a nd Th eir Gene ra l B uo na p a rt e in Lo v e His Co rsica n
on
ia l A dv entur e s
Te pe r a ent
His M a trim
.
mm
m
m
.
N this general position the opposing forces co nfront ed
each other o n the morni ng o f O ctober fif th the
thirteenth o f Vendémiaire In point o f numbers the
odds were tremendous fo r the Convention forces num
bered only about four thousand regulars and a thousand
volunteers whi le the sections force comprised about
twenty ei ght thousand National Guards But the
former were di scipli ned they had cannon and they were
desperately able ; and there was no di stracted v a cilla t
ing leadership What the legend attributes to Napoleo n
Buonaparte as his commentary o n the conduct of King
Lou i s at the Tuileries was to be the Convention s ideal
“
now The man o n horseback and the hot fire o f
cannon were to ca rry the day Both Sides seemed loath
to begi n But at half—past four in the afternoon it w a s
clear that the decisive moment had come As if by
insti nct but in reality at D a ni ca ns sign al the forces o f
the sections from the northern po rtion Of the capital
began to pour through the narrow main street o f S t
Honoré behi nd the ridin g school toward the chi ef
entrance o f the Tu i leri es They no doubt felt safer in
the rear of the Convention hall with the hi gh walls Of
houses all about than they would have done i n the Open
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3
]
DAY O F PARI S S ECTI O N S
26
E T
.
30 3
spaces which they would have had to cross in order to
attack it from the front Just before their comp a c ted
mass reached the church of S t Roch it was brought to
ing aware that in the side
a halt S uddenl y b e cOm
streets o n the right were yawning the muzzles o f hostile
cannon the ex cited citizens lost their heads and began
to di scharge their muskets Then with a swift sudden
blast the street was cleared by a terri ble di scharge of
the canister and grape shot with whi ch the field p i eces
The action
o f B arras and Buonaparte were loaded
conti nued about an hour for the people and the
National Guard rallied again and agai n each time to
be mowed down by a like awful di scharge At last they
could be ralli ed no longer and retreated to the church
wh i ch they held O n the left bank a Simi lar mel ee
ended i n a simil ar way Three ti mes La fl o nt gathered
his forces and hurled them at th e Pont Royal ; three
times they were swept back by the cross—fire Of artillery
The scene then changed like the vani sh ing Of a mirage
Awe stricken messengers appeared hurryi ng everywhere
with the prostrating news fromboth Si des o f the river
and the enti re Parisian force withdrew to shelter
B efore nightfall the triumph of the Conventi on was
co mplete The dramatic efl ect o f thi s achievement was
hei ghtened by the appearance o n horseback here there
and everywhere during the short hour o f battle Of an
awe insp i ri ng leader ; both before and after he was u n
seen In sp i te o i B arras s clai ms there can be n o doubt
that thi s dramatic personage was B uonaparte If not
for what was he SO signally rewarded i n the i mmediate
sequel ? B arras was no artillerist and thi s was the
appearance o f an expert gi ving masterly lessons in arti l
lery pract i ce to an astoni shed world whi ch li ttle dreamed
what he was yet to demonstrate as to the worth Of his
chosen a rmo n wider battle field s For the mo ment it
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
30 4
su i ted B u on aparte to appear merely as an agen t In
his rep o rts of the affai r hi s own name is kept in the back
ground I t is evident that from first to last he intended
to produce the impression that though actin g with
Jacobin s he does so because they for the time represent
the truth : he is not fo r that reaso n to be iden tified with
them
Thus by the whi ff of grape Shot what the wizard hi s
“
torian o f the time specifically called the French Revo
”
lu tio n was n ot blowninto space at all Though there
was no renewal o f the reign o f terror yet the Jacobins
retained their power a nd the Convention lived o n under
the name o f the Directory It co n tinued to live o nin its
“
man o n horse
o w n stupid a n archical way until the
”
back Of the thirteenth Vendémi ai re had established
himself as the fir st among French gener als and the
Jac obin s had rendered the wh ole heart of Fran ce Sick
While the events of O ctober twenty fifth were a bloody
triumph for the Convention o nly a few conspicuous
leaders of the rebels were executed among them Laffont ;
and harsh measures were enacted in relation to the
political status o f returned emi grants But in the m ain
an unexpected mercy c o ntrolled the Convention s policy
They closed the halls in which the people of the muti
nous wards had met and once more reorganized the
National Guard Order was restored without an effort
B eyon d the walls of Paris the effect o f the n ews was
magical Artois afterward Charles X though he had
landed three days before o n Ile Dieu n ow re embarked
and s ailed back to England whi le the other royalist
leaders prudently held their followers in check and their
measures in abeyance The new constitution was in a
Short t ime O ffered to the nation and accepted by an
overwhelming majori ty ; the members of the Co nv en
t i on were assured o f their ascendancy in the new legis
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
30 6
being no provision fo r any interim government the
exercise o f real power was suspended ; the elections
were a mere sham ; the magistracy was a house swept
and garnished ready for the first comer to occupy i t
As the army and not the people had made the co mi ng
i nistration poss i ble the executive power woul d
adm
from the fir st be the creature o f the army ; and S i nce
under the constitutional provisi ons there was no legal
means Of compromise between the Directory and the
legi slature in case of co nfli ct so that t h e stronger would
necessarily crush the weaker the armed power support
ing the di rectors must therefore triumph in the end
and the man who controll ed that must become the
master o f the Directory and the ru l er o f the country
Moreover a people can be free o nly when the first and
unquestioning devotion o f every citizen is not to a party
but to his country and its constituti on his party alle
This was far from
gia nce being entirely secondary
being the case in France : the nation w as divided into
irreconcilable camps n ot of constitutional parties but
o f violent partizans ; many even of the moderate repub
e ki nd o f
li ca ns no w Openly expressed a desire for so m
monarchy O utwar dl y the constitution w a s the freest
It contain ed however three fatal blun
s o far devised
ders wh ich rendered it the best possible tool for a
tyrant : it cou l d not be changed fo r a long period ; there
was no arbiter but force between a warring legislative
an d executive ; the executive was now supported by the
a rmy
It is impossible to prove that Buonaparte un derstood
all thi s at the time When at S t Helena he spoke as
if he di d ; but unfortun ately his later writings however
valuable from the psychological are wor thless from the
historical standpoint They abound in m
i srepre s ent a
tio ns which are i n part due to lapse o f time and weak
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DAY O F PARI S S ECTI O N S
E T 26
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30 7
ness o f memory i n part to wilfu l intention Wishi ng
the Robesp i erre Sa li ce t ti ep i sode o f hi s li fe to be for
gotten he strives i n his memoirs to create the i m
pres
si on that the Convention had ordered hi m to take
charge Of the artillery at Toulon when in fact he was
i n Marsei lles as a mere passer b y o n his journey to Ni ce
and in Toul on as a tempo rary adjunct to the army o f
Carteaux having been made an active participant
partly through acci dent partly by the good will of
personal friends In the same way he also devised a
fable about the day o f the sections in order that he
might no t appear to have been schemi ng for hi mself
in the counci ls of the Convention and that B arras s
share in his elevation might be consigned to Ob livi on
Thi s story o f Napoleon s has come down in three stages
Of i ts develop ment by as many different transcribers
who heard i t at di fferent times The final o ne as given
1
by Las Cases was corrected by Napoleon s o wn hand
It runs as follows : O n the ni ght o f O ctober thi rd he was
at the theater but hearing that Menou had vi rtually
retreated before the wards and was to be arrested he
left and went to the meeti ng of the Conventi on where
ong the Spectators he heard hi s own
a s he stood am
name mentioned as M eno u s successor F o r half an
hour he deli berated what he should do if chosen If
defeated he would be execrated by all comi ng genera
tions whi le victory would be al most odious How
could he deliberately beco me the scapegoat o f so many
crimes to whi ch he had been an utter stranger ? Why
go as an avowed Jacobin and in a few hours swell the
“
list o f names uttered wi th horror ? O n the other hand
if the Convention be crushed what becomes of the great
truths Of o u r Revolution ? O ur many victori es o u r
blood so often Shed are a ll noth ing but shamef u l deeds
M ém
o ria l d e S a int e Hel ene
II
46
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[1 7 9 5
NAP O LE ON B O NAPARTE
9
3
3
The foreign er we have so thoroughl y conquered triumphs
and overwhelms us with hi s contempt ; an incapable
race an overbearin g and unn atural following reappear
triumphant throw up our crime to us wreak their
vengean ce and govern us li ke helots by the hand Of a
stranger Thus the defeat o f the Co nvention would crown
the brow of the foreign er and seal th e disgrace and slavery
”
of o u r native land
S uch thoughts his youth trust in
hi s o wn power and in his destiny turned the balance
S tatements made un der such circumstances are not
proof ; but there is thi s much probability of truth in
them that if we i magine the Old Buonap arte in disgrace
as o f Old following as o f Old the promptings Of hi s curi
o sit y indi fferent as o f old to the success of either pri n
if we recall
ciple and by instinct a soldier as o f Old
him in thi s character and reme mber that he is no longer
a you thful Corsican patriot but a mature cosmopolitan
consumed with person al ambition
we may surely
conclude that he was perfectly imparti al as to the parties
involved leaned toward the support o f the principles
of the Revolution as he understood them and s a w in the
complications Of the hour a pr obable openi ng fo r his
ambition At any rate his co nduct after O ctober fourth
seems to uphold thi s view He w as a changed man
ardent hopeful and irrepressible as he had ever bee n
when lucky ; but now besides daring overbearing and
self co nfid ent to a degree which those characteristic
qualities had never reached before
His first care was to place o n a footing of efficiency
the Army Of the Interior scattered in many departments
undi sciplined and disorgani zed ; the next to cow in to
submission all the low elements in Paris still hungry
and fierce by reorganizing the National Guard and
forming a picked troop for the spe cial protection o f the
legislature ; the n ext to show himself a s the powerfu l
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
31 9
to i n terpret it aright Under the Conventio n the Army
of the In terior had been a tool its commander a mere
puppet ; now the executive was confronted by an inde
l
f
wh
i
ch
threatened
a
reversal
o
r
es
This situ
n
e
n
d
e
ce
O
p
ation was the more disquieting because Buonaparte was
a capable and no t unwilli ng police Ofli cer Among many
other invaluable services to the government he closed
in person the great club o f the Panthéon whi ch was the
1
rallying point o f the di saff ected
Throughout another
winter Of famin e there w a s not a si ngle dangerous o u t
break At the same time there were frequent manifesta
tions Of jealousy in lower circles especially among those
who kn ew the origin and career of their youn g master
Toward th e close o f the year the bearing and b e
havior o f the general became constr ai ned reserved and
awkward Various reasons were assign ed for this de
meanor . Many thought it was due to a consciousness
o f soc i al deficiency an d his detractors still declare tha t
Paris life was too fierce for even his self assurance point
ing to the change in his handwriting and grammar to
his altern ate silence and loquacity a s proof of mental
un easiness ; to his sullen musings and coarse threats as
a theatrical affectation to hide wounded pride ; and to his
co m
ing marriage as a desperate shift to secure a social
dignity proporti onate to the career he saw Opening before
him in poli tics and war In a common ma n n ot su b
j e cte d to a microscopic examinati on such conduct
wou l d be attributed to hi s being in love ; the wedding
would or di narily be regarded as the natural and beau
tiful consequen ce o f a great passion
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impo rta nt explo it h a s
b e en q
uestio ned But se e th e
America n editio n o f M a rtin s
Histo ry o f Fra nce 1 1 1 6 B a b oeuf
reo pene d a t th e P a nthéo n t h e club
whi ch h a d b een clo se d a t t h e
1
This
.
’
,
,
.
by th e Co nventio n a nd
r rg iz d a secret so cie ty in
co nnectio nwith it This P nth eo n
club wa s shut by Na po leo n in
p e rso n o n Febru ry 2 6 7 9 6 See
likewise th e M emo ria l
58
E v é ch é
eo
an e
a
.
a
,
,
1
.
2
.
D AY OF
PARI S S ECTI O N S
1
1
3
Men have no t forgotten that Buonaparte o n ce de
no u nce d love as a hurtful pass i on from which G o d
Should protect hi s creatures ; and they have fo r thi s
among other reasons pronounced him incapable o f
disi nterested affection But it is also true that he like
wise denounced Buttafuoco fo r having among other
“
crimes comm
i tted by him married to extend his infl u
”
ence
and we are forced to a sk whi ch o f the two senti
ments i s genuine and characteri stic Probably both
and neither according to the mood o f the man Out
ward caprice is in great natures Often the mask o f
inward perseverance especially among the unp rincipled
w h o suit their lan guage to thei r present purpose in
The primi
fine disdain o f commonplace consi stency
tive Corsi can was both rude and gentle easily moved
to tears at o ne time insensate at another ; selfish at
one moment lavish at another ; and yet he had a con
sistent character Although disli k i ng in later life to
be called a Corsican Napoleon was nevertheless typ i cal
he could despise love yet render hi mself
o f his race :
its wi llin g slave ; he was fierce and dictatorial yet as
“
the present object o f his passi on said
tenderer and
” 1
weaker than anybody dreamed
And thus it was in the matter Of his courtship : there
were elements in it Of romantic abandoned passion
but likewise Of shrewd calcul ating selfishn ess In his
callow youth his relations to the other sex had been
either chil dish morb i d o r immoral Durin g his earliest
manh ood he had appeared like one who desired the
traini ng rather than the substance o f gallantry As a
Jacob i n he sought such support as he could fin d in the
N po leo ns l e tt ers to Jo sephine ;
Th e b e st re fe renc e s fo r t h e
hist ry Of Jo se phine d e B ea u h a r Lé v y : Na p o léo n intime ; to ge ther
with th e memo irs o f Jo se ph
na is a re M a sso n: J sephi ne d e
B u r ienne D u cres t D u fo rt d e
B ea uha rna is 7 63— 7 9 6 a nd Jo sé
phine imp era trice e t reine ; Ha ll : Ch e erney a nd Rému sa t
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
31 2
good will Of the wo me n related to men in po wer ; as a
French patriot he put forth strenuous efforts to secure
an influential alliance through matrimo ny He appears
to have addr essed M me Permon whose fortune despite
her ad vanced age would have bee n a great relief
to his destitutio n Refused by her he was in a dis
ordered and desperate emotion al sta te un til military
and po litical success gave him sufficient self co nfid ence
to try once more With hi s feet firmly planted o n the
ladder Of ambitio n he was no t indiff erent to securing
social props for a further rise but was n evertheless in
such a tumult of feelin g as to make him particularly
receptive to real passio n He ha d made advances fo r
the hand o f the rich and beautifu l Désirée Clary ; 1 the
first evidence in hi s c orrespo nden ce o f a serious int en
tion to marry her is contain ed in the letter o f June eigh
t eenth 1 7 9 5 to Joseph ; and fo r a few weeks af terward
he wrote at inte rvals with some impatience as if she
were coy In explanation it is claimed that Napoleon
visiting her long before at the request o f Joseph who
was then enamoured o f her had himself become inter
es t e d and persuadi n g his brother to marry her Sister
had entered in to an un derstandin g with her which was
equivalent to a betrothal Time an d distan ce had
cooled his ardor He now virtually threw her over
for Mme B eauharnai s who dazzled and inf atuated hi m
This cl ai m is probably founded o n fact but there is no
evidence su fli ci ent to sust ain a charge o f positive b a d
fai th on the part of Napoleon Neither he nor Mlle
Clary appears t o have been arden t when Joseph as inter
mediary began according to French custom to a rrange
the prelimin aries o f marriage ; an d whe n Ge n eral Buona
parte fell ma dl y in love with Mme B eauh arn ais the
matter was dropped
See Ho chsch ild : D ésiré e reine d e S ued e
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE ON B O NAP ARTE
31 4
were born to them Eug ene and Hortense ; but before
the birth o f the latter the husband quarreled with hi s
wife for reasons that have never been known The
court gr anted a separation with alimony to M me de
B eauharnais who some years later withdrew to her
father s home in Martinique Her husband sailed to
America with the forces o f B oui ll e and remained there
until the outbreak of the Revolution when he returned
and was elected a deputy to the S tates General
B ecoming an ardent republican he was several times
president Of the National Assembly and his house was
an important center of influence In 1 7 90 M Tascher
died and his daughter with her children returned to
France It was probably at her husband s i nstance
fo r She at once joined hi m at his country seat where
“
they continued to live as brother and s i ster until
Citizen B eauharnais was made commander o f the Army
o f the Rhi ne
As the days o f the Terror approached
every man o f noble blood wa s more and more in danger
At last B ea u h a rna is s tur n came ; he too w a s denounced
to the Co mmune and i mprisoned Before long hi s wife
was behind the same bars Their children were in the
care o f an aunt M me E glé who had been and was
agai n to be a woman of distinction i n the social world
but had temporarily sought the protection of an old
acquaintance a former abbé who had become a member
o f the Co m
mune The gallant young general was not
one Of the four acqu i tted out Of the batch Of forty nine
among whom he was finally summoned to the bar o f the
revolutionary tribunal He died o n June twenty thi rd
1 7 9 4 true to his convictions acknowledging in hi s fare
well letter to hi s wife a fraternal affection for her and
commi tting solemnly to her charge his o w n good name
whi ch sh e was to restore by proving his devotion to
F rance The children were to be her consolation ; they
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]
MARRIAGE
E T 26
.
31 5
were to wipe o u t the di sgrace of his puni shmen t by the
practice o f virtue and
civism '
During her sojourn in prison Mme B eauh arn ai s had
made a most useful friend This w as a fellow sufferer
Of similar character but far greater gifts whose m aiden
name was Cabarrus who w as later Mme de Fontenay
who w as afterward d ivorced and having married
Ta lli en the Convention deputy at Bordeaux became
renowned as his wife and who divorced a second an d
married a third time died as the Princesse de Chimay
The nin th o f Thermidor saved them both from th e
gui llotine In the days i mmediately subsequent they
had abundant Opportunity to display thei r light but
clever natures Mme B eauharnai s a s well as her
friend u nfolded her wings like a butterfly a s sh e escaped
from the bars o f her cell B ei ng a Creole and having
matured early her physical charms were already fadi ng
Her spirit too had reached and passed its ze nith ; for
in her lette rs o f that time sh e descri bes hers elf as listless
Nevertheless i n those very letters there is some sprigh tli
n ess and consi derable abili ty Of a certai n kind A few
weeks after her liberation having apprenticed Eugene
an d Hortense to an upholsterer and a dressmaker
1
respectively Sh e w as o n terms o f intimacy with B arras
so close a s to be considered suspicious while her d ail y
in tercourse w as with those who had brought her hus
band to a terrible end In a luxurious and licentious
society sh e was a successfu l in triguer in matters both
o f politics and o f pleasure ; versed in the arts of coquetry
an d dress she became for the needy and ambitious a
successful intermediary with those in power Prefer
ring as She rather ostentatiously asserted to be gu i ded
by another s will she gave little thought to her children
or to the sad legacy of her husband s good name S he
See P ulitze r : Une idyll e so us Na po leo n I
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1
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[1 7 9 6
N AP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
31 6
emulated outwardl y at least th e unprin cipled wo rldli
n ess of those about her although her friends believed
her kin d hearted and virtuous Whatever her true
n ature was sh e had infl uence among the foremost men of
that gay se t which was imitatin g the court circles of old
and an influence whi ch had become not altogether
agreeable to the immoral Provencal noble who e n ter
Perhaps the
ta ine d and supported the giddy coterie
extravagance Of the languid Creole was as trying to
B arras as it became afterward to her secon d husb an d
The meetin g Of Napoleon and Josephine w as an even t
1
portance
His own accoun t twice relates
o f the fir st i m
that a beauti ful and tearfu l b o y presented hi mself soo n
after the disarmament o f th e sections to the comman der
Of the city and asked for the sword o f his father The
request was granted and n ext day the boy s mother
M me B eauharn ais c ame to th ank the general for his
kindl y act of restitution Captivated by her grace
Buonaparte was thenceforward her slave A cold
critic must remember that i n the fir st place there was
no disarmament of anybody after the even ts o f O ctober
fifth the o nly action o f the Convention whi ch might
even be construed into hostility being a decree making
emi grants ineligible for electio n to the legislature under
the new constitution ; that in the sec o nd place thi s story
attributes to destiny what w as really due to the friend
shi p of B arras a fact which his beneficiary would have
liked to forget o r c o nceal ; and finally that the bene
ficia ry left another account in which he co nfessed that
he had firs t met his wife at B arras s house this bein g
co nfirmed by Lucien in hi s memoirs O f the p assio n
there is no doubt ; it was a composite emotion made
up in part Of sen timent in part of self—interest Those
who are born to rude and Simple conditions in life are
1
o rial H 2 5 8 ; II I 40 2
M em
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
31 8
does n ot love Buonaparte She feels no repugn ance
“
B ut can sh e meet hi s wishes o r fulfil his desi res ?
I
admire the general s courage ; the extent of his info r
mation about all manner o f things concerning whi ch he
talks equally well ; the qui ckness o f his intelli gence
which makes him catch the thought o f another even
before i t is expressed : but I co nfess I am afrai d o f the
power he seems anxious to wield over all about him
His p i ercing scrutiny has in it some thing strange and
inexplicable that awes even our directors ; think then
” 1
how i t frightens a woman
The writer is also ter
Past
rifie d by the very ardor o f her suitor s passion
her fir st youth how can sh e hope to keep for herself
”
“
that violent tenderness which is almost a frenzy ?
Would he not soon cease to love her and regret the
marriage ? If so her onl y resource would be tears
indeed but still the onl y o ne
B arras
a sorry o ne
declares that if I marry the general he will secure for
Yester
hi mthe chi ef command o f the Army o f Italy
day Buonaparte speaking of this favor which although
not yet granted already has s e t his colleagues in arms
to murmuring s ai d : Do they think I need protection
to succeed ? S ome day they will be onl y too happy if
I give them mine My sword is at my side and with
it I Shall go far
W hat do yo u thi nk o f this assur ance
Is it not a proof o f co nfidence arising from
o f success ?
excessive self esteem? A general o f brigade protecting
the heads o f the government ' I don t kn ow ; but some
ti mes this ridiculous self reliance leads me to the poin t
Of believing everythi ng possible which thi s strange ma n
would have me d o ; and wi th his imagination who can
”
reckon what he would undertake ?
Thi s letter though
Often quoted is s o remarkable that as so me thi nk it
sh e
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Giv en in A ub ena s : Histo ire d e l impé ra trice Jo sephine
’
Thi s writ e r is fra nkly no t a n hi st o ria n but an a po lo gist
.
,
I,
2 9 3.
]
MARRIAGE
26
my be a later invention
31 9
If written later it w as
1
probably the invention o f Josephine herself
The divinity who could awaken such ardor in a Napo
leon was in reali ty six years Older than her suitor and
Lucien proves by hi s exaggeration o f four years that
S he had
s h e certainl y looked more than her real age
no fortune though by the subterfuges o f which a clever
woman could make use sh e led Buonaparte to thi nk her
i n a fll u ent circumstances S he had no soci al sta tion ;
for her drawing room though frequented by men o f
ancient name and exalted position was no t graced by
the presence of their wives The very house She o ccu
pied had a doubtful reputation hav i ng been a gift to
the wife o f Tal ma the actor from o ne of her lovers and
bei ng a loan t o M me B eauharnais from B arras S he
had thin brown h ai r a complexion neither fresh no r
faded expressive eyes a s mall retroussé nose a pretty
mouth and a voice that charmed all listeners S he
was rather undersized but her figure w as SO perfectly
proporti oned as to give the impression o f height and
suppleness Its charms were scarcely concealed by the
clothing sh e wore made as it was i n the suggestive
fashion of the day with no support to the formbut a
belt and as scanty about her shoulders as it was about
her shapely feet It appears to have been her elegance
and her manners as well as her sensuality which over
powered Buonaparte ; for he described her as having
“
the calmand dignified demeanor which belongs to the
”
Old régime
What motives may have combined to overco me her
scruples we canno t tell ; perhaps a love o f adventure
probably an awakened ambition fo r a success in other
do mains than the o ne which advancing years would
soon co mpel her to abandon S he kn ew that Buonaparte
1
iere s a nné es d e Na po leo n B o na pa rte
Co sto n: P rem
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2
3 0
had no fortune whatever but sh e also kn ew on the
highest authority that both favor and fortune woul d by
her assistance soon be his At all events hi s suit made
swift advance and by the end Of January 1 7 9 6 he was
secure Of his prize His love letters to judge from one
which has been preserved were as fiery as the despatches
with which he soon began to electrify hi s soldi ers
“
and all France
I awaken full of thee he wrote ;
“
thy portrai t an d yester eve s intoxicatin g charm have
left my senses no repo se S weet an d matchless Josephin e
how strange your influence upo n my heart ' Are you
angry do I see you s a d are you uneasy
my sou l
is m o ved with grief and there i s n o rest for your friend ;
but is th ere then more when yi eldi ng to an overmaster
ing desire I draw from your lips your heart a flame
which consumes me ? Ah thi s very night I kn ew your
portr ait was no t you ' Thou lea v e s t at noon ; three
hours more and I shall see thee ag ain Meantime m
io
d o lce a m
or a th o us a nd kisses ; but give me n o n e for they
”
What genuine and reckless passion '
se t me all a fir e
“
”
”
The thou and yo u ma y be strangely jumbled ; the
grammar may be mixed and bad ; the language may even
be somewhat indelicate as it sounds in other passages
than those g iven : but the meanin g would be strong
enough incense for the most exacting woman
On February ninth 1 7 9 6 their banns were proclaimed ;
on March second the bridegroom received his bri de s
dowry in his o wn appoi n tment o n Ca rno t s motion
n ot on that o f B arras as chi ef o f the Army of Italy still
1
m
f
o
under the n a e
Buonaparte ; o n the seventh he was
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th o ro ughly under
Ca rno t
stoo d a nd a ppre cia ted th e genius
’
S ho wn in B u o na pa rt e s pla nfo r a n
I ta lia n ca p aign, and co nve rt e d
th e
D ire cto ra t e t o h is o pinio n
The y se nt a co py t o S ch er e r , th en
1
m
.
cm
ma nd a t Nice a nd h e t e
t u rned it in a temp er de cla ring
tha t th e ma n w h o ma de such a
plan h ad b e tter co me a nd wo rk it
Th e D ir ecto ry t oo k him a t hi s
w o rd
in o
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,
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.
