STUDENT NAME
MUHAMMAD RIZWAN MANZOOR
STUDENT ID
0000374055
ASSIGMENT NO
02
COURSE CODE
8610
SEMESTER
AUTUMN 2023
B.ED
1.5 YEAR
1
Q.1 What is the importance of emotional development? What
factors affect emotional development of school students
The following article deals with emotional development and the development of
emotion regulation skills in children during early childhood education, focusing
primarily on the importance of the early childhood teacher. Emotion regulation is
important for success and wellbeing in further life. It is developed in interaction with
parents as attachment figures. Teachers can also be important persons for the child
in the context of bonding. This leads to the question of how early childhood teachers
can support children learning to regulate their emotions. We analyze with the content
analysis, four programs for promoting social and emotional skills that are currently
used in Germany. The main question is if the programs include elements that
increase teachers’ skills in supporting the children in regulating their emotions. The
categories to analyze the programs are derived from theories of teacher-child
interaction. In addition to programs for promoting emotional and social
development, we will discuss aspects of shaping interaction as essential elements in
promoting emotion regulation. The conclusion outlines some key implications for
educational practice and the importance of developing professional behavior for
qualitative teacher-child interactions.
Keywords:
emotion
regulation,
teacher-child-interaction,
development, intervention program
Go to:
2
early
childhood
Introduction
In recent years, supporting children has become increasingly important. In the
context of early childhood education in Germany, training in language and
mathematics skills have become well established, especially in the context of
inclusive education. Well- developed social and emotional skills in children and
young people will lead to success in their schooling and for life beyond the
classroom. In our view, insufficient attention is paid to the strengthening of social
and emotional skills—especially regulating emotions as an aspect of emotional
competence—which is fostered at an early age.
3
In addition to parents, teachers are the most significant role models for supporting
the development of these skills. As there has been little research conducted on this
topic so far, we present our paper. We ask what opportunities there are in early
childhood education for supporting children in regulating their emotions. We
analyze the content of four programs that are currently being used in Germany. One
of the key aspects of our analysis is the question: “Do these programs include
elements that increase teachers’ skills in supporting the children in regulating their
emotions?” We focus on knowledge about emotional development and support of
emotion regulation. It is also important for us to reflect upon how a teacher interacts
with the children as it is in interacting with other people that a child learns how to
regulate his or her emotions, thus developing emotional skills.
To answer this question, we begin by taking a closer, theoretical look at a child’s
emotional development in the first years of their life (Section 2). Following this, we
present the development and influencing factors of emotion regulation (Section 3)
within a focus on family interactions. In Section 4, we assume, based on Ahnert’s
empirical research [1], that teachers are also significant for the children in terms of
bonding. We explore how teachers can support children in regulating their emotions
based on how our critical application of the programs. In this context, we also refer
to research (e.g., [1,2,3]) into teacher-child interaction, as well as our own reflections
about improving the skills of teachers regarding emotional regulation. At the end of
the article, we provide theory-based implications for the practice of teacher-child
interaction. Furthermore, we show how important developing professional behavior
is for qualitative teacher-child interactions (Section 5).
Go to:
2. Emotional Development in the First Years of Life
4
The development of emotional competencies is a lifelong process that goes hand in
hand with physical, cognitive, and social development [4]. Therefore, emotional
development is based on the close relationship we have with our primary caregivers
[5]. Mirror neurons enable infants to imitate the facial expressions of others shortly
after birth; they are thus “the neural format for an early, basal form of
communication and reciprocal social attunement” [6] (p. 119).
In the first year of life, children develop basic emotions of joy, fear, anger, sadness,
surprise, and interest [7]. More complex self-referential emotions such as pride,
shame, compassion, envy, embarrassment, and guilt are developed toward the end
of the second year of life [7]. “In order to feel these emotions, a child must know
socially accepted behavioral standards and be able to implement these in their
personal behavior” [8] (p. 16 f.). The development of self-referential emotions goes
hand in hand with children’s increasing language development, which allows them
to identify their feelings [9], see Figure 1.
5
Figure 1
Development of emotions and emotion regulation from 0 to 6 years (Diagram
originates [7] (p. 36); This diagram has been reproduced with the authors’
permission).
6
Why emotional development is important
 Looking
at
why
children’s
emotional
development
is
fundamental to the rest of their development
There is a lot of emphasis within early years’ provisions for academic attainment,
and for activities that help children to learn and develop from an early age, all
helping to build and shape future academic success. However, emotional
development is just as important, and can sometimes be overlooked.
A child’s emotional state will build the person they grow into and strongly influence
their behaviour on a daily basis. Children learn through observations, and the people
they spend the most amount of time with will have the biggest impacts on their
7
development. Apart from families, children in early years’ provisions spend a lot of
time with their key person and various other practitioners, and these key adults
should ensure they model appropriate behaviour for the children to learn from.
Children modelling this learnt behaviour should be praised, and will learn from
recognition that these desired behaviours will lead to praise, thus demonstrating
them more and more.
Just like us, children will feel a variety of emotions for different reasons. Sometimes,
children may not understand the emotion they are feeling or how to deal with it. This
is where practitioners can come in to help. Practitioners can help to teach children
how to identify the emotions they are feeling, why they are feeling this particular
way and how to express and cope with these emotions. Practitioners can use tools
such as books, toys or puppets to help children learn about emotions and help them
to identify them.
Helping children to talk about their feelings
Children should be encouraged to talk about their feelings, but first, they need to be
able to recognise different emotions. Feelings boards can be a good way for children
to identify how they are feeling on a particular day, for example, choosing from a
selection of faces; angry, sad, happy, scared or confused. Practitioners can then
explain that the child can come to them to talk about this feeling if they wish to do
so. Another way is through circle time, where there is a safe place to discuss feelings
amongst trusted adults and friends. This can lead onto discussions where the children
explain why they are feeling this way, and practitioners and other children can help
to suggest ways to deal with these feelings. This is a great starting place for children
to learn empathy.
8
Why empathy is important
Empathy is an essential part of emotional development, and encouraging empathy
within children will help them to not only build relationships with others, but also to
understand and manage their own feelings and emotions. Practitioners can tell stories
of characters feeling different emotions, and encourage the children to identify the
emotion and suggest reasons as to why they might be feeling this way. Practitioners
can then relate this back to the children, “how would you feel if this happened to
you?”. This all helps children develop a sense of empathy, and a situation they can
reflect back upon when they feel this emotion for themselves.
There is a strong link between emotional development and social development,
emotional development will impact upon a child’s social relationships and vice
versa. Other people, apart from family who children build a relationship with, will
play a part within the child’s emotional development. Children who have a strong
sense of empathy are aware of others feelings, and can relate to them in a deeper
way, forging relationships.
But why is emotional development so important? It’s already clear that emotional
development can help to shape the person a child will grow into, but it will also
affect how the child feels about themselves. Self-esteem and self-identity is key for
emotional development. A child should be in a caring and nurturing environment
where they can build up a sense of self-esteem and a positive emotional well-being.
This environment will support the child’s emotional development, helping them to
have a strong sense of self-worth and build up trusting relationships, all essential for
later life.
9
Q.2 Conceptualize moral development. Why is moral development
important?
What Is Moral Development?

