Crime Victims
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Crime Victims
An Introduction to Victimology
SEVENTH EDITION
ANDREW KARMEM
John Jay College of Criminal .lLstite
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*About the Author
Andrew Kat-men. earned a PILIJ. in sociologyr iiiom Columbia. University in
l‘iTr‘. Since l‘ii l i. he has been. a professor in the Sociologyr IJepananent at John
jay College of Criminal Justice oi" the City University of New York. He has
taught courses on victimology.ctii11inology, drug abuse, delinquency, social uto—
b|.e1ns. race relations, criJninaleLstiice. [whey analysis. research methods. st
atistics.
introductory sociology. and an overview nl criine andjustice in New York City.
Pit john Jay College. he has served as a oo—ditector ol the master s program in
criminal justice. art advisor For undergraduates majoring in criminal justice ar
id
in cri.i11inology. and a member ol the doctoral faculty.
Dr. Karmen has eo-edited. {with Donal MacNamata] a reader called
Deletion: Writers in l’i trfiriizers? {Sage 1.933}. He has authored journal articl
es
and chapoers in books on a number ofsubjecls, including drug abuse. auto chel t.
police use of deadly Force, the zero—tolerance crackdown on quality-oF-Iif e infractions in New York City. vigilancism. research taboos. the Rosenberg atomic
spy case. news media ethics. providing lawyers For indigent; providing advocates
for victims. victisns rights. the lvictimization ofwonien, and the likely situa
tion
nferinic victims in the : utuite. In New Yarile Mnra er :‘lifysrery: The True Story
Behind
Ilia Crime {.‘mtlr {ff-Elle 1996‘: [NYU i’tess. 2llllt’i. paperback). all the leading e
x—
plartatinns about why crime rates rise and Fall are tested, but none turn out to
he
unequivocally supported by tlte available statistical evidence.
a
Brief Contents
FOREWORD taxi
PREFACE (xiii
1
2
3
1D
11
What Is Victimology? l
The Redistouiery of Crime l.I it:tims 30
Sources of Information about Crime Victims: The
UCR and the MIPS 51
Violent Crimes: Murders and Robberies i0
Victims Contributions to the Crime Problem in?
Victims and the Criminal Justice System: Cooperation
and Conflict; Part 1: The Polioe ‘lI l-Il
Victims and the CriminallustioeSystem: Cooperationiand Conflict:
Part2: Prosecutors. Defense Atton ieys. Judges. and Corrections
officials 163
Children as Victims 153
Victims of Violence by Lovers and Family Members 2.23
Victims of Rape: and Other Sexual Assaults 259
Additional Groups of Victim with Special Problems 29]"
vi
BRIEF CONTENTS
12 Repaying Victims 33613 Victims in the Twenty-First Century: Alte mative Directions III
GLOSSARY 4D9
REFERENCES £1!
NAMEINDEX £32
SUElECTINDEJC Illa-1
*Contents
FCl-IIEWOIID Ill
PREFACE txlii
1 MI! I! “MIND-gr? 1
”The Flight ol t Irittie Victims 1
Studying Viclirrtizall rt Seienii eally 3
Win- OlljéL‘LlNil V ls Desirable 4
li’rl l-JIIJ or {wrinlrr -l
Cn amnnilr iu VI-(I I-PIII I‘i
Vim-nu Versus "Fund Gary!” .7"
Sonnets of Elias ‘J‘
D I tdl‘JIII JIUILlT !‘ Urrd rmal ”Bail RePirIdIann” T2
The Drigim oFVieu inoloEn- 1-1‘r’iclittu‘altigy Cotttpatied to Critttilliiltqry l
Parallels B werar Cri nimuiegy rrnd Vi i aiwi dgy in”
.D ’errne’er mad Hunradrm er IR
The iirtrg’iiirr with Other D clllli l
i9
Diii l si drrs uuil rara rdll‘ Disallmlmr l9
will].- Stu-if]: Vi i irwi dgy? 29
Wimt l-‘ietiniiiliigists lilo 2?!
STEP 1: liil e’rili ll yJ De ne, and Derrribr i‘l lie P wln e’m 2]
Slip 2: Mom"! Ilrr Trrrr .Diinrrrri drrr larder Holder" 24
Step 3: liriasrtunlr How Victim: .‘liie Handled 25
Sreri -I.- Garlm Enide’nt! iu Tm Hyjiwilauea 25
viii
CONTENTS
Sumnlary 3F!
Key TIME: 28
Questions Fm l J-iu isaiima and Debate 23
Critical Thinking Qumimm 28
Sugpmmd Research ijem 2 ]
2 The Radistmtyol Crlme Victlms all
The Din-own}- ut Ct-im: Vimiim St:
The- IJttuLim: nITCrime Victims. 31
The- ILediscmew m‘ Crime Vchirns 32
Suttidl .Wuwm tb: Taking Up 116: lilrmur (“any 52
Hard Wtial‘r: EMU-Fill“ le amm Nut-tied fl w
Vl l ms 35
TM Aim-S Media: Mmrt ng III! Vt aims PIT I! .16
Cmmmidf harm.- Sl l til
and 5mm an Vt m ms 38
Stalin-i]: MM“
ViL‘LiJIIl lW Cmuributm m the Redhum-m I m-cm 39
Stat“! 1: Calling Alrnrll utt hr rm (:1de Mitt: 4U
Stag! 2: Matting ”mm-is. Intpf mtttnqu Rg lmlr 4.1
Srqur 3: Emrlyetitf gran Omnuwrtmt rtnd
Rm itmct m Furtlmr C knquts 42
Dewfepmen: all"
S I qqr 4: W1: and Trmpdwdqr Rania-him: gr DI ypum 4.1
llediscmering Additimml Gmupx aFVictims 43
Rultulury ‘1?
Key Tana-1 4|]
Queslitms fur Discussim: and Debut:- 54]
Critical Think mg Qumimm 5ftSuw d 11mm]: hijem 5|]
Sums of lniatmatlun abmtt Crime I.I it:tims: 1112 at
and 1h: NCUS 51
Crime in IJIE Streets: The Big Picture 51
The iii! and :11”!!! ufStthstiu: 52
[ntapnn tg Statistics 53
The Turn- Of cial Emilee-i aFVchimitalim Data 54
The FBI”; Uiai irm Ginn- Ilepnrl [IJCPLJ 5 ."
TM Bj ’t Naticinal Crime Victimitalim: Sun-e1,- [MEX- 5]
C npmiqu thr UCIL mud rin- NEWS 63
CONTENTS in:
Using Data In: Bring
Stunttcary 6?
ue Big Picture intn Fucus 6-i-
Key Terms ER
Quertimtn J nr Disc-mini. and Debate 6R
Critical Thinking lQuestions 6R
Suggested Research Projects 69
I Violent Crimes: Murder: and Robberies Tl]
Focusing cm Murder-.1 m
lining the UCR tu Analyze Murder: Fl
Stdrfi lillg l lr Crime Wm.- Dt‘l l ll w Trends in
Interpenwml Violent: FJ
Ciadtl‘ut‘s m: Tt tme it: thtt-u t‘r Rm: T4
Charity: Mr Time in Allen-muted Muir Ram F5
[INNER-"g Vnhmt zmlt mt Parirrm 7W
Mating International mepdn m éili
Assersing Comparative Risks: Putting Crime into
Pmpective El]
Focusing on Robberies 85
Rainier: and Timr Vt cl t nt: 3.1
[Bing list NEW in Andria ROME”?! l‘i
Checking Out Hi im im Mun! Rum An: Tmnnucu
into .I i-fmdws 35
Digs-mt”! Rails if er ug Re ned 941
Projecting Cumulative Risks 92
The Sen-ch fur Risk Factor: 35
TI‘JE Determinants
deJP-I EIIHEI Rich: Raulinc Ann-Flip;
n
mlnni Lt ’ yics 9n”
Musing Ruth: Him- SdJl iF is 5.953 Emit? 93
Ainlur ml emc mburut Risk Talung 99‘
Fran! Crime Mull-mt Du Vt t‘lr mt cdl tun Hewnlr mr 3 9
Cn‘nlumtlr as Victims T91
thmcm rm-1r as Appiird w Victims HM
Summary 105
Key Terms 1.05
Queru mn for Discussion and Debate l
Critical Thinking Questions 106
Suggested Research PIDjMIR 1.an
CONTENTS
5 Uictlms‘ Cortttibutinns tn the Crlme Problem 10?
The Questim: of hai-eti Responsibility 108
The Carin-users]- Mt Filmed Rnpdm‘titl it ljl 110
Vit‘lim Fctt’tl it dl tm, MIPIIEIITI-GJIJ tutti P rm-umuicttt ”2
Victim Mtrittuiun .atttt Mma utt ”3
Tile Fieqmq- ell-Shani R puttsibti iif itt Vitaiirttl Cn mrs fit;
[tin-igniting Cutttpit’le innutrtttte .dtltf Fat” Re mnsiiuiary 1T5
‘tl it‘titlt Blaming versus Victim Defending 11.7"
Vic-tint Facilitation and hunt Theft.- [1 [t the 1:111:12?“
Who Wind Up Careless? 119
Stealing artful Fant cttlrttiI Pm l 11.9
Witnit tuttrttn tr Situuiai Er Mint (“untamed Iii-Tarn Parka“? 122
Staining tine Vin-inf» Facilitating the Crime 1 25
Stolen Identities: Which Tiiefn an: Victim-Facilitated.
and. Which Precautions Are Reasonable? 121i
Tilt! tWI trtE tJritf Pmbit‘ttt 123
Dtj nliml Fiji s uf ummqu d Victim ell-Idem!)- Theft 1 3”
Lame: .ItNi Stt irittg Ut‘
Law and Law En lrt’t’tttettl .132
abusing Vul tmrfw {Quorum Rt sic-an tn titm .‘idtsjrtptirs 1 33
Victim Def—Ending; Ftttiit tall ult it A ur tier Hrcttr
grl itr Problem L16
Transcenditts Viicl tt t‘t “bruins 311d \iit‘lilll ihfmditts 137
The Leila] littpmtance ul lIIeterniining Responsibility 13-9
Summary 1‘12
Key Tea-rte} 1-12
Questions fun Discussitm and Debate 1-1-3
Critical Thinking Questions 1-1}
Suggested Research Tnpic 14.1
Uictlms and the Etlmhal Justice System: Cooperation
and Con ict: Part 1: The Police 144
r ictitttn versus The Criminal justice System 1-15
What Do Victims Want.- Punisiinmnt? Treatment?
Restitution? 145
‘tI ictitttn and tile Pniice 1-1-1;
chwtiug Emotions- 149
Rrspnmiitru Qm rln y 152
CONTENTS xi
Hwtci im‘u Wat-mi with Ctr! i55
Ciad enluilg tite Vttrittl’t: Vet-sti e iii—EM“ 154
IItI rtrturttJ ng Ctttutlrtirttittl; uttnti .‘itti ttt ng Crimes 15::
:1 nesting 5”wa and Resizing En d eme 152
Renaming Swim Property ItiJ
.I lri ettstitrtitg W3! l tJtM trd d Vittirtt-C riwtttrti
Polite Department i j
Summary 1613
Key Terms ltiti
Quenimtn for Disc-mien and Debate 16F:
Critical Thinking Questions 1151:
Suggested Research Projects in?
It lctlms and the Crimlnal lustlce System: Cooperation
and Contllct: Part 2: Prosecutors. Defence Atton teys.
Judges, and Cottectluns O irJals 168
Victims and Prosccunnrs 169
Assisting Victims will Daim- Witnesses w the State 1 30
Meeting Vidr ttt ! Me Same as [Minutes n tJ re
Mmuttitut TFZ
Dismiso ny
mw and Re ning Case: 1314
iK tyotinnqu Pica; 175
ViL littL‘i atlti Del-arch: t llltBnIe-yti I}?
Paul-tuning Heating: .17"?
GMT-Exdtlll tll‘ i-i-itnrssrs dttn ng Tn
ViL littL‘i atltijudses‘t 181?
” 3
Gaming Rm] 180
Setrteuo rig (ah/mitts Hi!
Appealing lit the .q prml ‘ Court 13.1
Victims and Correctimts D iciah 1516
mept ny Trot}: rt"- Quintin! mud Raining Reimbursrttunt
uttt Than HM
fu n miny “male Bettinal Dal-nut]! 1 35
t’ttid Justine For MI? 15113
Rama-ohm "Setuttd-Ct s" TIEotttIt‘ttl 1 33
Stitnttcarg.I 191
Kelli.I Terms 1 31
Quesltulls J’or Dixcurnimt and Debate 191
Jtii
CONTENTS
Critical Thinking Questions 102
Suggested Research Projects 1 32
Children as Victims 193
The Ongoing Debate Between Minimalism and Mininnlists 19-1
Mining Children 195
.iLieé i ttt‘ttet I Fears obttttt the P tttitt ettt in title {imitate it ll-Dali: IFIE
Estinndter uftit!‘ intitiidm mud Sriittitmte’n ttthItE Pluitie’tut 193
Htrtrtllt gll tr (Till-“Nil [Mm Hm iw’tttttt‘ttrtt 291]
Tilt! Mllbllll r ttj titie tttcHattittt Synd wtm‘ 21-15
le tml Citt itftm 2193
Physically and Sexually hused. Children 213-1
Tilt! Rediiwtptty uf i rtid disuse 2134
Ho".- Ciir i ttten .‘i at it 205
Estimates ufti ne lttttiai ente, Prrltttientr. and Sen ottsnrts 91
Child Abuse 2 03
More r nlmwn tes S r l n l-I JILI Childhood Srrtndi Jinn-e 211
i tlrused Children and Lepl 11roceeiiingx 2116
Talent! trnu Ammnt or Bent Interests all titr Cl rtid 215
The Cletiiitiiity ngbi tttie-i d5 Witness" 2 19
Deming Child-Friendly Prmtitts 221
Proactive rerstts Rmtire Strategies 223
i tdditiorcal For-tn of Exploitation and Mistreatment
onoung People 22-1Sl ititrg Alum 224
Alone g Aduiettrn-rr it}- Parents 2.24
Sidtttlttu]! Rope li lrlivitllilli 225
Summary 225
Key Tentts 22ftQuestions For i Jiscussioin and Debate 22!:
Critical Thinking Questions 226
Suggested Research Projens 22?
lt irtlms 01 Violence by Lotters and Family Members 2211
Violence Between intimates 228
The Rediscmery of Wife Beating 22 )
Eimninf Haj): His Violent “tint-St! 231
10!
can T ems xil
Blintdl rift!” Inu d t mte, Wk”, and .‘Ten mmms
qlrSJwttsr Aims: 232
Emanuel; Wendi-1g Stuns 23?
Aiding Valium Mu Fearful-13M 233
Bdrm-rd Women tin-ti HIE CEILINIIHJIJIISI HI Sf em: leem h
Violence, ur it It? 239
The Redirmvery ni Battered Heshancls 2-H
Victim Pram-cation and Murder: When 1: the Slaying of
a Wife BE’ALET justi ed? 24F:
hummer Puritan Hermie“: A Chute: Loni: 24 ?
.‘i win-earn 5mm"; ".I Trar tine Brutal Film-t Did Nut
Dvsrme in Dar 2‘???
AWINJIJS Empimnzittg Tim! lite Emmi
tin“ erlmi Rename 24-9
-fdrt- W
The Redirmvery ni fhher i’ictirrcs nITBe-itingxx 25-2
young W’umert anew During Cumi tlrtp 252
Abuse elf Parent: by Aduiemn 255
Eider Abner 253
Bdrm-ting mtl frttl quex ernli itsh ps 255
Prevailing Entering 255
Stunttury 253
Key Terms. 25?
Quextimtn J nr IJixcimimt and Debate 25H
Critical Thinking Questinns. 2258
Suggested Research Prujects 258
Victims of Rape! and Other Sexual Ass-aims 259
The Redirmvery ni the Plight ntl llape Victims 21647!
"Real Rapes" Cnrrtpareti with "Date
Rapee" 262
Victim Precipitation and. Rape: Did he Single HerseLr
Out Ian Trouble? 215-1Virta m-mat lg Maw: 2134
ch‘nt-Dt miing Pélipt’t lil t’s 2 5?
The Consequences nfBeing Sexually Assaulted 21W
Estirrtates nFIlIe Incidence. PrevaJence. and
Serirmsness nf ape 2T0
”in uential Rishi. m’ Being Sexually Pusaulted and Raped 217.1
Jt nt ECII ITEIITS
11
How the Criminal justice Brill?!” Handles Rape Victims 2?4
The Cmtmtersy Mt L Jtl mnn eid Aun li t 2 33
The Agree: versus the Aerated 282
EJ‘rju dtll Ed Pubit rtty rtmf i‘t epmlt lrt .H Nl m thdrdii 2?th
Rare Sitar“ Last: 235
Fume due Rmttdntr 235
Carmen-ration 22??
Ann, Mmmm, And Asia tlrfitrtll m 28 ?
Cris n ll IenIer-s: Providing Emergency Assistance 2%?
The liediscmery or More Rape Victims 29:]
[Vim aneu lql Jimr Hut tmtit 29f]
Sexually Amniled Aide‘s 29F
lirevenu ng Rape 293
Summary 29-1
Key Terra-i 205
Questions For Discussim: and Debate 295
Critical Thinking Questions 295
Suggested Research Projects 2 36
Additional 6mm! of Victim with Special
Problems 2!?
Victims qurintes Cmnmitted at Scltunl 298
Tilt-eats Fun-alt Ce ege Student-rs 298
Hunter: Fun-r“ Middle Salim! emf High School Student: 3m:
Individuals Men-acted by Stalkers 311
Stalking: A New Weidfurdir OM Menu 3”
Cyhetsl d u f; .4 New Wunf lr at New WWI-1| 314
Targets of Hate lI. .‘rirrtes: 315
Rt tiihweriuy tr Very “if Hutuwn “5
How iHItdl Halt? J M
Cn ttlim uru System Reruns 320
Vic-tints uFWotirplaee 1ll iinlence 321
Slaying: .sr War-Jr 322
Law Eru nrcement Damn Injured and Killed
in the Li"! til—Duty 323
Mm. mm Mm, use", Haw, me Why? 324
shunting Serum}- 32?