[I 7 9 6
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
2
2
3
no other expression for what in his nature corresponded
to romance in others
The general and his adjutant reached Marseill es in
due season Associ ated with them were Marmont
Junot Murat B erthier and Duroc The two last
named had as yet a ccomplished little : B erthi er was
forty three Duroc onl y twenty three B oth were des
tin ed to close in timacy with Napoleon and to a career of
hi gh renown The good n ews o f Napoleon s successes
having long preceded them the home Of the Bonapartes
had become the resort o f many among the best and
most amb i tious men in the southern land Elisa was
now twenty and though much sought after was showing
a marked preference for Pasquale B a ccio cchi the poor
young Corsi can whom she afterward married Pauline
was s i xteen a great beauty and deep in a serious fli r t a
tion with F ré ro n who n ot having been elected to the
Fi ve Hundred had been appo i nted to a lucrative but
u n
i nfl u enti a l o fli ce in the great provincial town
that
missioner for the department Caroline the
o f co m
youngest Si ster was blossomi ng with greater promise
even than Pauline Napoleon stopped a few days
under his mother s roof to regulate these matrimo nial
proceedings as he thought most advantageous On
March twenty—second he reached the headquarters o f
the Army o f Italy The command was assumed with
si mple and appropriate ceremoni al The short despatch
to the Directory announcing thi s momentous event
“
was sign ed Bonaparte
The Corsi can nobleman di
Buonaparte was now entirely transformed into the
French general Bonaparte The process had been long
and d ifli cu lt : loyal Corsica n ; mercen ary cosmopoli tan
ready as an expert artillery offi cer for service in any land
o r under any banner ; lastly
Frenchman li beral and
revoluti onary SO far he had been consistent in each
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]
MARRIAGE
26
32 3
character ; f o r yea rs to come he rem ain ed sta tio nary
as a sincere French patriot always o f course with an
eye to the main chance As events unfolded the tran s
“
formation beg an ag ain ; and the adroit man t aking
advan ta ge o f every chan ce became once more a cos
mo po lita n thi s time not as a soldier but as a sta tes
ra
e
man ; no t a s a servant but as the i m
p tor u nivers alis
too large for a sin gle land determin ed to reunite o nce
more all Western Christendom and like the great
Ge rman Charles a thousand years before make the
imperial limi ts contermi n ous with those o f orthodox
Christianity The power of this empire was however
to rest on a L a tin no t o n a Teuton ; n ot o n Germany
but o n F ran ce Its splendor was no t to be embodied
in Aachen nor in the Eternal City but in Paris ; and its
destin y was n ot to bring in a Christian m
i lle nnium for
the glory o f G o d but a scientific equili brium Of social
states to the glory o f Napoleo n s dyna sty perm an en t
bec au se uni v ersall y b eneficent
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E UROP E AND THE D IRE CTORY
m
Th e Firs t Co a litio n E ngla nd a nd A ustria
Th e A r ies Of th e
Re pu b lic
Th e Tr ea s u ry Of t h e R epu b lic
N e ce ss a ry Z ea l
Th e Dir e ct o ry
I t s M e be rs — Th e A bb é S ieyes
Ca rno t as
Hi s Ca p a cit y a s a M ilita ry Org a nize r
a M o d e l Citiz e n
His P e rso na l C ha ra cte r His P o licy Fra nce a t th e Opening
P l a ns o f th e Dir e cto ry
o f 1 7 96
Th e ir I nh e rit a nce
m
.
HE great European coalition against F ran ce
which had been formed in 1 7 9 2 had in it little
centripetal force I n 1 7 9 5 Prussia S p ai n and Tuscany
withdrew for reasons already indi ca ted in an other
c onnection and made their peace o n terms as a d v a n
t a ge o u s as they could secure
Holland was conquered
by France in the win ter Of 1 7 9 4 9 5 an d to this day the
illustrated school books recall to every chi ld of the
Fren ch Republic the half fabulous ta le Of how a Dutch
fleet was captured by French hussars The severity Of
the cold was long remembered as phen omenal an d the
frozen harbors rendered n aval resistance impossible
whil e cavalry m anoeuvered with safety o n the thi ck
.
,
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this and th e succeeding
ch a pt e rs w e ha ve th e memo irs o f
Thi b a udea u M a rm
on
t D o u lcet d e
P o nt eco ul ant Hyde d e N e uvill e
d th e duch e ss o f Ab rant é s
an
e Ju n
M a dam
ot
Amo ng th e his
to ries th e mo st impo rta nt a re tho se
o f Bl a nc Tai ne Syb el S o rel a n
d
S p ecia l stud
M o rtim
e r Terna u x
ies : C Ro usse t Les Vo lo nta ires d e
1 79 1 1 7 94
Ch a ssin: P a cifica tio ns
1
Fo r
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d e l Ou es t and D icta tur e d e Ho ch e
M a ll e t d u P an: Co rr espo nda nce
ne Al so th e
a v ec la c o ur d e Vie n
Co rr espo nde nce o f S a ndo z M any
p a pe rs a re printed in
al
o rigin
Hfifl er : Oe ste rr eich u nd P r eussen;
B a ill eu : P reusse n u nd Frankreich ,
1 7 9 5— 1 7 9 7 ; a n
d in th e A tl ich e
S a lung v o n Aktena u s d er Z ei t
d er Helv e tisch en Republik
’
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mm
m
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[1 7 96
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
32 6
a principle They had fought with joyous alacrity fo r
the assertion confirmati o n an d extensi on of the rights Of
—
man F or the two years from Valmy to Fleurus (1 7 9 2 9 4)
they had waged a holy war But victory m o di fied their
quality and their attitude The F ren ch people were too
often disenchan ted by their civilian rulers ; th e army
supplan ted the co nstitution after 1 7 9 6 Co nscious o f
its streng th an d o f itself as the armed na ti on y et the
o fli cers and men drew closer a n d closer for re ciprocal
advantage not merely political but materi al Th e
civil government must have money the army alo n e c o uld
command money and o n all the m
i lita r y organizatio n
took a full comm
i ssion Alr eady some o f the Ofli cers
were reveling in wealth an d Sple ndor m o re des ired to
follow the example the r ank a nd file longed for a t least
a decent e quipment a nd some po cket mo n ey As yet
the curse Of pill age wa s n ot syn onymous with c on quest
as yet the free and gen erous ardor o f youth an d m
i lita ry
tradition exerted its force as yet self sa crifice to the
extreme o f enduran ce was a virtue as yet the c anker of
lust and debauchery had n ot ruin ed the life of the
camp Emancip ated from the bonds of form ality and
mere co n tractual relatio n to superi o rs manh oo d ass erted
itself in troubles o me questionings a s t o the motives and
pla ns o f Ofli cers di scussi o n of what was don e an d what
was t o be do n e ab ove a ll in se archi n g criticism Of
governmen t and its schemes These were s o co n tin u
an d disi ngenu ous th a t the lawyer
o u sly misle a ding
politic aster who played such a role at Paris seemed
”
“
despicab le to the soldiery an d ro gue Of a lawy er was
almost s yno nym o us t o the milita ry min d with place
holder an d civil rul er In the m arch o f events the
patriotism o f the army had bro ught in to promin en ce
Rousse a u s c o nception of n atural boundaries There
was but one Opinion in the entire n ationco n cernin g its
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32 6
NAP O LEON B ONAP ARTE
a d v a nta ge ,
no t
[1 7 96
m ly p li timl
a e
o
despica b le to t he so ld ery and
i
,
o gue o f a lawye r
r
was
]
EUR OPE AND D IRECT O RY
E T 26
.
32 7
fro n tiers to wit : that Nice S avoy and the western
bank Of the Rhi n e were a ll by n ature a part Of Fran ce
As to what was beyond opini on had been di vided s o me
feeling that they sho u l d conti nue fighting in order to
impose their own system wherever possible while
others as has previ o usly been explain ed were either
indi fferent or else m ai n tain ed that the natio n shou l d
fight o nl y for its n atural frontier To the support of
the latter se ntiment came the gen eral longing for peace
whi ch was gradually overpowerin g the whole country
N0 people ever made such sacrifices for liberty as the
F rench had made Thr ough years of famine they had
starved with grim determin ation and the lean ness o f
thei r race was a byword for more than a generation
They had been f o r o ver a century the victims of a s ys
tem abhorrent to b o th their intelligence and their
character
a system of absolutism which had sub
sisted o n foreign wars and o n successful appeals to the
n ational vainglory Now at last they were to all
appearance exhausted their treasury was bankrupt
their paper money was worthl ess thei r agriculture and
indust ries were paralyzed their forei gn commerce was
ruin ed ; but they cherished the delusion that their
liberties were secure Their soldiers were badly fed
badl y armed and badl y clothed ; but they were free
men un der such discipli n e as is possible onl y among
freemen Why Should n ot their success in the arts o f
peace be as great as in the glorious and successful wars
they had carried on ? There w a s therefore both in
the coun try and in the government as in the army a
considerable and ever growing party which demanded a
”
“
gen eral peace but onl y with the n atural frontier
and a small o ne which felt peace to be imperative eve n
if the nation should be confined withi n i ts old boundaries
But such a re a s o nable an d moderate policy was
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B ONAP ARTE
2
8
3
i mpossible on two accounts
In consequence Of the
thirteenth Of Vendém
i ai re the radi cal party still su r
and controlled the machinery of government ;
v i v ed
and in Spite o f the seeming supremacy o f moderate
ideas the royalists were s till irreconcilable In pa r ticu
lar there was the religious question whi ch in i tself
comprehended a political social and econom
i c revolution
which men like those who sa t in the Directory refused
to understand because they chose to treat it o n the basis
1
Of pure theory
The great western district of France
was Roman royalist and agricultural There was a
uni ty in their life and faith s o complete that an y di s
t u rb a nce of the equilibrium produced frenzy and chaos
an embattled stri fe fo r life itself It was a di scovery
to Hoche that to pacify the Ve nd ee brute force was
quite insu fli cient The peasantry were beggared and
savage but undi smayed Wh ile he used force with
n obles stran gers an d madmen his conquest w as in the
mai n moral because he restored to the people thei r
fields and their church their institutions somewhat
modified and improved but still thei r Old instituti ons
N0 man less gi gantic in moral stature would have dared
thus to defy the petty atheistic fanaticism Of the D irec
tory France had secured enl ightened legislation which
was not enforced religious liberty which could not be
practised because of ill will in the government civil
li berty whi ch was a mere Sham because o f in ternal
violence political liberty which w as a chimera before
hostile foreigners Hence it seemed to the admini stra
tion that one evil must cure another In testine dis
tu rb a nce s they nai vely believed could be kept under
some measure o f control onl y by an aggressive forei gn
policy which Should deceive the insurgent elements as
to the resources o f the government Thus far by hook
See th e a uth o r s French Re vo lutio n a nd Religio us Refo rm
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
330
purse Rewb ell despised the new co n stitutio n but fo r a
different reason To hi m it appeared a flimsy theo
re ti ca l document so subdividing the exercise Of power
as to destroy it altogether His rOle was in the world
and he was always suspected though u n
o f fin ance
justly Of u nholy alliances with army contractors and
stock manipulators La ré v ellié re was an other doc
He
t rinai re but in comparison with R ewb ell a bigot
had been a Gi rondist a good citizen an d active in the
formation o f the new constitution ; but he lacked pra c
tical com
mon sense and hated the Church with as much
narrow bitterness as the most ran corous modern agn ostic
seekin g however n ot merely its destruction but
like Robespierre to substitute for it a cul t o f reaso n
and humanity The fourth member o f the Directory
Le t o u rneu r w as a pl ai n soldier an O fficer in the engineers
With abundant common sense and a hard head he t o o
was a sincere republican ; but he was a tolerant o ne a
moderate kin dl y man like his friend Carnot with whom
as time passed by and there was gradually developed an
irreconcilable spli t in the Directory he al ways voted in
a minori ty of two again st the other thr ee
At first the notorious Abbé S ieyes had been chosen
a member Of the executive He w as both deep an d dark
like B onaparte to whom he later rendered valuable
services His ever famous pamphl et which in 1 7 89
triumphantly proved that the Third Esta te was n either
more nor less th an the French nation had made many
thi nk him a radi cal As years passed on he became
the oracle o f his time an d as such acquired an enormous
influence even in the days of the Terror whi ch he was
helpless to avert and which he viewed wi th horror and
disgust Wh atever may have been his origin al ideas
he appears to have been for some ti me after th e thirteenth
o f Vendémiaire an O rlea nist the he a d o f a party which
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E UR OPE AND DIRECT O RY
]
E T 26
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33 1
desired n o longer a strict heredi ta ry and ab solute mon
archy but thought that in the so n o f Phi lippe Egalité
they had a useful prin ce to preside over a cons titutional
kingdom Perhaps for th is reason perhaps for the
o ne he gave which w as that the n ew co nstitution was
not yet the right one he flatl y refused the place in the
Directory which was Offered to him
It was as a substitute for this dan gerous visio n ary
that Carnot was made a di rector He was now in hi s
forty third year and a t the height o f hi s powers In
him w a s embodied all that w as modera te and soun d
consequently all that w as enduring in the French
Revolution ; he w as a thorough scholar and his treatise
o n the metaphysics o f the calculus forms an importan t
chapter in the history of mathematical physics As
a n Ofli cer in the engineers he had attai n ed the hi ghest
distin ction whi le as mi nister Of war he had shown hi m
self an organizer and strategist Of the first order But
his highest aim w a s to be a mod el F rench citizen In
his family relati o ns as so n husban d and father he was
held by his nei ghbors to be a pattern ; in his publi c life
he strove with equal sincerity o f purpose to illustrate
the highest ideals o f the eighteen th ce n tury S uch was
the ardor of hi s republicanism that no man nor p arty
in Fran ce was so repugnan t b ut tha t he w o uld use
either o ne o r bo th if n ecessary for hi s coun try s wel
fare although he was like Chatham i n hi s lofty scorn
fo r parties
To hi mas a patriot therefore F r an ce a s
ag ain st the outer world w as first n o matter what her
government might be ; b ut the F rance he yearn ed for
w as a land regenerated by the gospel o f humanity
awa kened to the highest activity by the equ ality o f all
before the law refined by that self abneg a tion o f every
man which makes all me n br o thers an d destroys the
men ace o f the law
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[1 7 96
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
2
3
3
An d yet he was no dreamer While a memb er of the
National Assembly he had displayed such practical
ili tary scien ce
commo n sense in his chosen field of m
that in 1 7 93 the Committee o f Safety intrusted to hi m
the control o f the war The standard o f rank an d co m
mand was no longer birth nor se niority nor influence
but merit The wil d a nd ignoran t hordes Of men which
the con scription law had brought into the field were
somethi ng hi therto unknown in Europe It w as Carnot
who organized clo thed fed an d drilled them It was
he who devised the n ew tactics and evolved the new and
comprehensive plans which made his national armies
the power they became It was in Ca rno t s administra
tio n that the young general s first came to the fore It
was by hi s favor th a t almost every man of that gal axy
o f modern warriors who so long dazzled Europe by their
feats Of arms fir st appeared a s a candidate for advan ce
ment Moreau Macdonal d Jourdan B ern adotte Klé b er
Mortier Ney P ich egru Desai x Berthi er Au gerea u an d
Bonaparte hi mself
each one o f these w as the product
o f Ca rno t s system
He was the creator o f the a rmies
which for a time made all Europe tributary to France
Throughout an epoch which lai d bare t h e meann ess of
most n atures his character was un smirched He began
lif e under the ancient régime by writing an d publishing
a eulogy o n Vauban who had been disgr a ced for his
pl ai n spe akin g to Louis X IV When called to a share
in the gover nmen t he was the advocate of a stro ng
nationality o f a just admi nistratio n within and of a
fearless front t o the world Whi le mi nister of war he
on o n e occasio n actually left his post an d hastened to
Maubeuge where defeat was thr eate ning Jour dan
devised and put into operation a n ew plan led in perso n
the victorious assau l t and then returned to Paris to
inspire the cou n try and the army with n ews of the
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
334
[1 7 9 6
virtu ally non existent The army checked for the
moment moped un successfu l dispirited an d unpaid
Hunger kn ows little discipline and with temporary
loss o f di scipli n e the morals o f the troops had been
un dermined To save the constitution pub lic opinion
must be diverted from internal affai rs and conciliated
To that end the German emperor must be forced to
yield the Rhine frontier and money must be found
at least for the most pre ssm
g necessities o f the army an d
If the republic could secure fo r
o f the governme n t
France her natur al borders and command a peace by
land it m
i ght hope for eventual success in the co nflict
with England To this end its territori al conquests
must be partitioned into three classes : those wi thi n
”
the natural limits an d already n amed for in corpora
tion ; those to be erected in to buffer states to fend o ff
from the tender republic absolutism an d all its horrors ;
i ght be valuable for
and fin ally such di stricts as m
exchan ge in order to the eventual consolidation Of the
first two classes O f the second type the Directory
considered as most important the Germani c Confedera
tion There was the example o f Catherine s dealing
with Poland by whi ch to proceed AS that had been
partitioned s o should Ge rman y From i ts lands Shou l d
be created four electorates o ne to indemnify th e House
b erg ; the others
o f O range for Hollan d one for W ii r tem
according to circumst an ces would be confi ded to friendly
hands
The means to the en d were these Rus si a must be
reduced to inactivity by exciting agai nst her through
i ses all her foes to the eastward
b ri bes and prom
Prussi a
must be cajoled in to co Opera tio n by pressure o n King
Ge orge o f Hanover even to the extinction o f hi s kingdom
and by the hope Of a consolidated territory wi th the
po ssibility o f securing the Imperi al digni ty Aus tria
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21 1 1
.
EURO PE AND DIRE CT O RY
]
26
335
was to be partly compelled partly bribed into a co n
tinent a l coalition again st Great B rit ai n by adjustment
o f her possessions both north and south o f the Alps
In to a general allian ce ag ainst Great B rit ain S p ai n
must be dragged by working o n th e fears of the queen s
i nister and controller o f
paramour Godoy p ri me m
S pani sh destini es This done Great B rita in according
e honored well worn device Of France royal
t o the ti m
or radical should be invaded and brought to her kn ees
The plan was as Old as Philippe le Bel and had appeared
thereafter once and again at inte rvals either as a b ona
fid e policy o r a device to sti r the French heart and secure
money from the public purse for the public defense
For this purpose o f the Directory the ruined mari ti me
power o f the republic must be restored n ew Ships b u i lt
and old ones refitted ; in the me an time as did Richelieu
rebellio n against the B ritish governmen t
o r Mazarin
must be roused and supported among malcontents
everywhere wi th in the borders Of Great B rit ain espe
S uch was the stupid plan o f the
cia lly in Ireland
Directory : two well worn expedients both di scredited
as Often a s tried To the territorial readjustment Of
Europe Prussia though momentarily checked was
alr eady pivotal ; but the first efforts o f French diplomacy
at B erlin resulted in a fl a t refus al to g o farther than the
peace alre ady made o r entertain the chi merical propo
sals now made Turni n g then to Austria the Directory
concluded the armistice of Febru ary first 1 7 9 6 but a t
Vienna the Offer o f Munich an d two thirds o f B avaria
o f a n outlet t o the Adriatic and o f an alli an ce against
Russia for the restoration o f Poland
o f cours e wi thout
Galicia whi ch Austria should retain — was treated o nly
as si gnificant Of what French temerity dared propose
and when heard was sco rnq y disd ained The pro
gram for Italy was retain ed substa ntially as l aid down
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[1 7 9 5
N AP O LE ON B O NAPARTE
336
in 1 7 93 : the destructi on Of the pap al power the
overthrow of all existin g governments the plunder o f
their rich treasures the annihilation o f feudal and
ecclesiastical institutions an d the regeneration of its
peoples on democratic lin es Neither the revolutionary
elements o f the peni nsul a nor the jealous princes cou l d
be brought to terms by the active and ubiquitous
French agents even in Ge noa though there was just su f
ficie nt dallying everywhere betw e en Venice and Naples
to keep alive hope and exasperate the unsuccessful nego
The European world w as worried and harassed
ti a t o rs
by uncertain ties by dark plots by mutu al di strust It
w as unready for war but war w as the o nly solvent o f
intolerable troubles
England Austria Russia a nd
France un der the Directory must fight o r perish
It must n ot be forgotten that this was the monarchi
cal secular and immemori al policy o f France as the
dis turber of European peace ; continued by the repub
lic it was ren dered more pernicious and exasperating
to the upholders Of the b al ance Of po wer Not o nly
w as the republic more energetic a nd less scrupulous
than the monarchy her rivals were in a very low
esta te indeed Great B ri t ain h a d stripped Fr ance and
Holland o f their colo nies b ut these n ew possessio ns
an d the ocean highway must be protected at e nor
mous expense The Commons refused t o au thorize a
new loan and the natio n was exhausted to such a
degree tha t Pitt and the King shrinking from the
opprobrious attacks o f the Londo n populace and not
in g with anguish the renewal o f bloody diso rder in
Irelan d m ade a feint of peace negotiatio ns thr ough the
agent they employed in S witzerlan d to foment royal
ist demons trations against France wherever possible
Wi ckham asked o n March eighth 1 7 9 6 on what terms
the Directory would m ake an honorable peace and in
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NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
338
[1 7 9 6
on the upper Rhi n e each with eighty thousand men
B onaparte w as despatched to Italy an d Hoche made
ready a motl ey crew Of outl aws an d Vendeans wherewith
to enter Ireland join Wolfe To n e an d his United Irish
men and thu s let l o ose the elemen ts Of civil war in that
unhappy island Europe at large expected the brunt
of the struggle n orth of the Alps in ce n tr al
the initi a ted kn ew better
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CHAPTER XXV I
B ONAP ARTE ON A GRE AT S TAG E
1
m
m
m
B o na p a rt e a nd th e A r y Of I ta l y
Th e Sy st e
o f P ill a g e
Th e Gene r a l as a D e sp o t
Th e Re pu b lica nAr ie s a nd Fre nch
P o litics
I ta l y a s th e Fo ca l P o int
Co nditio n o f I ta l y
’
B o na pa rte s S a ga cit y His P la n o f A ctio n His A r y a nd
Genera ls S trength o f th e A r y Of I ta l y Th e Na po l eo nic
M a xi s o f Wa rf a re
A dv a nc e o f M ilita ry S cienc e B o na
’
p a rte s A chie ve ents His Fina ncia l P o licy Effe cts o f His
m
m
S u ccess
m
m
.
HE struggle which was imminent was for nothing
less than a n ew lease Of nati onal life for France
It d awn ed on many min ds that i n such a combat changes
Of a revolutionary nature
a s regarded not merely the
provisio ning and management o f armies as regarded not
merely the gran d strategy to be adopted and carried
out by France but as regarded the very structure and
relations Of other European nations — would be justi
fia b le
But to be just ifiable they must be adequate ;
and to be adequate they must be unexpected and
thorough What shou l d they be ? The (Edipu s who
solves thi s riddl e for France is the man Of the hour
He was found in B onaparte What mean these ringing
words from the headquarters at Nice whi ch o n March
twenty seventh 1 7 9 6 fell o n the ears o f a hungry eager
“
soldiery and a startled world ? S oldiers you are naked ;
badly fed The governmen t owes yo u much ; it can
gi ve yo u nothi ng Your long suffering the courage you
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Th e sta te Of E uro pe
ay be
studied in th e Co rrespo ndence Of
M a lle t d u P a na nd inth e Archi ve s
1
W o ro nzo ff ; in V iv eno t : Th u gu t
nd Cl e rf a yt ; D a ud e t : Les B o ur
bo ns et la Russie ; La Co nspir a
a
339
[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
340
show among these crags are splendid but they bring
you no glory ; not a ray is reflected upon you I wish to
lead you into the most fertile pl ains Of the world Rich
provin ces great towns will be in your power ; there you
will find honor glory and riches S ol di ers Of Ital y can
”
you be foun
d lacki n g in honor cour age or cons tan cy ?