Moral development is the process by which people develop the distinction
between right and wrong (morality) and engage in reasoning between the two
(moral reasoning). 
How do people develop morality? This question has fascinated parents, religious
leaders, and philosophers for ages, but moral development has also become a hotbutton issue in psychology and education. 1 Do parental or societal influences play a
greater role in moral development? Do all kids develop morality in similar ways?
American psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg developed one of the best-known
theories exploring some of these basic questions.2 His work modified and expanded
upon Jean Piaget's previous work but was more centered on explaining how children
develop moral reasoning.

Kohlberg extended Piaget's theory, proposing that moral development is a
continual process that occurs throughout the lifespan. Kohlberg's theory
outlines six stages of moral development within three different levels.
In recent years, Kohlberg's theory has been criticized as being Western-centric with
a bias toward men (he primarily used male research subjects) and for having a
narrow worldview based on upper-middle-class value systems and perspectives. 3
What Is Objective Morality?
10
 How Kohlberg Developed His Theory
Kohlberg based his theory on a series of moral dilemmas presented to his study
subjects. Participants were also interviewed to determine the reasoning behind their
judgments

in
each
scenario.4
One example was "Heinz Steals the Drug." In this scenario, a woman has
cancer and her doctors believe only one drug might save her. This drug had
11
been discovered by a local pharmacist and he was able to make it for $200 per
dose and sell it for $2,000 per dose. The woman's husband, Heinz, could only
raise $1,000 to buy the drug.

He tried to negotiate with the pharmacist for a lower price or to be extended
credit to pay for it over time. But the pharmacist refused to sell it for any less
or to accept partial payments. Rebuffed, Heinz instead broke into the
pharmacy and stole the drug to save his wife. Kohlberg asked, "Should the
husband have done that?"
Kohlberg was not interested so much in the answer to whether Heinz was wrong or
right but in the reasoning for each participant's decision. He then classified their
reasoning into the stages of his theory of moral development.5
1. work entry
Theory of Moral Development