12
CON TENTS
Cmuahies ol Tem‘nr urn 32?
rimming tJ ne Tin-mt qFTemrinn 323
Assirtcmee and Rowe-3- 331‘
Sumnury 334
Keg.I Terms 334
Questions for Discussion and Debate 334
Critical Thinking Questions 33-1
Suggested Research Projects 335
Repaying Victims 335
The Costs oJ Crime 336
Gaining Restitution from Offenders 338
Bath hr Basis 333
The Rise, Fall, and Redistwery af enitutiun 33h
Bil-emu! Gtttttlt. Quitting Hrti wplti t 34f?
O mutu tt er in Maine Rotate-rims 342
Ohstdd es Undennunhrg Reitiruriun 345
Rttt t rtrt itm to Atom 345
Winningju grncnts in Civil Ct’turi 3‘“?The Manual grinterest in Cir-ii in nity 54“!
The Equation le 343
Miniatures and Home: 35”
(Tailoring Dwnqgex mn Third Fame: 352
Collecting Insurance Reimbursements 35-h
Primes Crime Inittmtite 356
Forms” grid“. Emmi-y. dmf Ritmitunemt nl 555
Federal Crime ism-arr: 35?
Recovering Losses Iltrouglt Victim Compensation Programs 153
The History I! Valium Cmn ue’rjmniun by (“mu-intents 353
The Debate am Cmnpemoriun tn the United States 359
Haw WM Opel-me.- Similarities and Dé elt‘mr 3m
i l-i aunwn ug III-1d Emlmroity Cttttmtrjs l t w Moduli 363
Pon scating l‘rolits from Notorious Criminals Fifth
Writing and Returning rile Lin.- 36?
Smllllul‘y 368
Key Terms 360
Quextiom J’or Dixcuuion and Debate 36*?
CONTENTS
Critical Thinking Questions iii-‘l:
Suggested Research ijens .ii‘n
13 Uictlms In the “natty-Fits! Cattury:
Direcllons 33 1
llet-naive
T w t‘d lGreater Fun-ma] Legal Rights wi lir‘t the
Crimiml Justice System .i t‘2
Right: Gained nr rlne Expense of (whim in;
ight: Gained at the Expense all tin Sprint: 378‘
Right: Canned. nr rite EIJUEIISI‘ t‘lllr Q
or Burlr 32?“
ndyg
at“ Sperm,
anard JI.».ot.-.t|i:tt.t‘.n-}l Justice .585
Vtigatidrtl tljmrr Farrah-Er On ns 335
Vtigtt drtl icm t rrstrs Lgy l r mrrtr‘ Lrir ttf FWt! m Stinglrt tU-r 53?
[i’utll tl Victim: Er Benz: Wir 1 qu H”!!! Ahmed? 3341
Till Dawn Luff! Dr i’ Bat-l} Tum RernlietrnI-y Vwiente 592
Thwart] Restorit we Justice 3 36
The Peacemaking .Pmess 35‘?
A Enigl l-litruqr uj Reswnm welnsrite ii”?
HI JID Rewmiifmlt tm Pr grdms [Valid 40“
Evaluating E hrtr 4r memiitttimr 402
PM! dtnd Catt-Sfr tn l hr Vttit nt’; Paint all View 403
“I! Farlsm all menriI-rjunite 405
sull l l‘y 4 06
Key Tea-ms 4M
Questitms fur Discussim: and Debate- 44]?
Critical Thinking Questions 40-?"
Summit-611mm]: htjects 4|]?
GLOSSARY 4D?
REFERENCES 419
NAMEINDEX 41"2
SUEJEETINDEX Iii-1
%
Boxes, Tables, and Figures
BOXES
5011.1
Boot 1.2
Ba! LII
Boot LII
50.111
5512.2
Boot-LI
Butt-ll
51115.1
Box 5.2
Ba! 5.]
Butt: ILI
Bax Ll
5917.2
51:»th
What the Police Mean by the Term
Uictimolugy 11
Same Striking Examples of Uictimology—
Bashing“ 12
Highlights in the Brief History of Victim olagy and
Victim Assistance 1?
A Sampling of the Ill tt ide Range of Studies
Uictimolctgists Undertake 26
Research on Controversies About Certain
Types of Victimization «IIIThe Pmcess of FtetiisicotterttI Goes On and tin 48.
"Your Money.I at Your Life!" 50
{ariacited Drivers 93
Expressions of Support for Inquiries into the
Victim s Rule I‘l
Criticisms of The Motion of Shared
Responsibility 120l
Prof Calls for Crackdown on Crime Victims 1“
Notable Criticisms of How the Criminal Justice
System Handles Victims 14E
Supreme Court Decisions Directly Affecting
II.l ictirrtrs lad.
Which Victims Get Better Treatment? 185
Highlights of the Rediscoeenr of the Missing
Children Problem 15?
trttii
:tt ttiii
BOXES. T ELES. AND FIGURES
Box 8.2
Box 111.1
Box 1a.:
Box 11.1
Bout 13.1
TABLES
Table 11
Table Ill
Table 12
Table It]
Table Inl-
Table 15
Table :15
Table 5.1
Table 5.2
Table 5.]
Table 5.1
Table 5.1
Table 6.2
Table 5.]
Table EllTable 5.5
How Often Are Children Kidnapped. and
What Happens to Them? .100
The Controversy Surrounding Widely Held
"Rape Myths" 268
The System s Shortcomings from a
Victim‘s Ploint chiet-t Zil‘li
A limeline of Some of the Worst Campus
Shootings it]?
Dramatic Examples of lVictim Activism 3H
Estimated Victimization Rates from the UCR
and the NEWS. 2006 65
Murder Rates across the Globe:
Selected Countries Bl
Murder Rates across the Globe:
Selected Cities 33
Comparing le Rislts of Death Posed by Crime.
Accidents. and Certain Diseases. ZED-E Bull
Yearly Estimates of Murders Committed
During Robberies 90
Robbery Rates for Various Groups. 21106 91
Chances of Becoming a Victim over a Lifetime Bull
Which Vehicles Were Stolen Most Frequently
During 2005? I23.
Vehicle That-t Rates in US. Cities. 2116? 124
How Victims of Identity Theft Were Harmed.
Nationwide. 21106 129
States Where Residents Faced
le Highest
and Lowest Risks of |dentity Theft. 2005 iii]
Trends in Reporting Crimes to the Police.
Selected Years. 1913—2006 150
Trends in Police Response Times to Violent Crimes.
Selected Years. 1990—2006 15.2
Trends in Clearance Rates. Selected
Years. 1953—2006 159
Clearance Rates for Homicide Cases in Maior
US. Cities. 21103—2006 lEl
Trends in Stolen Property Recovery Rates
Selected Years. 1930—2006 164
Table 2.1
Table 9.1
Table 1D.1
Table 11.1
Table 11.2
Table 12.1
Table 12.2
Table 111
Table 111.2
Table 1].]
Table 11-1
FIGURES
Figure 3.1
Figure «1.1
Figure «1.1
Figure «1.3
Flgure «1.4
Figure 5.1
BOXES, TABLES,ANDFIGURES XII
Trends in Fear of Reprisal as a Cause of
Nonreporting, Selected Years, 1980—2005 172
Murders by Intimates. 19??—2UDE- 243
Which Females Face the Gravest Risks of
Rape and Sexual Assault".I Selected Years.
19?} to 20116 ZillCrimes Committed on College Campuses.
Z l—2CHJE 3.116
Incidents on School Property. Safety Concems.
and Security Measures. United States. 2005 30?
Percentages of Convicted Felons Sentenced to
Restitution as an hddi onal Penalty in the TS
largest Jurisdictions Nationwide. Selected Years,
1996-20-01 346
Percentage of Convicted Felons Placed
on Probation Who Have Restitution Obligations
in the 75 Largest Jurisdictions Nationwide.
Selected Years. 1994—2001 1-1?
Uictims Rights Gained at the Expense of
Suspects, Defendants, and Prisoners 3TB
Victims Right: Gained at the Expense of
Criminal .lustioe Agencies and Of cials 319
Iustifiable Homicides by Crime 1ll ictims and
Police Officers, 1938—200? 39D
Comparing and Contrasting Retributiye
lustioe and Restorative Justice am
The FBI‘s Crime Clock. 2005 55
Trends in Homicide Rates in the
United States. 1900—200? 74
Trends in Aggravated Assault Rates in the
United States, 193—2005 1 6
Trends in Robbery Rates in the
United States, Nil—2006 T9
Murder Rates in Maior US. Cities 2001" i9
Trends in Burglary Rates in the
United States. 1 9H—2DOIS 113
BOXES. T ELES. AND FIGURES
Figure 5.2
Figure 10.1
Figure 11.1
Figure 112
Figure 11.3
Figure 11.4
Figure 11.5
Figure 12.1
Figure 12.2
Trends in Motor Vehicle Theft Rates in the
United States. 1923—2006 122
Trends in Rape Rates in the
United States. 1973—2336 222
Trends in Murders of Students at Middle Schools
and High Schools in the United States. School
Years, 1992 to 2005 310
Trends in Work-Related Murders
in the United States. 1992-260? 3231
Trends in Murders of Lain.I Enforcement Offioers
in the United States. 1923-201]? 32-1
Why D‘f ficers Were Murdered or Injured.
1992-20116 3.26
Casualties of Terrorism. 19843—2005 3.30
Opportunities for Restitution 3113
Case Attrition. Funneling or Shrinkage:
The Leaky Net 3-“
*Foreword
"Wliar abovr die I-ittim?"
Thismay seem like a mundane quescion, but most ofthe time, when we hear it, we
are hearing a rhetorical way to advocaoc for a philosophy ofjusticc. one that ta
kes
account ol the problems. and costs suffered by victims ofcrime. 1While the pligh
t of
victims of crime is an old one, the philosophy that embraces. the plght as a_jus
tice
priority is. not. For most ofchc history ol our nation. viccims ol crime were la
rgely
invisible in the criminaljuscice process. The very way we referred to cruninal c
ases.
Wilton at. State, made clear an overriding idea that criminaljustice was concern
ed
with a. controversy hemeen a defendant and the stanc. Victbns, if they were considered at all. were only important as. potential wioresses. in chat controversy
.
Beginning in the last third of the twenciech century. however. this isolation
of‘ victims. from the Justice process began to change. 1With concern about the
rising crime rate in the 19sz and. FREE: came an increasing interest in the impa
ct
of crime and the criminal. juscice process on viceims. Perhaps this concern was
inevitable. as. rising rates. ol crime meant there were increasing numbers of cr
ime
victims, families with victims. and Friends or" victims. many of whom could re—
count aIJ-too-l requent negative experiences with the way their cases were handled. The conccrn about victims was. also a bit of a backlash ayinst that same e
ra
when tlte rights of criminal suspects were such a prominent issue in Supreme
Court holdings and public policy dehaacs. And it is also likely that as the LLS.
citizenry came to demand more services in general. it would only he nanJral that
one ol the corneitucncies calling For ltelp would he crime viccirns.
Whatever the causes—and there are probably several—victims of crime be—
came an important comcicueney. They also became a significant policical force.
and their cii eco. could be seen in the new cornerstone ol almost every policici
an‘s
campaign promises: to get "tough on crime." Even people who had never been
victims ol serioLLs crime and knew no one in that category came to believe that
a
tough stance on crime was a vico m—l riendly stance on crime. For more titan
Jud
FOREWORD
.‘HJ years. penalties For crime have become ever more seveHl ten with the_jLLsticacion that a concern For victims required tougher measures aginst offenders. But
this was not the only expression ofpro-victim sentiment in the political arena.
Numerous local victims‘ advocacy organizations were fonned. the most notable
ofwhich might be Mothers i’tginst Drunk Driving. The federal government established a national office on victims of crime in the L15. Department ofjlustice.
while
many states passed new legislation that enumerated. the rights of victims ofcrir
ne. in
many ways. the latest generation ofcriminal justice has been one dominated by th
e
voice of tlte victim. at least as a symbol of alarm and a call for change. No se
t of
ideas ltas had a more profbund impact on the criminalJustice system in the past
.11] years than has the institutionalized. public concern about the victims ofcr
ime.
its public sentiment about the predicament oE the victim grew. social scien—
tists developed an interest in the victim as well. A new field, called victirnol
og y.
was established to investigate all aspects oE victims of crime. om prevalence an
d
demographics to needs and. perspectives. Lessons about the social signi cance of
crime gleaned through an active social science of the victim have reshaped our
understanding of crime and justice. From the time when it became popular to
ask. "What about the victim?" to the contemporary ease with which we embrace
concern about the victim in the justice system. much has changed and much has
been learned. Today, anyone who wishes to be informed in crime and justice
must understand what we know about victims of crime.
That is why I am delighted to announce the Seventh Edition or" Andrew
Karmen s superb. seminal tent: on the topic: Crime Victim: .r lni intnrdarriwr a
s
Homology. liroi essor Karmen was. one of‘ the rst scholars to write about the
problems Eaced by victims, and his book remains one of the most authoritative
and accessible studies of victims available today. This new edition retains the
reliable data, even-handed analysis. and thought-provoking presentation of the
previous editions. It adds completely updated statistics. new discussions of rec
ent
developments in viecimology, and l resh perspectives on the future of the field.
No boolt currently available provides a more balanced, comprehensive. or
reliable discussion of the important oontroversies and. dilemmas in the crimina
l
justice policy and practice regarding victims. This book supports its positions
with data. provides statistics that question starire ol the typical myths about
vic—
tims. and provoltes the reader to think. carefully about the importance of the
victims‘ movement for criminal justice policy.
Professor [Carmen s e-arlier editions of this boolt were received with praise.
This new edition continues and strengthens its contribution to our knowledge.
[ commend the book no you. To read it is to have your thoughts and opinions
about crime victims become more informed and more e ‘ective. You will be
changed by this book.
Todd ll. Clear
President oE the rnerican Society of Criminology
Distinguished Professor oE Criminal justice
_]ohn_Jay College of Criminal Justice
City University of New York
*Preface
I ntlte early J‘J tls. ] became interested in the victims‘ rights movement that was
campaigning to reform crirninal justice policies. [ wanted to develop a course
about victimology. but I found that no comprehensive and. up—to—date textbook
existed. .I tccepo ng the challenge, [ decided to write one.
when ] began the rst edition. it was difficult to locate reliable social science
data or even well—informed speculation about a number of crucial aspects of
criminal victimization. when I prepared the second edition in the late l‘JEi-iis.
I encountered the opposite problem. Instead ofa scarcity of material, there was
too much: massive amounts. of data and lengthy analyses. especially about rape.
spouse abuse, child abuse. and elder abuse. Liy the mid-L J‘JiJs. when ] prepared
the third edition. this "knowledge explosion" had become even more di ‘icuh to
manage. Entire issues of scholarly Journals had been devoted to. and whole
books had been written about, the plight of these victims. When 1 wrote the
fourth edition. the most strilting change that I encountered was how the
Internet could provide readily available and continuously updated information
about a wide variety of victims. ts a result. I added an appendix of websites
that faculty and students could chedt out periodically to find out the latest st
atis—
tics and the most recent development. concerning new laws, programs, and ser—
vioes. (The appendix for this new edition can be found at www.cengageeomr"
criminaljustice]. The fifth edition introduced readers to the problems faced by
victims of identity theft, cyberstalking, sexual abuse by clergy. drughfacilita
ted
date rape. bias-driven hate crimes. and. unfortunately. terrorist attacks. It al
so
contained many more research ndings and statistics as a large number of studies
about victimization found their way onto the information highway. So many
new topics and controversial issues acciunulated over 2“ years that I had to break
up seven long chapters into thirteen more manageable chapters in the sixth edition. This re—packaging of themes and issues should work out very well for
courses that run fourteen or fteen weeks.
:totiii
Jutiv
PREFACE
WHAT S NEW?
in revising this book once again, [have retained all the coverage oftlte previou
s
six editions. [ have changed the sequence of subjects in a few chapters. and I
have given greater attention to several topics. In response to reviewer feedback
.
this edition was revised with the aim ofnot only providing students with fresh
statistics and more discussions of theories. but also of humaniting the victims
themselves. This new. emotionally compelling material will promote students
engagement with the text.
The rrtost noteworthy changes for each ofthe thirteen chapters are described
below:
Chapter I. "What Is Victimology?" has been substantially rewritten. Up—
to—datc references and the most recent statistics available appear throughout
the chapter. it also contains new cases that dramatize the suffering of victims.
real-life incidents with college students as the targets. Another set of actual
cases illustrates how the reactions of victims under attack can often be
inspirational and. uplifting. This chapter also includes a new table that assembles ‘ victimology—bashing‘I quotes. This table shows how victimology is
often tonfused with victimism. giving the discipline an undeserved "bad
reputation.’I .r’rll of these additions will help your students connect with
the material.
Chapter 2. "The Rediscovery of Crime Victims," provides many new re—
ferences that can be useful to students who want to take part in the redis—
covery process by investigating the plights of particular groups that had been
overlooked. Also. a new box assembles the latest material about differing
estimates of the seriousness of these problems: road rage. violence among
prisoners. and human traf cking.
Chapter 3. "Sources ofJnformation about Crime Victims; The LICK and
the News." has been reorganized for clarity. as well as revised with a new
discussion of the changes in data gathering. up—to—datc references and the
most recent statistics available.
Chapter 4. “Violent Crimes: Murders and Robberies." includes an in—depch
analysis of these two crimes, additional references and the most recent statistics available concerning patterns, trends, differential risks. comparative
risks. murder rates for LIES. cities. and international comparisons. The peda—
gogical tools. “Murder Rates .I tcross the Globe: Selected vi lountries I and
"Murder Rates Across the Globe: Selected Cities." have been expanded to
reflect several new sources of data. More information about ganghrelated
murders was added.
Chapter 5. "Victims‘ Contribution to the Crime Problem." presents all sides
of this controversial topic. There is considerably more material on automobile theft. including which cars are stolen most often. and what cities are the
most dangerous for parked cars. which will be of great interest to many
students. [ have also extensively updated the section on identity theft. dis—
FRE FACE I“
cussing both the statistics. methods. and careless behaviors associated with
this crime. The expanded coverage of these timely topics provides a bridge
to an analysis of rislt reduction and. crime prevention strategies
Chapter G. “Victims and the Criminal Justice System; Cooperation and
Conflict: Part 1.: The Police." contains updated material. including several
new cases. and the latest statistics about reporting. stolen property recovery.
and clearance rates (this table includes additional cities and covers ntore
years}. A section on the oode of the streets as it relates to "snitching" should
provoke a lively classroont discussion.