S uch language h as but o ne meanin g By a previous
understan di ng wi th the D i rectory the French army was
to be p aid the French treasury to be replenished at
the expense of the lands whi ch were the seat of war
Corsicans in the French service had long been suspected
o f someti m
es serving their own interests to the d e t ri
ment of their adopted coun try Bonaparte w as no ex
cepti o n and occasionally he felt it necessa ry to justif y
self For example he had carefully explain ed that
hi m
his marriage boun d him to the republic by still another
tie Yet it appears that his promotion his engagement
with the di rectors and his devotion to the republic were
all concerned primarily with person al ambition though
secondarily and in cidentally with the perpetuation of
a government professedly based o n the Revolution
From the outset of Napoleon s in dependent career some
thi ng Of the futu re dictator appears This implied
prom
i se that pillage plunder and rapin e shou l d hence
forth go unpu nished in order that his sol di ers m
i ght
line their pockets is the in di cation of a settled pol i cy
whi ch was more definitely expressed in each successive
proclamation as it issued from hi s pen It w as repeated
whenever new energy was to be inspired into faltering
column s whenever some unparalleled effort in a dark
design w as to be demanded from the ra nk and fil e o f
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tio nd e P ich eg ru ; So re l : L E u ro pe
e t la R é o l t io nFr a nc
a i se ; Le cky :
E ngla nd in t h e XVI I I c entury ;
S ta nh o p e s Life Of P itt ; th e me
’
v
u
’
mirs f P rinc Ad mCz rt ryski ;
ls th dipl mtic p p rs f
Th g t Cl rf yt H rmnn nd
O
o
a
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e
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S ando z
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
342
been confin ed to the centr al zone o f Germany while at
the same time the French sol di ers who had formed the
A rmy o f the Pyrenees had b een transferred to the Mari
time Al ps In 1 7 9 6 therefore the gre a t questio n was
whether the Army Of the Rhine or that of Italy was to
be the chief weapo n o f Ofl ense ag ainst Austria
Divided interests and warped convicti ons quickly
created two opi nions in the French nation each o f which
was held with intensity and bitterness by its supporters
S o far the Army Of the Rhine was much the stronger
and the Emperor had concentrated hi s strength to
oppose it But the wisest heads saw that Austria might
be flank ed by way o f Italy The gate to Lombardy was
guarded by the sturdy little army of Victor Amadeus
assisted by a small Austrian force If the house of
S avoy which was said to wear at its gir dl e the keys o f
the Alps could be conquered and brought to make a
separate peace the Austri an army could be overwhelmed
and a hi ghway to Vienna opened first through the plains
o f Lombardy
then by the Austrian Tyrol or else by
the Venetian Alps S trangely enough the pl ainest and
most forcible exposition o f thi s plan was made by an
emigrant in London a certai n D u th eil for the benefit Of
England and Austria But the Allies were deaf to his
warnings while in the mean ti me Bonaparte enforced the
same idea upon the French authoriti es and secured thei r
acceptance o f it Both he and they were the more inclined
to the scheme because once already it had been success
fully initiated ; because the general having studied Italy
and its people thoroughl y u nderstood what contributi ons
might be levied on them ; because the Army of the Rhi ne
was radically republican and knew i ts o wn strength ;
because therefore the personal ambitions of B onaparte
and in fact the very existence of the D i rectory alike
depended on success elsewhere than in central Europe
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O N A GREAT S TAGE
E T 26
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343
Having bee n for centuries the battle field of rival
dyn asties Italy though a geographi cal unit with n atural
frontiers more marked than those Of any other land
and with i nhabitants fairly homogeneous in birth
speech and institutions was neither a nation no r a
family o f kindred nations but a congeries o f h etero ge
m
eous states S ome o f these like Veni ce an d Genoa
boasted the proud title o f republics ; they were in reality
narrow commerci al even piratical oligarchi es desti
tute of any vigorous political life The Pope like other
petty rul ers w as but a temporal prin ce despotic and not
even enlightened as was the Grand Duke o f Tuscany
Naples and the Milanese both groaned under the yoke
Of foreign rulers and the o nly passable government in the
leng th and breadth Of the land was that o f the house Of
S avoy in Piedmont and S ardi ni a lands where the revo
lu ti o na ry spirit o f liberty was most extended and active
The petty courts like those o f Parma and Modena were
n ests o f intri gue and corruption There was o f course
in every place that saving remnant o f hi gh mi nded men
whi ch is always providentially left as a seed ; but the
people a s a whole were ignorant and en ervated The
accumu l ati ons Of ages gained by an extensive and lucra
tive commerce or by the til ling of a generous soil had
not been altogether di ssipated by misru l e and there w as
even yet rich store o f money in many o f the venerable
and still splendid cities Nowhere in the ancient seats
Of the Roman commonwe al th whose memory w as now
the cherished fashion in France could any thin g more
than a reflection Of French revolutionary principles be
di scern ed ; the rights o f m
a nand republi can doctrine were
attractive subjects o f debate i n many ci ties throughout
the peninsul a but there w as li ttle of that fierce devotio n
to their realization so prevalent beyond the Alps
The sagacity o f Bonaparte s a w his a ccoun t in these
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
344
[1 7 9 6
conditions
B eing a professed republican he could
announce hi mself as the regenerator of society and the
liberator of a pe ople If a s has been supposed he al
ready dreamed of a thr one where could o ne be s o easily
fou n ded wi th the certainty Of its e nd u rance ? AS a
conqueror he would have a di v ided helpless an d wealthy
people at his feet If the Old flame o f Corsican ambition
were not yet extin gu i shed he felt perhaps that he could
wreak the vengeance of a defeated an d angry people
upon Ge noa their Oppressor for ages
His preparations began as early as the autumn o f
o t s assistance
1 7 9 5 when with Ca rn
the uni ted Pyre
n ean and Italian armies were directed to the o ld task of
opening the roads through the mount ai ns and by the
They wo n
s e a Shore into Lombardy and central Italy
the battle o f Loano whi ch secured the Mariti me Alps
once more ; but a long winter amid these inclement
peaks had left the army wretched and des titute Of every
n ecessity It had been difli cu l t throughout that winter
to maint ain even the Army Of the Interior in the heart o f
F rance ; the onl y chance for that o f Italy was movement
The completed plan of action was forwarded from Paris
in January But as has been told S ch erer the com
mandin g general and his staff were outraged refusing to
consider its suggestions ei ther those fo r supplying their
n ecessities in Lo mbardy o r those for the daring and ven
e operations necessary to reach that goal
t u re s o m
Bonaparte who coul d invent such schemes alone could
realize them ; and the task was intrusted to hi m For
the next ten weeks no sort o f preparation w as neglected
The nearly empty chest Of the Directory was swept
clean ; from that source the new commander received
forty seven thousand five hun dred francs i n cash and
drafts fo r twenty thousand more ; forced loans for con
s id er a b le sums were made in Toulon and Marseill es ;
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[1 7 96
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
346
Able an d trustworthy he was loaded wi th f avo rs by
Napoleon and survived un til 1 8 1 9 It m
ight have bee n
very easy to exasperate such men But what the com
mander in—chief had to do was done with such smooth
ness and skill that even they could fin d no groun d fo r
carping ; and though at fir st cold and reticent before
long they yielded to the influences which fil led with
excitement the very ai r they breathed
At thi s moment besides the Nation al Guard Fran ce
had an army an d in some sense a nav y : o f both the
effective fighting force numbered upward of half a million
Divided nomin ally in to nihe armies instead o f fourteen
as fir st planned there were in reality but seven ; o f
these four were Of minor importance : a small skeleton
Army o f the Interior a force in the west under Hoche
twice a s large and wi th r anks better filled a f ai rly strong
army in the north un der Macdon al d and a Similar o ne
in the Alps under Kellermann with B erthier an d Vau
bois as lieutenants which soo n became a part of Bon a
parte s force
These were if possible to preserve
in ternal order and to watch England while three great
active organizations were to combine for the over throw
Of Austria O n the Rhi ne were two o f the active armies
on
an other near
e near D II ss eld o rf un der Jourdan
S trasburg un der Moreau Macdon ald w as of S cottish
Jacobite descent a French royalist converted to repub
li ca nis mby his m
arriage He w as no w th irty o ne years
o ld
Trained in the regiment of Dillon he alone Of its
Ofli ce rs
remained true to democratic principl es o n
the outbreak o f the Revolution He was made a colonel
for his bravery at Jemmapes and for hi s loyalty whe n
Du m
o u rie z went over to the Austrians he w a s promoted
to be general o f brigade F o r his services u nder P i ch egru
in Holland he had been further rewarded by promotion
and after the peace o f Campo F ormio was tr ansferred
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ON A GREAT S TAGE
E T 26
.
347
from the Rhi n e to Ital y He was thr oughout a loyal
friend o f Bonaparte and received the highest honors
Kellermann was a B avarian and when associated with
Bonap arte a veteran sixty one years Old He had see n
service in the S eve n Years War and agai n in Poland
d u ring 1 7 7 1 An ardent republican he had served with
distinctio n from th e beginni ng o f the revolutionary
wars : though twice charged with in capacity he was tri
He linked his fortun es to those o f
u m
ph a ntly acquitted
B onaparte without je alousy and reaped abun dant laurels
O f Berthier and the o ther great generals we h ave already
spoken
At the
V au b o is reached no distin ction
portals o f Italy was Bonaparte with a th ird army soon
to be the most active o f all At the outs et he had all
told ab out forty fiv e thousand men ; but the camp ai gn
which he conducted had before its close assumed such
di mensions that in spite o f its losses the Army o f Italy
contai ned nearly double that number Of men ready fo r
the field besides the garriso n troops and invali ds The
figures o n the records of the war department were
in variably much greater ; but an enormous percentage
sometimes as hi gh as a th ird was always in the h o s
while
ofte
n
as
m
an
y
twenty
thousand
were
left
as
i
l
s
a
t
p
behind to hold various fortresses Bonaparte fo r evi
dent reasons uniformly represented his effective force as
smaller than it was and stunn ed the ears of the Direc
tory with ever reiterated demands for reinforcemen t
A d ispassionate estimate wou l d fix the nu mber of hi s
troops in the field at any o ne time during these opera
tions a s not lower than thi rty fiv e thousan d n or much
hi gher than eighty thousand
Another element Of the utmost importance e n tered
in to the coming campaign The Old vicious system by
which a vigil ant democracy had jealously prescribed
to its general s every step to be t ake n was swept away
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
348
“
’
by Bonaparte who as Robespierre s man had been
thoroughly f amiliar with its workings from the other
end He was no w commander in—chief and he insisted
on the absolute unity Of command as essential to the
economy o f time This being granted hi s equipment
was complete It will be remembered that in 1 7 9 4 he
had explained to hi s patr ons h o w warfare in the field
w as like a siege : by directin g all one s force to a sin gle
poi nt a breach might be made an d the equilibrium Of
Opposition destroyed TO thi s conception o f concentra
tion for attack he had in concert with the Directory
added another that o f expansion in a given territory
for sustenance He had still a third that war must be
made as in tense an d awful a s possible in order to make
it short and thus to diminish its horrors Trite and
simple as these aphorisms n ow appear they were all
original and absolutely n ew at least in the quick fierce
application of them made by B onaparte The tra
di tio ns o f chiva lry the incessan t warfare of two cen
t u rie s an d a h alf the humane conceptions o f the Church
mu nica
the regard for human life the diffi cul ty of co m
—
tions the scarcity o f munitions and arms
all these
and other elements had combined to make war under
mediocre generals a stately ceremonial and to di mini sh
the number of actu al battl es which took place when
they di d o nly after careful prepar ation a s an u npleas
an t necessity by a sort Of common agreement an d with
the ceremony Of a duel
Turenne Marlborough an d F rederick all men Of
cold blooded temperament had been th e greatest gen
e ra ls of their respective ages and were successful much
in proportion to their lack o f sentiment and disregard
Their notions and their conduct
o f convention alities
di splayed the sam
e ins tin cts as those of Bonaparte
and their min ds were enl arged by a study Of great cam
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[I 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
3 50
generals who cou l d not thi nk of a b o y o f twen ty six as
their equ al ; with the best army and the finest theater
Of war in Europe ; finall y with a genius independently
developed and with conceptions Of his professio n which
summariz ed the experience of his greatest predecessors
Bonaparte performed feats that seemed mi raculous even
when compared with those of Hoche Jour dan or Moreau
which had already so astoun ded the world
Withi n eleve n days the Austrian s and S ardi nians were
separated the latter having been defeated and forced
to sign a n armistice After a rest Of two days a fort
night s a w him victorious in Lombardy an d entering
Milan as a conqueror Two weeks elapsed and again
he s et forth to reduce to hi s sway in less than a month
the most of centr al Italy Again st a n enemy n ow d es
perate and at bay his Operations fell i nto four divisio ns
each res u l ting in an advance
the fir st of nin e days
against W u rmser and Qu a s d a no wich ; the second o f
Sixteen days ag ainst W u rmser ; the thi rd of twelve
days against Alv i nczy ; an d the fourth Of thirty days
un til he captured Mantua and open ed the mountain
passes to his army Wi thi n fifteen days after begin
ni ng hostilities again st the Pope he forced hi mto S i gn
the treaty Of To lentino ; and wi thi n thirty six days of
their setting fo ot on the road from Mantua to Vienna
the French were at Leoben di stan t onl y ninety miles
from the Austrian capital and dicta tin g terms to the
E mpire In the year betwee n March twenty seven th
1 7 9 6 and April seventh
1 797
Bonaparte humbled the
most haughty dynasty in Europe toppled the central
European state system and initiated the process whi ch
h as given a predomi nance apparently fin al to Prussia
then consider ed but as a parvenu
It is impossible to estimate the enormous sums o f
mo n ey whi ch he exacted for the conduct of a war that
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]
ON A GREAT S TAGE
26
35 1
he chose to s a y was carried o nto em an cip a te Italy The
sol di ers o f his army were well clad well fed and well
equipped from the day o f their entry into Milan ; the
arrears o f their pay were n ot onl y settled but they
were give n license to prey o n the country un til a point
was reached whi ch seemed to jeopardi ze success when
co mmon pillage was promptly stopped by the severest
examples The treasury Of the Directory was not filled
as were those o f the conquering o fli cers but it was no
longer e mpty I n short France reached the apex o f
her revolutionary greatness ; and as sh e was now the
foremost power o n the Continent the Shaky m o narchies
in neighboring lands were forced t o consider again
questions whi ch in 1 7 9 5 they had hoped were settled
As Bonaparte foresaw the desti nies o f Europe had
indeed hung o n the fate o f Italy
Europe had grown accustomed to military surprises
i n the few preceding years The armies of th e French
republic fired by devotion to their principles and thei r
nati on had accompli shed marvels But nothing in the
least foreshadowing this had been wrought even by
them Then as no w curiosity was inflamed and the
most carefu l study was expended in analyzing the
process by whi ch such miracles had been performed
The investigators and their readers were so overpowered
by the spectacle and its resu l ts that they were prevented
by a sort o f awe stricken credulity from recogni zing the
truth ; and even yet the notion o f a supern atural infl u
ence fighti ng o n B onaparte s side has no t entirely dis
appeared But the facts a s we kn ow them reveal
cleverness dealing with i ncapacity energy such as had
not yet been seen fighting with languor an embodi ed
principle o f great vitali ty warring wi th a li feless vani sh
ing system The consequences were startli ng but logi cal ;
the details sound like a romance fro mthe land of Ebli s
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C HAPTER XXV II
THE C ON QUE S T OF PI EDMON T AND THE M ILANE S E
m
1
m
M o nt eno tte a nd M ill e si o
Th e Ar i es o f A ustria a nd Sa r d inia
Co nse u enc e s Of th e Ca pai gn
M o ndo vi a nd Ch e r a s co
Th e Cr o ssing o f th e P O
Th e P l a ins o f Lo b a rd y
A dva nce To w a rd M ila n Lo d i Re tr ea t o f th e Austrians
m
M o ra l E ffe cts o f Lo di
m
q
.
I CTOR AMAD EU S o f S ardi nia w as not u naccu s
md to the loss f territory in the north b
cause from im
memorial times his house had relinquished
to
e
o
e
,
pi cturesque but unfruitful lands beyond the Alps to
gain fertile fields below them It was a hard blow to
be sure that S avoy whi ch gave name to hi s fam
ily and
Nice with its beautifu l and commandi ng site should
have been lost to his crown B ut so far in every gen
eral European convulsion some substa n tial morsels had
fallen to the lot Of hi s predecessors who had looked on
“
”
Italy as an artichoke to be eaten leaf by leaf ; and it
was probable that a slice Of Lombardy wou l d be his o wn
prize at the next pa cifica ti o n He had spent his reign
in strengthening hi s army and a s the foremost m
ilita ry
power in Italy his young and v i gorous people with the
help Of Austria were defendi n g the passes into thei r
territory The road from their capit al to S avona on
the sea woun d by Ceva and Mill esimo over the m ain
ridge o f the Apennines at the summit o f whi ch it was
joined by the highway thr ough Dego and Cairo leading
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po rta nt a u th o ri
Th e l a t est im
ties o n this ca mpa ign a nd it s
results a re , in a dditio n t o tho s e
1
lrea dy given S a rgent : Na po leo n
B o na p a rt e s First Ca mp aign
So rel : B o na pa rte et H o ch e en
a
35 2
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’
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[1 7 96
N AP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
35 4
an Austri an divisio n which had re a ched Mi llesimo o n
its way to joi n Colli ; an d o n the fifteenth at that place
Bon aparte hi mself d es troyed the rem
n ant of Argentea u s
corps On the sixtee n th B e aulieu aban do n ed the moun
tains to m ake a stand at Acqui i n the pl ain Thus the
whole Austrian force w as not o nl y drive n b a ck b ut w as
entirely sep arated from the Piedmon tese
B onap arte had a foolish plan in hi s po cket which
had been furnished by the Directory in a temporary
reversio n to offi cial tra di tio n ordering hi mto advan ce
into Lombardy leaving behi nd the hostile Piedmo n tese
o n his left and the un cert ai n Genoese o n hi s right He
di sregarded it apparently without hesita tion an d thr o w
in g his force northwestward toward Ceva where the
Piedmontese were posted terrified them in to a retreat
They were overtaken however at Mo ndovi o n April
twenty second and utterly routed losing no t o nl y their
best troops but their field pieces and baggage train
Three days later Bonaparte pushed o nward an d o ccu
pied Cherasco which was di stan t from Tu rin the Pi ed
montese capital but twenty fiv e miles by a short easy
and n ow open road O n the twenty seventh the S ar
di ni a ns isolated in a mountain amphitheater and wi th
fi t ed all y made
n o prospect o f relief from their di s co m
overtures for an armistice preliminary to peace These
were readily accepted by Bonaparte ; and although he
had n o au thorization from the government to perform
such functions he was defiantly careless o f instructions
in thi s as in every subsequent step he took
The negoti
atio n was conducted with courtesy and firmness o n the
basis o f military honor much to the surprise o f the
Piedm on tese who had expected to deal with a savage
Jacobin There was not even a word in Bonaparte s
talk whi ch rec alled the republican severity ; a s h as bee n
no ted th e word virtue did no t p a ss hi s lips hi s l an guage
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[1 7 9 5
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
35 6
his lan ds S tripped thus o f both force and prestige
he did not long survive the disgrace and died leaving
to Charles Emmanuel hi s so n no real domi nion but
that over the island o f S ardini a The contrast between
the ferocious bluster o f the Directory and the generous
s implicity o f a great conqueror w as not lost on the
Italians nor on the moderate French F o r them as fo r
Bonaparte a mi litary and political aspirant in his first
independence everythin g absolutely every thi ng was at
stake in those earliest engagements ; on the even t hung
n ot merely his career but their release In pleasant
succes sion the spring days passed like a transformation
scene
S uccess was in the air n ot the success o f acci
dent but the resultant o f forethought and carefu l com
bination The generals infected by their leader s spirit
vied with each other i n darin g and gallan try F o r happy
desperation Rampon s famous sta nd rem ain s u nsu r
passed in the annals o f war
From the heights o f Ceva the leader o f conquerin g
and now devoted soldiers could show to them an d their
equally enthusiastic Officers the gateway into the fer
til e and well watered land whither he had promised to
lead them the historic fields o f Lombardy Nothing
co mparable to that inexhaustible storehouse of nature
can be fou nd in France generous as is her soil W alled
i n o n the north an d west by the majestic masses of the
i ghty
Alps and to the south by the smaller but still m
bastions o f the Ape nnin es these plains o w e to the moun
tai ns not onl y their fertility and prosperity but their
very existence Numberless rills which rise amid th e
icy summits of the great chain o r the lower peaks o f
the mi nor o ne combine into ever growing stre ams o f
pleasant waters which fin ally unite in the sluggish but
impressive Po Melting snows and torrenti al rains fill
these watercourses wi th the rich detritus of the hills
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PIEDM O NT AND MILANE S E
]
E T 26
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35 7
which renews from year to year the soil it originally
created A geni al climate and a grateful soil return to
the industrious inhabitants a n ample reward fo r their
labors In the fiercest heats of summer the passin g
traveler if he pauses will hear the soft soun ds o f slow
running waters in the irrigation sluices whi ch o n every
side supply any lack of r ain Wheat barley and rice
maize fru it and wine are but a few o f the staples
Great farmsteads with barns whose mighty lofts and
groanin g mows attest the impo rtance o f Lombard agri
l ets which aboun d at
culture are grouped into the ham
the shortest i ntervals An d t o the vision Of o ne who
sees them first from a mountain top through the dim
haze of a sunn y day towns and cities seem strewn as
if they were grain from the hand of a sower The
measure Of bewilderment is fu ll when memory recall s that
thi s garden o f Italy has been the prize for whi ch from
re motest antiquity the nations o f Europe have fought
and that the record o f the ages is in delibly written in
the walls and ornaments o f the myriad structures
theaters palaces and churches
which lie so quietly
below S urely the d u llest sansculotte in Bonaparte s
army must have been aroused to new sensations by the
s ight What rosy visions took shape in the mind o f
their leader we can onl y imagi n e
Piedmont havin g submitted the promised descent
into these rich pl ai n s w as not an insta nt deferred
“
”
Hannibal sai d the commandin g general to his staff
”
took the Al ps by storm We have turned their flank
He paused onl y to announce hi s feats to the Directory
mend for preferment
in modest phrase and to reco m
those who like Lannes and Lanusse had earned dis
tinction The fo rmer was just Bonaparte s age but des
ti tu t e o f solid education owing to the poverty of hi s
paren ts He e nlisted in 1 7 9 2 and in 1 7 9 5 was alre ady
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[I 7 96
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
35 8
a colonel owing to his extraor di n ary inbor n courage
an d capacity Through the hatred of a Conven tio n
legate he was degraded from hi s r ank after the peace
o f B asel and e n tered Bonaparte s army as a volunteer
Thereafter hi s promotion w as fast and regular until
he became the general s close friend and steadfast su p
porter Lanusse was onl y twenty four b ut had been
chief o f batta lio n for four years an d now entered upo n
a brillian t though short career which e nded by his
death in 1 80 1 at Aboukir The advance o f Bonaparte s
army began o n May thirti eth Neither Genoa Tus
cany nor Veni ce was to be given time fo r arming ; B eau
lieu must be met while his men were still dispirited and
before the arrival Of reinforcements : fo r a great army of
thirty thousand me n w as immediately t o be despatched
s e r to m aintain the power o f Austria in
un der W u rm
Italy Beaulieu was a typic al Austrian gener al seventy
one years o ld but still hale a stickler for precedent
and lookin g to experience as his o nl y guide Relying
o n the prin ciples Of strategy as he had learn ed them
he had taken up what he considered a strong position
for th e defense o f Milan hi s line stretchi ng northeasterly
beyond the Ticino fro mValenza the spot where rumors
di ligently spread by B onaparte declared that the French
would attempt to force a passage Co nfir med in his
o wn judgment by those reports the o ld and wary Aus
trian commander stood brave and expectant while the