Onurcan Yilmaz,

Hasan G. Bahçekapili &

Barış Sevi

Living reference work entry

First Online: 27 May 2019

2832 Accesses

3 Citations
Synonyms
Kohlberg’s rationalistic theory; Moral development
Definition
Kohlberg’s theory of moral development explains how moral development takes
place in human animals.
12
Introduction
The nature and the cognitive and emotional determinants of moral judgment have
been empirically studied since the emergence of the science of psychology.
Although one of the first systematic theories began with Piaget (1965), the first
systematic theory based on empirical research was introduced by Lawrence
Kohlberg (1969). Kohlberg’s theory is regarded as a rationalist theory since it
assumes that the main determinant of moral judgment is rational thinking processes,
even though it is thought that emotional or intuitive processes are also involved – at
least in part – in moral judgment.
Kohlberg’s Three Levels
There are three levels (in a total of six stages) in Kohlberg’s theory of moral
development in a hierarchical structure. These three levels follow a stable sequence
but qualitatively correspond to...
Moral identity theory and research emerged in the early 1980s and the field has
grown ever since. In this chapter, the authors begin by reviewing the history of
work on moral identity. They provide a framework for thinking about moral
identity grounded in McAdams’s three levels of personality: traits, characteristic
adaptations, and live narratives. Then the authors review research on moral
identity development across the life span at these three levels of personality.
Next, they review work on contexts of moral identity development, based on
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model: family, peers, schools, communities,
cultures, media, and religion. Last, the authors outline five questions for future
research.
Q.3 What is language? Give an overview of language development.
13
 Development of moral identity: From the age of responsibility
to adult maturity
Moral identity - defined as the importance of morality to the self - has been
characterized as “one of the most important topics of research in moral psychology”
(Lapsley et al., in press). Moral identity significantly predicts moral behavior (Hertz
& Krettenauer, 2016) and is systematically related to moral emotions (Lefebvre &
Krettenauer, 2019). It integrates developmental, social psychological and
personality perspectives for the study of morality (for an overview see Hardy et al.,
2020).
 Moral identity as a goal
Goals define desirable end-states individuals want to achieve (Austin & Vancouver,
1996). Individuals monitor discrepancies between goals and current states. They act
to decrease these discrepancies or adjust their goals, if goal-attainment seems out of
reach. Thus, engaging in goal-directed behavior requires self-regulatory processes
in terms of an ability to initiate, modify and control behavior while monitoring
discrepancies between actual and desired states (for an overview of various forms
 Moral identity goal characteristics and their development
In the literature on goal-directed behavior, three basic distinctions between goals are
regularly highlighted (e.g., Milyavskaya & Werner, 2018). These distinctions are
associated with a host of different theories. Goals are (1) more or less concrete or
abstract; they are (2) either extrinsic or intrinsic, and (3) defined by either approach
or avoidance, that is promotion- or prevention-oriented. In the following, I will
discuss these three goal distinctions as they apply to moral identity. I
14
 Concrete versus abstract goals
Goals naturally form hierarchies. Low-level goals are a means for pursuing higherlevel goals, and so on. Because of the hierarchical nature of goals, any action can be
described on lower or higher levels of abstraction, as Action Identification Theory
maintains (Vallacher & Wegner, 2012). Lower-level action identifications typically
focus on how an action is carried out, whereas higher-level identifications focus on
the reasons and motives why it is performed (Vallacher and Wegner, 1987,
 External versus internal motivation
Identities in general and moral identities, in particular, are rooted in inter- and
intrapersonal processes. Individuals want to be respected members of the moral
community they are part of (e.g., Ellemers et al., 2013). Correspondingly, the moral
identity goal is achieved when this recognition is received from others. Yet,
individuals also act in accordance with their moral convictions for the sake of selfcoherence (e.g., Blasi, 1983, Lapsley and Stey, 2014). From this self-oriented
 Prevention- versus promotion-orientation
Individuals pursue goals by following different regulatory orientations (see Higgins,
1997, Higgins, 2012). They either want to realize progress towards goal attainment,
or they want to secure what has been achieved so far. Realizing progress is
promotion-oriented, while not wanting to fall back is prevention-oriented. This
differentiation between promotion- and prevention-orientation can be applied to
various levels of self-regulation, to goals, strategies and tactics (see Scholer et al.,
2019
 Issues for further empirical investigation