Chapter T". “Victims and the Criminal Justice System: Cooperation and
Conflict: Part 2: Prosecutors, lkrense Attorneys. Judges, and Corrections
{J ieials." oontains updated statistics and sornc new. real-life caseL The section on "recognizing ‘second-class treatment" in vietims interactions with
law enforcement now includes a real-life case that compares ltow two
kidnappings were handled by the police.
Chapter 3. “Children as Victims," contains expanded discussions and up—
dated statistits. especially about missing children and sexually abused
youngsters. Several cases have been added along with new material about
scme abuse in religious communities. The dash between maxintalist and
minimalist perspectives has been expanded.
Chapter ‘3. "Victims of Violence by Lovers and Family Members" features a
new discussion ofthe dii l erences between criminal and non-criminal forms
of abuse. "Recognizing Wanting Signs" is now a distinct section; this information has been expanded. A section on "The Legislative Response" to
abuse ltas been added. encouraging students to think about how pro—victint
movements can lead to policy change. The chapter also benefit. from new
cases. and. updated statistieL
Chapter 1.[|I. "Victints ofllapcs and Other Sexual Assaults." contains the
latest stat stics and sonte new. real—life cascs. Early in the chapter, students a
re
encouraged to think about the very language used to describe rapes and
scme assaults, and its implications for victims. The sections on acquaintance
rape, on rape underreporting. and on sexual violence among inmates have
been expanded. Finally. a box identifying “rape myths" has been added.
Chapter 1]. "Additional {Zroups of Victints with Special Problents,’I has
been reorganized for flow and clarity. The chapter now includes more information about students harmed on campus. including a section on shootings on college grounds {a new box presents a timeline of the worst campus
shootings. and the aftermath of the ZIJEITI‘ and 2lKJH rampagcs is discussed).
The maxintalist—minimalist debates surrounding date rapes and drug—
facilitated sexual assault have been sharpened. Updated statistics and er:-
panded discussions are provided about terrorisnL ltatc crimes. stalking,
and line—of—duty deaths of police o icers.
Chapter 12. "Repaying Victirrrs." contains new material about the costs of
crime. Strdents are encouraged to think about both the physical and
PREFACE
psychological effects ofcrime on a victim and his or her community. The
information on restitution programs has been expanded. and the benefits and
current limitations ofcompensation programs are discussed at greater length.
I Chapter I3, "Victims in the Twenty-First Cenuary: lternative Directions."
featunts new examples about arming for self-defense as well as vigilantism. .r’r
new box. ”Dramatic Examples of Victim Activism," provides students with
inspirational accounts ofsurvivors who channeled their grieE into constructive
efforts to expand vittims rights.
its in the previous six editions. [ have highlighted the many controversies
that surround victims and their strained relations with offenders. criminal_just
ite
of cials and agencies. policy makers. the news media. social movements. and
pro t-oriented enterprises selling security products and services. [ continue to
strive For objectivity as I summarize botlt sides of issues that are emotionally
gripping, hotly debated. and. politically divisive. I do not necessarily endorse the
points of view that I present or their implications for social policy. But I rmly
believe that a texdroolt ought to call attention whenever possible to sharp clas
hes
between well-meaning people with differing evidence-based views and divergent interpretations of the same data.
it appears that the passions inllamed by the burning issues of the l JEsils and
early J‘J J ils have abated, especially concerning the whereabouts of missing chil—
dren. allegations about human sacrifices by satanic cults, claims about represse
d
memories of childhood sexual abuse. and estimates about the frequency of hus—
band beating and marital rape. However. new conooversles have emerged. espe—
cially between the advocates of restorative justice [which seeks to bring about
reconciliation between victims and their olfcnders] and the adherents ol retribu
tive Justine {which emphasizes punishment}, including staunch proponents of
anned self-defense against criminal attacks.
This edition accentuates the positive: the unanticipated but much-welcomed
trend that became evident by the late 1.‘J"J[is, namely. the impressive nationwide
drop in victimization rates. .r’rcross the country. fewer people are being murdered, robbed. raped. or assaulted, or are sulfering losses from burglaries and
car
thefts. This improvement in public safety is well docLunented in the many tables
and graphs throughout the text. This "crime crash," which was particularly dramatic in New York City. was an unloreseen development that has not yet been
satisfactorily explained.
Of course. no one knows how much longer the ebbing of the crack- reled
crime wave ofthe late J JEI-ils and early I‘J JIis will last because no consensus
exists
among criminologists and victimologists about why crime rates rise and fall. The
latest statistics from the Bureau of Justice Statistics Mariam! (.‘n me Victimiza
tion
Survey and the Flil s thrift-m Crime Report can be found on the Internet. Those
who are interested in monitoring these trends can compare the data as it becomes available on the FBI and Ii-Jl‘i websites to the EEJHIE : statistics [and in
a few
instances. for army that appear throughout this seventh edition.
FRE FACE
USING THIS TERTIOOK
This seventh edition is intended to meet several distinct needs. The optimal sit
uation is to use this text as the foundation for an undergraduate elective cours
e
on victimology that runs For an entire term. In. fact, more than enough material
is provided to sustain even a graduate-level course. If other topics must be cov
ered in either an advanced criminology or criminal justice course. certain victi
m
issues can be selected to address the major concerns of these two disciplines an
d
ofthe general public.
Many discussions are important in criminology. triminaljuscice. policy anal—
ysis and research methods. For courses that require a term paper or class projec
t
this edition provides up—to-date references. suggestions For short researclt proje
cts
at the end of eaclt chapter. plenty of statistics. and numerous observations abo
ut
problems ofmeasurement and interpretation. The extensive compilation of the
types of victimization that recently have been recognized or arejust waiting to
be "rediscovered" (see the listing at the end of Chapter 2} can serve as a launc
hing pad for exploratory research and term projects. For courses that incorporate
writing requirements via essay exams. several questions for discussion and debat
e
plus a few that stimulate critical thinking appear at the end ofeach chapter. An
in—
structor s manual with short answer questions is also available. as are Microsof
t
IJDWEL‘POIII IE‘D visual aids
HY GROWING ”CIIEDEN‘I‘IALS"
AS A CRIME VICTIM
Each time ] revise this textbook. my credentials {un ortunately] broaden and
deepen. Direct experience often is the best teacher and a souree of sensitivity
and insight about life s problems and personal challenges. [n all the prel aces
of the previous editions. 1 listed my credentials not only as a criminologist an
d
vietimologist but also as a crime victim.
] know from personal eneounters what it is lilte to be a victim ofa range of
street and white—coLIar crimes {tltanltl ully. none of them were really serious}.
In
fact my very first experience was something to laugh at. in retrospect. After [
graduated front college. I got my First car: a brand new 1964 : Mustang. ] drove
it around upstate New Yorlt. where] was attending graduate school. for about a
weelt before a thiefstole its gleaming wire wheel
single night! Amazingly enough, crime was not yet
minor truslortune actually appeared in the police
.
This incident contributed to my lifelong interest
and the search f orjustice.
covers—all four of them in a
a widespread problem. so my
blotter of the local newspaper
in Iawbreaking, victimization.
Before the first edition was written:
a ] was held up twice (in one monthiJ by pairs of knife-wielding robbers.
a 1 lost a car to tltieves. The police discovered it completely stripped. burned
.
and abandoned.
xxvii
PREFACE
[ experienced a series of thefts. of tar radios and batteries.
[suffered a break-in that left my apartment in shambles.
Liy the time the second edition of this texdrook came out. my already im—
pressive rEsumE as a street crime victim had grown considerably;
A thiefstole the bicycle that I used to ride to the train station by cutting the
fence to which it was chained.
Someone ran oifwith a shing rod I had left unattended for a few minutes
on a pier while I was buying more bait.
A teenager singled out my car in a crowded parking lot for some reason and
smashed the rear window with a rock. An. c yewimess pointed out the young
man to the police. and his foster parents volunteered to pay my bills for the
damage. [I minimized their expenses by going to a salvage yard to find a
low—cost replacement window.)
A thief broke into the trunk of my car and. stole my wallet and. my wife‘s
pockedrook while we spent an afternoon at the beaclt. ()ur wallets were
later recovered from a nearby mailbox. emptied ofour cash and credit cards.
One hot summer night, an inouder entered our kitchen througlt an un—
locked screen door. He ran offwith a purse while we tallied to guests in the
living room.
A car ] was riding in was sideswipcd by a vehicle driven by a fugitive who
was being hotly pursued by a patrol car. No one was hurt. and the offender
escaped.
A thief smashed the side window of my car. which was parked at a meter a
block away from the college where] teach. Sitting in the passenger seat. he
began to pry out the radio. When the alarm went off. he fled. leaving his
screwdriver behind (it is now my favorite tool].
liy the third edition. I had a few more mislormnes to add to the list!
My car was broken into two more times, on busy streets, during the day.
[n each incident, the alarm sounded and. apparently scared offthe thief.
cutting short his depredacions and minimizing my losses to a handful of
quarters kept for tolls in an ashtray and some items in the glove
compartment.
Shorrly before the fourth edition was completed, my firmily was the victim
of a con game that turned out to be a rather common scam:
We picked a moving company out ofthe Yellow Pages because it advertised
low rates and accepted credit cards. [should have been suspicious when they
arrived in a rented truclt, but I foolishly signed some papers authorizing
them to charge me for packing materials. While we loaded computer components. valuables. and pets into our cars and shuttled them to our new
house. they quickly used an enormous amount of shrink-wrap and. cardboard boxes on our old fumiture. cheap picture frames. and clothing. 1.II hyen
their rented van arrived at our new home ten miles away. they presented me
FRE FACE
with a bill that was inflated by about SiJlUll worth ofunnecessary pardtaging. Then they demanded irrunediate payment in cash before they would
unload our stuff that Saturday night. or else they would drive away with all
our possessions and charge us for unloading and storage. I called the police
but they insisted it was a business dispute and said that they could not intervene. [ had no choice but to visit several ATMs and. use all our credit
cards and then to hand over the cash. ("in Monday, [ contacted some col—
leagues at jothay College of Criminaljusticc who have dose connections
with law enforcement agencies. They made inquiries and warimd me that
this company was known to have mob tics. Because these gangsters literally
knew where we lived. a fear of reprisals intimidated me
om pursuing my
claims about fraud in civil court or through state regulatory agencies or
consumer affairs bureaus. Years later, [ read in the newspaper that some
victims received protection as witnesses for the prosecution and that these
moving scam operators eventually were put out ofbusiness and incarcerated.
By the time I completed the fifth edition. my credentials had grown sorrte
more.
I Just like many other New Yorkers. I knew some victims ofterrorism who
barely escaped death by evacuating the World Trade ( Jenter before the
Twin Towers collapsed.
a My daughter s backpack was stolen by a thief who pried open the trunk of
our automobile after watching her park the car and walk away.
a More importantly. I received just a taste of what it is like to be a victim of
identity theft. The fraud detection unit ofa credit card company called one
morning and asked if anyone in my family had recently charged exactly Hill]
at a department store and Ill)” at a eornputer software store about 40 miles
away. When I answered no. and wondered aloud how such round number
amounts could be charged for merchandise that is taxed. they simply said.
"Don‘t worry. just fill out an affidavit." When the paperwork finally arrived
weeks later, [did what dicy asked and never heard anything about these
peculiar financial transactions again.
liy the time the sixth edition came out. ] had received plenty of fraudulent
e-mails [called "phishing"—see the discussion ofidencitytheft in Chapter ] ll warn
ing me that I must immediately update my account at some bank or credit card
company or eliay before it is oaen. Ii-esides these pathetic attempts to con me.
very litde else happened. which probably re ected the nationwide drop in crime
that has lowered virtually everyone‘s risks ofbeing victimized {see Chapter 4).
However, while preparing this seventh edition, my family was victimized
twice—in other countries ! My daughter s car was broken into near a museum
in Montreal. Canada. and her husband‘s digital camera was stolen (and [ paid a
hefty bill for a new door lock and. rear window for the damaged vehicle). In
London‘s theater district. a pickpocket defdy removed my wife‘s wallet from
her backpack (see Chapter I]. Fortunately. although she lost some cash and her
driver s license. whoever ended up with her credit cards was not able to purchas
e
PREFACE
anything or steal her identity. Meanwhile. back home. [ suspected that someone
entered our car one night wltilc it was parked unlocked in our driveway because
the glove compartment was open the next mooring. .As far as I could tell, nothing was taken. Sure enough. the next night the thief returned and stole the re—
mote for our garage door opener from the car s sun. visor while we were eating
dinner. Fortunately. just an hour later I discovered that the remote was missing
due to my habitual carelessness about locking my car door [see Chapter 5]. so I
disconnected the garage door opener. I did not report these two minor matters
to the police. The incidents in Montreal and London were reported to the au—
thorities, but they have not contacted us, so presumably the car thief and the
pickpocket were never caught and our stolen property was not recovered (see
Chapter fr:|.
One other recent incident is worth recounting because it is humorous:
I [keep my canoe chained to a raid: at the town beach during warm weather.
[ came down one hot summer day to do some paddling and discovered that
someone had stolen the chain and the padlock—but the canoe was undamaged. ilo figure!
Obviously. victimization is rarely a laughing matter. Others have suffered far
more severely than] have; some survive life—shattering events and endure devas—
tating losses. But these many brushes with an odd assortment of offenders over
recent decades ltave sensitized me to the kinds of expenses. emotional soesses.
and physical injuries that taken together constitute the “victim s plight." I susp
ect
that many victimologists and victim advocates have been drawn to this humanistic
discipline because their own painful experiences inspired them to try to allevia
te
the suffering of others.
AHCILLARIES
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank the following people who helped me prepare this seventh
edition of my textbook:
Carolyn Henderson Meier. Senior Acquisitions Editor for Criminal Justice.
Meaghan Banks Development Editor. Michelle Williams. Marketing Manager:
jennie Redwicz, Senior Production Manager, all at C‘engage. ELlen M. Cosgrove.
copy editor; Mary Stone. Project Manager at Pre- Pressi’Mti , JLamya jayaraman.
Proofreader at Pre—J’ressPMC: and Sonya IJintaman. indexer.
] also want to continue to thank those who assisted me on the revision of
the sixth edition, which was a major undertaking: jana Davis. llebecca johnson.
Carol Henderson Meier. jennie Redwitz. and Terra Schultz at Thomson
Wadsworth.- copy editorjanet Tilclen: and Merrill Peterson at Matrix Productions
.
] would like to express my appreciation to the reviewers of this and all
previous editions:
Kelly Asmussen, Penn State College.
Frankie Bailey, State University of New 1ii ork. Albany.
Susan Beecher. Aims Community College.
Bonnie Black. Mesa Community College.
Faith Coburn. University of Wisconsin—Milwaukee.
FJlen C. Cohn, Florida Inten rational University.
Andria 1.. Cooper, Fort Hays State University.
Susan Craig. University ofCentral Florida.
Eitabeth 1)e".“alve. Fayetteville State University.
llhonda IJobbs, The University ofTexas at Arlington.
William IJoerner. Florida State University. Tallahassee.
john [}ussich. California State University. Fresno.
Cerald P. Fisher. Georgia College and State University.
Linda Fleischer, The Community College of Bahimore County.
Cilbert Celts. University of California at Irvine.
Alan Harland. Temple University.
Sidney Harring. john jay College of Criminal justice.
Matasha Harris john jay College of Criminal justice.
Carrie Harter, Sam Houston State University.
Debra Heath-Thomton, Messiah College.
Scott Hedlund. Pierce College.
Hirabeth I-Iegeman. john jay College of Criminal justice.
PREFACE
Michael Herherr. Bernidji State University.
Eric W. Hickey. California State University. Fresno.
Lin Hu —Corzine. Kansas State University.
David Johnson. University of Baltimore.
Janice Joseph. Richard Stockton College of New Jersey.
Deny Kreiscl. University of Central Missouri.
Fred Kranter._]ohn_]ay College oE CIiminal Justice.
Janet Lauriltsen, University oE MissouLi—St. Louis.
Daniel 1’. LeClair. Boston University.
Joseph Linskey. Centenary College.
Donal MacNarnara. John Jay College of Criminal Justice.
Liz Marcinialt, University of Pittsburgh at Cree-.nshurg.
Michael C. Maxlield. Rutgers University.
Thomas McDonald. North Dakota State University.
Jackye McClure. San Jose State University.
Christine Mouton. University of Central Florida.
Ann Weaver Nichols. Arizona State University.
Sharon Ustrow. Temple University.
Leanne Gwen. Holy Family University.
Eliclta S. L. Peterson. Florida State University.
Roy lloherg. San Jose State University.
Kevin Roberts, Crate College.
Edward Sagmin.Jol1n_]1y College of Criminal Justice.
Stanley Saatton. University of Dayton.
Brent Smith, University of Alabama. Birmingham.
David Sternlaerg, John Jay College of Criminal Justice.
Mark Stevens, North Carolina Wesleyan College.
Thomas Underwood. Washburn University.
Joseph Victor. Mercy College.
Tamara Tucker Wilkins. Minnesota State University. Manltato.
Janet Wilson. University of Central rkansas.
What Is Victimology?
The Flight of Crime Victims
Studying Victimization Scierni caillyr
Why Objectivity l5 Dairdale
W s-rims or Offenders?
Cn mr nek as I- crirns
thims Versus "Good Guys"
Sources of Bias
W rrhrrniegfs tirade-served ”Ha-d
Reputation"
The Origin of ‘rl is:l:irnolog_yI
victimology (unpaired
to Criminology
Parafiels Between Criminology
and lr‘i crimalogjr
Difference: and Bomdaries
The inter-lace with Other
Disciplines
Divisions within the Discipline
Why Study Ir ictfmology?
What V Ktimologisls Do
Etep 1 ; identity. Define. and
Describe the Problem
Step 2: Measure the True
Dimensions of the Problem
Etep 3; Investigate How victims
Are Han-tiled
Step It; Gather Evidence to Test
Hypotheses
Seminary
THE FLIGHT OF CRIME VICTIMS
The concept or a "victim" can be traced [rack to ancient societies. [t was colt—
nectod to the notion of sacri ce. in the original meaning; of the term. a victim
was a pelson or an animal put to death during a Ieligious ceremony in ordel to
appease some supernatural power or deity. Clver the centuries. the word has
picked up additional meanings. Now it commonly refers to individuals who suffer injulies. losses. oI haldships :Iirr anyl reason. l‘eopJe can become victims o
f
accidents. natulal disasters. diseases. or social problems such as warfare. disc
rimination. political witch hunts. and other injustices. Crime victims are ltarnted
lay
illegal acts.