youn g and daring a dven turer opposed to hi mmarched
swiftly by on the right bank fifty miles o nward to
Piacenz a There he made his crossin g o n May seventh
in c ommo n ferry boats and by a pontoo n bridge N0
resistan ce w as made by the few Austrian cavalry who
had been sent o u t merely to reconnoiter the line The
enemy were outwitted and virtually o u tfl a nke d being
no w in the greatest d anger B e a ulieu had barely time
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[1 7 96
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
360
immediately and marched s o swiftly that they over
t o ok the Austrian rear guard before it could wi thdr aw
behin d the o ld Go thic wall s of the town and close the
gates D rivin g th em onward th e French fought as
they marched A decisive co nfli ct cleared the streets ;
and after a stubborn resista nce the brave defenders
retre a ted over the bridge to the eastern bank of what
was now their last rampart the river With cool and
desperate courage Seb o tt end o rf whose Austrian s num
bered less than ten thousand men then brought in to
action his artillery and swept the wooden roadway
In a short time the bridge would no doubt have bee n
in flames ; it was un certa in whe ther the shifting and
gravelly bottom of the stream above o r below wou l d
either yield a ford o r permit a crossing by any other
means Under B onaparte s person al supervision and
therefore with miraculous speed the French batteries
were placed and began an answering thunder In an
access o f personal zeal the commander even threw him
self for an in stant into the whirling h ail o f shot and
bullets in order the better to aim two gu ns which i n
Under this terrible
th e hurry had been misdirected
fire and co u nterfire it was impossible fo r the Austrians
to apply a torch to any po rtion o f the structure Behin d
the French guns were three thousan d gren adiers wai t
ing for a sign al S oo n the crisis came A troop of
Bonaparte s caval ry had found the nearest ford a few
hun dred yards above the bridge and were seen amid
the s moke struggling to cross though without avail
and turn the right flank o f the Austrian infantry which
had been posted a safe di stan ce behi nd the artillery o n
the opposi te shore
Quick as thought in the very
nick o f opportunity the general issued his co m
mand and
the grenadiers dashed for the bridge Eye witn esses
declared th a t the fir e o f the Aus trian artillery was n ow
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PIEDM O NT AND M I LANE S E
E T 26
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36 1
redoubled while from houses on the opposite side s o l
diers hi therto conce aled poured volley af ter volley o f
musket balls upon the advancing column F o r o ne single
fateful momen t it faltered B er thi er and M a ssé na with
others equally devoted rus hed to its head and rallied
the li n es In a few moments the deed w a s accomplished
the bridge was won the batteries were silenced and the
ene my w as in full retreat
S cattered stunned and terrified the disheartened
Austrians felt that no human po wer could prev ail ag ainst
such a fo e Beaulieu could make no further stand b e
hi nd the Adda ; but retreatin g beyond the Ogli o to the
Mincio a parallel tributary o f the P O he violated Vene
tian neutrality by seizin g Peschi era where that stream
flows out o f Lake Garda and spread hi s lin e behind the
river from the Venetian town o n the north as far as
Mantua the farthest southern outpost o f Austria thus
thwarti ng one and that not t he least i mportan t of
Bonaparte s plans As to the Italians they seemed
bereft o f sense and for the most part yielded dumbly
to what w as required There were occasional out
bursts o f enthusiasm by Italian Jacob ins and in the
confusion o f warfare they wre aked a sneaking vengeance
servative compatriots by extortion and ter
o n their co n
The
pop
ation
as
co
n
f
used
between
the
ro rizin
u
l
w
g
woe of actual loss an d the joy o f e mancipation from old
tyra nnies S uspicious and adroit yet slow and self
indulgent the common folk concluded that the grievous
burden o f the hour woul d be lightened by magn animity
and held a wai ting attitude
The mo ral effect o f the action at Lodi was incalculable
B onaparte s reputation as a strategist had already been
established but hi s person al courage had never bee n
tested The actual battle field is something qu i te diff er
ent from the great theater o f war an d men wondered
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAP ARTE
362
whether he had the same mastery o f the f o rmer a s of
Hitherto he had bee n un tried ei ther a s to
th e latter
his tactics o r his intrepidity In b oth respects Lodi
elevated him literally to the sta rs No doubt the risk
he took was awful and the loss o f life terrible Critics
too have p ointed out safer ways whi ch they beli eve
would have led to the same resu l t ; be that a s it ma y
i n no other way co u l d the same dramatic effect have
been produced France went wild wi th joy The peo
ples o f Italy bowed before the prodigy which thus both
paralyzed an d fascin ated them all
Austria was dis
When five
pirit ed an d her armies were awe stricken
days later on May fif teenth amid silen t b ut friendl y
throngs of wo n deri ng men Bonaparte entered Milan
n ot as the conqueror but as the liberator Of Lo m
bardy at the head of his veter an column s there w as
already abo ut his brows a mild efl u l gence o f super
natural light whi ch presaged to the growin g band o f
hi s followers the full glory in which he was later to
shin e o n the imaginatio n o f millio ns It was after Lodi
“
that hi s adorin g soldiers gave him th e n ame o f Little
”
Corpo ral by whi ch they ever after kn ew him He
hi mself confessed that after Lodi some conception o f hi s
high destiny arose in his mi nd for the first time
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
364
b e promptly replied to the Directory ,
you must have
a general who possesses your entire co nfidence If I
must refer every step to government com
missioners if
they have the right to change my movements to wi th
”
draw o r send troops expect nothi ng good hereafter
“
To Carnot he wrote at the same time : I believe o ne
bad general to be worth two good o nes
War is
like government a matter of tact
I do not wish
to be ha mpered I have begun with some glory ; I wish
”
to conti nue worthy o f yo u
Aware probably that hi s
o wn republi can virtue could not long wi thstand the
tempta tions opening before hi m he began the latter
missive as if to excuse hi mself and anticipate possible
“
accusations : I swear I have nothing in view but the
country You wi ll always find me on the str ai ght road
I owe to the republic the sacrifice of all my o wn notions
If people seek to set me wrong in your esteem my
”
answer is in my heart and in my conscience
It is
o f course needl ess to add that the Directory yielded not
only as to the unity o f command but also in the fatal
and vital matter o f intrusting all d iplomatic nego ti a
tions to hi s hands
In taking thi s last step the executive virtually sur
rendered its identity S uch however w as the exulta
tion o f the Parisian populace and o f the soldiery that
the degradation or even the forced resign ation o f the
conquering dictator would have at once assured the fall
They cou l d not even protest when
o f the di rectors
soon after there came from Bonaparte a despatch
“
announcing that the articles o f the glorious peace
”
which you have concluded with the Kin g of S ardini a
”
“
had reached us and signi ficantly adding in a later
paragraph that the troops were con tent havin g received
half their pay in coin Voices in Paris declared that for
such language the writer should be shot Perhaps those
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INS UB O RD INATE C O NQUERO R
2
365
who put the worst in terpreta tion o n the apparently
harml ess words were correct in their instinct In reality
the Directory had been wholly dependent on the army
si nce the previous O ctober ; and while such an o ff ensive
insinuation o f the fact would be if intentional most
unp alatable yet those who had profited by the fact
dared no t resent a remote reference to it
The farce w as continued for some time longer Bona
parte playin g hi s part with sin gular ability He sent
to Kellermann i n S avoy wi thout the form o f trans
mitting it through government channels a subsidy o f
o ne million two hun dred thousand francs
As long as
he w as unhampered hi s despatches to Paris were soldierly
and str aightforward although after the passage o f the
Po they began to be somewhat bombas tic and to aboun d
in his o ld fashioned c u rious and sometimes incorrect
classical o r literary allusions But if he were crossed in
the least if reinf orcements did not arrive o r if there
were any sign o f independence in Paris they became
pet u lant talki ng o f ill health threate ning resignation
and requesting that numbers o f men be sent o u t to
replace him in the mu l tiform fun ctions whi ch in hi s
si ngle person he w as performing O f course these tirades
ofte n failed Of immediate effect but at least no effort
w as made to put an effective check o n the writer s
career Read a century later in a cold and critical li ght
Bonaparte s proclamations of th e same period seem
stilted jerky and theatrical In them however there
may still be found a sort of interstitial sentimental i ty
and in an age o f romantic devotion to ideals the quali ty
What
o f vague suggestiveness passed for genuine coin
ever else was lacking in those compositi ons they had
the o ne supreme merit o f accomplishing their end for
they roused the French sol di ers to frenzied enthusi asm
In fact if the Directory stood o n the army the army
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[1 7 96
NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
366
belonged henceforth to Bonaparte O n the very day
that Mil an w as entered Marmont heard from hi s
leader s li ps the memorable words Fortune is a woman ;
the more sh e does for me the more I shall exact from
her
In o u r day n o o ne has conceived an ything
”
great ; it falls to me to give the example
Thi s is the
language that soldi ers l ike to hear from thei r leader
and it was no doubt repeated throughout the army
”
“
From this moment wrote the same chronicler a few
“
months later
the chi ef part of the pay and salaries
Thi s led to a great change in the situation
w as in coin
”
o f the o fli ce rs and to a certain extent in their hab i ts
B onaparte was incorruptible Sa lice t t i announced one
day that the brother o f the Duke o f Modena was wait
ing outs i de with four chests containing a million of
francs in gold and urged the gener al as a friend and
“
”
compat riot to a ccept them
Thank y o u was the
c alm a nd significant a nswer
I shall no t put myself
in the ha nds o f the Duke o f Modena for such a sum
B ut simi lar proposi tio ns were made by the commander
in chi ef to his subor di nates and they with less prudence
fell in to the trap t aking all they could lay hands upon
and thus becoming the bond slaves o f thei r vi rtuous
leader There were stories at the time that some o f
the general s not daring to send their ill gotten money
to F rance an d having no opportu nity for investing it
elsewhere actually carried hun dreds o f thousands of
francs in their baggage This prostitutio n of his sub
ordi n ates was p art of a system Twenty millio n fran cs
was approximately the sum total of all contributions
ann oun ced to the Directory and i n their destitution
it seemed enormous They also accepted wi th pleasure
a hundred of the fin est horses in Lombardy to replace
as Bonaparte wrote on sendi ng hi s present the ordinary
ones which drew their carriages Was this p al try four
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
368
shown great as it was sinks into insignificance when
compared with the O lympian powers he now displays
and will continue to di splay for years to come His
sinews are iron his nerves are steel hi s eyes need n o
sleep and his brai n no rest What a captured Hun
garian veteran said o f hi m at Lo di is as true o f his
political activity as o f his military restlessness : He
kn ows n othin g o f the regular rules o f war : he is some
times o n o u r front sometimes o n the flank sometimes
in the rear There is n o supportin g such a gross viola
tion o f ru l es
His senses and hi s reaso n were in deed
untrammeled by human limitatio ns ; they worked o n
front rear and fla nk ofte n simulta ne o us ly and always
without co nfusion
Wa s it astonishin g th a t the French nation just
recovering from a debauch o f irreligio n and an archy
shou l d b egI n I nsensibly to yi eld to the charms of a
wooer s o se ductive ? F o r some time past the soldiers
as the Milan newspapers declared had been a pack of
tatterdemalions ever flying before th e arms o f hi s
Majesty the E mperor ; now they were victors led by a
second C aesa r or Alexander clothed fed an d paid at
the cost o f the conquered To ardent French republi
cans and to the peoples of Italy thi s phenomenal per
so na g e proclai m
ed that he had co me to break the chain s
of captives whi le almost in the same hour he wrote to
the Directory that he was levyin g twenty million francs
o n the country which though exhausted by five years
of war was then the richest in the civilized world
Nor w a s the self esteem of F ran ce and the Parisian
passion for adornment forgotten There began a cour se
if not in a direction at least in a measure
o f plunder
hitherto unkn own to the modern world
the plunder
Of sci entific specimens o f manuscripts o f pictures
statues and other works of art It is diffi cu lt to fix
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26
INS UB O RD INATE C O NQUERO R
369
the respo nsibility for this policy which by the over
whelming majority o f learned and i ntelli gent Frenchme n
w as consider e d right morally and legally
Nothi ng s o
fl attered the national pride as the assemblage in Paris
o f art treasures from all nations nothing so h u miliated
it as their di spersion at the behest of the conque ri ng
Allies I n the previous year a few art works had been
taken from Holland and Belgiu m and formal orders
were gi ven again and again by the Directory fo r strip
p ing the Pope s galleries ; but there is a persi stent belief
founded no doubt in an inherent probab ili ty that
the whole comprehensive scheme o f art spoli ation had
been suggested in the first place by Bonaparte and
prearranged between hi mself and the executive before
At any rate he asked a nd easi ly obtained
hi s departure
from the government a comm
i ssion o f scholars and
experts to scour the Italian cities ; and soon untold treas
ures of art letters and science began t o pour in to the gal
A few brave voices
le ries cabinets and librari es o f Paris
among the artists of the capital protested again st the dese
cration ; the nation at large was tipsy with deli ght and
woul d not listen Raphael Leonardo and Michelangelo
Correggio Giorgione and Paul Veronese with all the
lesser masters were stowed in the holds of frigates and
despatched by way o f Tou l on toward the new Rome ;
while Monge and Bertholl et ransacked the scientific col
lections o f Milan and Parma for their rarest specimens
S cience i n fact was to flourish on the banks o f the S eine
as never before o r elsewhere ; and the great investigators
o f Italy forgetful o f their native land were to fin d a
new citizensh ip in the world of knowledge at the capital
Words like these addressed to
o f European liberties
the astrono er O riani i ndicate that on Bonaparte s
mi nd had dawn ed the notion o f a uni versal federated
state to whi ch nation al republics would be subordinate
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[1 7 9 6
N AP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
0
37
No scene in the hi story of wa rfare was more theatrical
than the entry o f the French into Milan The pageant
was arranged o n the li n es o f a Roman triumph and the
di stances s o c alculated that Bonaparte was the o ne
impressive figure Wi th his lean face and sharp Greek
profile his long lank unpowdered locks hi s simple uni
form and awkward seat in the sad dl e he looked like a
n ew human type neither angel nor devil but an inscru
table apparition fromanother sphere To o ffi cers and
men the voluptuous city extended wide its arms and the
shabby soldiery were incongruous figures where thei r
entertai ners were elegant and fastidious beyond what
the guests had dr eamed Wi th ster n imparti a lity the
liberator repressed all excess i n his army but i mme
diately the question o f contributi ons billeting indemnity
and fiscal organization was t aken up settled and the
necessary measures inaugurated The rich began to
hide their possessions an d the burghers to cry o u t
Ere long there was opposition first sullen then active
especially in the suburban v illages where the French
were fiercely attacked O ne o f these Binasco was
burned and sacked as an example to the rest and to the
ci ty O rder was restored and the inexorable process o f
seizures went o n Pavia bade defiance ; the o fli cials were
thr eatened with death many leadi ng citizens were t aken
as hostages and the place was pillaged for thr ee days
”
“
S uch a lesson wou l d s et the people o f Italy right
They di d not need a second example it w as true but
“
”
the price of liberation was fearful
Itali an rebelli on having been subdued the French
nation roused to enthusiasm independent funds pro
and the D i rectory put in its place Bonaparte
v i d ed
was free to unfold and consummate hi s further plans
B efore him was the territory o f Venice a state once
vigorous and terrible but now as far as the coun try
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[1 7 96
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
37 2
passes above Lake Garda ; consequently defying inter
national law and violating their treati es they massed
themselves at that place to meet his attack Then
with a swift forced march the French were co ncen
y s strong right but o n hi s we ak
t ra t ed no t o n the enem
center at Borghetto Bonaparte s caval ry hi therto
badl y moun ted and tim
i d but no w reorganized were
thrown forward for their easy t ask Under M u ra t s
command they dashed through and encouraged by
their own brilliant successes were thenceforward famous
for effi ciency Bonaparte with the main army then
hurried past Mantua as it lay behi n d its b u l warks of
swamp fever an d the Austrian force was cut in two
The right wing fled to the mountains ; the left w as
virtuall y in a trap Without any declaration o f war
against Venice the French immedi ately occupied
Verona and Legn ago a few days later ; Peschi era was
fortified and Pizzi ghettone occupied as Brescia had
been while contributio ns of every sort were levied more
ruthlessly even than o n the M il anese The mastery
o f these new positions isolated Mantua more completely
than a formal investment would have done ; but it w as
n evertheless considered wise to leave no loophole and
a few weeks later an army o f eight thousand Frenchmen
s a t down in force before i t s gates
It was certain that within a short time a powerful
Austrian force would pour o u t from the Al p ine passes
to the north Further advance i nto Veneti an lands
wou l d therefore be ruin fo r the French There w as
nothing left but the slow hours o f a si ege for Mantua
had become the deci sive po int In the heats o f sum mer
thi s i nterval might well have been devoted to ease ; but
it was almost the busiest peri od o f Bonaparte s life
According to the Directory s rejected plan for a di vision
of command in Italy the mission assi gned to Keller
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INSUB ORDI NATE C O NQUERO R
]
E T 26
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37 3
mann had been to organize republics in Piedmont and
in the Milanese and then to defend the Tyr olean passes
against an Austri an advance from the nor th Bona
parte was to have moved southward along the shore
to revolutionize Genoa Tuscany the Papal S tates and
Naples successively The whole idea having been
scornfully rejected by Bonaparte the Directory had
been forced by the brilliant successes o f their general
not merely to condone hi s di sobedience but actually
He now had the opportunity
t o approve his poli cy
his foresight Understandi ng as the
o f justifying
government di d no t that Austria was thei r only re
doubtable foe by land the real bulwark o f the whole
Italian system he had fir st shattered her power at least
for the ti me The prop having been removed the
structure was toppling and during th is in terval of
waiting it fell His opportunity was made hi s resolu
tion ripe
In front Venice was at his mercy ; behind him guer
rilla bands o f so called Barbets formed in Genoese ter
and equipped by disaffected fugitives were
ri to ry
threatening the lately conquered gateway fro mFrance
where the Ligurian Alps and the Apennines meet
Bonaparte s first step was to impose a new arrangement
upon the sub m
i ssive Piedmont whereby to make
assurance doubly sure Alessandria w a s added to the
list of fortresses in French hands ; then as his second
measure Murat and Lannes appeared before Genoa
at the head o f an armed force with instructions first
to seize and shoot the many O ffenders who had taken
refuge in her territory after the risings in Lo mbardy
and then to threaten the S enate with further retaliatory
measures and command the instant di smissal o f the
im
perial Austrian plenipotentiary From Paris came
orders to drive the English fleet out of the harbor of
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
37 4
Leghorn where in spite o f the treaty between Tuscany
and Fran ce there still were hostile arsen als and ships
It was done Naples did not wai t to see her territories
invaded but sued for mercy and was humbled being
forced to W ithdraw her navy from that o f the coali tion
and her cavalry from the Austrian army For the
moment the city o f Rome was left in peace The
strength of papal domi nion lay in B ologn a and the other
legations beyond the Ape nnines comprising many o f
the fin est districts in Italy ; an d there a master stroke
was to be made
O n the throne o f Modena was an Austrian archduke
his government was remorselessly shattered an d vir
t u a lly destroyed the ransom being fixed at the ru i n ous
sum o f ten million francs with twenty o f the bes t p i c
tures in the principality But on that of P a rma w as a
S panish prince with whose house France had made o ne
treat y and hoped to m ake a much better on e The
duke therefore was graciously al lowed to purchase an
armistice by an enormous but yet possible contributio n
of two million fr ancs in mon ey together wi th provisio ns
and horses in quantity The famous S t Jerome o f
Correggio was among the twenty pain tings seized in
Modena The archduke repeatedl y o ffered to ra nsom
it for o ne million fran cs the amoun t at which i ts value
Next
w as estimated but his request w as not granted
came Bologn a and its su rroun ding territory S uch
had been the tyranny o f ecclesiastical control that the
subjects o f the Pope in that most ancient and famous
seat of learning welcomed the French with unfeigned
j o y ; and the f ai rest portion o f the Pap al S tates passed
by its o wn desire from un der the o ld yoke The suc
cessor o f S t Peter was glad to rans om hi s capital by a
payment nominally of twenty one million francs In
reality he had to surrender far more ; for hi s gall eries
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a t e r stroke
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the fin
es t dis t ricts in I W y ;
was to b e
md
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tures in th e prin cipali ty
.
But on tha t of P arma was a
trea ty an d hoped to mak e a much be tter one The
duke therefore was gra ciously al lowed to purch ase an
a rmistice by an en ormo us but yet po ss ible co ntributi on
.
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il lio n t ra m
i l fo r o ne m
s th e A ”
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M
he
mth ty nny f
e
ra
o
at
which its val u e
ica l con trol that th e
eccles ias t
a t o f lea rning we lco m
ed th e Fre n ch with un
feign ed
joy ; an d th e 'a i
po rtio n of the Papa l S ta tes p assed
se
pa
m
yme n t n omina lly of twen ty o ne millio n fra ncs
-
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In
[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
37 6
con tribution s he levied thr oughout Italy were terrible ;
but they were such as she could bear and still recuperate
for further service in the same direction The liberalism
o f It aly w as moreover n ot the radic alism of F rance ; and
a submissive papacy was of incalcu l ably greater value
both there and elsewhere in Europe than an irreco n
The Pope too though weak
cila b le and fugitive one
ened an d humiliated as a temporal prince was spared
for further useful n ess to hi s conqueror as a spiritual
B eyond all thi s was the enormous moral
di gnitary
i nfluence o f a temperate an d apparently imperson al
policy B on aparte though personally and by n ature
a passionate and wilful man felt bound as th e repre
s ent a tiv e o f a great movement to exercise self restr ai n t
taking pains to live simply dress plai nly almost shab
bily and conti nuing by calm calcu l ation to refuse the
enormous bribes which began and continued to be
offered to him pers o n ally by the rulers o f It aly His
general s and the fiscal agents of the nation were all i n
his power because it w as by his co nnivance that they
had grown enormously rich he hi mself remai ning com
paratively poor and for his station almost destitute
The army was his devoted servant ; Italy and the world
shou l d s ee how different was his moder a tion from the
rapacity o f the republic and its tools van d als like the
commissioners Gareau an d Salice t ti
”
“
S uch w as the leisure o f one wh o to all o utward
appearance was but a m an and a very ordi n ary o ne
In the medals struck to com
memorate this first porti on
o f the Italian cam
p ai gn he is still the same slim youth
with lanky h air that he was o n his arriv al in P aris the
year previous It w as observed however that the old
indi fferent manner was somewhat emph asized an d con
sequently ar tificial ; that the gaze was at least as di rect
and the eye as pen etratin g as ever ; an d tha t there was
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IN S UB O RD INATE C O NQUER O R
]
E T 26
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37 7
h alf inten tionall y h alf un consciously di sseminated all
about an atmosphere of pe remptory comm and
but
that was all The in carn ation o f ambitio n w as long
since complete ; its atte ndant imperious mann er w as
suffered to develop but slowly In Bonaparte w as per
ceptib le as Victor Hugo says
th e shadowy o utli n e o f
Napoleon
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CHAPTER XXIX
B A SS AN O AND ARCOLA
m
Th e Aust ria n S tra t egy
Th e Aus t ria n Syst e
Ca stiglio ne
Fr ench Ga ins B a ssano Th e French in th e Tyro l Th e
French D e fea te d in G e r a ny B o na p a rte a nd Alv inczy
Firs t B a ttl e o f Ar co la
Aus tria n S ucc e sse s
Caldi ero
Seco nd B a ttl e o f A rco la
m
.