15
As indicated above, the proposed framework for studying moral identity
development, although grounded in empirical research on children's and adolescents'
development, for the most part remains speculative and needs further empirical
validation. Three issues stand out that should be addressed: (a) stability versus
malleability of moral identity goal characteristics, (b) developmental trends across
the life span, (c) developmental mechanisms and, ultimately, factors that promote
moral identity
 Conclusion
What is the difference between the moral identity children exhibit and the moral
identity of adults? This was the leading question of the present paper. In order to
address it, a new conceptual framework was introduced. In this framework, moral
identity is conceptualized as a goal, namely the goal to be a moral person. This goal
framework makes it possible to bridge two different accounts of moral identity
development: Those who consider moral identity a relatively late developmental
 Declaration of Competing Interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or
personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in
this paper.
Moral identity is associated with people’s subjective well-being; however, little is
known about how an individual with moral identity relates to one’s subjective wellbeing. Based on the eudaimonic identity theory, the current study proposed that
identity commitment quality is a critical mechanism that links moral identity (two
dimensions: internalization and symbolization) and subjective well-being. We
16
examined our hypotheses in 419 college students, who completed the Selfimportance of Moral Identity Questionnaire, Satisfaction with Life Scale, Scale of
Positive and Negative Experience, and Questionnaire for Eudaimonic Well-being.
Results confirmed significant positive correlations among moral identity, identity
commitment quality, and subjective well-being; findings also suggested that both the
internalization and symbolization dimensions of moral identity predicted subjective
well-being through identity commitment quality, and identity commitment quality
fully mediated the pathway relationship between moral identityand subjective wellbeing. We discussed these findings with respect to implications and proposed
research suggestions for future studies.
Keywords: moral identity, subjective well-being, identity commitment quality,
internalization, symbolization
o
o
o Introduction
In the past decade, empirical research on happiness and well-being has grown
enormously [1]. Morality is believed to be strongly associated with happiness [2];
even young children believe that a moral person would be happier [3]. Empirical
evidence on the link between morality and happiness has been well-documented in
research records [4,5], of which some have suggested that engaging in moral
behavior can bring us happiness (for a review, see [6]). At present, the well-being of
adolescents is a topic of concern in various fields [7,8]. The development of
17
adolescents’ identity, especially the integration of moral identity and self-identity, is
a direction worthy of researchers’ attention. However, the relation between morality
and happiness or well-being remains vaguely understood, especially during the
critical period of identity formation in late adolescence and early adulthood.
In personal and moral development, an important task is to form an integrated moral
identity, because morality and identity are two facets of the same development
system that are unified in late adolescence [9]. Therefore, identity formation may
play a critical role in the relation between moral identity and well-being in this
period. However, the exact mechanism by which an important identity-moral
identity-is linked to human well-being remains unclear. Therefore, the present study
aimed to fill this gap and focus on the relation between moral identity and subjective
well-being (SWB) by exploring a possible mechanism between people’s moral
identity and their SWB, taking into consideration identity commitment quality as a
mediating variable.
1.1. Moral Identity and Well-Being
Moral development is closely related to identity formation, and moral self-identity
is crucial for living a purposeful life, thus contributing to one’s well-being [10].
Generally, moral identity is thought to signify the importance or salience of morality
in one’s identity [11]. The more a person’s moral identity is central to their sense of
true self, the bigger the role it plays in behavior and commitment. From a social
cognitive perspective, moral identity is defined as the extent to which being a person
with moral traits is a social identity that is salient to one’s self-concept [12,13]. The
moral identity model has two sub-dimensions: internalization and symbolization.
The former refers to the extent to which moral self-schema is experienced as being
18
central to one’s self-definition, whereas the latter refers to the extent to which the
moral person’s social identity is expressed through one’s real-w
Q.4 Discuss cognitive theories of learning.
Several different theories have emerged to explain how people learn. Some of the
main theories of learning include:

Behavioral learning theory

Cognitive learning theory

Constructivist learning theory

Social learning theory

Experiential learning theory
 Basic Principles of Social Learning Theory
 Behavioral Learning Theories
During the early part of the twentieth century, many psychologists became
increasingly interested in turning psychology into a more scientific endeavor. These
psychologists, known as behaviorists, argued that psychology needed to study only
things that could be measured and quantified to be more scientific.
A few different behavioral theories emerged to explain how and why people behave
the way they do. Behavioral theories are centered on the environmental influences
on the learning process. Environmental influences include associations,
reinforcements, and punishments.
19
Learning Through Association
Classical conditioning suggests that learning occurs when an association is formed
between a previously neutral stimulus and a naturally occurring stimulus.
In experiments conducted by Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov, a natural stimulus
(food) was paired with the sound of a bell. The dogs would naturally salivate in
response to food, but after multiple associations, the dogs would salivate to the sound
of the bell alone.
In classical conditioning:

Learning occurs by forming associations between naturally occurring stimuli
and a previously neutral stimulus

The neutral stimulus must occur immediately before the naturally occurring
one

Focuses on automatic, naturally occurring behaviors
20
What Is Classical Conditioning?
Learning Through Reinforcement
Operant conditioning is a type of associative learning that involves strengthening or
weakening a behavior by using reinforcement or punishment.
Operant conditioning was first described by the behavioral psychologist B.F.
Skinner. It is sometimes also referred to as Skinnerian conditioning and instrumental
conditioning. Skinner believed that classical conditioning simply could not account
for all types of learning and was more interested in learning how the consequences
of actions influence behaviors.
Like classical conditioning, operant conditioning relies on forming associations. In
operant conditioning, however, associations are made between a behavior and the
consequences of that behavior.
In operant conditioning:

Learning
occurs
when
behaviors
are
followed
by
either reinforcement or punishment

The consequences must quickly follow the behavior

Focuses on voluntary behaviors
When a behavior leads to a desirable consequence, it becomes more likely that the
behavior will be repeated in the future. The behavior becomes less likely if the
actions lead to a negative outcome.
What Is Operant Conditioning?
 Cognitive Learning Theories
21
The cognitive approach to learning focuses on how attention, memory, and
information processing contribute to the acquisition of knowledge. One of the bestknown cognitive learning theories is Piaget's theory of cognitive development.
Piaget described four stages of intellectual development that occur in childhood.1
These four stages explain how a child learns about the world and processes
information.