2 error-ten I
Wetimizacion is an asymmetrical interpersonal relationship that is abusive. painful. destnac—
tive. parasitical. and unfair. While a crime is in
progress, offenders temporarily force their victims
to play roles (almost as if following a scrith that
mimic the dynamics between predator and. prey.
winner and. loser. victor and. vanquished, and. even
master and slave. Many types of victimization ltave
been oudawed over the centuries—specific oppressive and exploitative acts. like raping. robbing
and swindling. But not all types of hum‘ul relation—
ships and deceit rl practices are forbidden by law. It
is permissible to overcharge a customer for an item
tltat can be purchased for less elsewhere; or to underpay a workerwho could receive higher wages for the
same tasks at anotlter place of employment: or impose exorbitant interest rates and hidden fees on borrowers who take out mortgages and use credit cards
and. to deny food and shelter to the hungry and the
homeless who cannot pay the required amount.
We mology is the scienti c study ofthe physical, emocional, and. financial harm people suffer
because of illegal activities. Victimologisis first and
Foremost investigate the victims plight! the impact
of the injuries and losses inflicted by offendcrs on
tlte people they target. In addition, victimologists
carry out research into the public s political. social.
and economic reactions to the plight of victims.
Victimologists also study how victims are handled
by officials and agencies within the crirninaljustice
system. especially interactions with polite officers
detectives. prosecutors. defense attorneys, judges.
probation officers. and members ofparole hoards.
lrl ictimologists want to know whether and to
what degree crime victims experience physical
wounds. economic hardships. or emotional turmoil.
One aim, of course. is to devise ways to help them
recover. In the aftermath of the incident. are they
frightened. terrorized, depressed. traumatised. infuriated. or embittered? lso. v rccimologists stunt to [ind
out how effectively the injured parties are being
assisted. served. aocorrunodated. relulailitated. and
educated to avoid further trouble. Viccimologists
are equally curious to determine the extem to
which their plight is being ignored, neglected, belittled. manipulated. and commercially or politically
exploited. Some individuals who sustain terrible injuries and devastating losses mi rt be memorialized.
honored. and even idolized. while others might be
mocked. discredited. defamed. demeancd. socially
stigmatized. and. even condemned for bringing about
their own misfortunes. Why is this so?
Victimologists also want to examine why some
injured parties nd their ordeals life—transfonning.
Some become deeply alienated and withdraw
om social relationships. Thcy may become burdened by bouts of depression. sleep disorders. panic
attacks. and stress—related illnesses. Their healing
process may require overcoming feelings of helplessness, frustration. and self-blame. Others might
react to their fear and fury by seeking out fellow
sufferers, building alliances. and discovering ways to
exercise their "agency"—to assess their options and
make wise decisions. take advantage of opportunities. regain control of their lives. rebuild their
self—confidence, and restore a sense of trust and
security. Why do people experienoe such a wide
range of responses and what personality and social
factors determine how a person reacts?
Direct or primary victims experience the
criminal act and its consequcnces firsthand. Perhaps
the term "survivors" is preferable to "victims" be—
cause it is more upbeat and empower” , emphasizing the prospect ofovercoming adversity. However.
the established usage of the term "survivor!" is
to rcfcr to the close relatives of people ltilled by
murderers Survivors or indirect or seeondary
victims [such as family members and lovers} are
not immediawa involved or physically injured in
confrontations. But they might be burdened even
devastated. as the following example illustrates.
r’r teenager who shot and killed a high school
athlete is about to be sentenced to prison. The
distraught father of the murdered boy tells. the
judge "We always hope our little guy will
come through the door. and it will never be.
We don’t have lives. We stay in cvcry day.
We can t function." (MacCowan. ZiJEIITJ
First responders and rescue workers who race
to crime scenes {such as police officers forensic
evidence technicians, paramedics. and firefighters)
are exposed to emergencies and trauma on such a
routine basis that they also can he considered secondary or indth victims who periodically might
need emotional support themselves (see Regehr
and Bober, 2iiil ].
Note that victimologists are social scientists and
researchers. as opposed to practitioners who directly
assist injured parties to recover from their ordeals or
who advocate on their behalf Doctors. nurses. psy—
chiatrists. psychologists. therapists. counselors. social
workers. caseworkers, lawyers. clergy. and dedi—
cated volunteers provide hands on services. emo—
tional support. and practical advice to their clients
{see Williams. EDIE). Victimologists step bacls and
evaluate the effectiveness of these well-intentioned
efforts by members of the healing and helping pro—
fessions. Conversely. people who minister to those
in distress can gain valuable insiyits and useful sugh
gestions om the ndings of studies carried out by
victimologists.
STU D I ING VICTIMIIAI’ION
SlCIElilTIFHIJIrI.L‘III
The suffering of victims and survivors always has
been a popular theme for artists and writers to
interpret and for political and religious leaders to
address. But this long and rich dadition embodies
what might be categorized as the subjective
approadr to the plight of victims. since issues
are approached from the standpoint of morality.
ethics, philosophy. personalized reactions. and intense emotions. Victimologists examine tltesc same
topics and incidents from a fresh. new angle: a
social science perspective. Objectivity is the hallmarli of any social scienti c endeavor. Scienti c
objectivity requires that the observer cry to be fair.
open-minded. evenltanded. dispassionate, neutral.
and unbiased. Objectivity means not taking sides.
not showing favoritism. not allowing personal
prejudices to sidetracls analyses. not permitting
emotion to cloud reamning, and not letting the
dominant views of the times dictate conclusions
and recommendations.
wriatlswetimeioov? 3
Prescriptions to remain disinterested and uninvolved are easier to abide by when the incidents
under scrutiny happened long ago and far away. It
is muclt harder to maintain social distance when
investigating the plight of real people right here
and rigltt now. These scientific tenets are extremely
diiiicuh to live up to when the subject matter—the
depredations inflicted by Iawbrcalscrs—draws upon
widely held beliefs about good and evil. right and
wrong. justice and unfairness. Most offenders show
such callous disregard and depraved indifference to—
ward the human beings they have cold—bloodedly
targeted as depersonalized objects that it is difficult
to avoid being cau it up and swept away by strong
emotional curreno. Consider how natural it is to
identify with those on the receiving end ofviolcnt
attaclts. feel empathy and sympathy toward them.
and to bristle with hostility toward the aggressors. as
in the following real—life cases [all involving college
students]:
Two freshmen returning to their jeep in a
shopping center parking lot are confronted by a
junior pie-med student om another college
who is home for Christmas brealt.
He draws a gun and forces his two hostages
to drive to a deserted area. There he orders his
captives out, reassuring them. "Don t be ner—
vous. I m not going to hurt you." As they Lie
face—down in the snow, he shoots. each ofthem
in the back ofthe head. killing one young Juan
and injuring the other. Then he drives offwith
his prize—the jeep. [Hanley, 1994b}
u.
Fr 24-year-old woman disappears while hiking
with her dog on the ppalachian Trail on New
Years Day. Assuming that she is lost a searchand-rescue crew combs the area. Her parents
arrive at the scene and at rst are optimistic.
describing her as a feisty and gregarious person
who could handle herself outdoors in chilly
weather. A week later the authorities scramble
upon some bloody clothing and her dog wan—
dering around a parking lot. When the police
arrest a (ii-year-old drifter who has her wallet
and college idendlicadon card. he quickly
d titer-rte r
confesses to avoid the death penalty, leads detectives to her decapitated corpse. and admits he
held her captive for several days before slaying
her. {{i-oodmair. 2EHIIEl}
¢o+
A classroom door swings open. and a mentally
deranged undergraduate barges in and shoot.
the professor who is lecturing by the black—
board. Then. starting with those in the front
mtvs, the silent and expressionlcss gunman
methodically starts ring away at the horri ed
students. who hit the floor and turn over desks
to shield themselves. "There were a couple of
streams, but for the most panic was eerily silent. other than the gun re." a student reports.
As the rriass murderer wanders off, another
student recalls. “I told people that were stiLl up
and conscious. just be quiet because we don‘t
want him to thinli there are people in here
because he ll tome back in.’ " indeed. he tries to
return to resume the slaughter. but awounded
student keeps the door wedged shut. Still determined to re—enter into the classroom. the
deranged undergrad fires repeatedly at the door.
When he eventually stalks oif. the survivors call
Jll on their cell phones and holler for help out
the window. The attaclser is later found dead
from aself-inflicted gunshot wound to the head.
in another classroom, alongside the bodies of
some of his other victims. {Hernandez 21M?)
Doesn‘t basic human decency demand that observers idencify with the wounded. downtrodden.
and underdogs and condemn predatory behavior?
Why would victimologists even consider maintaining objectivity to be an indispensable prerequisite of
each and every scientific analysis?
WHV I . IIBJEl2Tl ir"IT‘III l5
DESIRABLE
Pit first glance, the importance of reserving judgmenu. refraining from jumping to conclusions
and resisting the urge to side with those who are
in pain might not be self-evident. An angry, gut
reaction might be to ask. “What kind of person
would try to remain dispassiorlate in the midst of
intense su iering? Wliac is wrong with championing
the interests of people who have been harmed by
unjuscand illeyl actions? Why is neutrality a worthwhile starting point in any analysis?"
The simple and direct answer to the question
“Why shouldn t victimologists be openly and
squarely pro—victim?" is that. unlike the situations
described in the examples above. on many occasions this formula provides no real guidance. So
when is a person worthy of sympathy and support?
Most people would consider an individual who
sustained injuries and losses to be an innocent victim only when the following conditions apply
{what sociologists would call the ideal type or
positive stereotype): the person who suffered harm
was weaker in comparison to the apparent aggressor
and was acting virtuously (or at least was engaged in
conventional activities and was not looking for
trouble or breaking any laws}; and the wrongdoer
was a complete stranger whose behavior obviously
was illegal and unprovoked. and was not a member
of a powerful group protected by vested interests
{such as police officers or prison guards). In other
words. the status ofbeing a legitimate or bona fide
victim is socially constructed and conferred [see
Christie. 1936.- and [)ignan. ZIHJS}.
Victims or Grinders?
liut real-life confrontations do not consistently
generate simple clear—cut cases that neatly fall into
the dichotomies of good and evil. and innotence
and guilt. Not all victims were weak. defenseless.
unsuspecting "lambs" who. through tragic orironic
circumstances orjust plain bad Judi. were pounced
upon by cunning. vicious "wolves." In some
instances. observers may have reasonable doubts
and honest disagreements over which party in a
conflict should be labeled the victim and which
should be stigmatized as the villain. These complicated situations dramatize the need for impartiality
when untangling convoluted relationships in order
to make a rational argument and a sound legal
determination that one person should be arrested.
prosecuted. and punished. and the other defended.
supported, and assisted. Unlike the black-and-white
examples presented above. many messy incidents
reported in the news and processed by the courts
embody "shades of gray." Clashes frequently take
place between two people who. to varying degrees.
are both victims, or both wrongdoers. Consider the
following accounts of high—profile cases that illus—
oatejust how dill’Lcult it can be to try to establish
exactly who seriously mlsbehaved and who acted
appropriately!
090
A man riding a subway train is approached by a
pair ofteenagers who ask him for 55 while two
of their friends look on. Fearing that he is
about to be robbed and injured. as in a previous
incident. the man rises from his seat. draws an
unlicensed revolver. and empties it of the bulleo. he has hollowed out for greater impact. He
shoots two ofthe teens in the chest. one in the
side. and the fourth twice, once in the back at
close range. Dubbed the “Subway Vigilante"
by reporters. he is widely hailed as a hero who
stood up and fought back, striking a symbolic
blow on behalf of all victims against all street
criminals. Others. however {induding some
high officials}, depict him as a trigger-happy
gunman who overreacted to stereotypes and
mowed down four unarmed teenagers—two of
them fleeing—before they made their intentions clear. Amidst a growing controversy. a
grand jury does not indict him. but the case is
brought before a second grandjury which
agrees to put him on trial for attempted murder.
assault. and reckless endangerment. His lawyer
pursues a prose: utorial defense, arguing that the
four wounded youths are really injured robbers
and that the accused is actually their intended
prey who justifiably resorted to deadly force to
protect himself. The jury convicts. him only of
possessing an unlicensed handgun. But the
judge sentenoes him not only to a jail term
followed by probation. but also to community
serviee. psychiatlic observation. and a line
{Fletcher. I‘J JEI}. Tlte youngman who was shot
WHATISVI E I IMDLDGH ? 5
twice ends up in a wheelchair, paralysed from
the waist down. More than ten years later he
wins a multimillion-dollar lawsuit agath the
subway rider who crippled him when a civil
jury decides that the fth shot in the back was
not fired in self-defense. {Nossitet 1‘J"Ji’|]
69¢
Two brothers. [1i and 2]. barge in upon their
wealthy parents who are watching television
and eating ice cream in their mansion. The sons
slay their father and mother with a salvo of
fteen shotgun blasts. For six months the police
search for the killer: then these two college
students concede that they did it. On trial for
rst—degree murder and facing possible execution. the sons give emotionally compelling {but
uncorroboratedjl testimony describing how
their father sexually molested and emotionally
abused them when they were litde boys. The
brothers contend they acted in self-defense.
believing that their parents were about to
murder them to lteep the alleged incestuous
acts a family secret. The prosecution argues that
the boys killed their parents in order to get
their hands on their Il-‘I million inheritance
{they quickly spent lHJJl ll on luxury cars,
condos. and fashionable dothing before they
were arrested). The jurors become deadlocked
over whether to find them guilty ofmurder or
only of the lesser charge ofvoluntary inanslaughter. and the judge declares a mistrial. In
the second trial the prosecution ridicules their
abuse defense. They are convicted of premeditated murder and are sentenced to life in
prison without parole. [Berns. 1994. Mydans.
l JEl-I: Associated Press. 19961}
099
n eat—Marine who works as a bouncer in a
bar wakes up in his bed and discovers to his
horror that his wife has .sliced offth penis with
a kitchen lsnifc. Arrested for “malicious
wounding," she tells the police that she mutilated him because earlier that evening in a
drunken stupor he forced himself upon her.
He is put on oial for marital sexual abuse but is
6 CHAPTER I
acquitted by a jury that does not believe her
testimony about a history of beatings. involuntary rough sex. and other ltumiliauons.
When she is indicted on felony charges [iron—
ically. by the same prosecutor) For the bloody
bedroom assault many people rally to her side.
To her supporters. she ltas undercut the debil—
itating stereotype of female passivity; she liter—
ally disarmcd him witit a single stroke and
threw the symbol of male sexual dominance
out the window. To her dctracnors, site is a
master at manipulation. publicly playing tlte
role of sobbing. sympathetic victim to divert
attention From her act of rage aginst a sleeping
ltusband who had lost his sexual interest in her.
Facing up to twenty years in prison. she declines to plead guilty to a lesser charge and
demands her day in court. The jury accepts her
defense—that she was a traumatized battered
wife, deeply depressed. beset by ashbacks. and
susceptible to “irresistible impulses" because of
years of cruelty and abuse—and nds her not
guilty by reason of temporary insanity. Miner
Forty—live days under observation in a mental
hospital. she is released. Soon aFterwarels. the
couple divorees. and then they each take nancial advantage ol aLl the international media
coverage. sensationalism. titillation. voyeurism.
and sexual politics surrounding their deeply
troubled relationship. {Margoliclt, l J‘J-l.‘
Sachs 1994)
In each ofthesc cases. the people o icially desig—
nated as the I.Iictims by the polioe and prosecutors—
the wounded teenagers. the deadparenm. the slashed
husband—arguably could be considered by certain
standards as wrongdoers who "got what was coming
to them." and. indeed, they were viewed just that
way by substantial segments of the public and by
some jurors. The defendants who got in trouble
with the law—the pistol-packing subway passenger.
the shotgun-toting brothers. and the knife-wielding
wile—insisted that they should not be portrayed as
criminals. On the oontrary. they contended that they
actually were the genuine victims; an innocent commuDer about to be robbed. sons seatually molesned by
their father. a battered woman who was subjected to
maritalrape.
When different interpretations ol the I acts lead
to sharply divergent conclusions about who is actu—
ally the guilty party and who is the injured party.
any knee-jerk and-offender. pro—victim Lntpulses
provide no guidanoe for action. The confusion in—
herent in the unrealistically simplistic labels of 1EH]%
criminal and “10% ltrietim underscores the need for
objectivity when trying to gure out who Ls primarily responsible for what happened. Clearly. the
dynamics between lvictims and victimirers need to
be sorted out in an even-handed and open-minded
manner, not only by victimologists but also by
police ol liccrs, prosecutors. judges and juries.
Crlmlnals as Lila-tins
To further complicate matters, impartiality is called
for when the injured party turns out to be an unde—
niable lawbrcalter. To put it bluntly. predators prey
upon each other as well as upon innocent members
of the general public. Some assaults and slayings
surely can be characnericcd as "criminal—on—
criminal.’I Researchers {see Singer. i Jiil; Fattah.
L J9ll] have noted that people who routinely engage
in illeyl activities are more likely to get hurt than
their law-abiding counterparts. When an organized
crime syndicate "takes out a contract" on a rival Faction‘s chiel tain. the gangster who was "whacked" in
a "mob rubout" was not an upstanding citizen struck
down by an act of randomly directed violence.
Similarly. when a turf battle erupts. between drug
dealers and one vanquishes the other. it must be re—
membered that the loser aspired to be the victor.
1When youth gangs feud with each other by carrying
out "drum-by"I shootings, the young members who
get gunned down are casualties of their own brand of
retaliatory "screetjustioe." Hustlers. con men. ltiglt—
stakes gamblers. pimps. prostitutes, fences. swindlers.
smugglers. traf ckers, and others livinglil e in the l ast
lane of the underworld oFteIt get lturt because they
enter into con icts with volatile persons known to
be armed and dangerous. 1What could it possiblymean to be pro—victim in these rather oommon cases
in which lawbrealters harm other wrongdoers? The
designations "viccim I and "ol l ertder’I are not always
at opposite poles but maredmes can be pictured as
overlapping categories somewhere near the middle
of a continuum bounded by complete innocence
and full legal responsibility.