E ANTI M E
the e nd of Ju l y had come The
Emperor Francis had decided At the risk o f
defeat o n the Rhi ne he must ret ain his Italian possessions
and prestige He w a s still the Roman emperor i nheritor
o f an i m
memorial di gnity overlord o f the fairest lands
in the pe ninsula W u rms er co nsidered by Austri a her
greatest general had therefore bee n rec alled to Vie nn a
from the west and sent at the head of twenty fiv e
thousand fresh troops to collect the columns o f Beaulieu s
army whi ch was scattered in the Tyrol Thi s done he
w as to assu m
e the chief command an d advance to the
relief of Mantua The fir st part o f his task was success
fully completed and already according to the di rection
o f the Aulic Council of the empire and in pursuance o f
the same hitherto univers al but vicious system o f cabinet
campaigning which Bonaparte had just repudiated he
was moving down from the Alps in three colu m
ns with
a total force o f about forty seven thousand men There
were about fifteen thousand in the garriso n o f Mantua
Bonaparte was much weaker having o nly f o rty two
thousand and of these some eight thousand were o ccu
pied in the siege o f that place W u rm
s er was a master
o f the o ld school working like a n automaton under the
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[1 7 96
N AP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
380
ready to relieve Mantua B etween that river and the l ake
rises the stately mass Of Monte B aldo ab rupt o n its
eastern more gentle o nits western slope This latter as
affording some space for manoeuvers was really the key
to the passage S uch was the fir st onset of the Aus
t ria ns down thi s line that the French outposts at Lonato
and Rivoli were driven in and for a time it seemed as
if there would be a gener al rout But the French sto od
firm and checked any further advance
F o r a day
Bonaparte and W u rms er stood confrontin g each other
In the mean time however the left Austrian column was
pouring down toward Verona while th e right under
Qu as d a no wi ch had already captured Brescia seized
the highway to Milan and cut o ff the French retreat
This move in W u rmser s plan w as so far entirely s u c
and for a moment it seemed as if the sequel
ces s fu l
woul d be equally so The situation o f his opponen ts
was desperate
In thi s crisis occurred the first of th o se curious scen es
whi ch recur at intervals in B onaparte s life S ome and
those eye witnesses have attributed them to ge nuine
panic His first measure w as to despatch flying adju
tants ten in number to concentrate hi s scattered forces
at the critical point south of Lake Garda His genius
decided that victory on the field was far more fru itful
than the holdi ng i n che ck of a garrison Accordingly
he ordered Séru rier to raise the siege o f Man tua and his
siege gun s to be spiked and withdr awn The di vision
thus rendered available he at once despatched for field
operations toward B rescia But its numbers were so
few as scarcely to relieve the situation Accor di n gly a
council o f war was summoned to decide whether the
army should stand an d fight o r retreat for fur ther
concentration The commander in—chief wa s apparently
much excited an d accordi ng to Au gereau s account
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]
BA SS ANO AND ARC OLA
'
38 1
advised the latter course The enemy being betwee n
the French and the Adda no o ther line was ope n but
that southward through the low coun try over the P o ;
and to follow that i mplied something aki n to a d is
orderly rout N evertheless all the generals were in
favor of thi s suggestio n except o ne the fiery hotspur
who tells the tale who disdained the notion o f retreat
Bona
o n any li ne and flung o u t of th e room in scorn
parte w alked the floo r un til late in the small hours ;
fin ally he appeared to have accepted Au gerea u s advice
and gave orders for battle But the openi ng move
ments were badly executed B onaparte seemed to
feel that the Omens were unfavorable and again the
ge n erals were summoned Au gerea u opened the meet
ing with a theatri cal and declamatory but earnest
speech encouraging his comrades and urging the ex
This time it was Bonaparte who
pedi e ncy Of a battle
fled apparently in despai r leaving the chief command
and with it the responsibility to the dari ng Au gerea u
by whose enthusiasm as he no doubt s a w the other
generals had been affected The hazardous enterprise
succeeded and o n the very plan already adopted
Au ger ea u gave the orders and with s wift concentration
every avai lable man was hurled against the Austrian
column under Qu a sd a no wich at Lonato This much
may be true ; casting aside Au gerea u s inconsistencies
and braggadocio it is possible but unlikely
The result was an easy victory the enemy was driven
back to a safe distance and Brescia was evacuated on
August fourth the defeated columns retreating behind
Lake Garda to joi n W u rmse r on the other si de L ike
the regular return of the pend u lum the French moved
back agai n and confronted the Aus t ri an center that very
pany in line and Bona
ni ght but now with every co m
parte at their head A portion o f the enemy about
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE ON B ON APARTE
8
2
3
twenty fiv e thousand in number had reached Lon ato
haste ning to the support o f Qu a sd ano wich W u rm
s er
had lost a day before Man tua A second time the hurry
ing French engaged their foe almost on the same field
A second ti me they were easily victorious In fact so
terrible was thi s second defeat that the scattered bands
o f Austrians wandered aimlessly about i n i gnorance o f
their way O ne of them four thousand strong reach
ing Lonato found it al most abandoned by the French
B onaparte and his staff with but twelve hun dred men
being left behind A herald blindfolded as was then
the custom was at once despatched to summo n the
French comman der to surrender to the superior Au s
trian force The available remnant of the victorious
army quickly gathered and the messenger was intro
As the bandage was t aken
d u ce d in the midst o f them
from his eyes dazzled by the light fallin g o n hundreds
of brilliant uniforms the imperious voice o f hi s great
enemy was heard comman di ng him to return and s a y
to his leader that it was a personal insult to speak o f
surre nder to th e French army and that it was he who
must immediately yield himself and his divisi on The
bold scheme was successful and to the ten thousand pre
v i o u s ly k i lled wounded and captured by the conquerors
four thousand prisoners were added Next morning
ser advanced an d with his right resting o n Lake
W u rm
Garda offered battle The decisive fight occur red in
the center o f hi s long weak li n e at Casti gli one where
some fifteen thousand Austrians had happened to make
a sta nd without orders and so without assurance o f
support Again the French position was so weak as
apparently to throw Bonaparte into a pani c an d
agai n accordi ng to the memoirs of General Landrieux
Au gerea u s fire and dash prevailed to have the battl e
joined wh ile B o naparte withdr ew i n a sulky pet , Wha t
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[1 7 96
N AP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
384
Rovered o n e ar Tren t to stop the advan ce o f the F rench
who with their reinforcemen ts were pressing forward
thr ough th e pass a s if to join Moreau who had succes sf u lly
advanced and would be in Munich The mai n Austrian
s er moved o ver into the valley o f the
army un der W u rm
Bren ta an d pushed o n toward Man tua If he shoul d
decide to turn westward against the F rench the reserve
c ould descend the v alley of the Adige to hi s assistan ce
But Bonaparte did not intend either to p ass by an d leave
open the way sou thward o r to be shut up in the v alleys
o f the Tyr ol
With a quick surge D a v id o wich was fir st
defeated at Rovered o an d the n driven far behind Tren t
into the hi gher valleys The victor delayed o nly t o
issue a proclamatio n givi ng a ut onomy to the Tyroles e
under French protection ; but the un grateful peasan try
preferred the auto no my they alre a dy enjoyed and for
tifie d their pre cipitous passes for resista nce
Turning
quickly in to the Bren ta v alley Bonaparte b y a forced
march o f two days overtook W u rm
se r s a dv an ce guard
un awares at Primolano an d captured it ; the n ext d ay
S eptember eighth M assena cut in two an d completely
defeated the mai n army a t B assan o Part of those
who escaped retre a ted in to Friu li toward Vienn a
There was nothing left for the men un der W u rm
s er s
person al command but to throw themselves if possible
into Mantua With these some sixteen thousand men
in a ll the veteran gener al forced a way by a series o f
most brilliant movements past the flank o f the block
a ding French lin es where he made a gallant sta nd first
at S t Geo rges and then at Fa v o rita But he was driven
from both positio n s and forced to fin d a refuge in the
famous fortress
The lightnin g like rapi di ty of these operatio n s com
The
ple te d the demoralization of the Austrian troops
fortified d efil es and cliffs of the Tyrol fell before
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BA SS ANO AND ARC OLA
38 5
the Fren ch attacks as e asily as their breastworks in the
plai ns W u rm
ser
had twenty six thousan d men i n
Mantua ; but from fear and fever half of them were
in the hospitals
Meanwhile di saster had overt aken the F rench arms
in the North Jourdan had crossed the Rhi ne at D u ssel
dorf as Moreau had at Kehl They had each about
seventy fiv e thousand men while the army o f th e Aus
trian archduke Charles had been reduced by W u rmser s
departure for Italy to a number far less According to
the plan o f the Directory these two French armies
were to advance o n parallel lines south o f the neutral
zone through Ge rmany an d to join Bonaparte across
the Tyrol for the advance to Vienna Moreau defeated
the Austrians a nd reached Muni ch without a check
W iir tem
b erg and Baden made peace with the French
republic o n its o wn terms and S axony recalli ng its
forces from the coalition declared itself neutral as
Prussia had done But Jourdan having seized Wurz
burg and won the battle of Alte nkirchen was met on
hi s way to Rati sbon and N eu m
a rkt
and thoroughly
beaten by the same young Archduke Charles who had
acquired experience and learned wisdom in hi s defeat
by Moreau Bo th French armies were thus thrown
back upon the Rhi ne and there could be no further
hope o f carrying out the origin al plan In this way the
attention o f the world w as concentrated o n the v i c
t o rio u s Army o f Ital y an d its young commander whose
importance was further enhanced by the fulfil ment of
hi s o wn prophecy tha t the fate o f Europe hung on the
decision o f his campaign in Italy
Thi s was not an empty boast The stubborn deter
mi n ation o f Francis to reconquer Ita ly had given new
courage to the conservatives o f central and sou thern
Ital y who did not conceal their resolve nor thei r prepa
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[1 7 96
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
386
rations to annihila te French power and infl uence within
the borders o f Modena Rome an d Naples Bonaparte
was thus enabled to take another mo men tous step in
eman cipating hi m
self from the Directory SO far he
had asserted and co nfirmed his mili tary and d iplomatic
in depe ndence : he now bol dl y ass u med political suprem
acy Though a t times he express ed a low Opinion of
the Italians yet he recogni ze d thei r hi gher qu alities
I n Mode na Reggio Bologn a an d Ferrara were thou
san ds who un derstood the si gnificance o f the dawning
epoch To t hese he p aid visits an d to their leaders he
gave during the short interval at his command he arty
approbation for their resistance to the reactionaries
Fo res t alling the Directory he declared Modena and
Reggio to be un der French protection This da rin g
procedure assured his ascendan cy with all Italian liber als
and rendered su re an d certai n the prosecution o f hi s
camp aign to the bitter end
B ologna and Ferrara
having surrendered to F rench protectio n on June twenty
third were soon in ope n revolt agai nst the papal infl u
e nces whi ch were revivin g : an d even in distan t Naples
the liberals took heart once more
The glory o f the imperi al arms having been brilli an tly
vindicated in the n orth the government at Vienna
n atur ally thought it not impossible to relieve Mant u a
and res tore Austrian prestige i n the so u th Every
effort w a s to be made The Tyrolese sharp shoo ters
were called o u t large numbers o f raw recru i ts were
gathered in Hl yria an d Croati a while a few veter ans
were t aken from the forces o f the Ar chduke Charles
When these were collected Qu as d ano wich foun d him
self in F riu li wi th upward o f thirty fiv e thousand men
whi le D a v id o wich in the Tyrol had eighteen thousand
The chi ef co m
mand o f both armies was assi gned to
Alv inczy an experie n ced but aged general one o f t h e
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
388
then Roveredo
until fin ally he felt able to make a
stand o n the right bank o f the Adige at Rivoli which
com
mands the southern slopes o f Monte Baldo The
other bank was in Austrian hands and D a v id o wich
could have debouched safely into the plain This re
sult was largely due to the clever m o untain warfare o f
Meanti me Massena had moved
th e Tyrolese militia
from B assano up the Piave to Observe Alv inczy Auge
re au was at Verona O n November fourth Alv inczy
advanced and occupied B assano compelling Mass ena
to retreat before his superior force B onaparte de
t erm
ined n ot to permit a juncti on o f the two Austrian
armies moved with Au gerea u s divisio n to reinforce
Mass en a and drive Alvi nczy back into the vall ey o f
the Piave Au gerea u fought all day o n the sixth at
B assano Mass ena at Cita d ella Thi s first encounter
was indecisive ; but news of V a u b o is s defeat having
a rrived the French thought it best to retreat o n the fol
lowin g day There was not n ow a single obstacle to
the union o f the two Austrian armies ; and o nNovember
ninth Alv inczy started for Verona where the French
had halted o n the ei ghth It looked as if B onaparte
would be attacked o n both flanks at once and thus
overwhelmed
Verona lies o n both ba nks o f the river Adige which
is spanned by several bridges ; but the heart o f the town
is o n the right The remai ns o f V a u b o is s army having
been rallied at Rivoli some miles further up o n that
bank B onaparte made all possible u s e o f the stream as
a natural fortification and concentrated the remainder
Of hi s forces o n the same side Alv i nczy came up and
occupied Ca ldi ero situated o n a gentle rise o f the other
shore t o th e south of east ; but the French division at
Ri voli which by Bonaparte s drastic methods had been
thoroughly shamed and was now thi rsty for revenge
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BA SS AN O AND ARC OLA
389
held D a v id o wi ch in check He had remained some dis
tance farther back to the north where it was expected
he would cross an d come down o n the left b ank TO
prevent this a fierce onslaught was made against
Alv inczy s position o n November twelfth by Mass ena s
corps It was entirely unsuccessful and the French were
repulsed with t h e serious loss o f three thousand men
B onaparte s position was no w even more critical than it
had been at Castiglione ; he had to contend with two
new Austrian armies one o n each flank and W u rmser
with a third stood ready to sally out Of Mantua in his
rear If there should be even partial co Opera tio nbetween
the Austrian leaders he must retreat But he felt sure
there would be no co operation whatsoever From the
force in Verona and that before Mantua twenty thousand
men were gathered to descend the course o f the Adige
in to the swampy lands about Ronco where a crossing
was to be made and Alv inczy caught if po ssible at Vil
lanova on hi s left flank Thi s tu rning manoeuver though
highly dangerous was fai rly successful and is consi dered
by cri ti cs among t h e fin est in this o r any other o f B ona
parte s campai gn s Amid these swamps ditches and
i ng to carry strong
dikes the me thodical Austrians aim
po si tions by o ne fierce onset were brought into the
greatest disadvantage before the new tactics o f swift
movement in open columns which were difli cu lt to
ass ai l By a feint o f retreat to the westward th e French
army had left Verona without attracting attention but
by a swift countermarch it reached Ronco o n the morn
ing of November fifteen th crossed in safety and turned
back to flank the Austrian position
The first stand of the enemy was made at Arcola
where a short n arrow bridge connects the high dikes
which regulate the sluggish stream Of th e little river
This
Alpo n a tributa ry o f the Adi ge o n i ts left bank
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
390
bridge w a s defended by two battalions o f Croatian re
cru i ts
mander Colonel B rigido had placed
whose com
a p air o f field pieces s o a s to enfil a d e it The French
had been advancing i n three columns by as many cause
ways the central o ne o f whi ch led to the bridge The
first attempt to cross was repu l sed by the deadly fir e
whi ch the Croats poured in fromtheir sheltered position
Au gerea u with his picked corps fared n o better in a
second charge led by himself bearing the standard ; an d
in a third di sastrous rush B onaparte who had caught
up the stan dard and planted it on the bridge with his
o w n hand
w as him
self swept back in to a quagmire
where he wou l d have perished but for a fourth return
o f the grenadiers
who drove back the pursuin g Aus
t ria ns and p u ll ed their commander from the swamp
F ired by his undaunted courage the gallant lin es were
form ed once more At that momen t an other French
corps passed over lower down by pontoons and the
Austrians becomin g disorganized in spite o f the large
reinforcements which had come up under Al v inczy the
last charge o n the bridge was successful With the
capture o f Arcola the French turned their enemy s rear
and cut o ff not only hi s artillery but hi s reserves in t h e
vall ey of the Brenta The advanta ge however w as
completely destroyed by the masterly retreat o f Alv inczy
from hi s position at Ca ldi ero efl e ct ed by other ca use
ways and another bridge fur ther n orth whi ch the
French had not been able to secure in time
B onaparte quickly wi thdrew to Ronco and recrossed
the A di ge to meet an attack which he supposed D av id o
wich havin g po ssibly forced V a u b o is s position would
then certainl y m ake But that general was still in his
Thi s move
o ld pla ce and gave n o sign s o f activity
ment misled Al v inczy who thinkin g the French had
started from Mantua returned by way of Arcola to
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
2
9
3
credulity as to anythi ng their e nemy might do that a
simple stratagem o f th e French made them beli eve that
the i r left was turned by a di vision when in reality but
twenty fiv e men had been sent to ride around behi nd the
swamps and blow their bugles B eing s imultaneously
attacked o n the front o f the same wing by Au gere a u
they drew o ff at last in good order toward Montebello
Thence Alv inczy slowly retreated i nto the valley o f the
Brenta The French returned to Verona D a v id o wich
ign orant o f all that had occurred now fin ally dislodged
V a u b o is ; but fin ding before him M a ss é na with his
division where he had expected Alv inczy and a great
Austrian army he di screetly withdrew into the Tyrol
It was not unti l November twenty third long after the
departure o f both his colleagues that W u rmser made a
bri lliant but o f course ine ffectu al sally from Mantua
Th e French were so exhausted and the Austri ans s o
deci mated and scattered that by tacit consent hos
ti lities were intermitted for n early two m on ths
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CHAPTER XXX
’
B o NAP ARTE s I MP E RI OU S
S P I RI T
m
a pa rt e s Tr a n
Bon
sfo r a tio n M ili ta ry Genius P o w e rs a nd
Th eo ry a nd Co nduct
P rincipl e s
P o litica l A ctivit y
Pu r
po se s fo r I tal y P riva t e Co rr e spo nd ence Tre a t ent o f th e
I ta lia n P o w e rs
Ant a go nis to th e Dire cto ry Th e Ta s k
M a s ked Dicta to r
B e fo r e Hi
’
m
m
m
.
URIN G the two months betwee n the middle of
November 1 7 9 6 and the middle of January
arked change in Bonaparte s charac
1 7 9 7 there w as a m
ter and conduct After Arcola he appeared as a man
very difl erent from the novice he had bee n before
Montenotte Twice his fortun es had hung by a single
hai r having been rescued by the desperate bravery o f
Rampon and his soldiers at Monte Legino and again
by Au gere a u s da rin g at Lo nato ; twice he had barely
escaped being a prisoner once at Valeggio once at
Lonato ; twice his life had been spared in the heat o f
battle as if by a miracle once at Lodi once ag ain at
Arcola These facts had apparently left a deep im
pression o n his mind for they were turn ed to the best
accoun t i n m aking good a new step in soci al advance
ment S o far he had been as adventur ous as the
greates t daredevil among the subalterns stakin g his
life i n every new venture ; hereafter he seemed to a ppre
ciate his o wn v alue and to calculate not only the im
periling of his life but the intimacy o f hi s conversati on
with nice a daptation to some great resu l t Gradually
and i nformally a kind o f body guard was organized
which as the idea grew familiar was skilqy developed
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
39 4
into a picked corps the best o fli cers and finest soldi ers
bei ng m ad e to feel ho nored i n its membership The
constant attendan ce o f such men necessarily secluded
the general in—chief from those coll eagues who had
hith erto been familiar comrades S omething in the
nature o f formal eti quette once established it was easy
to extend its rules and co nfirm them The generals
were thus separated further and further from their
superior and before the new year they had insensibly
adopted habits o f address which di splayed a high out
ward respect and virtually terminated all comr adeship
with o ne who had s o recently been merely the first
among equals Bonaparte s innate tendency to com
mand w as under such circu mstances hardened into a
habit of imperious di cta tion In view of what had bee n
acco mplished it woul d have been impossible even fo r
the most stubborn democrat to check the pr ocess
Not o ne of Bonaparte s principles had failed to secure
triumphant vindication
In later years Napoleo n hi mself b elieved an d su b
sequent criticism has co nfir m ed his opinion that the
Italian camp aign t aken as a whole was his greatest
The revoluti on o f any public system social po litic al
or m
i litary is always a gigantic task
It was nothing
less than thi s whi ch B onaparte had wrought no t in one
but in all th ree spheres during the summer an d autumn
o f 1 7 96
The changes like those o f most revolu tions
were changes o f emphasis and degree in the applicatio n
”
“
o f principles already divined
Divide and conquer
was an old maxim ; it w as a novelty to s e e it applied
in warfare and politics as Bonaparte applied it in Italy
It has been remarked that the essenti al difference
between Napoleon and Frederick the Great w as that
the latter had no t ten thousand men a mon th to kill
The notion that war shou ld be short and terrible had
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
39 6
visible i n the way of immedi ate consequences and per
manent results this appears to be true ; and yet it was
o nly o ne of many sides Next in importa nce if not
equal to it w as hi s activity in poli tics and diplo macy
It is easy to call names to stigmatize the peoples of
Italy all the natio ns even of western Europe as cor
rupt and enervated to laugh at thei r politics as anti
u l ers as i ncapable fools
and
to
brand
their
r
e
u
a
t
d
q
An ordinary man can by the assistance o f the knowl
edge education and i nsight acqu ired by the expe ri
ence of his race through an addi ti onal century turn
and show how co mmonplace was the person who
toppled over such an o ld rotten structure This is the
method o f Napoleon s detractors except when i n
ad di ti on they first magni fy his wickedn ess and then
fur ther distort the proportion by vie
hi s fin e powers
through the other end o f the glass We all know how
easy great things are when once they have been a cco m
plish ed how simple the key to a mystery when once it
has been revealed Morally considered Bonaparte w as
a child o f nature born to a mean estate b u ffeted by a
cruel and remorseless soci ety driven in youth to every
shift for self preservation compelled to fight an u nre
generate world with its o wn weapons He had not been
changed in the flash of a gun Elevation to reputatio n
and power did no t diminish the duplicity o f hi s charac
ter ; o n the contrary it po ssibly inte nsified it Cer
t a inly the fierce li ght which began to beat upo n him
brought it into greater promi nence Truth honor
u n
s elfis hne ss are theore tically the virtues of all philo s o
phy ; practically they are the virtues of Christian men
in Chri stian society Where should the s cion o f a
Corsi can stock i gnorant o f moral or religious sentiment
throw n i n to the atmosphere and surroun di ngs of the
French Revolution learn to practise them ?
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E T
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27
]
IMPERI O U S S PIRIT
39 7
S uch considerations are i ndi spensable in the o b ser
vation o f Bonaparte s progress as a poli tician His
first settlement with the va rious peoples o f central
Italy was as he had declared only provisional The
uncertain status cre at ed by it was mo mentarily no t
unwelco me to the Directory Their poli cy was to
destroy existing institutions and leave order to evolve
itself from the ch aos as best it could Doctrinaires as
they were they meant to destroy absolute monarchy
in Italy a s everywhere else if possible and then to
stop leaving the li berated peoples to their own devices
S o me fondly beli eved that o u t of anarchy would arise
“
”
in accordance with the law o f nature a pure d emo c
racy ; whi le others had the same faith that the result
would be constitutional monarchy Moreover thi ngs
appear simpler in the perspective o f distance than they
do near at hand The si nce rity of Bonaparte s republi
i s mwas like the sincerity o f his conduct
ca n
an affair
o f ti m
e and place a consi stency with condi tions and
not with abstractions He knew the Itali an mo b and
fai thfu lly descri bed it i n hi s letters as dull ignorant
and unreli able without preparation o r fitness for self
govern ment He was willi ng to establi sh the forms o f
constitutional ad m
i ni stration ; but in sp i te of hearty
support from many disciples of the Revolution he
found those forms likely if not certain to cru mble
under their o wn wei ght and w as convinced that the
real sovereignty must for years to come reside in a
strong protectorate o f so me ki nd It appeared to hi m
a necessity o f war that these peoples shou l d reli eve the
destitutio n o f the French treasury and army a necessity
stances that France should be restored to
o f circu m
vigor and health by layi ng tribute o n their treasures
o f art and science as o n those of all the world and a
necessity o f political science that artificial boundaries
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[1 7 9 6
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
39 8
should b e destroyed as they had been in France to
produce the homogeneity of condi tion essenti al to
n ation al o r a dmini strative unity
The It alians themselves understood nei ther the po licy
of th e French executive nor that o f their conqueror
The transitional position in whi ch t h e latter had left
them produced great une asiness The terrified loc al
authorities asked nothing better than to be left as they
were with a view to profiting by the event whatever i t
might be After every Austrian success there were
numerous local revolts which the French garrison
co mmanders suppressed with severity Provision al
governments soo n come to the end o f their use f u l n ess
a nd the enemies o f France beg an to take advantage of
the di sorder in order to undo what had been don e
The Engli sh for example had seized Porto Ferra j o in
place o f Leghorn ; the Pope had gone further an d i n
spite o f the armistice w as assembli ng an army for the
recovery o f Bologna Ferrara and hi s other lost legations
Thus it happened that in the intervals of the most
laborious military ope rations a political activity both
co mprehensi ve and feveri sh kept pace in Bonaparte s
mi nd with that which was needed to regul a te his cam
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a
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g
p g
.
At the very outset there was developed an an tagonism
between the notions of the Directory an d B onaparte s
interests The latter observed all the forms o f co ns ult
ing his superiors but acted without the sli ghtest refer
ence to their instructions often even before they could
receive his despatches Both he and they kn ew the
we akn ess of th e French government an d the inherent
absurdity o f the situation The story o f French con
quest in Italy might be told exactly as if the invadin g
general were acting solely o n his own responsibility
In his proclamations to the Itali ans wa s one language ;
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[1 7 9 9
NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
49 9
way a world so often worthy of co n tempt ? Wh a t o n e
o f us has not a hun dred times regretted that he co u l d
n ot thus be with d rawn from the powerf u l effects of
c alumn y of envy an d o f all the hatefu l passio ns that
”
seem almost entirely to control human conduct ?