Sensorimotor stage: During this period of cognitive development, children
learn about the world primarily through their senses.

Preoperational stage: This stage is marked by the emergence of language
and learning through pretend play.

Concrete operations stage: During this period, kids begin to utilize logic but
still think about the world very concretely.

Formal operations stage: At this point, kids begin to use deductive reasoning
and can understand abstract, hypothetical ideas.
 Constructivist Learning Theories
The constructivist approach to learning characterizes learners as active participants
in the process who play a role in constructing their knowledge. Constructivist
theories of learning were influenced by the work of psychologist Lev Vygotsky.
Vygotsky's sociocultural theory stressed the importance of collaboration and social
interaction in the learning process.2
Two important concepts of constructivist learning theories are the more
knowledgeable other and the zone of proximal development:
22

More knowledgeable other:
Vygotsky described the more
knowledgeable other as anyone with an understanding or ability level higher
than the learner. This can often be a teacher or adult, but it can also refer to
peers with more knowledge about a specific concept, task, or process.

Zone of proximal development: Vygotsky described the zone of proximal
development as the range of knowledge or ability that a person can display
with the help of the more knowledgeable other, but that they are not yet
capable of performing independently. Gradually expanding this zone is how
people can learn and improve their skills over time.
Q.5 Explain the special provisions of individual differences
Comprehension pertains to the location of PID in psychology, the hierarchical
structure of personality, the bandwidth-fidelity dilemma, the difference between
absolute and relative consistency and stability, the data box, and the meaning of
heritability estimates. Competencies and skills consist of tracing literature and
appropriate instruments, administering tests correctly, reading texts, designing and
executing studies, and analyzing data. Section 4 introduces teaching, learning, and
assessment resources. Section 5 describes challenges in teaching PID, resulting from
confusion about the existence of multiple theories and research designs and from
insufficient knowledge about research methods. Section 6 recommends books,
journals, and online materials as teaching and learning resources.
23
With the sharp rise of far-right movements across Europe and Latin America, and to
some extent in the US and UK, discovering and documenting robust means of
fostering functional intergroup relations is paramount. Encouraging positive contact
between members of different social groups can help to achieve this goal. Since the
“contact hypothesis” was proposed by Allport (1954), over a thousand articles have
been published on the topic, with an extensive evidence trail that positive intergroup
contact reduces prejudice (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). We have learned much about
the mechanisms underlying contact (e.g., reduced intergroup anxiety and threat;
increased empathy and trust; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2008; Turner, Hewstone, & Voci,
2007), and the different types of contact (e.g., cross-group friendships, extended
contact, imagined contact, and online contact; Davies, Tropp, Aron,Pettigrew, &
Wright, 2011; Crisp & Turner, 2009, 2012; Mazziotta, Mummendey, & Wright,
2011; Turner, Crisp, & Lambert, 2007; Turner, Hewstone, & Voci, 2007;White &
Abu-Rayya, 2012; Wright, Aron, McLaughlin-Volpe, & Ropp, 1997). However, one
topic that has been relatively understudied (Hodson, 2011), but on which research
has recently flourished, is the role of individual differences in intergroup contact,
particularly where that contact is positive in valence.
Individual differences refer to between-person variability in the levels of
psychological constructs, including personality traits, ideologies, and constructs that
influence information processing. Historically, individual differences have been
viewed as an obstacle to overcoming prejudice (Hodson, 2009, 2011; Hodson,
Costello, & MacInnis, 2013) that were overlooked by social psychologists favoring
the study of contextual factors (see Hodson & Dhont, 2015). Yet there has been
increasing recognition that a “person x situation” approach may be critical in
identifying who engages in intergroup contact, and how different people react to
contact situations (Hodson, 2009, 2011; Hodson & Dhont, 2015; Pettigrew, 1998).
24
Here, we highlight the important role individual differences can play in
understanding intergroup contact.
We begin this review by outlining the first wave of research on this topic which
examines individual differences as a moderator of the contact–prejudice
relationship. The value of this research is in identifying for whom intergroup contact
is most effective, and why, which may feed into the development of targeted
interventions. We next examine work on individual differences as predictors of
intergroup contact. This research is important in identifying who might be most
likely to seek out contact, and what we can learn from this in terms of promoting
intergroup contact (Paolini, Harwood, Hewstone, & Neumann, 2018; Turner &
Cameron, 2016). Finally, we consider recent findings which suggest that intergroup
contact has the potential to change self-perceptions regarding personal traits.