OF course, it is possible For people engaged in
illicit activities to be genuine victims deserving
of protection and redress through the courts. For
example. prostitutes who Bade sexual avors for
money are frequently beaten by sadistic johns.
robbed of their earnings by exploitative pimps [see
Boyer and James, I‘JHJ , lirents and Hausbeck.
21105). and occasionally targeted by serial killers.
The harms they suffer are more serious than the
ol l enses they oommit {soc Coston. IEJll-‘IJ. In barroom brawls. individuals who pick y“: might
wind up badly beaten or even killed by their
intended targets who turn the tables. gain the upper
hand, and respond to their attackers belligerent
initiatives with unreasonable, excessive Force, be—
yond what the law permits in self—defense. In penal
institutions. convicts become victims entitled to
press charges when they are assaulted, gang raped.
or robbed by other. more vicious inmates.
Next. consider the possibility of a cycle or"
violence over time that cransi orms a victim into a
victimizer (see Fagan,l1iper. and Cheng. 1933‘}. For
example. a group oi picked-upon students m.ight
band together to ambush their bullying tonncntors.
a battered wife might launch a vengeful surprise
attack against her brutal husband. or a cltild sub—
jected to periodic beatings might grow up to parent
his .sons in the same excessively punitive way he was
raised. A study that tracked the Fortunes ofboys and
girls known to have been physically and sexually
abused over a Follow-up period or" several decades
concluded that being harmed at an early age sub—
stancially increased the odds of future delinquency
and criminality [Widom and Max eld, EUIHJ.
Another longitudinal study of molested ntales
estimated that altltough most did not become pedophiles. more than IE] percent grew up to become
sexual aggressor-s and cxploiters (Skuse et al., EDIE).
Similarly, the results ofa survey of oonvico. revealed
that they were muclt more liltely to have been
abused physically or sexually as children than their
WHATISVIttIMULont I"
law-abiding counterparts [Harlow. 1W9}. About
half oFaIl inmates in state prisons told interviewers
that they had been shot at in the past, and more than
a filth had been wounded by gun re (Harlow,
211ml. Violence begets violence. to the extent that
those whosul l er today maybe inclinedto in ilict pain
on others tomorrow.
Even more confusing are the situations of cer—
tain groups of‘people who continuously switch roles
as they lead their twisted daily lives. For instance,
desperate heroin addicts are repeatedly subjected to
consumer Fraud (dealers constantly cheat them by
selling heavily adulterated packets of this f otbiddert
powder). Nevertheless. after being swindled over
and over again by their suppliers. they routinely go
out and steal other people s property to raise the
cash that pays For their habits (see Kelly. I‘JHIi}.
Similarly, teenage girls who engage in prostitution
are arrested by the police and sent to juvenile court
as delinquents. in accordance with the law. But
reformers see them more as victims of sexual abuse
by pimps and johns who actually commit statutory
rape upon these underage sex workers. who are in
need of help rather than punishment (Herbert.
ZIJIHIJ. To further complicate matters. ol l enders
can morph into victims right under the noses of
the authorities. For example. when delinquents
are thrown in with older and tougher inmates
in adult jails. these teenagers Glee grave rislts of
being physically and sexually assaulted (“New
study." EEJII J.
Wetlms Versus “Good Guys
Striving for objectivity is important for another
reason. Victimologise do not limit their studies
to the clashes between victims and offenders.
They are very interested in the social reaction to
victimization—how others respond to these crimes.
Crime victims can and do become embroiled in
conflicts with persons and groups besides the perpetrators who have directly in icted physical wounds
and economic losses. Injured parcies might nurse
grievances against journalists reporting about their
cases: polite of cers and detectives investigating
8 CHAPTER 1
their complaints; prosecutors ostensibly representing
them in court: defense attorneys working on behalf
of the accused: juries and judges deciding how to
resolve their cases. probation. parole. and correc—
tions officers supervising convicts who harmed
them: lawyers handling their lawsuits in civil court:
governmental agencies and legislative bodies shap—
ing their legal rights: social movements eitherspealt—
ing on their behalf or opposing their wishes: and
businesses viewing them as eager customers for
security products and services. lmpartiality helps
social scientists to understand why friction can de—
velop in these situations. and how to nd solutions if
these relationships become antagonistic.
Consider the dilemmas many people face
because of their competing loyalties: to side with
crime victims but also to remain true to their other
commitments (for instance. to support a free press
local police forces. the LLS. military. and the pro—life
movement]. astlte followingcxamples will illustrate.
Often. victims of highly publicized crimes ate
outraged by the way the news media portrays
tlrem. For example. the families ofhomicide victims
often complain about somatinna sm. akind ofcoveragc that can be branded as "scandal-mongering."
"pandering," "yellow journalism." and "trbloidism."
Newspapers. magazines. radio stations. and television
networks may engage in sensationalism because they
are pro t—oriented businesses Shockingstories attract
readers. listeners, and viewers Dhringhcadbnes, gripping accounts colorful phrases. memorable quotes
and other foransofmcdia “hype I build the ltugeaudienccs that enable media enterprises to charge adver—
tisers high rates. I roducers, editors. and reporterswho
seek to play up the human—intents: angle may exploit
dre vicc rns plight. having found that crime stories
attract a lot ofnoticc iftheyarespiced upwith a heavy
dose ofsex. gore. and raw emotions. Iladrer than
side with the injured parties or with the journalists
covering their cases. shouldn t a victimologist adopt
the stance ofa detached and disinterested observer
who investigates these charges of sensationalism by
carrying out a content analysis of press coverage in
high—profile cases?
Consider how important it is for researclters to
remain neucal whenever angry victims or their next
of kin raise explosive charges against law enforce—
ment agencies whose duty it is to "protect and
serve." wltilc highly respected police officials issue
denials and rcbuttals. For example, a child held
captive by her intoxicated father was ltilled by a
hail of bullets from a SWAT team during an
attempted rescue. The mother blamed the police
more so than her hostage—taking husband for the
tragic outcome. ciggering an investigation by out—
side agencies isec Winton. JUNE; arid Rubin. anon.
in another incident, after a hearing a defendant over—
powered a cou rt of cer and used the service revolver
to kill innocent bystanders. The families ofthe dead
faulted the department s lax security practices and
inadequate training for the slaughter of their loved
ones ilJ’cwan, ZIIUE]. In instances like these. would a
person who is both ardently pro-victim and propolice agree with the distraught relatives that law
enforcement agencies were too reluctant to take
responsibility for procedural mistakes that cost inno—
cent Iives .’ After two unarmed auxiliary police
o ‘icers were gunned down by a deranged killer.
their parents applied to a compensation fund
for Jine-of—ducy—deaths administered by the LLS.
Department of_]ustice. which is widely viewed as the
pro—victim branch of government. 1when their re—
ejuest was rejected because the two murdered auxiliaries technically were not peace officers with the
power to arrest. the federal agency s decision was
denounced by the parents the police commissioner.
and newspaper editorial boards (Luctk. 211%).
Where would people who are both pro—victim and
pro—Department ofjustice stand in this conooversy .’
ne more ambiguous and divisive situation
involving the criminaljuscice system needs to becon—
fronted. lsn t objectivity indispensable when two
competing approaches both claim to bc pro—victim?
Consider two alternative ways of handling wife—
beating. One policy insists that a battered woman
should be permitted to remain in control of "her I
case and ultimately decide if she wants to continue
to press charges against her husbandr boyftiend who
was arrested for assaultingher. Theother policy mandates that the prosecution of the arrestee should go
forward on the basis ofthe available evidence [police
officer testimony. photos of bruises eyewitness
accounts. hospital records). even if the injured party
wants to drop the charges {either because she fears
reprisals or seeks rapprochement). Only an objective
analysis can determine which ofdrese two ostensibly
"pro-victim" approaches best serves the longhterm
imercsss of different types of domestic violence viccims (see {J ls ullivan ct al., ZilU t‘).
[n the midst ofa global war on terrorism. soong
unquestioning support for the armed forces of the
United States abounds in Congress as well as among
the citizenry. But what happens when people who
are zealously pro—military learn of charges that the
leadership of the Department of Defense has not
done enough to assist victims and prosecute offenders
in cases of strife-beating on military bases and of
sexual assaults by servicemen against women in uniform from the battle elds oflraq and Afghanistan to
the US. Air Force Academy? These accusations
from female soldiers. plus concerns voiced by
elected officials. have caused the Pentagon to inves—
c gatc domestic violence and sexual misconduct
in the military and to issue sweeping policy
reforms eighteen times over sixteen years [see
Moss, 30”}, Office of the Inspector General.
21103. CBS News. ZIJIIS. and Houppert, ZIHJSJ and
{Iorbctt,2[lll]3‘}.
Most people would agree that a girl or woman
who has been compelled to submit to a sexual
assault that results in a pregnancy should not have
to bear the rapist‘s child. But those who are both
staunchly pro-victim and passionately anti-abortion
might find themselves torn between competing
loyalties when it comes to policies surrounding
the "morning—after pill." Lawmakers and political
interest groups are divided over whether or not
hospitals [especially those closely affiliated with
religious orders} should be required to offer this
form of emergency contraception to rape victims
who have reported the crime to the police.
Even more controversial is the question whether
pharmacists could be allowed to dispense the pill
without a prescription {for example. to a woman
who does not want to inform the authorities and
file a formal complaint agaimt some man in her
family who forced himself upon her}
{G-reenberger, ZIHJS}.
wuatlswttlmcmav? 9
SOURCES OF BIAS
To sum up the arguments. presented in earlier
sections. when choosing projects to research and
when gathering and interpreting data. victimologists
must put aside their personal political orientations
mwards criminal justice policies (suclt as corrserva—
cism or liberalism]: their allegiances to causes (suclt
as preserving civil liberties or advancing women’s
rights): and any positive or negative feelings toward
entire groups (such as being pro—police or anti—gun
owners). Advocacy. whether for or against sonm pol—
icy orpraccice. should bekept separate from assessing
the facts or drawing conclusions based on evidence.
Scientific skepticism—not self-interest or preconceived notions—must prevail when evaluating
whether victims‘ rigltts legislation. prevention strategies antitheft hardware. and recovery programs
genuinely work. or are ineffective or even counter—
productive in reaching their stated goals. Expert
opinion. in reports, in court testimony. or in the
classroom must be based on facts not firith. Lilse all
social scientists, victimologists must declare: “Prove
it! Show me! Where is the evidence?" when pre—
sented with claims {for example, that restraining
orders issued by judges consistently fail to protect
battered women, or that installing burglar alarms
limit losses by panicking thieves). 1.iictimological research must tell the whole truth, no matter who is
disappointed or insulted.
Three types ofbiases undermine the ability of
any social scientists {not just victimologists) to
achieve objectivity (see Myrdal. l‘J-l-1). The first
may arise from personal experiences. talsing the
form of individual preferences and prejudices. For
example. victimologists who have been personally
harmed in sonm way (by a burglary. robbery. or
rape. for example] might become so sensitized to
the plight of their fellow victims that they can see
issues only front the victim s point of view.
Conversely, those who have never been througlt
such an ordeal migltt be unable to truly grasp
what the victim must endure. In either case, the
victimologist may develop a bias. whether it be
oversensitivity and over-identi cation or insensitivity and lack of identiiication with injured persons.
ID crIAPtER t
r“. seeortd type ofbias derives from the legacy ofthe
discipline itself. The language, concepts, theories
and. research priorities can re ect the collective
preferences and priorities of its founders and their
followers. For instance. it is widely acknowledged
that the pioneers in this field of study introduced a
victim—blaming orientation into the new discipline.
but over the decades the tide has decisively turned.
Today. the vast majority of victimologists make no
secret of their pro-victim commitments to devise
e ‘eetive means ofaid. support. and recovery.
Althoughsubdc,a third type ofbiascan be traded
baclt to the mood oftltc times Victiittologisrs like all
other members ofa society. are influenced by their
social environment. The events that shape public
opinion during different periods of time can also
affect scienti c thought. During the [ stst and early
l JT-‘Ils. for example. many people demanded that the
government devise ways to help victims get baclt on
their feet financially. medically. and. emotionally.
This insistence about expanding the social safety net
to cushion the blows inflicted by oifenders re ected
the spirit of egalitarianism of this stage in American
history. and inspired a great deal ofreseareh aitd policy advocacy by viccimologists. liut these ambitious
goals have been voiced less often ever since the
1 J8ils. when the themes of "self-reliance." "reduce
social spending by gover-nment." and "cut taxes I
gained popularity. Consequently. research projects
about government-funded victim assistance programs have shifted their focus to matters such as
cost effectiveness and. the feasibility of privately
financed or faith—based charitable alternatives.
Clearly. inquiries into how victims su ‘er at the
hands ofcriminals and other groups such as criminal
justice officials is unavoidably a value—laden pursuit
that arouses intense passions and sharply opposing
views. As a result, sortie people believe that objectivity is an impossible and. unrealistic goal that
should be abandoned in favor of a forthright
affirmation of values aitd allegiances. They say that
victimologists (and other social scientists] should
acknowledge their biases at the outset to alert their
audiences to the slant that their analyses and policy
retommenclacions will talte. Others argue that
objectivity is worth striving for because subjectivity
thwarts attempts to accurately describe, understand.
and explain what is happening. why it came about.
and how conditions can be improved.
For the purposes of a teattboolt. the best course
of action is to present all sides ofeontroversial issues.
Nevertheless space limitations impose hard choices.
This book focuses abnost entirely on viccimsofscteet
crimes (murder. rape. robbery. assault. kidnapping.
burglary. larceny. and motor vehicle theft). There
are many other categories oflawbrealting . crimes in
the "suites" involving a betrayal oftrus t and an abuse
of power by high government officials against their
rivals or to the detriment ofthe general public. aitd
by corporate executives who cart illegally inflict
massive losses and. injuries upon their company‘s
worlters. customers stock owners. or competitors.
White collar crimes such as embet ement by employees against their employers or fraud by citizens
against government programs also impose much
greater financial costs than scteet crimes. ( lrganited
rackets run by mobsters (drug smugling. gun traf—
cking. counterfeiting of documents and currency.
gambling. extortion} generate millions of dollars.
undermine everyday life. and so mulate official cor—
ruption [bribes to look the other way). Crimes witlt—
out cornplairtants—victimless activities to some. vice
to others—are controversial because the social reaction and criminal justioe response m.ight be worse
than the original deviant behavior involving transactions between consenting adults {such as prostitution. illeyl wagering. and street level drug selling
and buying). Clearly these other categories ofcrimes
are as serious aitd merit attention from scholars. law
enforcement agencies and concerned citizens.
llut they are not the types of lawless deeds that
come to mind when people call: about "tlte crime
problem" or express fears about being banned. Street
crime scares the public. preoccupies the media.
ltceps police departments busy. and captures the
notice of politicians. These conventional. ordinary.
dcpressingly familiar. and all-too-comrtton predatory acts have tangible. visible, readily identifiable
victims who are directly affected and immediately
aware oftheir injuries and. losses.
In contrast. in the other categories of crime.
especially white-collar crime and crime in the
WHATISVI ETIMULDG‘I ? ‘l l
In! 1.1 “ ut ta ulm mhr taTm-Vk n m
When homicide squad detectives say they are
engaged in victimology. they mean piecing together
the dead person s life in order to help discover the
klller‘s identity. Police investigators want to [incl out
as ntuch as possible about the deceased from interviews with the nest of Irin anct eyewitnesses. email
messages. diaries. banlring deposits and withdrawals.
and records of telephone calls. Detectives look Into
the victim s associates [by compiling lists of contacts.
Including friends. familyI members. acquaintances.
rivals. and enemiesil: social batkgromd (lifestyle.
occupation. education. marital statue. seu-et Iouersi;
criminal background targ- prior record of arrests.
convictions. and any cases In which the departed
served asa complainant. plaintiil‘. or witness agaimt
others]; financial situation tsourees of income. debts
owed, Investments. and who Is next—in line to inherit
the victim s propertvi; and health issues {drinking
habits. drug-taking. and other problemsl. Autopsy
Iindings shed light on the fatal meal. drinking and
drug-taking, the came of death. and the approvimate time interval Irahen the fatal controntation
took place.
For erampIe. il a drug dealer Is found shot to
death in ahallevy. detectiveswould construct a timeline
of he last ltnonn Ilittereailao-uts and actluitlu. Iwhat
were his knotun hangouts risers. chars. pool halls. etc.:l‘.
Investigators would sear clues to determ ne Irat ule llher
he was killed by someone above him In thehierarlmy
of drug trafficking or someone below mo Inlorket‘l for
hurt or bought controlled stiistancs from him_was he
recently embroiled In any disputes or court cases and
ditl he secretlyI serve as a con dential iriormant? who
had a motive and an. oqzqiortunltg.I to slay him?
Clearly. whereas victimologists want to uncovm
trends. patterns. and regularities that hold true Ior
mang- vlct ms it general, police investigators seek to
reconstruct in great detail eve-timing that can be tl‘lcouemd about the life and death ol just one partioilar
person. 1he contribution ol the: e‘llort at “forensic victimologr in this very pragmatic and immediate sense
is to Increase the odds of solving the case. apprehending a suspect. md advocating it court on behalf of a
person who Is no longer able to pursue justice {NYPD
homicide detectives. MOE,- alro see Petheridl and
Tuer‘. ZEUS].
suilies. che delelierious consequences are experienced
by abstractions [such as "a competitive economy"
or "nacional secu rity"). impersonal entities {such as
che L15. Treasur}.r or nlulci-national corporations},
or vaguely defined collectivities (such as taxpayers.
voters. shareholders. or consumers). I: is dimculc to
grasp precisely "who" has sullered. in these cases.
and it is nearly impossible Do describe or measure
che background characteristics or reactions of the
injured parties. it is eatetemely tough to establish
in court speci cally I.llrho the flesh—and—lilood
victims are in cases ot" drug smuggling. money
laundering, insurance scams. false advertising.
bribe—taking. software piracy. counterfeiting of Ira—
denlarlced goods, dumping of lioxic wastes, insider
eroding. electoral Fraud. illegal campaign contributions. and income tax evasion. liut people hurt by
street crimes can lie easily idenlci ed. observed. contacted. interviewed. studied. counseled. ass rsDed
legally. and treated. medically. his a result. a wealth
Iol~ snljstical data has accumulated about their
wounds, Losses. and emotional reactions. For these
reasons, ll-ictil rel or" interpersonal violence and theft
will lie the primary focus ol atliencion and concern
chroughout this text, even though many ol che illegal activicies ciDed above in ict much more severe
social and economic damage [see Nainl. 2liil ]. But
note that this decision inlnledialiely introduces a bias
into this inclodluccion to the eld of viccimology,
one thac rellects the experiences of authors of arti—
cles and mmb k‘i. the collective prioricies of the
discipline s founders and most proli c researchers,
and the mood of the times!