Perhaps these few words to the widow o f one o f his
“
late o fli cers are even fin er : M u i ro n di ed at my side o n
the late battle field of Arcola You have lost a husband
th a t w as dear to you ; I a friend to whom I have long
been attached : but th e country loses more than us both
i n the death of an officer di stinguished no less by his
talents than by his rare courage If I can be of service
i n anything to you o r his child I pray you coun t alto
”
gether upon me
That was all ; but it was enough
With the ripenin g o f character an d un der the re spo n
It
sib ilitie s o f life an in dividual style ha d come at last
is martial and terse almost to a fl ect a ti o n defyin g
translation and perfectly reflectin g the ch a ra cter o f its
writer
But the hours when the general in chief was war
w o m weary tender and subject to human regrets li ke
o t her men were not those whi ch he reve al ed to the world
He was peremptory and sometimes even peevish with
the French executive after he had them i n his han d ;
wi th It aly he assumed a parental rOle meting o u t chas
tis em
ent an d reward as best suited his purpose
A
definite treaty of peace had been made with S ardi nia
an d that power though we ak and m aimed was goin g
its o wn way The Transpadan e Republic w hich he had
be gun to organi ze as soon as he entered Milan was care
fully cherished and guided in its artificial existence ; but
the people whether o r not they were fit had no chance
to exercise any real independence under the shadow of
such a power It was moreover not the power o f
Fran ce ; fo r by speci al order of Bonaparte the civi l
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m 7]
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IMPERI O U S S PIRIT
2
49 :
agents o f the Directory were subordin ated to the mili
tary comman ders ostensibly because the former were
so rapacious
Lombardy in this way became his very
own Rome had made the armistice o f Bologna merely
to g ain time an d in the hope of eventual disaster to
French a rms A pretext fo r the resu mption of hostilities
was easily foun d by her in a fooli sh command issued
from Pari s that the Pope should at lengt h recognize
as regular those o f the clergy who had sworn allegiance
to the successive constitutions adopted un der the repub
li c and withdraw all hi s proclam
ations again st those
who had ob served their oaths and conformed The
Pontiff relying o n the fin al success of Austria had
virtually broken o ff negotiations Bonaparte informed
the French agent i n Rome that he must do anything
“
”
to gain ti me anythi ng to deceive the old fox ; in a
favorable moment he expected to pounce upon Rome
and avenge the national honor Durin g the interval
Naples also had become refractory ; refus in g a tribute
demanded by the D irectory sh e was not o nl y collecting
soldiers lik e the Pope but actually had some regiments
in march ing order Venice assertin g her neutrality
was gr owin g more an d more bitter a t the co nstan t vio
Mantua was still a defiant
la ti o ns of her territory
fortress and i n this crisis no thing was left but to revi ve
French credit where the peoples were b est disposed and
their Old rul ers we ak est
Accordingly Bonaparte went through the form of
consultin g the Directory as to a plan of procedure and
then without waiting for an answer from them and
without the consent o f those most deeply interested
broke the armistice with Modena o n the pretext that
five hun dred thousand francs o f ransom money were yet
unpaid and drove the duke from hi s thr one This
duchy w a s the nucleus about which was to be consti
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NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
49 2
[1 7 9 6
t u t ed
the Cispadan e Republic : in conjunction with its
inh abitan ts those o f Reggio Bologn a an d Ferrara were
invited to fo rm a free governmen t un der that n ame
There h a d at least been a pretext for erecti ng the Milan
ese in to the Transpa d a ne Republic
that o f drivin g
an i nvader fro m its soil Thi s time there wa s no pretext
of that ki nd and the Directory opposed so bold an act
regardi ng these lands bein g uneasy about public Opinio n
in regard to it They hoped the war would soo n be
e nded and were vergin g to the opinion that their armies
must before long leave the Ita lians to their own devices
The conduct of their general pointed however i n the
oppo site directio n ; he forced th e native liberals of the
district to take the n ecessary steps toward organizing
the n ew sta te s o rapidly that the Directory foun d itself
compelled to yield It is possible but n ot likely th a t
a s h a s been charged Bonaparte really intended to bring
about wh a t actually happened the continued depen d
e nce on the French republic of a lot o f artificial govern
ments The uninterrupted m eddling o f F rance in the
s destroyed in the end all her
a fl a irs o f the Ita lia n
infl uence and made them hate her domi nion which
masqueraded as liberalism eve n more than they had
hated the open but mild tyrann y of those royal scions
o f foreign stocks recently di smissed from their thrones
During these months there is in Bonaparte s correspo nd
ence a somewhat theatrical iteration of devotio n to
F rance an d republican principles but his first care
was for hi s army and the success of hi s camp ai gn He
behaved as an y gener al solicitous for the strength of hi s
position s on foreign soil wou l d have done hi s ruses
ta king the form of constan tly repeating the political
shibbole ths then used in Fran ce S oo n afterward
Naples made her peace ; an insurrection in Corsi ca
ag ain st English rule enabled Fr an ce to seize that i sland
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
40 4
last were nugatory because o f S pani sh we akn ess but
B onaparte put in the plea for compensation to th e
Spani sh B ourb ons by some gran t o f Italian territory
to the house of Parma As we have elsewhere indicated
their atta ck o n Aus tria in central Europe was a f a ilure
Jourdan having been soundl y beaten at W ii rzb u rg
There w as no road open to Vi enna except thr ough
Italy Their negotiations with the papacy failed
utterly ; onl y a victorious warrior coul d overcome its
powerful scruples which in the aggregate prevented
the hearty adhesion o f French Roman Catholics to the
republican system O f necessity their conceptions o f
Italian destiny must yield to his which were widely
different from theirs
B efore such conditions other interests sink in to
atrophy ; thenceforward for example there appears
in B onaparte s n ature no trace of the Corsican patriot
The o ne f ai nt spark o f remai ning interest seems to have
been extinguished i n an order that Pozzo di B orgo and
his friends if they had not escaped should be brought
to judgment His other measures with reference to the
once loved island were as calcul ating and d ispassionate
as any he took concerning the most indifl erent princi
pa lity o f the mainland and eve n extended to e nu ncia t
ing the principle that no Corsica n should be employed
in Corsica It is a citi zen n
o t of Corsica nor of France
even but o f Europe who o n O ctober second demands
peace from the E mperor in a threat that if it i s not
yi elded o n favorable terms Triest and the Adriatic will
be seized At the same time the Directory received
from hi manother remin der o f its positio n whi ch like
wise i ndi cates a n interesting developmen t of his own
“
poli cy
Dimini sh the number of your enemi es The
influence o f Ro me is i ncalculable ; it was i ll advised to
break wi th that power ; it gives the advantage to her
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IMPERI O U S S PIRIT
2
49 5
If I had b een consu l ted I would have delayed the nego
When
tia tio ns with Rome as with Genoa and Veni ce
ever your general in Italy is no t the pivot o f everything
you run great risks This language will not be attrib
u t e d to ambition ; I have but t o o many honors and my
heal th is so broken that I believe I must ask you for a
successor I can no longer mount a horse ; I have
nothing left but courage whi ch is not enough in a post
”
like this
Before thi s masked di ctator were two tasks
as di fli cu l t in their way as any even he wou l d ever under
take each calling fo r the exercise o f faculties antipodal
in quality but quite as fin e as any in the human mind
Mantua was yet to be captured ; Rome and the Pope
were to be handl ed so as to render the hi ghest service to
hi mself to France and to Europe In both these labors
he mean t to be strengthened and yet unhampered
The habit of compliance was now strong upon the
Directory an d they c on tin ued to yield a s bef o re
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CHAPTER XXX I
RI V OLI AND THE CAP I TULA TI ON OF M ANTUA
Th e Dipl o
m tic F int f Gr t B rita in
a
e
o
C l a r ke a nd th e D ire c
ea
to ry Ca th e rine th e Gr ea t a nd P a ul I A ustria s S tra te gic
P la n
Rene w a l o f Ho stilitie s
Th e A ustria ns a t Rivo li a nd
N o g a ra B o na p a rt e s N ight M a rch to Riv o li M o nt e B al d o
an
Th e B a ttle
d th e B e rne r Kl a use
Th e B a ttl e o f Riv o li
o f La F a v o rita
Fea ts o f th e Fre nch A rmy B o na p a rt e s
A chi e v ement Th e Fall o f M a ntu a
’
’
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.
HE fif th division o f the It alian campaign was the
fourth attempt o f Aust ria to retrieve her posi
tion in Italy a position on which her rulers still believed
that all her destini es hun g Her energy was now the
wilfulness o f despair
Events in Europe were Shap
ing themselves without regard to her advantage The
i liatio n o f France in Jourdan s defeat
momentary hum
the deplorable condi tion o f B ritish fin ances as shown by
the fall o f the three per cents to fift y thr ee the unsettled
and dan gerous state o f Ireland with the menace o f
Hoche s invasion impending these circumstances created
in London a feelin g that perhaps the time w a s propitious
for n egotiating with France where too there was co nsid
e ra b le agitati on for peace
Accordingly in the autumn
o f 1 7 9 6 Lord Malmesbury w as sent to Paris un der rigid
cautionary instructions The envoy was cold and
haughty ; Delacroix the French minister w as con ceited
and shallow It soon appeared that what the agent had
to offer was either so indefini te as to be meaningless o r
so favorable to Great Britai n as to be ridiculous in prin
ciple
The negotiations were merely diplomatic fencing
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40 6
[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
40 8
her new authority and retain what sh e h ad conquered
for her o wn good ple asure Bonaparte in tended to do
After Arcola
a s he foun d necessary in both these cases
i nister expressed a sense of the
Th u gu t the Austrian m
deepest humiliation that a youth commanding v o lu n
teers and rapscallions sh o uld work his will with the fine
troops and skill ed gen er als Of the empire But undaunted
he applied to Russia for succor Catherine had dallied
with Jacobinism in order to occupy both Prussia and
Austria while she consolidated and confirmed her strength
in Poland and the O rient This sh e had accomplished and
was now ready to bridl e the wild steed She had herself
unloosed Intervening at the auspicious hour sh e could
deliver Italy take co n trol of central Europe subjugate
the north and sway the u niverse
Accordi ngly sh e demanded from Pitt a sub sidy o f two
an d a half million dollars and ordered Su v o ro fl with
sixty thousand troops to the a ssistan ce o f Austria Just
then in S eptember 1 7 9 6 Gustavus I V of S weden was
at S t Petersburg for his b etrothal with the E mpress s
granddaughter Alexandra He required a s a matter o f
course that She shoul d adopt his faith Thi s w as con
t em
ptu o u sly refused and th e preparations for the festival
went forward to completion as if nothing had occurred
At the appo i nted hour for the ceremoni al the groo m did
n ot and woul d not appear Consternation gave way
to a sense o f outrage but the Kinglet a s the great
courtiers styled him stood firm The Empress was
beside herself her heal th gave way and she di ed in less
than two months o n Nove mber seventeen th The dan
g e ro u s imbecile her s o n Paul I reigned in her stead
Weird figure that he was he at le a st renoun ced his
mother s policy of conquest a nd countermanded her
orders to Su v o ro fl recalli ng hi mand hi s army Austria
w as at bay but s h e was un daunted
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E T 27
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CAPITULATI O N O F MANTUA
40 9
Once more Alv inczy desp ai rin g o f success but obedi
ent to hi s orders made ready to move dow n the Adige
from Trent Great zeal had been shown in Austri a
The Vienna volun teer battalions abandoned the work
o f ho m
e protection for which they had enlisted and
with a bann er embroidered by the Empress s own hand
joined the active forces The Tyrolese in defiance o f
the atrocious pro clamatio n in which Bonaparte clai m
in g to be their co nqueror had thr eatened death to any
on
e ta king up arms against France
flocked ag ai n to
the support of their Emperor By a recurrence to th e
o ld fata l plan Alv inczy was to attack the mai n French
army ; his colleague Provera was to follow the Brenta
in to the lower reaches o f the Adige where he coul d
effect a crossin g and relieve Mantua He was likewise
to deceive the en emy by makin g a parade o f greater
strength than he really had and thus draw away B on a
parte s m ai n a rmy toward Legnago o n the lower Adige
A messenger was despatched to W u rm
s e r with letters
over the E mperor s o wn sign ature orderin g him if
Provera shoul d fail to desert Mantua retreat in to the
Romagn a and under his o wn command uni te the garri
s o n and the papal troops
This order n ever reached its
destin ation for its bearer w a s intercepted an d was com
pelled by the use of an emetic to render up the despatches
which he had sw allowed
On January seventh 1 7 9 7 B on aparte gave o rders to
strengthen the communi cations along his lin e massing
two thousand men a t B ologn a in o rder to repress cer
tain hostile demonstrations lately made in behalf o f the
Pope On the following day an Austrian division which
ha d been lyi ng at P adua made a short atta ck o nAuge
reans di vision and on the nin th drove it into Porto
Legn ago the extreme right of the Fren ch line This
could mean nothing else than a ren ew al o f hostiliti es
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
41 9
b y Austria although it was i mpossible t o tell where the
main attack would be made On the eleventh B o na
parte was at B olog na concluding an advantageous
treaty with Tuscany ; in order to be ready for any event
he sta rted the same evenin g hastened across the Adige
with hi s troops and pres sed o n to Verona
On the twelf th at Six i n the mornin g the enemy a t
tacked Mass ena s advan ce guard at S t Michel a suburb
o f that city
They were repu l sed with loss Early o n
the same day Joubert who had been stationed with a
corps o f Observation farther up in the o ld an d tried
posi tion at the foot o f Monte B aldo became aware of
hostile movements and occupied Rivoli During the
day the two Austri an columns tried to turn his po sition
by seizing his outpost at Corona but t hey were repulsed
On the thirteen th he b ecame aware that th e m ai n bod y
o f the Austrians was before hi m and that their int en
tio n was to surroun d him by the left Accordi ngly he
informed B onaparte abandoned Coro n a an d made
ready to retreat from Rivoli That evening Provera
threw a pontoon bridge across the A di ge at Anghiari
below Legnago and cross ed with a po rtio n o f hi s army
Next day he sta rted for Mantua but was so harassed
by G u i eu and Au gerea u that the move was in effectual
and he go t no farther th an Nogara
The heights o f Rivoli command the movemen ts of
an y force passin g o u t of the Alps through the valley Of
the Adi ge They are abrupt on all sides but o ne where
from the greatest elevation the chapel o f S t Mark over
looked a windi n g road steep but available fo r caval ry
and artillery Rising from the gener al level Of the table
land thi s hi llock is in itself a kin d o f n atural citadel
Late o n the thirteenth Joubert in reply to the message
he had sent received orders to fortify the plateau and
to hold it at all h aza rds ; for B onaparte now di vin ed that
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
41 2
forces h a s become a classic example in m
i lita ry
science
The gorge by which the Adige b reaks through the
lowest foot hil ls of the Alps to en ter the lowlands has
been famous since dim an tiquity The Romans co n
s id er ed it the entrance to Cimmeria ;
it was sung in
German myt hs as the B erner Klause the majestic gate
way from their in clement clime in t o the land o f the
stranger that warm bright land fo r the luxurious and
orderly life o f which their hearts were ever yearning
Aroun d its precipices and isolated frownin g bastions
song and fable had clustered and the effect o f mystery
was enhanced by the aw ful grandeur of th e scen e Over
looking a ll stands Mo n te B al do frowning with its dark
precip i ces on the cold su mm
its o f the Ge rman highl and
smilin g with its su nny Slopes o n the blue waters o f Lake
Garda and the fertile v alley o f the Po In the chan ge
o f strategy incident to the in troductio n of gun powder
the spot of greatest resistan ce was no longer in the gorge
but at its mouth where Rivoli o n o ne side and Cerain o
o n the other
command respectively the gentle slopes
which fall eastward and westward toward the plain s
“
The Alps were in deed lookin g down o n the Littl e Co r
”
poral who havin g fla nked their defenses at o ne end
was n ow about to force t heir ce n ter and later to pass
by their eastward end in t o the heredita ry dom
i nio n s
o f the German emperors o n the D an ube
At early dawn began the conflict whi ch was t o settle
the fate of Man tua The first fierce contest was b e
tween t h e Austrian left a nd the French right at S t
Mark ; but it quickly spread along the whole line as
far as Caprin o For some time the Austrians had the
a dvantage and the result was in suspense sin ce the
F rench left at Caprino yielded fo r an instant before
the onslaught o f the m ai n Austrian army m a de in a c
hi s
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2
CAPITULATI ON OF MANTUA
co rd a nce
41 3
with Alv i nczy s fir st plan and as he suppo sed
upon an inferi or force by o ne vastly superior in num
bers Berth ier who by his c al m courage was fast ri sin g
high in his commander s favor came to the rescue
and Mass ena
following wi th a jud gment which has
inseparably linked hi s name wi th that famous spot
finally restored order to the French ranks
Every suc
ces si v e charge o f the Austria ns was rep u l sed with a
violence which thr ew their right and center back toward
Monte Baldo in ever growin g co nfusion The battle
waged fo r nearly thr ee hours before Alv inczy un der
stood that it was no t Joubert s di vision but Bonaparte s
army whi ch was before hi m A fifth Austrian column
then pressed forward from the ba nk o f the Adi ge to
sc ale the height o f Rivoli and Joubert whose left at S t
Mark w as hard beset could not che ck the movement
For an in stant he left the road unprotected The
Austri ans charged up the hi ll and seized the command
ing position ; but Simu l taneously there rushed from the
opposite side three French battalions clambering up to
retrieve the loss The nervous activity of the latter
brought them quickly to the top where at once they were
reinforced by a portion of the cavalry reserve and the
stormin g columns were thr own back in d isorder At
that instant appeared in B onaparte s rear an Austrian
corps which had been destined to take the French at
Rivoli in their rear Had it arrived sooner the position
wou l d as the French declared have been lost to them
As it was instead of makin g an attack the Austri ans
had to await o ne Bonaparte di rected a falling artil
lery fir e against them and threw them back toward
Lake Garda He thus gained ti me to r e formhi s o wn
ranks and enabled Mass ena to hold in check still another
k
o f the Austrian columns which was strivin g to o u tfl a n
Thereupon the French reserve un der
hi mo n his left
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
41 4
Rey coming in from the westward cut the tu rning
column e nti rely o ff and compelled it to surrender The
rest o f Alv inczy s force bein g already in full retreat this
ended the worst defeat and most complete rout which
the Austrian arms had so far sus tained S uch w as the
utter demoralizatio n of th e flying an d di sin tegrated
columns that a youn g French offi cer named Ré né who
was in command o f fifty men at a hamlet on L ake Garda
successfu lly imi tated Bonaparte s ruse at Lonato and
displayed such an imposing co nfidence to a flying troop
o f fiftee n hun dred Austrians that they surrendered to
what appeared to be a force superior to their o wn
Next mornin g at dawn Murat who had marched all
night to gain the point appeared o n the slopes o f Monte
B aldo above Corona and united with Joubert to drive
the Austrians from their last foo thold The purs ui t
Thirteen thousand
w as contin ued as far as Trent
prisoners were captu red in those two days
While Murat was straining up the slopes of Monte
B a ldo Bonaparte giving no rest to the weary feet of
Massena s division
the same men who two days
before had marched by night from Vero na
w as r e
tracing hi s steps o n that well wor n road past the city
o f Catul lus and the Capulets onward toward Mantua
Provera had crossed the Adige at Anghi ari with ten
thousand me n Twice he had been attacked : once in
the front by G u i eu once in the rear by Au gerea u
On
both occ asions his losses had been severe but never
th eles s on the same mornin g whi ch saw Alv i nczy s
flight into the Tyrol he fin ally appeared with six thou
sand men in the suburb o f S t George before Man tua
He succeeded in communicatin g wi th W u rm
se r but was
held in ch eck by the blockadin g French army through
o u t the day and night until Bonaparte arrived with
his reinforcements N ext morning there was a gener al
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CAPITULATI O N OF MANTUA
2
41 5
engagement Provera attacking in front and W u rmser
by preconcerted arrangement sallyi ng o u t from behind
at the head o f a strong force The latter w as thr own
back in to the town by Sé ru rier who commanded the
besiegers but o nly after a fierce and deadl y co nflict
o n the causeway
Thi s w a s the road from Mantua to
“
”
a coun try seat o f its dukes known as La Favori ta
and w as chosen for the sorti e as having an in dependent
cita del Victor with so me o f the troops brought in
“
”
from Ri voli the terrible fifty seventh demi brigade
as Bonaparte des i gn ated them attacked Provera at the
same time and threw hi s ranks into such di sorder that
he was glad to surrender his entire force Thi s co n
flict o f January s ixteenth before Mantua is kn own as
the battle o f La Favorita from the stand made by
I ts results were
Sé ru rier o n the road to that res i dence
Six thousand prisoners among themthe Vienna v o lu n
teers with the Empress s banner and many guns In
his fifty fifth year this French soldier o f fortun e had
fin ally reached the climax of his career Having fought
in the S even Years War in Portugal and in Corsica
the Revolution gave him hi s openi ng He assi sted
S cherer in the capture o f the Mariti me Alps and fought
with leo nine power at Mondovi and these succeeding
movements Wh ile hi s fortunes were li nked with Bona
parte s they mounted higher and higher AS governor
o f Ve n
i ce he was so upright and incorruptible a s to wi n
“
”
the sobriquet Vi rgi n o f Italy
The d iscouragement o f
defeat under Moreau in 1 7 9 8 led him to reti re i nto civil
life where he was a stanch Bonapartist and faithful o ffi
cia l to the end o f the Napoleo nic epoch when he rallied
to the Bourbons
Bonaparte esti mated that s o far in the Italian cam
i
the
ar
y
the
republ
i
c
had
fought
with
n four
a
i
m
o
f
n
s
p g
days two pitched battles and had besides been six times
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE O N B ON APARTE
41 6
engaged ; that they had taken all told nearly twenty
fiv e thousand prisoners in cludi n g a lieutenant ge n eral
two generals and fif teen colonels ; had captured twenty
sta ndards with Sixty pieces of artillery an d had killed
o r woun ded six thousan d me n
Thi s short camp aign o f Rivoli was the t u rnin g po int
o f the war a n d may be said to have shaped the history
o f Europe for twenty years
C hr oniclers dwell upo n
those few momen ts at S t Mark and th e plateau of
Rivoli wonderi ng what the resu l t wo u l d have been if
the Austri an corps which came to turn the rear o f Rivoli
had arrived five min utes sooner But an accurate and
di spassionate criticism m
ust decide that every step i n
Bonaparte s success was won by careful forethought and
by the most effective disposition o f the forces at his
command SO sure was he o f success that eve n in the
crises when Mass ena seemed to save the day o n the
left and when the Austrians seemed destined to wrest
victory from defeat o n the right he was self relian t and
cheerful The new system o f field operation s had a
tri umphant vi n di cation at the hands o f its author The
conquering gener al meted o u t unsti nted prai se to hi s
invincible squadr ons and their leaders but s aid nothin g
of hi mself leaving the world to judge whether thi s were
man o r demon who still a youth and within a public
career of but one season had hum
iliated the proudest
empire o n the Continent had subdued Italy an d o n
her soil had erected sta tes unkn own before without the
cons ent o f any great power not excepting Fran ce It
is no t wonderful that this personage shoul d sometimes
”
have said o f himself S ay that my life began at Rivoli
a s at other times he dated his military career from
Tou l on
W u rm
ser s retreat to Man tua in S eptember had bee n
successful because o f the strong cavalry force which
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
41 8
writing from B ologna he declared that he woul d with
draw hi s condi tions unl ess W u rmser acceded befo re the
third : yet in a letter o f that very date he in dulges i n
a long and hi gh minded eulogium o f the aged field
marsh al and declares hi s wish to Show true French
generosity to such a foe The simple explanation is
that having sent the terms Bonaparte immediately
withdrew from Mantua to leave Sé ru rier in command at
the surrender a glory he had s o well deserved and the n
returned to Bologna to begin hi s fin al preparations
against Rome In the interval W u r mser made a propo
Bonaparte petu
s i tio n even more favorable to himself
la ntly rejected it but with th e return o f hi s generous
feeling he determined that at least he would no t with
draw his first offer Captious cri tics are never content
an d they even charge that when on the tenth W u rm
s er
and his garrison finally did march o u t Bonaparte s
absence was a breach o f cour tesy It requires no great
ardor in his defense to assert o n the contrary that in
circumst an ces s o unprecedented the disparity o f age
between t h e respective representatives o f th e o ld and
the new military system would have made Bonaparte s
presence another drop in the bitter cup o f the former
The magn animity of the young conqueror in connectio n
with the fall o f Mantua was genuine and highly honor
able to him S o at least thought W u r mser hi mself who
wrote a most kindl y letter to Bonaparte forewarnin g
hi mthat a plot had been form
ed in B ologna to poison
hi m with that noted but never seen compoun d s o
famous in Italian history
aqua tofan a
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C HAPTER XXXII
HUMI LI ATI ON OF TH E P AP ACY AND OF VE NI CE 1
m Thr t n d
P ius V I S urr end e rs
Th e P ea ce o f To l en
tino
B o na p a rt e and th e P a p a cy D esigns fo r th e Orient
Fr ance Rea ss u r e d Th e P o licy o f A ustria Th e A rchd u ke
B o na p a rte Ha pe re d b y th e Dire cto ry His Trea t
C h a rl e s
e nt o f Ve n
ice Co nd itio n o f Vene tia Th e Co o nw eal th
Ro
e
ea e
e
m
m
Wa rne d
mm
.