1 INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES AS MODERATORS OF THE
CONTACT–PREJUDICE RELATIONSHIP
Studying individual differences in contact settings is important—if contact works
among those characterized by higher prejudice (HP), this provides strong evidence
for contact's practical value (Hodson, Turner, & Choma, 2017).
o Right-wing
authoritarianism and social dominance
orientation
Right-wing authoritarianism (RWA; Altemeyer, 1981) and social dominance
orientation (SDO; Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994) are socio-ideological
attitudes that are stable, endure over time, and influence how people view the social
25
world (Duckitt & Sibley, 2007, 2010). RWA relates to an individual's preference for
traditional norms and submission to authority. People higher in RWA desire order,
social cohesion, and conformity, to cope with perceptions that the world is
dangerous/threatening, meaning their prejudice is triggered by groups threatening
social norms. SDO reflects desire for hierarchical intergroup relations and social
inequality. People higher in SDO see the world as competitive, seek
dominance/power over other groups, and are prejudiced toward groups considered
inferior or in direct competition.
Although individuals higher in RWA or SDO generally avoid outgroup interactions
(Dhont & Van Hiel, 2009; Hodson, 2008; Hodson, Harry, & Mitchell, 2009;
Pettigrew, 2017; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2011), they nonetheless benefit from contact.
Hodson et al. (2013), for example, found that contact was associated with less
prejudice across a variety of outgroups for those lower and higher in SDO or RWA.
Moreover, some evidence suggests that contact works better for HPs. Hodson (2008)
found that White British prison inmates who experienced contact with Black inmates
exhibited lower intergroup bias if higher (vs. lower) in SDO, an effect explained by
increased outgroup empathy. In two Flemish samples, Dhont and Van Hiel (2009)
found a stronger negative relationship between positive contact with immigrants and
racism toward immigrants among people higher in SDO or RWA. Visintin, Berent,
Green, and Falomir-Pichastor (2019) similarly found that Swiss nationals' contact
(and imagined contact) with immigrants predicted greater multiculturalism support,
but only among individuals higher in SDO. Contact may be particularly effective
among HPs because it reduces intergroup anxiety and perceived threats while
promoting empathy, trust, and inclusion of the other in the self (Hodson et al., 2017;
Hodson, Costello, et al., 2013). These outcomes directly correspond to factors
underpinning biases among HPs (Dhont & Van Hiel, 2011). Although some have
26
argued that contact works among those higher in RWA but not SDO (Asbrock,
Christ, Duckitt, & Sibley, 2012), several recent studies support contact benefits
among higher SDOs (Kauff, Schmid, Lolliot, Al Ramiah, & Hewstone, 2016), even
when simultaneously considering RWA (Kteily, Hodson, Dhont, & Ho, 2019).
27