Clearly the terln victimology can have dilferent
meanings to diilemnt people. and the scope of the
eld can vary depending upon a group s purposes.
To detectives, victimology has a very restricted
meaning. learning as much as possible about a person who was murdered in order to help figure out
who the killer is. in police work, the term victimology is applied to a type ofbackgmund investigacion [see Boot Ll}.
12 CHAPTER I
toss to son-isolating Emml uf VM-Iashiq
The content and that the statemmt denounrhg
vlctinotngy
Colleen-ting malei female relation-re
I During a nationally telev oed Interview. a critic of
contemporary Feminism [Paglia 1993] declared.
i hate til-(mgr. ldesprse a wc l-LMIEl-w
nitri- of the universe. Do not read: young nomen
that their heritage is nothing but victimr za tion.’
I A collection of letters written to the editors of The
New York Tinsel: (1596. p. Ell] was published under
the Medina What woolen want is a lot less
victimology-f
I A review! iHarrop, EDIE! of a book about the dilficulties ioc mg boys wrote. The are olfvllalirrlolagy
requires threeeasy steps: [1 ] identify-a grim-unsui-
l‘ering real orperceiiedirlfustices. I ll Eraggerate
tliepmhiem. mass-n2 theprohlemonagrpmyou
don t like. twill!!! have long condemn-ted the
Mirnologyinoiotry as a racket. especially when
practiced by men and marines. As it happens
consematives also play the game. and verywell indead... The latest vich mize grbup seems to be
American begrs
- a political analyst subtitled her provocative
article about an alleged ”Campus Iiape Myth as
The reality: bogussta list-its. tensions! victimology.
linoI mtiverler-aooroved sex mys lMacDonald.
2m].
tormenting hetemsetual lhomosexuai relationsI h a nempaper opinion piece about thecontroverity surrounding homoseauals serving In the
military. the author (Sullivan. 1993. p. Alli
observed. ‘The effect that ending thehan could
have M title gay comrnunltyis to embolden the
(meet: oi‘respo-tsiollin- ano integration ancl
weaken meirnp-ulsesol‘llicu mol ogyeodd esoair....
A defeat outdo senda signal toagay community
at a crossroads between hopefuiintegra tion and a
newrelapseill-llo the victimology or meghetro.‘
Concerning race aim-l| ethnic relations:
n An author of a boolt about race relations called a
well-known reverend and civil rights activist a
pror’essional Ukrirhologist [see Dreher, zoos].
a Aformergovernorotcolorado amm.IUD-u
warned thata plot to "dutroy America"
through immigration and multiculturalism wwld
in ate the iollowingstrategy: ‘establislrtlrecul’tol
lrictirrlokagy... sravra grievance illouirrryinterning-alll
morality Failure M the m rIb-pqomaoion
I A political commentator [Golda-erg. 2005i
observed dur ng the 1005 pruidzentlal campaign:
Democraric patio—claim have carried the baggage
oiblaclr victimology anril white guilt for
generations
Concerning in ternationai relations:
n A lormer Soviet Intelligence officer {racepa zoos]
denounced the united Nations as a breeding
ground for a lrivuientsrrairl-ol hatredfor America,
grown from rllebacteria of CW art-liSemitlism. nationalists iii-ignites. andw chmoiogyf
a A prominent commentator tire-piss. 20bit
wrote about the public‘s perception o! the
iilctlmoiogy s Uodeserved
”Bad Reputation“
As the pletlious sections demonstrated. objectivity is
desirable within victimology. ironically. many outsidcrs do not approach the eld of victimology in
an objective way. They seem hostile to it on a gut
level because they believe it is hopelesslyI biased.
Some prominent and insightful people who ought
to know better use the word "victiniologyI as an
epithet spit out through clenched teeth. Not very
long after the term enoered mainstleam cultulc‘. vic—
timolog}l (undeselvedly!) became a "dirty word."
This disturbing trend emerged duling the 1900s
and unfortunately is becoming even mon: entren—
ched and pronounced during the twenqr—tirst
century. Sloane dramatic illustrations of how vic—
timolog}l has been had-mouthed in the media as
muddled thinking or even denounced as a contempcible point o!~ View appear in Box Ll
wuoriswcsimntoov‘r 13
Middle East; Ir‘llhattneoenmericanssee is fanatical
violence. a raomant culture ofw ctimology and
grievance. a tendency byinany Arabs tot-Jame anyL
onebut dienaselves For theprobloms theycroate.‘
I A reviewer (Anderson, 2|:ID31 of a boolt tout the
war on terrorom Irirrotie: "me tell“: victimology
new sickens l the authori.’
Concerning Culture lit- ars :
I In his syndicated coltrnn. a loading conservative
partisan :EIuckley. 199d. p. juaiconclemned the
thinking ol the 196m woo-dim generation: The
comtevculttiral music is theperfect amnpanl—
ment tiar- the cul hme ol sexuai seltirindulgente. of
exhibitionism. or crime and lilegitimacy and ethnlc
ranch.- and victimology."
Concerning courtroom strategies;
I AnemmagazlnecolunmlstMJClDzltooltaswlpe
at certain lawsuits: Yes, Mybadyisa rri ctlm now.
butsome areaimougrrs in rrictirirotogy are me
notenorthy than others. Myear ls best sample
was the triobl‘suoerslae teens whosueol
McDonam’s. claiming the burger chain made thorn
lat byeno cr ng thorn to oatitsmealsneariyeueryday
tor hireyeara
I In a critique of several jury verdicts that found do
fendants not guilty.‘ a news magazine commen—
tator lLeo. 199d: compla ned, li lI e are deep into
the era of the abuse excuse. The docmne or
victri-nology—clalmlng nctlrn status meansybu are
not responsible loryocrir actions—is beginning to
warp the legal system... The iro of this seems to
escape victimologists. Amment that began with
the slogan. non t blame the wo‘m nowsuiires to
blame mwder ink-rims for their art-n o eaths
Concerning- academia and Me on college campuses.I A columnist tseebarh, 1999, p. 231 berated liberal
protessors for producing college grads Inhorrr
employers would reject because the students
were experts only in victimology or oppresslon
studies.‘
I A political analyst :Madlonald. EDD?) Interpreted
the selection of a new university pruident as
evidence that l-iamarid will nowbe the leader in
politicab‘y correct victimology.’
I argu Isg that resentment against highly educated
candidates might be going too tar dtI lng the
atlas presidential canqaaign. a political analyst
MacDonald. IDDEtI agreed Irrrith her alllu: l am as
depressor-tars anyone by the urh‘vErrSle‘S descent
into- lgnorant niarclsslsm and t-lctr molog-y over the
iarstjlilyears.’
Concerning everyday Me.I a MitoerJrMiming conservatiue commentator tw ill. was. p.42: titled his syndicated colu nn
opposing the Clinton admln etration s antlsmoltlng
umign as Fnetid ent teeds the culture or
tri CEfMtir’d F.‘
I Dne Jou nalist D’arlcer. 1999. p. I101 mi misled
that Americans are led up with mnmmcenhuy
victimology.’
‘Wliat were these oolnmenmtors thinlting when
they issued these sweeping denunciations of what
they labeled "victimology"? Why is this relatively
new academic discipline being singled out for such
harsh criticisms?
Etridendy. those who condemn victimology are
railing at sotnediing od‘rer than scienti c research
focused on people banned by criminals. The mistake
those commentaoors an: making is parallel to the
impropor usage of the phrase "sociological Forces"
rather than "social fonst-s," and "psychological
problems" instead ol" mental problems." il iotimology
isjust one ofmany "—ologies" [including such nar—
rowly focused fields ofstucly as penology or suicidal—
ogy. or such broad disciplines as sociology and
psychology). The sulfur "-olngy" triensly means
“the study of." lfthe phrase "the objective study of
crime victims" is substituted for "victimology" in the
excerpts quoted above, the scnioences make no sense.
1ii ictimology. sociology. andptsycliologyan: disciplines
thatadopt acertain approach to their subject matteror
a method ofanalysis that maintains a particular focus.
14 trIAPtER I
but they do not impose a partisan point of view or
yield a set oi predictably biased conehtsions.
It appears that what these strident denunciations are deriding is a victirrLization—centered orien—
tation wltich can be categorized as the ideology
of victimism {see Sykes, 1.992}. Art ideology is a
coherent. integrated set of belieEi that shapes inter—
pretations and leads no political action. Victimism is
the outlook ofpeople who share a sense oi common
victimhood. [ndividuals who accept this outlook be—
lieve that theygain insight from an understanding of
history! of how their fellow group members (such as
women. homosexuals, or racial and religious n1 inorities} have been seriously "wronged" by another
group [to put it mildly; viciously slaughtered would
be a better way to phrase it in many historical cases!)
or held back and kept down by unfair social. economic. or political institutions built upon oppressive
and. exploitative roles and relationships.
For eatample. in a well—known speech in l Jt rl
[right before Congress passed civil rights. legislation
of cially dismantling segregation]. Malcolm X. the
ery spokesman for the black nationalist movement
proclaimed (see Lireitman, 1966} “I m one of the
22 million black people who are the victims of
mericanism victims of democracy, nothing
but disguised hypocrisy I‘m speaking as a victim
of this merican dream sysucm. nd [see America
through the eyes of the victim. I don‘t see any
merican dream: 1 see an American nightmare."
Today. African-American activists combating Iliclill lgering embodiments oi tlte old racistdoublestandards
within criminaljustice might stress the legacy ofcenturies ofgoverrunenc—sanctioned slavery followed by
decades ofcrippling “jim (Imw" segregation [based
on a US. Supreme Court decision that promulgated
die dishonest doctrine of"scparate but equal"] that
was enforced by lynch mobs and Klan terrorism.
Similarly, a leading figure in the women‘s
liberation movementoi the late l JI iJsanalyzed "sex-
ual politics" in this way [Millet l9’.-‘[i}: "Oppressed
groups have been denied education. economic independence. the powerofol‘lioe. representation, an image ofdignity and self—respect. equality of sums and
reoognieion as human beings. Throughout history
women have been consistently denied all of these.
and tlteir denial today, while attenuated and partial.
is nevertheless consistent." Feminists struggling
against stubborn vestiges of sexism witltin criminal
justice m.ight point out how in the past rape victims
felt as if they were on trial.- how battered women‘s
pleas for help were ignored by the men at the ltelm of
the criminal justice sysucm , and how women were
unable to serve on juries. and were strongly discour—
aged from seeking various careers such as becominga
police o oer. lawyer. or judge. Staunch critics of
current conditions ofuen connect the dots. by tracing
the roots of today s social problems baclt through
centuries ofsystematic injustices. liut the conuncnta—
tors ciucd in Box 1.2 above claim that adopting this
kind of victimisc orientation leads to an unhealthy
preoccupation with the past that impedes progress.
This debate over who or what is Do blame for
persisting injustices is part of an ongoing political
battle for the hearts and minds of the American
people—a continuing ideological struggle that is of—
ten categorized as "identity politics" which is part of
the "culture wars." Unfortunately, victimology has
become con ased with victimism and as a result has
been caught up in the crossfire between partisans on
both sides. liut victimology. as an "-olo-,gy’I and not
art "-ism." is an objective. neutral, open-minded
arid evenhanded scienti c endeavor that does not
take sides. play Elavorites. or speak with just one
voice in these political debates. So there is no reason
to condemn the whole scholarly cnucrptise of vietimology and dismiss it as flawed. distorted. or
slanted. as the conuneneators quoted above did.
To put it bluntly, victimology has received a bum
rap by those who mistakenly mock it and equate it
with victimism. Read on and this confusion will be
dispelled. Victimology will take shape as a challeng—
ing. meaningful. balanced. enlightening. construetive. and relevant Field of study that focuses on a
very old problem from a Fresh. new angle.
I‘I-IE ORIGINS (IF VICTIMOLOGY
The beginnings ol the academic discipline oi vietim—
ology can be traced back to several articles. books.
and research projects initiated by criminologists
during the l J4viis and l JSiis. Until that time.
criminology’s attention was focused entirely on
those who violated the law: who they were. why
they engaged in ille l activities. how they were
handled by the criminal justice system. whether
they should be incarcerated. and how they m.igltt
be rehabilitated. Eventually. perhaps through the
process ofeliminacion, several criminologists search—
ing for solutions to the crime problem were drawn
to—or stumbled upon—tlte important role played
by victims.
These criminologists considered victims to be
worthy of serious study primarily because they
were the completely overlooked halfof the dyad
(pair). Tlte first scholars to consider themselves viccimolo-gists examined the resistance put up by rape
victims [Mendelsohm I‘M-ii}; the presumed vulnerabilities of certain kinds of people. such as the very
young. the very old. recent immigrants. and. the
mentally disturbed [Von Hentig, l J-1H]: and the
kinds ofpeoplc, in terms of factors. such as age and
sex, whose actions contributed to their own violent
deaths [Wolfgang l Ji-H]. The first use in English of
the term victimology to refer to the study ofpeople
harmed by criminals appeared in a book about murderers written by a psychiatrist [Wcrtham. 19-1-9).
During the 1%[is, as the problem of street
crime intensi ed. the President s Commission on
Law Enforcement and the Administration of
justice argued that criminologists ought to pay
more attention to victims {thereby inspiring some
to become victimologists). The Commission s Task
Force on Assessment {1961 p. 8“] concluded!
One of the most neglected. subjects in the
study of crime is io. victims: the persons.
households and businesses that bear the
brunt of crime in the United States. Both
the part the victim can play in the criminal
act and. the part he oould have played in
preventing it are often overlooked. [fit
could be detennined with sufficient specificity that people or businesses with cer—
tain characteristics are more likely than
others to be crime victims. and that crime
is more likely to occur in some places
WHATISVI E I IMULDG‘H 15
rather than in others. efforts to control and
prevent crime would. be more productive.
Then the public could be told where and
when the risks ofcrime are greatest.
Measures such as preventive police patrol
and installation ofburglar alarms and special locks could then be pursued more
efficiently and effectively. individuals
could then substitute objective estimation
of risk for the general apprehensivencss
that today restricts—perhaps unnecessarily
and at best haphaaardly—their enjoyment
of parks and their freedom of movement
on the streets after dark.
[n this call for a shift in focus, the Commission’s
Task Force stressed the potential practical benefits:
More crimes could be prevented and. more criminals
caught unrealistic fears could be calmed and unwar—
ranted complacency dispelled. and needless eatpen—
ditures could be eliminated or reduced. These
ambitious goals have not yet been attained. Other
goals not cited by the corrunission that have been
added over the years include reducing suffering,
making the criminaljustice system more responsive,
and restoring victims to the financial oondition they
were in before the crime occurred.
During the l‘lE-iis and 19m; criminologists,
reformers, and political activists argued persuasively
that offenders themselves were in some sense "viccims" too—of grinding poverty. dysfunctional families. failing school systems. rundown housing. job
shortages, discrimination. police brutality, and. other
social problems [for example, see Ryan, 19le. in
reaction to this sympathetic characterization oflaw—
breakers. many people asked, "But what about the
real ilesh-and—blood individuals that they preyed
upon who were innocent. law—abiding. and vulner—
able? What can be done to ease their suffering."
1While grappling with that question. reformers
came to recognize that persons targeted by criminals were being systematically abandoned to their
fates. and that institutionalised neglect had prevailed for too long. .i t consensus be n to emerge
that people harmed by illegal acts deserved better
treatment. Plans for financial assistance were the
IIE tiIAPtEit i
focus ofearly discussions: campaigns for enhanced
rights within the leyl system soon followed.
By the l J J lJL victimology had become a recognized field of study with its own national and
international professional organizations. conferences. and journals. By the end of the 1‘3‘JiJs. students were taking courses in victimology at more
than 2-1111 colleges and universities. [for 1.3 lists a
compilation of the major events in vico mology‘s
short history.
lli IxCTIIlllllv kl COMPARED
TO CRIIIIINDILOGV
1.i‘ictirnology is an interdisciplinary field that benefits
from the contributions ofsociologists, psychologists.
social workers. political scientists. doctors. nurses.
criminal justice o icials. lawyers, spiritual leaders.
and other professionals. volunteers, advocates, and
activists. Liut academically and organicationally. vic—
timology is best conceived ofas an area ofspeciali—
cation within criminology, on par with other fields
of intensive study, such as delinquency. drug abuse.
and penology. .i lll these subdisciplines merit elective
courses and textbooks of their own in colleges and
graduate programs. In other words criminology is
the older parent discipline and victimologyr is the
reoent offshoot.
Criminology can be defined as encompassing
the scientific study of illegal activities. offenders.
their victims. criminal law and the justice system.
and societal reactions to the crime problem.
Parallels Between Criminology
and Vittlmology
Even though it is a rapidly evolving subdiscipline.
victimology parallels its parent, criminology. in
litany ways. Criminologists ask why certain individuals bccoiiie involved in lawbrieaking while others
do not. Their studies concentrate on the offenders
backgrounds and. motives in order to uncover the
root causes oftheir misbehavior. \i’ico mologists ask
why some individuals. households. and entities [such
as banks] are targeted while others are not. Research
projects aim to discover the souroes ofvulnerability to
criminal attack and the reasons why some victims
might act carelessly. behave recklessly. or even insti—
gate others to assault them. (Iriniinologisu. recognize
that most people oocasionally break certain laws
{especially during adolescence) but are otherwise
law—abiding: only some who engage in delinquent
acts graduate to become hardcore olfcnders and
career criminals \I ictiiiiologists realize that anyone
can suffer the misfortune of being at the wrong place
at the wnango me but wonder why oertain individuals
are targeted over and over again.
r’ilthough the law holds offenders personally
accountable for their illegal conduct, criminologists
explore how social economic. and political conditions generate criminal activity. Similarly. altlaough
certain victims might be accused of sharing some
degree of responsibility with. their offenders for
the outbreak of specific incidents, victimologists
examine personality traits, agents of socialization.
and cultural imperatives that ooiiipel some people
to take chances and put their lives in danger. while
others seem to accept their fate. just as aggressive
criminal behavior can be learned. victims may have
been taught to lead high-risk lifestyles or even to
play their subordinate roles.