ONAP ARTE seems after Rivoli to have reached
the conviction that a man who had brought such
glory to the arms o f France w as at least as firmin the
affections o f her people as was the Directory which had
no hold o n them whatever except in its claim to repre
sent the Revolution Clarke had reached Mil a n o n
November twenty ninth 1 7 9 6 Bonaparte read him
like an open scroll discoverin g in stan tly that this
graceful cou r tier had been commissioned to keep the
little general in hi s place as a subordinate an d use
hi m to m
ake peace at any price Possessing the full
confidence of Carno t and almost certainl y o f the en tire
D i rectory the easily won d iplomat revealed to his lean
long haired ill clad penetrating an d facile in quisitor
the precious contents of the governmental mind The
reli gious revolution in France had utterly failed riotou s
i nds
vice had spread consternation even i n infidel m
there was in the return a m
ighty flood tide o f orthodoxy ;
if the po litical revolution w as to be saved at all it w as
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Th e a utho rities fo r t h e fo l
lo wing thr ee ch a pte rs a re pa rtly
as be fo re , but in p a rticula r t h e
1
fo llo wing : V iv eno t : Th u gu t Cler
fa yt Co rrespo nda nce d e Th u g u t
Hfifier : Oe ster
a vec Co ll o re d o
,
.
.
[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
42 0
’
at the price of peace and peace very quickly The
Directory had had little right to its disti nctio n a s savior
i ng and even that was
o f the republic from the begi nn
d ai ly disputed by ever incre asing n umbers : the most
visible and dazzlin g representati ve o f the Revolution
“
was now the Army o f Italy It was not fo r those ra s
call y lawyers as Bonaparte afterward called the di rec
tors that his great battle of Rivoli had been fought
With thi s fact in view the short ensu i ng camp ai gn
agai nst: Pius VI and its consequences are easily un der
stood I t was true as the Fren
ch general procl aimed
that Rome had kept the s tipulations o f the armistice
neither in a pacific behavior nor in the payment of her
indemnity and was fomenting resistance to the French
arms thr oughout the peninsu l a To the Directory
whi ch had desired the entire overthrow of the papacy
Bonaparte proposed that with thi s in view Rome should
be handed over to S p ai n B ehind these pretexts he
gathered at Bologna an indi fferent force of eleven thou
sand soldiers co mposed o ne half o f his own men the
other half o f Italians fired with revolutionary zeal an d
o f Poles a people who since the recent dismemberment
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reich u nd P re ussen e t c ; D er
V o n Syb el :
R a sta tte r Co ngr e ss
Geschi chte d er Revo lutio ns Z eit
B ailleu P reus senu nd Fr nkreich
S a ndo z Ro lli n: Amtlich e S a mm
lung v o n Akten a u s d er Z eit d er
Helvetischen Republic
So rel :
B o na p a rt e e t Ho che ; B o na pa rt e
e t le D ir e cto ir e ; al so a rticl es in
Histo riq
ue
88 5
R e vu e
th e
Scio u t : Le D ire cto ire a lso a rticl e
uestio ns hi sto riq
u es
inRe vu e d es q
B o ul a y d e la M eurth e :
1 886
ue s l ettres d e M a rie Ca ro line ;
Qu e lq
a tiq
ue
d his t o ir e di plo m
Re vu e
B ar ante : Histoire d u D irce
1 88 8
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to ire a nd S o uveni rs M cClella n
Th e Oliga rchy o f Venice B o nna l
Chut e d une republiq
u e S ech e
Le s o rigi nes d u Co nco rda t D a n
d o lo : La ca duta d e lla republica di
Vene tia Ro manin: S to ria do cu
menta ta di Venezia S lo a ne : Th e
French Revo lutio n and Re ligio us
Re fo rm I n ge nera l a nd f u rth e r
o nt Ch a pt a l
th e m
em
o irs o f M a rm
La ndrie ux Ca rno t La é elliere
Lé pea u x (pro b a bly no t g enuine)
as
Thib a ud ea u
M a thie u D u m
Mio t d e M elito a nd th e co rrespo n
dence o f M a llet d u P an
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
42 2
The terms were not such as either the Pope o r the
Directory expected Far from it To be sure there
was over and above the first ransom a new money
indemnity o f three million dollars maki ng when added
to what had been exacted in the previous summer a
total of more than seven Further stipulations were
the surrender of the legations of Bologna and Ferrara
together with the Romagna ; consent to the incorpora
tion into France o f Avignon and the V ena is sin the two
papal possessions in the Rhone valley whi ch had already
been annexed ; and the temporary delivery o f An cona as
a pledge for the fulfil ment of these engagements ; further
still the di spersion o f the papal army wi th satisfac tio n
for the killing in a street row o f B a s sev ille the French
pleni potentiary Thi s however w as far Short of the
annihilatio n of the papacy as a temporal power
More than tha t the vital question o f ecclesiastical
authority was not mentioned except to guarantee it in
the surrendered legations TO the Directory Bonaparte
explai ned that with such mutilations the Roman edi fice
would fall of its own weight ; and yet he gave his power
ful protection to the French priests who had refu sed the
oaths to the civil constitution required by the republic
and who having renounced thei r allegiance had found
an asylum in the Papal S ta tes This latter step was
taken in the rOle o f humanitarian In reality thi s fir st
Open and radical departure fromthe policy o f the D ire c
tory assured to Bonaparte the most unbounded personal
popularity with faithful Roman Catholics everywhere
and w as a step preliminary to hi s further alli ance with
the papacy The unthi nking masses began to compare
the capti vity of the Roman Church in France which was
the work o f her government with the widely di fferent
fate of her fai thful adheren ts at Rome under the humane
control o f B onaparte
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HUMILIATI O N O F PAPACY
42 3
Moreover it was the French citizen collectors and
n ot the army who contin ued to scour every town for
art plunder It was believed that Italy had finall y
“
given up all that w as curious and valuable except
”
some few objects at Turin and Naples in cludi n g the
famous wonder working image Of the Lady o f Loretto
The words quoted were used by Bonaparte in a despatch
to the Directory which in closed a curious document o f
very difl erent character S uch had been the gratitude
o f Pius for hi s preservation that he despatched a legate
“
”
with his apostolic blessing for the dear so n who had
snatched the papal power from the very jaws o f d e s tru c
”
“
tion
Dear son was merely a formal phrase and a
gracious a nswer w as returned from the French head
quarters This equall y formal letter o f Bonaparte s
w as fo r warded to Paris where as he kn ew wo u l d be the
case it w as regarded as a good joke by the Directory
who were supposed to consider their general s diplomacy
as altogether patriotic But as no doubt the writer
foresaw it had an al together di fferent effect o n th e
public From that instan t every pious Roman Catholic
not o nly in France but throughout Eur ope whatever
hi s attitude toward the Directory w as ei t her an avowed
ally o f Bonaparte o r at least willing to await events in a
n eutral spirit As for the papacy henceforward it
was a too l in the conqueror s hand : he w as determined
to use it as an indi spe nsable bulwark for public decency
and political stabili ty O ne o f the cardi n als gave the
gracious preserver o f hi s order a bust o f Alexander the
Great : it was a commo n piece o f flattery after the peace
to s a y that B onaparte was like Alexander a Greek in
sta ture and like CE s a r a Ro man in power
While at An cona Bonaparte had a temporary relapse
into his yearning for Orie nta l power H e wr o t e de
scribing the harbor as the o nly good one o n the Adriatic
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
42 4
south of Veni ce an d explaini ng how i nvaluable it w as
for the infl uen ce o f Fran ce o nTurkey sin ce it con trolled
communication with Constanti nople and Macedo nia
was but twenty four hours di st ant With this despatch
he inclosed letters from the Czar to the Grand Master
of Malta whi ch had been seized o nthe person o f a courier
It was by an easy associatio n o f ideas that not long
afterward Bonaparte began to make suggestions for the
seizu re of Malta and for a descent into E gypt These
as elsewhere expl ained were old schemes of F rench
foreign policy and by no mea nS o riginal wi th him ; but
having long been kept in the backgroun d they were
easily recall ed the more s o because in a Short time both
the new di ctator and the Directory seemed to find in
them a remedy fo r their strai ned relations
When the news o f Rivoli reached Paris o n J anuary
twenty fifth 1 7 9 7 the city wen t into a delirium of joy
To Clarke were sent that very day instructions suggest
ing concessions to Austria for the sake of peace but enjoin
ing him to consult Bonaparte at every step ' To the co n
r
r
rect
o
n
l
y
two
days
later
as
recomme
n
ded
i
n
u
e
o
di
w
q
explicit terms the overthr ow o f Romanism in religion
“
the most dangerous obstacle to the establishment of
the French constitution
Thi s was a n ew tone and the
general might assume that his treaty o f Tolentino would
be ratified Further he was assured that whatever
terms o f peace he might di ctate to Austria under the
walls of Vienn a whether di stasteful to the Directory or
no t were sure o f being accepted by the French nation
Meantime the foreign affairs o f Austria had f allen
into a most precarious condition No t o nly had the
departure o f the Engli sh fleet from the Me di terranean
furthered Bonaparte s success in Ital y but Russia had
given notice o f an altered policy If the modern sta te
system o f Europe had rested o n any one doctrin e more
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
42 6
in hi s day second o nl y to Bonaparte a s a gener al The
splendid persistence with whi ch Austria rai sed one
great army after another to Oppo se France was worthy
o f her traditions
Even when these armies were com
ma nd ed by veterans o f the o ld school they were terrible
it seemed to the cabin et at Vienna that i f Charles were
left to lead them in accordance with his own designs
they woul d surely be victorious Had he and his Army
o f the Rhine been in Italy from the outset they thought
the result might have been di ff erent Perhaps they
were ri ght ; but his tardy arrival at the eleventh hour was
destined to avail nothi ng The Auli c Council ordered
hi m i nto Friuli a district o f the Itali an Alps o n the
borders o f Venice where another army
the si xth
—
withi n a year
w as to assemble fo r the protection o f
the Austrian frontier and awai t the arrival o f the veterans
from Ge rmany This force u ne
the other five w as
composed o f heterogeneous elements and until further
strengthened inferior in numbers to the French who
had finally been reinforced by fifteen thousand men
under B ernadotte from the Army of the S ambre and
Meuse
When Bonaparte started from Mantua for the Al ps
his position w as the strongest he had s o far secured
The Directory had until then shown their un easy j eal
o u sy Of hi m by refusing the reinforcem
ents whi ch he
was constantly demandi ng It had become evident
that the approaching elections would resul t in destroying
their ascendancy in the Five Hundred and that more
than ever they must depend for support o n the army
Accordingly they had swallowed their pride and made
Bonaparte strong This change in the policy o f the
government likewise affected th e south and east Of
France most favorably for his purpo ses The personal
pique o f the generals comman di ng in those d istricts
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H UM I LIATI O N OF PAPACY
]
42 7
had subjected him to many inconveniences a s to com
mu nica tio ns with Paris as well as in the p assage o f
troops stores and the like They n o w recognized that
in the approaching poli tical crisis the fate of the republic
would h a ng o n the army and for that reason they must
needs be compl ai sant with its foremost figure whose
exploits had d immed even those o f Hoche in the Nether
lands and western France Italy w as altoge ther su b
dued and there was not a host ile po wer i n the rear of
the great co n queror Among many of the conquered
his name was even beloved : for the people o f M ilan hi s
li fe a nd surroundings had the same i nterest as i f he
were their o wn sovereign prince I n front however
the case was di fferent ; for the positio n o f the Archd u ke
Charles left the territory o f Venice directly between
the hostile armies in such a way as apparently to force
Bonaparte into adoptin g a defini te policy for the treat
ment of that power
For the momen t however there was no declaration
o f hi s decis i on by the French commander in chief ; not
even a formal proposal to treat with the Venetian
oli garchy which to all outward appearance had re
mained as haughty as ever as dark and inscrutable
in its deali ngs as doubtful in the matter o f good fai th
And yet a method in Bonaparte s de alin g with it w as
soon apparent which though unl ike any he had used
toward other Italian powers was perfectly adapted
to the ends he had in view He had already violated
Venetian neutrality and intended to di sregard it en
tirely
As a foretaste o f what that republic might ex
peet F rench soldiers were let loose to pillage her town s
un til the inhabitants were so exasperated that they
retaliated by kil ling a few of their spo ilers Then began
a persi sten t and exasperating process o f charges and
c omplain ts an d admo nitions until the o rigi ns of the
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
42 8
respective offe nses were forgotten in the in tervening
recri m
inations Then as a warning to all who sought
”
“
to endanger the
friendly relatio ns
between the
coun tries a troop of French soldiers wou l d be thro wn
here into o ne town there into an other This process
went o n without an interval and with merciless vigor
u ntil the Venetian o ffici als were literally distracted
Remonstran ce w as in vain : Bonaparte laughed at forms
Finally when protest had proved un availing the
harried oligarchy began at last to arm and it was not
long before forty thousand men mostly S lavonic mer
ce n
a ri e s
were e nli sted under its banner With his
usual concili atory blandn ess Bonaparte next proposed
to the senate a treaty of alli ance offe nsive and defe nsive
This w as not a mere diplomatic move Cert ain con
siderati on s might well incline the oligarchy to accept
the plan There was no love lost betwee n th e t owns of
the Ve n etia n mainl and and the city its elf ; for the aris
t o cra cy of the latter would write no names in its Golde n
Book except those o f its o wn houses The revolution
ary movement had moreover already so heightened
the discon tent which had spread eastward from the
Milanese and was now prevalent in Brescia Bergamo
and Peschi era that these cities really favored Bona
parte and longed to separate from Venice F urther
than thi s the Ven etian senate had early in January been
informed by i ts agents in Paris o f a rumor that at the
conclusion o f peace Austria wou l d in demnify herself
with Veneti an territory for the loss of t h e Milan ese
The disquiet o f the outlying cities o n the borders o f
Lombardy w as due to a desire for unio n with the Trans
padane Republic They little kn ew for W hat a different
fate Bonaparte destined them He was really hol di n g
that portion o f the mai nl and in which they were Situated
a s an inde m
nity for Austri a Venice was almost sure
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C HAPTER XXXIII
THE PRE LI MI NARI E S OF PE ACE
LE OB E N
Austrian P la ns fo r th e L a st I talia n Ca mp a ign— Th e B a ttl e o n
Re tr ea t o f th e A rchdu ke C h a rl e s
B o na
ent o
th e Ta g lia m
pa rte 5 P ro cla ma tio n t o th e Ca rinthi a ns Jo ub e rt With d ra ws
”
fro mth e Tyro l B o na p a rt e s P hil o so phical L e tt e r His
S itua ti o n a t Le o be n Th e N ego tia tio ns fo r P ea c e Cha ra c
t er o f t h e Tr ea t y
B o na pa rt e s Rud e Diplo m
French
acy
S ucc e sse s o n th e Rhi ne P lo ts o f th e Dir e cto ry Th e Upris
ing o f V e ne tia
W a r with Venice
’
’
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HE Aulic Council at Vienna prepared for the Arch
duke Charles a modification o f the same old plan
o nly this time the approach w as down the Piave and the
Tagli amento rivers which rise among the grotesque
Dolomites and in the Carnic Al ps They flow south
like the Adige and the Brenta but their valleys are
wider where they open into the lowlands and easier
of access The auxili ary force un der Lusign a n was
n ow to the westward on the Piave while the mai n force
un der Charles was waiting for reinforcements in the
broad intervales o nthe upper reaches o f the Tagliamento
through which ran the di rect road to Vienna This
time the order o f attack was exactly reversed because
Bonaparte with his streng thened army o f about seventy
fiv e thousand men resolved to take the off e nsive before
the expected lev ies from the Austrian army o f the Rhin e
Should reach the camp o f his fo e The campaign was
no t long fo r there was no resistance from the inh a b i
tants as there woul d have been in the German Alps
among the Tyrolese Bonaparte s emb i ttered enemies ;
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m 7]
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PRELIM INARIE S OF PEACE
2
43 1
an d the united force o f Austria w as far inferior to that
of France Joubert with eighteen thousan d men was
left to repress the Tyrol Though only twenty eight
years old he had risen from a volun teer in the fil es
through every rank and was now di vi sion general He
had g ained renown on the Rhi n e and foun d the cli max of
his fame in thi s expedi tion which he so bril liantly co n
ducted that at the cl o se of the camp aign he was chosen
to carry the captured sta ndards to Paris He w as
accl aimed as a c omi ng man But thereafter hi s achi eve
ments were medi ocre and he fell mortally woun ded on
August fifteenth 1 7 9 9 at the battle o f No v i while rallying
a n army destined to defeat Tw o small forces under
Kilmaine and Victor associated with Lann es were de
tailed to watch Venice and Rome respectively ; but the
general good order o f Italy was intrusted to the native
legio ns which Bonaparte had organize d Fate h ad little
more in store for Kilm ain e the gallant Irish caval ryman
who was among the foremost gener als o f hi s army
Already a veteran forty six years o ld as veteran s were
then reckoned he had fought i n America an d on the
Rhi ne and h ad filled the cup o f hi s glory at Peschiera
Castiglione an d Mantua He was yet to be governor
of Lo mbardy and end his career by mort al disease when
“
”
in chief command of the Army o f England
Victor
wounded at To u lon general o f brigade i n the Pyrenees
a subordi n ate offi cer to the un successfu l S ch erer in Italy
quickly rose under Bonaparte to be division general
O f lowly birth he had scarcely rea ched his thi rty fourth
i lita ry
year when o n thi s occasio n he exhi bited both m
and diplomatic talent o f a high order Throughout the
co nsulate and empire he held one impo rtan t offi ce after
an other s o successfully that he commended hi m
self
even to the Bourbons and died in 1 84 1 full of years an d
honors L ann es was n ow twen ty eight The child of
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
432
’
poor pare n ts he began lif e as a dyer s apprentice e nlisted
when twenty three and was a colonel within two years
so astoun di ng were his cour age and natural gifts De
t ailed to serve under B onaparte the two became boso m
friends A pl ai n blun t man Lann es was as fierce as
a war dog and as faithful Throughout the following
years he followed Bonaparte in a ll hi s enterprises and
Napoleo n o n the Marchfeld in 1 80 9 wept bitterly when
his f ai thfu l moni tor was Shot to pieces
Mass en a advanced up the Piave against Lusign an
captured hi s rear guard and drove him away northward
beyond B ellun o while the Archduke thus separated
from his right withdrew to guard the road i nto Carniola
Bonaparte with his o ld celerity reached the banks o f
the Tagliamento oppo site the Austrian po sition o n
March sixteen th long before he w as expected His
troops had marched all ni ght but almost immediately
they made a feint a s if to force a crossin g in the face
The Austrians on the left bank aw aited
o f their enemy
the onset in perfect order and in dispositions of cavalry
artillery and infantry admir ably adapted to the groun d
It seemed as if the first meeting of the two young gen
But
e ra ls would f all o u t to the advantage o f Charles
he was neither as wily n or as indefa tigable as his ene my
The French drew back apparently exhausted and b iv
The Austrians expecting
o u a cke d as if for the night
nothi ng further that day an d standing on the defensive
followed the example Of their opponents Two hours
elapsed when suddenly the whole French army rose like
and falling into lin e without an instant s
o ne man
delay rushed for the stream which at that spot was
swift but fordable flowing between wide low bank s o f
gravel The surprise was complete ; the stream w as
crossed and the Austrians had barely time to form when
the French were upon them They fought with gal
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
434
'
soldier that he rose in the coming years to heights
which in his o wn mi nd awakened a rivalry with Napo
leon ; ambitious for the hi ghest rank he made a great
match with the sister in law of Joseph B onaparte and
s o managed his a ffairs that as is well kn own he ended
on th e thro n e o f S wede n and foun ded the reigning
house o f that kingdom
Bonaparte wooed the s tu pefied Carin thians with his
softly worded proclamations and hi s advancing columns
were u nh ara ssed by the peas antry whi le he pushed
farther o n capturing Klagenfurt and seizing both
Triest and Fiume the o nl y harbors o n the Austrian
shore He then return ed with the main body o f his
troops and crossing the p ass of Tarv is entered Ger
”
“
many at Vill a ch
We are come
he said to the
“
i nhabitan ts not as enemies but as friends to end a
terrible war imposed by Englan d o n a mini stry bought
with her gold
An d the populace listeni ng to hi s
siren voice believed hi m All this w as accomplished
before the e n d of March ; an d Charles his army reduced
to less than three fourths was res tin g northward o n the
road to Vienna beyond the river Mur exhausted and
expecti ng daily that he would be compelled to a further
retreat
Joubert had not bee n so successful According to
in structions he had pushed up the Adige as far as
B rixen into the heart o f the hostile Tyrol The Aus
t ria ns had again called the mount aineers to arms and
a considerable force un der Laudon was gathered to
resist the invaders It h ad been a general b u t most
indefini te un derstanding between B onaparte and the
Directory that Moreau was agai n to cross the Rhine
and advance once more thi s time for a junctio n with
Joubert to march against Vienna But the directors
in an access o f suspicion had broken thei r word and ,
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2 7
]
PRELIMINARIE S O F PEACE
435
pleading their penury had not taken a step toward
fitti ng out the Ar my of the North Moreau was there
fore not within reach ; he had no t even crossed the
Rhi n e Consequently Joubert w as in straits for the
whole cou n try had now risen against him It was with
difli cu l ty that he had advanced and wi th serious loss
that he fought one terrible battl e after another ; finally
however he forced his way in to the valley o f the Drave
and marched down that river to join Bonaparte This
w as regarded by Bonaparte as a remarkable feat but by
the Austrians as a virtu al repulse ; both the Tyrol and
Veni ce were jubilant and the effects spread as far east
ward as the Aust rian provinces of the Adriatic Triest
and Fiume had not bee n garrisoned and the Austrians
occupied them o n ce more ; the Venetian senate organized
a secret in surrection which broke o u t Simultaneously
in many places and w as suppressed o nly after many
some o f them invalids in the hospitals
o f the French
had been murdered
O n March thirty fir s t Bonaparte having received
definite and o fli cial information that he co u l d expect
no im
mediate support from the Army o f the Rhin e
addressed from Klagenfurt to the Archduke what he
”
called a philosophic al letter c al ling attention t o the
fact that it was England whi ch had embroiled F rance
and Austria powers wh ich had really no grievance o ne
again st the other Would a prince so far removed by
lofty b i rth from the petty weakn esses o f mini sters an d
governments not in tervene as the savior o f Ge rmany
“
to end the miseries o f a useless war ?
AS far as I m
y
self a m concerned i f the co mmunication I have the
honor to be making sho u ld save the life of a Single man
I Should be prouder o f that civic cro wn than of th e s a d
”
renown which results from mi litary success
At the
sa me time Massena w as pressing forward in to the valley
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NAP OLE ON B ON APARTE
436
[1 7 9 7
the Mur across the passes o f N eumarkt ; an d before
the end of the week hi s seizure o f S t Michael and
Leoben had cut Off the last hope o f a junction betwee n
the forces of Charles and hi s expected reinforcements
from the Rhine Austria w as carrying on her prepara
tions o f war with the same proud determination sh e had
and Charles continued his disastrous
al ways Shown
hostilities with Mass ena But when Th u g u t received
”
“
the
philosophical
letter from Bonaparte which
Charles had promptly forwarded to Vienn a the im
perial cabinet did n ot hesitate and plenipoten tiaries were
soon o n their way to Leoben
The situation of Bonaparte at Leoben w as by n o
means what the position o f the Fren ch forces wi thi n
ninety miles of Vienna would seem to indi cate The
revolutio n ary movement in Venetia silen tly but efl ect
had been su c
u a lly fostered by the French garrisons
The senate i n
cess fu l in Bergamo Brescia and S alo
despair sent envoys to Bonaparte at G Oritz His reply
was conciliatory but he declared that he woul d do
no thing unless the city o f Veni ce should make the long
desired concession about insc riptions in the Golden
Book At the same time he demanded a monthl y
paymen t of a m
i llion francs in lieu o f all requisitions
At Paris the Venetian ambassador
o n its territory
had no better success and with the news o f Joubert s
withdrawal from the Tyrol a terrible insurrection broke
o u t whi ch sacrificed m a ny French lives at Verona and
elsewhere
Bonaparte s suggestions fo r the prelim
i
naries of peace with Austria had bee n drawn up before
the news of that event reached him : but with th e Tyrol
and Venice all a fl a me in his rear and threatening his
connections ; with no prospect o f assistance fromMoreau
in e nforcing his demands ; and with a growing hostility
showing itself among the popu l ations of the hereditary
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NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
438
[1 7 9 7
Bonaparte which they di d with ill conce aled deligh t
There w as but o ne poin t of di fferen ce the grand duchy
which Fran cis for the honor o f hi s house
o f Modena
was determined to keep if possible Wi th Tuscany
Modena and the Venetian m ainland all in their han ds
the Austrian authorities felt that ti me would surely
restore to them the lost Milan ese But Bonaparte was
Obdurate O n the eighteenth the preliminaries were
closed and adopted The Austrians solemnl y declared
at the time that when the papers were to be exchanged
form ally Bonaparte presented a copy whi ch purported
to be a counterpart o f what h ad been mutu ally arranged
Essential di fferences were however almost immediately
marked by th e recipients and when they ann ounced
their di scovery wi th violent clamor the cool sarcastic
general produced without remark ano ther copy which
i
w as foun d to be a correct reproductio n of the prelim
n ary terms agreed upo n Th is coarse and silly ruse
seems to have been a favorite device for it was tried
later in another conspicuous instan ce the negotiation
o f the Concordat According to the authentic articles
“
”
Fran ce w as to have B elgium wi th the limits of France
as decreed by the laws o f the republic a pur posely
a mbiguous expression In thi s prelimin ary outlin e the
Rhi n e boundary w as not mentioned The territory o f
the Empire was also guaran teed These fl at co ntr adi c
tions indicate somethi n g like p anic o n bo th Sides and
duplicity at least o n o ne and probably o n bo th fo r
Th u gu t s correspo ndence indicates hi s firm purpose to
despoi l and destroy Venice In any case Austria obtain ed
the longed for mainlan d o f Ve nice as far as the river Oglio
together with Ist ria and Dalmatia the Ven etian depend
e ncies beyond the Adriatic whi le Ve nice herself w as to
be nominally indemni fied by th e receipt o f the thr ee
pap al legati ons Bologn a Ferrara an d the Romagn a
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PRELIMINARIE S OF PEACE
439
wh ich had just been erected into the Transpadane Repub
lic ' Modena was to be united with Mantua Reggio
and the Milanese in to a great central republic which
woul d always be dependent o n France and was to be
connected with her territory by way o f Genoa S ome
o f the articles were secret and all were subject to imm
a
t erial changes in the fin al negotiations for defini tive
pe ace whi ch were to be carried o n later at Bern chosen
for the purpo se as being a n eutral city
B onaparte expl ained in a letter to the Directory
that whatever occurred the Papal S tates cou l d never
become an integr al part o f Venice and would always be
un der French influences His sincerity was no greater
concerning the very existence of
as the eve n t showed
Venice herself The terms he had made were con
sid ere d at Vienna most favorable and there w as great
rejoicing in tha t capital But it was significant that
i n the routine negotiations the o ld school diplomatists
had been sadly shocked by the behavior of thei r military
antagonist who though a mere tyro in their art was
very hard to deal with At the outset fo r instance
they had proposed to incorporate as the first article
in the prelim
i n aries that for whi ch the Directory had
long been negotiatin g wi th Austria a recogni tion o f the
”
French republic
S trike that out s aid Bonaparte
—
The Republic is like the su n on the horizon all the
worse fo r h int who will not s ee it
Thi s w as but a
foretaste of ruder dealings which followed and o f still
more violent breaches with tradition in the long n ego
tia ti o ns which were to e nsue over the definitive treaty
The very day o n which the signatures were affixed
at Leoben the Austrian arms were humbled by Hoche
Moreau had not been able to move fo r
o n the Rhi n e
lack o f a paltry su mwhich he was begging for but coul d
not obtain from the Directory Hoche chafing at
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[I 7 9 7
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
440
’
similar delays an d anxious to atone for J o u rdan s
f ailure o f the previous year fin ally s et forth an d cross
ing at Neuwied advanced to Heddersdorf where he
attacked the Austrians who had been we akened to
streng then the Archduke Charles They were routed
with a loss o f Six thous and prisoners Another con
sid era b le force was nearly surrounded when a sudden
stop w a s put to Hoche s career by the arrival o f a courier
from Leoben Though soon after the mini stry o f war
was o ffered to him he declin ed It w as apparently pre
science o f the fact that the greatest laurels were still
to be won which led him to refuse and return to his
headquarters at Wetzl ar There a mysterious malady
still attributed by many to poison ended his brief and
glorious career o n S eptember eighteenth 1 7 9 7 His
laurels were such as adorn o nly a character full of prom
is e seren e and ge n erous alike in success and defeat
In
the Black Forest Des aix having crossed the Rhine with
M o rea u s army below S trasburg w as likewise driving
the Austrians before him He too w as Similarly checked
and these brilliant achievements came all too late NO
advantage w as gained by them in the terms o f peace
and the glory of humiliating Austria remai ned to Bona
parte Desaix w as an Auvergn at an aristocrat of
famous pedigree carefull y trained as a cadet to the
mi litary career He was now twenty nine having
served on the Rhine as Victor s adjutant as general of
brigade in the Army of the Moselle and as general of
division un der Jourdan and Moreau Transferred to
Italy he became the co nfidential friend and stanch
supporter o f Bonaparte His manner was winning
u es
his courage contagious hi s liberal principles u nq
tio ne d
No finer figure appears o n the battle field s of
the Directory and Consu l ate
Throughout all France there w as co nsiderable di s
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
44 2
Verona by the ga rriso n o f its former m asters had bee n
ordered a s a part of the general di sarmame n t of Italy
The Veronese were in tensely fiercely indi gn an t on
learnin g that they were to be tran sferred to a hated
allegi ance ; and o n April seventeenth when a party
appeared to reinforce the French troops already there
the citizens rose in a fre nzy o f in dign ation an d drove
the hated in vaders in to the citadel Du ring the follow
ing days three hundr ed of the French civilians in the
town all who had not been able to fin d refuge were
massacred ; o ld and youn g sick a nd well At the same
ti me a detachment o f Aust ri ans under Laudon came
in from the Tyro l to join F io ra v ente the Venetian
general and his S lavs Thi s o f course increased the
tumu l t for the French began to bombard the city from
the cita del F o r a moment the combined besiegers
exaggeratin g the accounts o f Joubert s wi thdrawal an d
hoped for ul timate
o f M o reau s f a ilur e to advance
success and the over t hrow o f the French But rumors
fro mLeobe n caused the Austrian s to withdraw u p th e
A di ge and a Lombard regiment came to the as sista nce
The Venetian forces were captured
o f the Fre n ch
and the city w as di sarmed ; so also were Peschiera
Castelnuovo and many others whi ch h ad made no
resistan ce
Two days after thi s furious outbre ak o f Veronese
resent ment
an event which is kn own to the French
as the Veronese Passover
occurred another o f vastly
less impo rtance in itself but ha vin g perhaps even more
value as cumulative evidence that the woun d already
infli cted by Bonaparte on the Veneti an sta te was mortal
A French vessel flying before two Austrian cru i sers
appeared o ff the Lido and anchored under the arsenal
It w as contrary to im
memori al cus tom for an armed
vessel to e n ter the har bo r of Venice and the captai n
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PRELIMINARIE S O F PEACE
443
was ordered to weigh anchor He refused There
upon in stupid zeal the gun s o f the Venetian forts
opened on the ship Many o f the crew were killed , and
the rest were thrown into prison This was the fin al
stroke all that was n ecessary for the justification of
Bonaparte s plans An embassy from the sen ate had
been with him at Gratz whe n the awful news from
Verona came to his headquarters He had then treated
them harshly demanding not onl y the liberation o f
every man co nfined for political reasons withi n thei r
priso n walls but the surrender o f their inquisi tors as
“
well
I will have no more Inquisition no more
S enate ; I Shall be an Attila to Venice '
I want not
your alliance nor your schemes ; I mean to lay down
”
the law
They left his presence with gloomy and
accurate forebodings as to what was in those secret
articles which had been executed at Leoben When
two days later came thi s news o f further conflict with
the French in Venice itself the envoys were di smissed
without another au di ence by a note which declared
“
that i ts writer could no t receive them dripping as
”
they were with French blood
O n May third having
a dvanced to Palma B onaparte declared war against
Venice In accordance with the general license of the
age hostilities had however already begun ; for as
early as April thi rti eth the French and their Italian
helpers had fortified the lowlands between the Venetian
lagoons and o n May first the mai n army appeared at
Fusin a the n earest point on the mainlan d to the city
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C HAPTER XXXIV
THE FA LL OF VE NI CE
Feeb lenes s o f th e Vene tia n Olig a rch y I ts Overth ro w B o na
p a rte s Dup licit y L e tte rs o f Oppo site P urpo rt M o nt ebe ll o
Th e Repu b lica n Co urt
E ngl a nd s P ro po sitio n fo r P e a c e
P la ns o f th e Dir e cto ry
Gene ral Cl a r ke s Dipl o ma tic
e B on
a p a rt e
B o na pa rte s J ea l o us
Ca r ee r
Co nduct o f M m
Tend e rness
His W ife s S o cia l Co nq
u ests — Rela tio ns o f t h e
P o we rs
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IN CE the days o f C arthage no government like
that o f the Venetian Oligarchy had existed on the
earth At its best it was dark and remorseless ; with
the di sappearance o f its vigor its despotism had become
somewhat milder but even yet no common man might
draw the veil fro m its mysterious irrespo nsible coun
cils and live A few hundred families administered
the country as they did their private estates All in
t ellige nce all liberty all personal independence were
repressed by such a system The more enlightened
Venetians o f the mai nl and many even in the city feeling
the influences of the time had long bee n un easy under
their gove rn ment smoothl y as it seemed to run in time
Now that the earth was quaking under the
o f peace
march o f B onaparte s troops this governmen t w as not
only helpless but in its panic it actually grew contempt
ible displaying by its conduct how urgent was the
necessity for a change The sen ate had a powerfu l
fleet thr ee thousand na tive troops and eleven thousand
mercenaries ; but they struck o nly a single futile blow
o n their own account permitting a rash capt ai n to open
fire from the gunb oa ts against the French vanguard
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE ON B ONAPARTE
446
disbanded Four thousand French soldiers occupied th e
town and an ostensible treaty w as made between the
n ew republi c o f Venice and that o f Fran ce
Thi s treaty was really nothing but a pronunciamento
He decreed a gener al amnesty to all
o f Bonaparte
o ffenders except the commander o f Fort Luco who had
recently fired o n the French vessel He also guaranteed
the publi c debt and promised to occupy the c i ty o nl y as
long as the publi c order required it By a series o f secret
articles vaguely expressed Veni ce was bound t o accept
the stipulations of Leoben in regard to territory pay an
in demni ty of o ne million two hun dred thous and dollars
and furni sh three Shi ps o f the lin e with two fri gates
while in pursuance o f the general policy o f the French
republi c experts were to select twenty p i ctures from her
galleries and five hun dred manuscripts from her libra
ri es Whatever w as the un derstanding o f those who
S i gned these crushing condi tions the city w as never
again treated by any European power as an independent
state
To this dismemberment the D i rectory made
itself an accessory after the fact having issu ed a declara
tion o f war o n Ve nice whi ch only reached M ilan to be
suppressed when already Venice was no more Whether
the Oligarchy o r its assassin was the more loa thsome still
remains an academic question debatable only in an
idl e hour S oon afterward a French expediti on was
despatched to occupy her island po ssessions in the
Levant The arrangements h a d been carefully prepared
during the very time when the provisional government
beli eved i tself to be payi ng the price of its new li be rties
An d earlier still on May twenty—seventh three days
before the abdication o f th e aristocracy Bonaparte had
already offered to Aus t ri a the entire republi c in its pro
posed form as an exchan ge for the German lands on the
left bank of the Rhin e
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TH E FAL L OF VENICE
2
44 7
Writing to the Directory o n that day he declared
that Veni ce which had been in a decline ever since the
discovery o f the Cape of Good Hope and the rise of
Triest and An cona could with di fficulty survive the
“
blows just given her
This miserable cowardl y
people unfit for liberty and without land o r water
it seems natural to me that we shoul d hand them over
to those who have received their mainland from us We
shall take all their shi ps we shall despo il thei r arsenal
we Shall remove all thei r canno n we shall wreck their
”
rank we shall keep Corfu and Ancona for ourselves
—
O n the twenty S ixth only the day previous a letter to
”
“
hi s
friends o f the Venetian provisional government
had assured them that he would do all in hi s power to
co nfirm thei r liberties and that he earnestly desired
“
that Italy now covered with glory and free from every
foreign i nfluence should again appear o n the world s
stage and assert among the great powers that station
”
to which by nature position and destin y it was enti tled
O rdi nary minds cannot grasp the gu i le and daring whi ch
seem to have foreseen and prearranged all the condi
tions necessary to plans which for double deali ng tran
scended the conceptions o f men even in that age of
duplicity and selfishness
Not far from Milan on a gentle rise stands the i a
mous villa o r country seat of Montebello Its windows
command a scene o f rare beauty : on o ne side in the
distance the mighty Alps with their peaks o f never
meltin g ice and snow ; on the other three the almost
voluptuous beauty of the fertile plains ; while i n the
near foreground lies the great capital of Lombardy with
i ts Splendid industries its stores o f art and i ts crowded
spi res hoary with antiquity Wi thin easy reach are the
exquisite scenes o f an enchanted region
that of the
Itali an lakes To this lordly residence Bonaparte with
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
448
dr ew His summer s task w as to be the pa cifica tio n of
Europe and the co nsolidation of his o wnpower in Italy
in Fran ce an d northward beyond the Alps The two
objects went han d in hand From Austria from Rome
from Naples from Turin , from Parma from S witzer
land and even from the minor German prin cipali ties
whose fate hung on the rearrangement o f German lan ds
to be made by the Diet of the E mpire agents o f every
kind both military and diplomatic bo th secret and
accredi ted flocked to the seat o f power Expresses
came and went in all directions while hu mb le suitors
vied with o ne another in homage to the risen su n
The uses of ri gid etiquette were well understood by
Bonaparte He appreciated the dazzling po wer o f
ceremony the fascination o f condesce nsion and the
i nfluence o f woman i n the conduct o f aff ai rs All such
influences he lavished with a profusion which cou l d have
been conceived only by an O rient al i magi nati on As if
to overpower the senses by an impressive contr ast an d
symbolize the tri u mph of that dominant Third Esta te
of which he cl aimed to be the champ i on ag ainst aristo
princes ki n gs and e mperors the simplicity of
e t ats
the Revolution was personifi ed and emphasized in hi s
o wn person
His ostentatious frug ali ty his disd ain for
dr ess his contempt for personal we alth and its outward
si gns were all hei ghtened by the setting which inclosed
them as a frame o f brilli ants often heighte ns the cha r
acter in the portrai t o f a homely face
Meanti me England g rimly determin ed to s ave her
self and the Europe essenti al to her well being w as not
a passive spectator of events in Italy To un dersta nd
the political situation certain facts must be reiterated
in orderly connection At the close o f 1 7 96 Pitt s a d
ministration w a s sti ll in great strai ts for the Tories who
supported him were angered by his lack of success while
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE O N B ONAPARTE
4 50
during the war prov ided the French republic would
abandon B elgiu m It is essenti al to an u nderstandin g
of Bonaparte s attitude in 1 7 9 7 to recall also in thi s
connection that the n avigation of the S cheldt has ever
been an object of the highest importance to England :
the establishment of a strong hostile mariti me power
in harbors like those o f the Netherlands wou l d menace
if not destroy the B ritish carrying trade with central
and northern Europe The reply o f the D i rectory had
been that thei r fundamental law forbade the consi dera
ti on o f such a point ; and when Mal mesbury persi sted i n
hi s o fl er he w as allowed forty eight hours to leave the
country The negotiation w as a fiasco as far as Austria
wa s concerned although useful i n consoli dating Bri tish
patriotis m Hoche having been despatched to Ir eland
found wind and waves adverse and then returned
to replace Jourdan in command of o ne o f the Rhi ne
armi es the latter having been d isplaced for his f ai lures
in Germany and relegated to the career o f poli tics
Bonaparte s victori es left his most conspicuous rival
nothing to do and he gracefully congratulated his Itali an
colleague o nhavi ng forestalled hi m H i s s a d and s u spi
fluence on the terms
cio u s death i n S eptember had no i n
o f Bonaparte s treaty but emphasized the need of its
ratification
The Directory with a n eye sin gle to th e consolidation
cared little for Lo mbardy and much
o f the republic
for Belgium ; for the prestige of the government even
for its stability Belgium with the Rhine frontier must
be secured The Austrian minister cared li ttle for the
distant provinces o f the e mpire and everythin g for a
compact territorial consolidation The successes of
secured to France treaties with Prussia
1 7 9 6 had
B avaria W ii rt emb erg Baden and the two circles o f
S wabi a and Fr an co nia whereby these powers consented
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TH E
2
FALL OF VENICE
45 1
to abando n the control o f all lands on the left b ank of
the Rhin e hitherto belongin g to them o r to the Ge r
manic body As a consequence the go al o f the Directory
could be reached by Austria s consent and Austri a
appeared to be wi lling The onl y question w as Wo u ld
F ran ce restore the Milanese ? Carnot w as em
phatic in
the expression of his opini on that for the sake o f peace
with honor a Speedy end u ring peace sh e must and
his colleagues assented Accordi ngly Bonaparte w as
warn ed that no expecta tions o f eman cipation must be
awakened in the Italian peoples B ut such a warnin g
was absurd
The directors having been able neither to
support their general with adequate reinforcements nor
to pay his troops it had been only in the m
i le of a libera
t o r that B onaparte w as successfu l in cajoling and co n
quering Italy in sustaining and arming hi s men and in
po uring treasures in to Paris It was for this reason
that enormous and outrageous as w as the ruin and
spoliatio n o f a neutral state he sa w hi mself compelled
to o verthrow Ve nice and hold it as a substitute for
Lombardy in the comin g trade with Austria But the
di rectors either could not o r would not at that time enter
in to hi s plans and refused to comprehend the situation
With doubtful good sense they had therefore deter
min ed in November 1 7 9 6 to send Clarke their o wn
chosen agen t to Vienna It was for this that they se
anners and honest purpo se
lecte d a man o f polished m
but contrary to their estimate o f very moderate ability
He must of course have a previous understanding with
B onaparte and to that end he had journeyed by way of
Ital y B eing kin dly welcomed he w as entirely befool ed
by hi s subtle host who detained him with idle su gges
tio ns until after the fall o f Mantua when to hi s amaze
ment he received the instructions from Paris alrea dy
sta ted : to make n o proposition o f any kin d without
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[1 7 9 7
N AP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
45 2
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B onaparte s consent Then followed the death o f the
Czarina Catherine which left Austria wi th no ally and
all the subsequent events to the eve of Leoben Thu
gut o f course wan ted no Jacobin agitator at Vienn a
such as he supposed Clarke to be and informed h im
that he must not come thi ther but might reach a diplo
matic un derstanding with the Austrian minister at
Turin if he cou l d He was thus comforta bly banished
from the seat of war during the closin g scenes of the
campaign and to B onaparte s satisfaction coul d not o f
course reach Leobe n in time to Conclude the prelim
i
n aries as the accredited agent o f the republic But to
save the self respect o f the Directory he w as henceforth
to be associated with B onaparte in arranging the fin al
terms o f peace ; and to that end he came o f course to
Milan Representing as he did the conviction of the
government that the Rhine fron tier must be a condition
and necessarily emph asizing its scheme o f
o f peace
territorial compensations he had to be either managed
It was the versatility o f the envoy at
o r disregarded
Montebello whi ch assured him his subsequen t career
un der the co nsulat e and empire
The cou rt at Montebello w as not a mere levee of men
There w as as well an assemblage of brilliant women Of
whom the presiding geni us was Mme B onaparte Love
doubt decision marriage separation had been the
rapidly succee di ng incidents o f her connection with
B onaparte in Paris Though sh e had made ardent pro
fessions o f devotion to her husband the marriage vow
sa t but l ightly o n her in the early days of their separa
t i on Her husband appears to have been for a short
time more constant but convinced o f her ficklenes s to
have become as un f aithful as she An d yet the com
l
f
emotions
ambition
sel
in terest and physi
e
x
i
t
o
f
p
y
c al attraction
which seems to h ave been present in
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE O N B O NAPARTE
454
that never an hour passes without thought of you ; that
it never occurred to me to thi nk o f another woman ;
that they are all in my eyes without gra ce without
beauty wi thout wit ; tha t you — you alone as I s e e you
cou ld please and abso rb all the faculties
as you are
that you have fathomed all its depths ;
o f my soul ;
that my heart h as no fold un opened to yo u no thoughts
which are no t attendant upo n yo u ; that my strength my
arms my mind are all yours ; that my soul is in your
form and that the day you change o r the day you cease
to live will be that o f my death ; that n ature the earth
is lovely in my eyes o nly because you dwell within i t
If you do not believe a ll thi s if your so u l is not persuad ed
saturated y o u di stress me you do not love me B etween
those who love is a magnetic bond You know that I
could n ever s e e you wi th a lover much less e ndure your
havin g o ne : to s ee himan d to tear o u t his heart would
for me be o ne and the same thing ; and then could I
I would lay violen t han ds o n your sa cred person
No I wou l d never dare but I wou l d leave a world where
that which is most virtuous had deceived me I am
confi den t an d proud o f your love Misfortun es are
trials whi ch mutually develop the strength o f o u r passion
A child lovely as it s mother is to see the light in your
a rms Wretch ed man that I am a single day would
satisfy me ' A thousand kisses o n your eyes on your
lips Adorable woman 'what a power yo u have ' I am
sick with your di seas e : besides I have a burning fever
Keep the courier but six hours and let himreturn at
”
once brin ging to me the darling letter o f my queen
At length in Jun e when the first great victories had
been won when the symptoms o f motherhoo d proved
to be spurious and disappeared whe n honors like those
of a sovereign were awaiting her i n Italy Mme Bona
parte decided to tear herself away from the circle o f her
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m 8]
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TH E
2
FALL OF VENICE
45 5
friends in Pari s and to yield to the ever more urgent
pleadings of her husband Traveling under Junot s
care sh e reached M ilan early in July to find the gen
eral no longer an adventurer but the successful d ic
tator o f a people courted by pri nces and ki ngs adored
by the masses and the arbiter of nations Rising
apparently without an effort to the height of the occa
sion She began and continued throughout the year to
rival i n her soci al conquests the victories of her hus
band in the field Where he was Caius sh e was Caia
High born dames sought her favor and nobles bowed
low to win her support At times She actually braved
the dangers o f insurrection and the battle field Her
p resence in their capital was used to soothe the exa s
To gratify her spouse s ardor sh e
pera ted Venetians
journeyed to many cities and by a Show of mild sym
pathy moderated somewhat the wild am
bitions whi ch
the scenes and character of hi s successes awakened in
his mind The heroes and poets of Rome had moved
upon that same stage To hi s consort the new C aesar
unveiled the vi sions o f his heated i maginati on explained
the sensati ons aroused in himby thei r shadowy presence
and unfolded his schemes o f emu lation O f such pur
po ses the court held during the sum mer at Montebello
was but the natural outcome Its hi storic influence
was incalcul able : o n o ne hand by the prestige it gave
in negotiation to the central figure and by the chance
it afforded to fix and crysta llize the indefinite Visions o f
the hour ; on the other by renderin g memorable the
celebrati on o f the national f ete o nJuly fourteenth 1 7 9 7
an event arranged for political purposes and so dazzli ng
as to fix in the army the intense and complete devotion
to their leader which made possible the next epoch in
his career
The summer was a season o f enforced idleness o u t
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[1 7 9 7
NAP OLE ON B O NAPARTE
456
w a rdl y and
as far as intern ational relations were con
cern ed but i n reality Bonaparte was n ever more active
nor more successful In February the B ank o f England
had suspended specie payments and in March the price
e
of English con sols w as fifty o n
the lowest it ever
reached The battle o f Cape S t Vincen t fought o n
F ebruary fourteenth destroyed the S panish naval
power and freed Great Britai n from the fear of a com
bin atio n between the French and S panish fleets for an
invasion But o n the other hand sedi tion w as wide
spread in the navy ; the B ritish sailors were mutinous
to the danger point hoisting the red flag and threaten
ing piracy The risings though numerous were even
t u all y quelled but the e ff ect o n the English people was
magical Left without an ally by the death of Catherine
the temporizing o f Pau l and hi s leaning to the Prussian
policy o f neutrality facts mirrored i n the preliminaries
o f Leoben th eir government made overtures for peace
There was a crisis in the a fl a irs o f the Directory and as
a sort of shelter from the stormy menace of popular dis
approv al Delacroix consented to receive Mal mesbur y
agai n and renew negotiations at Li lle As expected
the arrangement was a second theatrical fencing bout
from the beginning Canning feared hi s country would
meet with an accident in the sword play fo r the terms
proposed were a we ak yielding to French pride by
laying the Netherlands at her feet Probably th e
offer w as not serious in any case the farce was quickly
ended an d when their fein t was me t the B ritish nation
had recuperated and was not dismayed It requ i red
the utmost diligence i n the u s e o f personal influence
o n the part both o f the French general and Of hi s wife
to thwart among the European diplomats assembled
at Montebello the presti ge of Engli sh naval victory
an d the swift adapta tions o f their poli cy to changing
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