Iioth criminologists and victimologists place a
great emphasis on following the proper ways of
gathering and interpreting data. (Iriminologists and
victimologists rely upon the same methods used by
all social scientists: case studies, surveys and polls
based on queso onnaires and interviews. carefully
designed social experiments, content analyses of
various forms of communication [like movies and
song lyrics}, secondary analyses of documents and
les. and up-close and personal ethnographic
approaches relying upon systematic observations.
(Iriminologiso. and victirrtologists calculate statistics.
compute rates. compile profiles. draw graphs. and
search for patterns and trends. Criminologiso. collect
and analyze inforrriacion about individuals engaging
in illegal behaviors, such as their typical ages and
social backgrounds. Victimologists look over statis—
tics about the ages and social backgrounds of the
people who are harmed by unlawful activities.
WHAriswctiMDLonr 1 ."
tort 1.1 Higlrighehonmnemqarunannbgyirumainmnsram
19-11
19-17
195?
1955
19E
1965
1966
1967
Early
1930!
MI!!19305
1972
1973
197-1
1976
1977
1979
Even“.
Hans iron Hentlg publ nhc-r an article focusing on
the inc-ration between victims and criminals.
Renjemln Mendelscrhn coins the term victimology is an article written in French.
In Great Britain. Margery Fry proposes legislation that would authorize the gpuemment to
reimburse victims for their losses.
Mtrvin‘r‘r‘plfgeng studies thecircumstancs
surrounding the deaths ofmurder victims. and
discovers thatseme centriruted tt theironn
demise.
The u_S. Congress holds hearings on the plight
of crime victims but rejects legislative proposals
to cover their lasso.
California become-s the first u.§.ste1.e to set up a
special fund to repay victins for crime inflicted
expenses.
A research tetmcarric-r but a natlpnwldesune;
to flndoui. about crimes that were not reported
to the police.
A presidential commissitn recommends that
crImInoltgisis Study victims.
Stephen Schtfc-r Invites the first textbook ebput
victims.
The firstseitcrime squedsarnd rape cr eis centers
are organized.
Prosecutors initiate ulctim-wilnus assistance
prpgrems.
The federal government initiates a yearly
National Crime it iclirlllilaliun Survey of the
gene-rel public to uncover fistharnd information
about street crimes.
The first international conference of victimolry
glsts is convened in Jerusalem.
The fist sheltm for battered women is set up in
Minnesota.
Thefirstscholarly-journaldevotediovlctimolngy
begins publication.
New York State enacts the fist "Sun of Sem
law tn prevent offenders frem profiting from
telling about their exploits.
The World Society of Uictimolegy- is founded.
Year
1981
1982
1955
1935
19!}
‘I 99d.
2W3
2DD|1
Mill.
President Reagan proclaims iriclims
week every April.
Rights
Cengress passes a Iirlclim mdwnnc-ss Protection
Act that suggests standards for fair u c-ttment
of victims Iri-ithin the federal court system.
The President s Teslt force an Victims of crime
recommends oranges in the Constitution and in
federal and state lists to guarantee uictlriu
rights.
Congress prison the Victims of Crime Act. Iiliil-ilch
provides federal subsidies to state victim compenstllpn and asseunce programs.
The Lli iiles‘l Nations General Assembly Linanlmtusly- adopts a resolution that urges
all members to rupect and extend the
rights of victims of crimes and of abuses
of power.
1.l ict n‘ns‘ rights activists seek the passage of
constitutional amendments on the federal and
slate leuels guaranteeing uictims rights.
The LI.S. Departmentof Justice epensa National
1.l ictims Rc-rturce Center in Rockville. Mary-lend.
to serve as e clearing-reuse for information.
Congress passes the Uicti‘ns‘ Rights and
Ralltutiein Act.
Ctngresspascesthe-VioienceAgai-istirvpmen act.
The American satiety pf victimology holds its
fist annual national symposium.
Congress enacts the Crime victims Rights Act.
which pledges fair treatment and opportunities
for input in federal ctut proceedings.
A biparusen group of la members of Congress
forms a \rictlm s Rights Caucus.
Victi‘nlaw. a peer-friend Iy website. provides a
seerchtble database about state leg islaticin
concerning restitution and compensation for
financial losses.
A National Museum of Crime- a. Punishment
opens in Washington. D_E.. with ethirlls that
dramatize the plighis of victims.
SOUMI: Gil-my and rims. 1W1. Sch-trial. 1m: Lambcn‘l 1m
Nulltliil rg‘nien‘l ierilm «stu... Ari-lam move}. ism. 195.com...
anal: dictum-iii Jean.
1! crtAPtEit l
Criminolog rsis apply their findings to devise local.
regional, and. national crime-prevention strategies.
1r’ictirniologists scrutinize tlte patterns and trends
tltey detect to develop persmaalited victimization—
prevention strategies and risk reduction tactics.
Both criminologists and viccimologists study
how the criminal justice system actually works. in
contrast to the way the system is supposed to work
according to agency regulations. official roles. fed—
eral and state legislation, court decisions. and politicians promises. Criminological research reveals
ho tIt.r suspects. defendants. and convicts are mally
handled. while victimological studies examine the
way injured parties are actually treated by police
officers. prosecutors. defense atmrnc ys. andjudgcs.
Criminologisis assets the needs of oll endcrs for
counseling. psychotherapy. additional education.
job training, and dnag treatment. In addition. criminologists evaluate tlte effectiveness ofvarious reha—
bilitacion programs offered behind bars or available
to probationers or parolees tltat are intended to
reduce recidivism rates. Similarly, victimologists
want to diagnose the emotional problems that beset
people after they have been harmed by oll enders.
and to test out the usefulness of programs designed
to facilitate their recovery [see Roberts. l J9ll. and
Lurigio. 1994]). Criminologjsts try to calculate the
social and economic costs that criminal activity
imposes on a community or on society as a whole.
1r’ictirniologists estimate the losses and expenses that
individuals and businesses incur due to acts of violence. theft. or fraud.
Differences arid Boundaries
Criminology and victimology differ in several important ways. Criminology is several hundred years
old. whereas victimology did not emerge until the
second half of the EEJth century. (Iriminologists
agree among themselves that they should limit their
studies to illegal activities {and not those expressions
of social deviance that do not violate any laws).
1r’ictirniologists cannot reach a consensus about the
appropriate boundaries of their field. Some victi—
mologists argue that their scientific studies should
not be restricted to criminal victimization. They
believe that additional sources ofsul lering are worthy of systematic analysis: harm caused by oppressive policieal regimes man-made disasters (such as
wars and. genocide). natural disasters (such as floods
and earthquakes). and. sheer accidents. The coinrnon goals would be to develop effective strategies
for short—run relief. as well as govcrruncnt programs
and long-term solutions to alleviate suffering from
all kinds of calamities. However, the majority of
victimologists believe that their studies should
remain focused on criminal victimimdon so that
there are precise, readily identifiable Iirniis. and clear
directions for further research and theorizing.
Criminal victimization may not he more serious
{Financially). more injurious (medically). or rttorc
traumatic and longer lasting {emotionally) titan
other types of harm and sources of suffering.
llut it is necessary to rein in the boundaries of the
field in order to malice it manageable for the practi—
cal purposes of holding conferences. publishing
journals, lwriting textbooks. and teaching college
courses. {For the pros and cons ofthese alternative
visions of what the scope of victimology ought
to he, see Schaler. 1968: 1il"iaino. MTG. 191i}. and
i J9lla , Galaway and Hudson. 191i]: Flynn. 10$].Scherer. [[18].- Schneider, 1.932: Friedrich; luff-3.Elias. I‘Jtlt a , and Fattab. 1.991}.
The boundary between victimology and mainstream criminology rs not always clear-cingsomctimes
the mo overlap. Historically, muelt of criminology
can be characterized as "ol l cnderology I because
of its preoccupation with the question of etiology;
the wrongdoers motives and the underlying causes
of criminal behavior. Lawbrcalccrs always have
been under a spotlight while the people they
harmed ntmained shadowy Figures on tlte fringes.
But now victimology enriches criminology by
yielding a more balanced and comprehensive approach tltac sheds light on both parcies and their
interactions.
To illustrate the central concerns of each field
and their areas of common interest. consider the
problem ofseatual predators preying on youngsters.
Uncovering the kinds of emotional disorders and
cultural themes about dominacion and. exploitation
that drive adults to molest and rape children are
obviously subjects for criminological research. as is
the controversy surrounding tlte alleged ineli‘eccive—
ness of various "cures" For pedopltilia. Whether
threats or harsher punishments actually deuer future
attacks and whetlter satellite ctaclcing ol formerly
incarceraued offenders is a worthwhile investment
of government l unds also l alls squarely witltin the
realm of criminology. (Iriminologists m.ight launch
their inquiries by examining the flies maintained
by police departments to draw a profile ofthe typical offender. 1siictimologists l|.I.rr iuld use the same
records no derive a statistical portrait ofthe children
most at risk (in uerrth of age ranges. gender. class.
race, and ethnicity. for example). Victimologists
would l ocus their inquiries on which cteaunents
best speed the recovery of molested children. and
whether reforms in the way their cases are handled
in court are minimizing the stress endured hy tltese
young witnesses who testify for the prosecution.
Whether the relatively reoent and rapidly spreading
community noti cation policies (such as "Megan’s
Law") about the arrival of a new resident with a
past hisuory of sexual predation cases or intensifies
parental fears for their children s safety is a subject
for crirtiinological research (because it explores the
reactions ol the general public to the threat or”
crime). Whether this liind of advanced warning
about potentially dangerous strangers in the neighborhood who should be avoided makes previously
molested chinren l eel more or less anxious is a
Dopic for victimologists Do investigaue. Whether
these community noti cation requirements actually
lead to fewer incidents is a research Dopic that strad—
dles the line between criminology and victimology
(because it leads to the calquation of crime rates
which are simultaneously victimization rates).
The Interface with Other Disciplines
A number oi academic orientations enrich victimology. Victimologists who pursue a rrtental health.Ir
forensic psychology orientation might explore
how victims react to their misfortunes. They aslt
why some people experience post-traumatic
stress disorder (FISH) while others who suffer
through comparable calamities do not. Members
WHATISVI ETIMULDG‘H 19
or the helping professions also want to know what
personality traits. coping skills inner resources and
beliersystems {perhaps based on spirituality and religiosity) enalrle individuals who have endured shat—
Dcring experiences to get through their period of
bereavement. recover From depression, reconsider
their priorities. and reorient their lives (see Psi and
Park. 2ll ]. Professionals engaged in therapeutic
relationships with survivors of vicious violence
need to discover which crisis intervention uecltniques work best {see Roberts, 2(H15}. Victbnologists
who talte an thuorical perspective trace develop—
ments Foam the past to better understand the
present. while those who adopt an economic per-
spective try to measure individual and collective
costs. losses. and eatpenses that resuh From criminal
activities. The anthropological orientation compares
victimization in other societies :Far away and. long
ago in order to cranscend the limitations olfanalyses
mired in the here and now. lr iccimologists who
adopt a sociological perspective develop victim pro—
les (statistical portraits]. analyze the interactions
within the vicdm-o ‘ender relationship. examine
the way other people and social institutions (such as
the public welfare and health care sysnerns] dealwitlt
in_j ured parties. and seek. no evaluate the eli ectiveness
ol new policies and programs. Victimologists who
apply a legalistiefcriminaljustice orientation explore
how victims are supposed Do be handled by the
police. prosec umrs. defense attorneys._judges probacion of cers. and parole boards. and they scrutinize
the provisions of recently enacted laws designed to
empower victims as the adversary sysuem resolves
“their" cases.
Divisions within the Discipline
Vietirnology does not have the distinct schools of
thought that divide criminologists into opposing
camps. probably because this new subdiscipline
lacks its own well-developed theories ol human
behavior. However. in both criminology and victimology. political ideologies—conservative. liberal.
and radical leitfcriticalr‘conllict—can play a signi —
cant role in in uencing the choice ol research topics
and in shaping policy reoommendacions.
21D crIAPtER r
The conservative tendency within victimology
Focuses primarily upon scteet crimes. is basic tenet of
conservative thought is that everyone—both victims
and. offenders—transit be held strictly accountable for
their decisions and actions. This translates into an
emphasis on self-reliance rather than governmental
assistance. individuals should strive to take personal
responsibility for preventing. avoiding. resisting, and
reoovering from criminal acts and for defending
themselves. theirfamiiies. and their homes from outside attaclt. In accordanoe with the crime control
model ofcrirninalJustice. lawbreakersmustbe strictly
punished on behalf of their victims (retribution. or
just deserts]. in icting sud ering on lawbrealters
should lurther general deterrence [to make a negative
example of drem. to serve as a waming to other
would-be ol lendcrs that they should think twice
and decide not to break the law), and speci c deterrence (to teach them a lesson not to commit any
harmfui acts in the future). incapacitating predators
behind bars keeps them away frcen the targets they
would like to prey upon.
The liberal tendency sees the scope of the lield
as stretching beyond street crime to include crimi—
nal harm in icted on persons by reckless corporate
executives and corrupt o tials. .r r basic theme
within liberal thought is to endorse governmental
intervention to cry to ensure fair treatment and to
alleviate needless suffering. This position leads to
e orts to extend the "safety net" mechanisms of
the welfare state to cushion shocks and losses due
to all lsinds of misfortunes. including crime. To
“make the victim whole again." aid must be avail—
able frorn such programs as state compensation
funds. subsidized crime insurance plans. rape crisis
centers, and shelters for battered women. Home
liberals are enthusiastic about restorative Justice
experiments that. instead of punishing offenders
by imprisoning them. attempt to make wrongdoers
pay restitution to their victims so that reconciliation
between the two estranged parties might become
possible.
The radical lel tfcridcalfeonflict tendency seeks
to dernonstrate that the problem of victimization
arises from the exploitative and oppressive relations
that are pervasive throughout the social system.
Therefore. the scope ofthe eld should not be limited simply to the casualties of criminal activity in
the streets. inquiries must be extended to cover
the harm in icted by industrial polluters. owners
and managers of hamrdous workplaces. fraudulent
advertisers. predatory lenders {for example, ofmort—
gages with deceptive provisions for repayment
of the loan). brutally violent law enforcement
agencies. and distrirninatory institutions. Victims
might not be particular individuals but whole
groups of people, such as factory workers. minority
groups, customers. or neighborhood residents.
From the radicalfcricicalfcon ict perspective, victimology can be faulted for preferring to study the
more obvious. less controversial kinds of harmful
behaviors. mostly acts of personal violence and
crude theft by desperate individuals. instead of the
more fundamental injustioes that mar everyday life:
the inequitable distribution of wealth and. power
that results in poverty. malnutrition. homelessness.
family dysfunction. chronic structural unernploy—
ment substance abuse. and other social problems.
The legal system and the criminal justice apparatus
are oonsidered part of the problem by criminologists as well as victimologists working within this
tradition because these institutions primarily sai e—
guard the interests of influential groups and privileged classes {see liirkbeck. I‘JHIi , Friedrichs. [983.Viano. I‘JHiI , Bias. 1.936. 1.993: Fattah. l Jéf-Ifl. l J‘Jll.
l J‘JZSI. l J‘JZlD.‘ Mien, l ill‘J , JLeiman. l J‘JU ,Walltl1lL‘.
i J Jl , and Mawby and Walklate. I993).
Why
One
ogy
ogy
Study Vlttlmalng y‘l
last parallel between criminology and lvictimol—
merits. highlighting. Criminology and victimolare not well-paying fields ripe with opportunities
for employment and advanoement. Becoming a
criminologist or a victimologist rarely leads to
fame and fortune, and certainly doesn t malce a
person invincible to physicai attacks. thefts or
swindles. Yet for several reasons a growing number
of people are investing time. energy. and money
to study victimology.
First of all. victimologists benefit intellectually.
as do all social scientists. by gaining insights into
everyday life. solving putding and troubling issues.
better appreciating life s subtieties. seeing phenom—
ena more clearly, and. understanding complex situations more profoundly. Second, individuaJs profit
from pursuits. that expand their horizons, transcend
the limits oftheir own experiences. free than from
irrational fears and unfounded concerns. and enable
them to overeome gut reactions offatalism. cynicism.
emotionalism. and deep—seatedprejudices. Third. the
findings generated from theorizing and applied re—
search have practical applications that simultaneously
ease the suffering ofothers and give the victimologist
a sense of purpose. worth. accomplishment. and
satisfaction.
[c is true that criminologists and victimologists
may appear to be guilty ol impersonai detachment
when. for example. they study murder victims by
counting corpses and noting the circumstances of
death. liut the dilerruna of treating real ilesh—
and-blood casualties as mere "cases" or "abstract
statistics" is largely unavoidable and arises just as
sharply in other elds. such as medicine. military his.—
tory. police scicnoe. and suicidology. The redec—
ming value of victimology lies in its potential
for human betterment. Ir’ict‘imologys allegiance to
the principle of striving for objectivity when
conducting research doesn‘t detract from the discipline‘s overalJ commitment to aLleviate needless
suffering.
Victimology is not the cold or dismal discipline
it might appear to be at rst glance. Victimologists
are not morbidly curious about or preoccupied
with misfortune. loss, tragedy. pain. grief. death.
and mourning. Of course. because of its negative
subject matter. the discipline is problem-oriented
by nature. However. victimologists also take part
in furthering positive developments and constructive activities when they seek to discover effective
ways of coping with hardships. transcending the
vicissitudes of life, reimbursing financial damages.
speeding up recovery. promoting reconciliation between parties enmeshed in conflicts, and restoring
harmony to a strife—torn corrununity.
wrtnrisvrt tlmtuoavr 11
On occasion, victimologists—and the general
public—can find d.1.e attitudes and actions of individuals
who have su ered terrible ordealstobe uplifting, exemplary. even inspiring. {Imasider what can be learned
front these cases:
A young man returns home to discover that a
burglar has spirited off his television. an old
laptop, and his Kbox Sit-i]. He contacts a locai
pawn shop and sure enough, someone tried to
sell his computer and. the store‘s camera contains
an image ofthe thief. He alerts the police. but
they never contact him. However. the burglar
leaves him a message, demanding money for the
return ofthe stolen property. The young man
calls the polite again. but they take no action.
So he traces the message baclt to its sender and
identiiies the thief. his address. even the high
school he attends. The victim circulates this information about the thiel via internet websites,
and when the bombardment through instant
messaging becomes unbearable. the burglar re—
turns all the stolen property. ((Irecente. 2llUH]
9-4 foot,: r inch,‘.lllpoundET—year—oldwoman is
beltind the counter of her family s suburban
convenience store when a fu—foot—taLl man
wearing a mask pulls a gun and brandishes it in
her face. The angry gunman screams "Hurry up!
Give me the money !" but she stalls and makes
believe she can’t open the cash register. When
the robber turns to see ifanyone is looking. she
grabs a 3 foot ax hidden behind the counter and
starts swinging it wildly. yelling “Get out of
here!" He flees, and then she confides to
detectives and a reporter that "I was scared.
[was shaking. I didn‘t want to hit him. ljust
wanted him to get out. " [(Imtvley. 20”?)
9-"gentleman I holds a lobby door open for a
llli-year—old woman who is on her way to
church. But then he hits her so hard that blood
spurts out her mouth and nose. A surveillance
camera in the hallway shows the robber
CHAPTER I
striking her over and over until she finally relinquishes her grip on her handbag containing
:13. Her face bleeds for two weeks and her
right arm never heals properly. ll-ut rtcarly a
year later. she ltobbles into a oourtro-om to
identify the 45—year-old defendant as the man
who mugged her. Her testimony at this special
evidentiary hearing is preserved on videotape
just in case she is unable to appear as a witness
for the prosecution at the trial, which is
anticipated to begin a year later. [Farmer. 2(th
999
A 35-year-old woman is beaten. robbed.
and repeatedly raped for two hours in a dingy
garage. In court. the courageous single mother
testi es that while the gunman kept sexually
assaulting her, “I had to keep myself from
going crazy. [Just hummed to myself."
Realizing that the humming also calmed the
rapist, she begins to give him a massage and to
tall; soothingly to him. As they converse. the
15—year—old assailant apologizes, and. then dis—
closes his name and even his date of birth.
which later leads to his arrest. {ShifreL 2ii r‘a)
#6.
A. 45—year—old teacher is kidnapped in asltopping
null parking lot by a gun—toting teenage
carjaeker. She secretly turns on a micro-cassette
recorder to gather evideneejust irt case she can t
convince the youth to let her go. During her final
46 minutes. she persuades the carjacker to discuss
his childhood and his experiences in the rrtiliury.
descriptions which later provide investigttors
withvaluable clues. Shealso reads passages to him
El orn a psychology teatdaook , urges him to live a
meartingl ullife and to Eind God: promises to help
him land ajola.‘ andsobs as she describes how she
treasures being a mother to her young son. But it
is all to no avail. He doesn t sltoot her but
smothers her with her owrt ooat, wltich contains
the cassette in a pocket. ”ones. EENJ J‘]
999
A 31—year—old social worker is about to go to
dinneraftera longdayort a cold niglttwhert he is
suddenly confronted by a teenager wielding a
knife. He hands over his wallet to the young
robber and. then offers him his coat too. surrnis—
ing "1 E you are willingto risk your freedom E ora
few dollars, then I guess you must really need the
money." Then he takes the emotionally confused adolescent to a restaurant When it is time
to pay For the meal, the teenager gives back his
wallet, artd even ltands over his knife. The social
worker sums up their encounter to an interviewer: "lfyou treat people right, you can
only hope that they treat you right. That s as
simple as it gets in this complicated vvorld.’I
mint. artist:
9 99
A mentally deranged Enli—year—old woman
shoots a member ofa sheriff‘s department
SWAT teartt in the neck. Formerly known as
“the most in sltape" deputy by his fellow ofli—
ccrs. he wakes up paralyzed as a quadriplegic
confined to a wheel chair. But with great determination he remains foeused on his goal of
returning to work at a desk job irt the nareoties
squad. obseran "Your future is kind of blealt
when you ve got tubes coming out ofyou artd
everyone is saying you ll never walk again...
But ifyou stay mad about it all the time. you re
rtot doing anything good for you I-self.’I
Supported by his family and colleagues, he
optimistically reports. signs of progress. "There
ltave been a lot of litrle instances, like being
able to pick up a potato chip artd eat it with
my hands" {Young, ZiiUH]
Evidently. studying howinjured parties respond
to their plight eait yield some unanticipated benefits
1ia ictimtologists can gain a more complete understanding and appreciation of the full range of possible reactions to attacks. !iome victims respond to
their misfortunes in ways that are clever. bold. even
courageous. and demonstrate a determination to be—
have with dignity and to pursue a corttmitment to
justice. These individuals can serve as positive role
models for overcoming adversity. Uictimology is
not hopelessly mired in suffering and negativity.
WHAT VICTIMOLDGISTS I J D
The current parameters of the field are evident in
the kinds ofquestions victimologists try to answer.
in general. these questions transcend the basics
about "who, how. wlterc, and when." and tardtle
the questions of "why" and. “what can be done."
Victimologisrs explore the interactions between
victims and offenders. victims and the criminal juscice system. and victims and the larger society.
in the process. victimologists. like all social scien—
tists. gather data to test hypotheses and refine the—
ories. In the face of bold claims for credit {for
example. about a financial records rttonitoring service that prevents customers iderttities from being
stolen) or accusations about blame {about why
iderttity theft strikes certain individuals). victimolo—
gists rttust adopt a critical spirit and a skeptical
stance to see where the trail of evidence leads.
in the search for truth. myths must be exposed.
unfounded charges dismissed. and commonsense
notions put to the test. The following guidelines
outline the step—by—step reasoning process that
victimologists follow when carrying out their re—
search tsee Parsonage. lEilT-‘Ei , Birkbeck. [0811.- and
Burt, lEiIHSiJ.
Strap 1: Identify. Define.
and Dascrht the Problem
The most basic task for victimologists is to deter-
mine all the di ierent ways that a violation of the
law can inflict immediate and long—term harm: the
extent of arty physical injuries. emotional damage.
and economic costs. plus any social consequences
{such as loss ofstatusjr. For example. severely abused
children might suffer front posttraumatic stress
disorder. dys rnctional interpersonal relationships.
personality problertts. and self-destructive impulses
{see Driere. 1.992}.
Sometimes a group is diiiicuh to study because
there isn t an adequate expression to describe their
common rttisfortune or to capture the nature of
their plight. Now that terms like date rape. stalking.
cyberstalking. carjacking, battering. elder abuse.
WHAtrsvrtrIMtrLont 3
road rage. identity theft. and bias crime have
entered everyday speech. governrrrent agencies and
researchers are exploring in what manner and how
frequently people are harmed by these offenses.
Sometimes a familiar problem. such as bullying
among juveniles receives renewed attention {see
Unnever and Cornell, 2MB]. especially in the after—
math ofa massacre on the grounds ofa high school
by a teenager deeply resentful ofthe cruel teasing of
other students (see IJe ette. _| enson. and Colomy,
Elm-iii. On occasion, victimologists help to break the
silence about situations that long have been consid—
ered taboo topics, by studying acti icies such as
sibling abuse, incestuous sexual ilttposicions in step—
faJttilies, and marital rape {see Hines and Malley—
Morrison. EEJHSJ.
Victilttologists analyze how the status of being
a "legitimate victim" is socially defined. They
explore why only sorrte people who suffer physical.
emotional. or economic harm are designated and
treated as fill—fledged, bona fide. and o icially re—
cognized victims artd as such. are eligible for aid and
encouraged to exercise rigltts within the criminal
justice process. But why are other injured parties
left to fend for themselves? One key question is,
"is the social standing of each of the two parties
taken into account when government ollicials and
members of the general public evaluate whether
one person should get into legal trouble for what
happened and the other should be granted assistance?" Another important query is. "Who decides
what is unacceptable and illegal?" For example,
what official action should be taken when workers
are killed in on—the—job incidents? Are they victims
of criminal negligence? When customers claim
they were deceived by exaggerated clairtts in
advertisement; are they victims offraud. artd therefore entitled to certain legal remedies? 1n what
situations should elementary school students who
are subjected to corporal punishment by headmasters, dearts, and teachers [even with parental
permission) be considered victims of a physical
assault?
Clearly. the status of being an officially recog—
nized victim of a crime is "socially constructed."
The determinatioit of who is included and who is
24 cunt-rte t
excluded from this privileged category is carried out
by actors within the criminal justice process (police
officers and detectives. prosecutors. judges, even
juries) and is heavily influenced by legislators (who
formulate criminal laws] and. the media that shapes
public opinion aboutspecifie incidents.
Step 2: Measure the True
Dhrenslorrs of the Problem
Because policy makers and the general public want
to know ltowserious variouskinds ofillegalactivities
are. victimologists. must devise ways to keep track
of the frequency and consequences of prohibited
acts. The accuracy ofstatistics kept by government
bureaus artd private agencies :rnust be critically ex—
amined to ferret out any biases that might inflate
or de ate these estimates to the advantage of those
who. for some self-serving reason, wish to either
exaggerate or downplay the real extent of the
problem.
In order to make rtteasurements. victimologists
have to operationalirte their concepts by develop—
ing working definitions that specify essential cltar—
acteristics and also mark boundaries. clarifying
which cases should be included and which should
be exrduded. For exarttple. when trying to deter—
rttinc how many students. ltave been victims of
stltool violence. should youngsters who were
threatened with a beating be counted. even if
they were rtot actually physically attacked? Once
victirttologists measure the frequency of some
unwanted event per year. they can begin to search
for changes over time to see if a particular type of
crirrtirtal activity is marring the lives of a greater
number or fewer people as time passes. To grasp
the importance of making accurate mcasurerttents.
consider the problem ofchild abuse. Statistics gatlt—
ered by child protection agencies may irtdicate a
huge increase in the nurttbcr of reported instances
ofsuspected abuse. How can this upsurge be ex—
plained? One possibility is that parents are neglect—
ing. beating. and molesting their children tltese
days like never before. But another explanation
could be that new compulsory reporting require—
ments recently imposed on physicians. school
nurses. and teachers are bringing many more cases
to the attention of the authorities. Thus. a sharp
rise in reports might not reflect a genuine crime
wave directed at children by tltcir caretakers but
merely a surge in official reports because of im—
provements in detecting and keeping records of
maltreaonent. Victimologists can make a real con—
tribution toward resolving this controversy by de—
vising ways to estimate with greater precision the
actual dimensions of the child abuse problem.
Other pressing questions that can be answered by
careful measurements and accurate statistics include
the following: Are huge numbers ofcltildren being
snatched up by kidnappers demanding ransoms? Dr
are abductions by strangers rare? Are husbands assaulted by their wives about as often as wives are
battered by their husbands? Ur is ferttale aggression
of rrtirtor concert: when compared to male vio—
lence? [s forced sex a conutton outcome at the
end of an evening. or is date rape less ofa danger
than some people believe (see Loseke. tielles. artd
(Iavanaugh. Eliil )?
After determining incidence rates (how often
a type of victimization takes place during a given
time period. usually one year]. prevalence rates
{the fraction ofthe population that ltas ever experienced this type ofrttisfortune) can also be estimated.
Using various assumptions it then becomes possible
to project lifetime likelihoods [the proportion of
the population that wiLl someday stiffer in this may.
if current rates prevail]. Additionally, researchers
cart discern which categories of people are preyed
upon the most and the least. That information can
be used to draw a pro le (statistical portrait] of the
characteristics of typical victims (people who fall
into high-risk groupings].
Once injured parties have been identified artd
located, researchers can carry out a needs assassnatnt through interviews or via a survey to discover
what kirtds of assistance and support they require
to resolve their problems and return to the lives
they were leading before the crime occurred. Such
studies of help-seeking behaviors might reveal
unmet material and emotional needs. weaknesses in
existing programs and policies. and the significant
contributions of informal support systems (primarily
family and friends].
Step 3: Investigate How Victims
Are Handled
Victimologists scrutinize how victims actually are
created by the criminaljustice and social servioe systems that are ostensibly designed to help them.
Researchers carry out needs assessments to identify
just what the injured parties want, require. and get.
Studies pinpoint the sources of tension. conflict
miscreannent. and dissatisfaction that alienate viccims from the agencies that are supposed to serve
them. Program evaluations determine whether
stated goals are being met. For instance. victiinolo—
gists want to know how well or ltow poorly the
polioe. prosecutors. judges. and family tlterapists are
responding to the plight of abused children and
battered women (see Hilton. lEil JIi , Roberts. 2ll[12.
Hines and [Halley-Morrison, ZliUE. and Barnett.
Miller-i’errin. and Perrin. 21105]. Similarly. victimologists explore whether prorriises are being
ltept. and if reforms granting new rights are having
any impact on business as usual within the legal
sysozm. .i’rre most victims wasting their time if
they appear before parole boards to argue that the
prisoners who harmed them should not receive
early release. or are victims arguments taken seri—
ously? Additionally. victimologisis. monitor the way
the public, the news media. elected officials, non—
profit organirations. and profit—oriented enterprises
react to the plight ofpcople who are robbed. raped.
beaten. or murdered.
Step 4: Gather Evidence to Test
l-lypothues
Victimologists investigate claims, suspicions. hunchcs. and predictions. They collect data to see if there
is any basis for widely held hypotheses. suelt as that
wuatiswetimmoav? H
wives beaten mercilessly by their husbands often
don t flee their unhappy homes because they are
too frightened of being hunted down and killed.
Similarly, researchers want to determine the “red
ags" or warning signs that indicate trouble ahead
in a stormy relationship. Should women who have
siu ered beatings during eourohip or cohabitation
quickly break—up with their abusive boyfriends. or
can these turbulent relan onships be salvaged? (See
Roberts and Roberts, aims.) .i lre most women
who were raped angry or relieved if their cases are
resolved througli plea negotiations (in which the
assailants admit theirguilt in return forsome concession] rather than by highly publicized trials in
which they would be a lte y prosecution witness?
Are asignificant proportion ofsurviviors ofhornicides
opposed to the execution of the murderers oftheir
loved ones? re the practical suggestions offered on
1Web sites for women who are being stalked by er:—
lovers likely to reduoe the risks of violent outbursts,
or does following this advice actually heighten dan—
gers .J Testing hypotheses yields interesting findings.
especially discoveries that cast doubt on common—
sense notions (challenging what everyone "knows"
to be true]. Victimologists try to sort out myths from
realities.
All research findings serve to build victimology s knowledge base. and some have obvious
practical applications. For eatample. how often do
people who were robbed fail to recognize the sus-
pect and pick out an innocent person at a station
house lineup (how accurate are eyewitness identifi—
cations]? Alter elderly persons are robbed and
injured, are they more likely than victims of other
ages to adopt extreme precautions, such as staying
home at night? If police departments become more
user-friendly, will many more victims be willing to
come forward and lodge charges against assailants,
robbers. and rapists? [rernically, does the public get
the impression that a crime wave is taking place
and that their local law enforcement officials are
incompetent?
selection ofsome intriguing and imaginative
studies that illustrate the kindsofissues addressed by
victimologists over the years appears in Box 1.1.
25 CHAPTER I
to: rat Ahn hgnfhmdo lgemmmhnbght mtm
Iderrtlfy lng the Cum mt Trigga a Irhgger
Into- Action
Pedestrians through their bodylanguage. moysignalto
prowling robbers that they are “easy morks.’ Men and
women walking down acitystrc-et were secretly videotaped for several seconds. about the tine it tel-t5 a
criminally inclined person to site up a potential victim.
The tapes were then shown to a panel of eaperfs —
prisoners convicted ofascault ng strainers—who sorted
outthosowho lookedas if usury-would b-e eerytocorner
from those who might give them e hard time.
Individuals who received high mciggslillily ratings
tended to move along awkwardly. mmre that their
nonverbal communication mightcause them trouble
fGroyson and Stein. 1581:.
Eiplolrilng Milt. Indifference toward Victims
of Fraud and (on Gama
People who have lost money to swindlers and con
crusts often are portrayed as undeservlng of sympa—
thy n the media. and they may encounter callousness, suspicion, or contempt when they turn to the
police or consumer fraud bureaus for hem. This
secondelass treatment rooms to be due to negative
stereotypes and ambivalent attitudes that are widely
held by the public or well as criminal justice officials.
A number of ephorlsms piece blame on the suclrers
themselves—fraud only befolls those of quutioneble
character. on honor man don t be cheated. and
people must have larceny is their hearts to fell for a
con game.
The stereotype ofdefreuded parties e that they
disregarded the basic rule-s of satellite conduct regarding financial matters. They don‘t read contracls before
signing and don t demand that gimp-trees be put in
writing before malr ng purchases. Their apparent
naively. carelessn-s. or complicity undermines their
credibility and metresolhers reluctant to activate the
machinery of thecrlminel justeesystem and regulatory
agencies on their behalf and to validate their claims to
be treated as authentic victims worthy of support
rather than to be ignore-d as mere dup who were
outsmarted Match and Schrnm, 1m; Moore and Mills.
1990; end Shichor. Sechmt. and Booty. 2601]. And yet
a nationwide survey us ng a broad definition of fraudulent smems l‘l rcluding dishonest home. auto and
appliance repairs and Inspections; useless warranties;
fol-re subscriptirm. insurance. credit. and iantment
scam phony cheritlu. contesls. and prizes,- end erspensive EDD-number telephone ploys. among other rip—
offs) found the problem to be witerpmed. More than
half the respondents hed been m.ight up In some deception or an attempt at least once is their fires. costmg on average loss of more than 32m. Cmtrery to the
prevailing negative stereotype. the elderly were not
any more trusting and compliant: In fact. they were
deceived Ie-ss often than younger people tTst.
Heinzelmdnn. dnd Boyle-.1555i l.
Eire-iiiilng How Utcllmr Are viewed fir-yI Pidrpocfreu
According to a sample of twenty "class ccnnons
:pro fc-ssional plckpoclcelsl working the streets of
Miami. florida. their preferred merits tuictimsl are
tourists who are referred. off guard. loaded with
money. and lacking in clout with criminal justice o‘ffi—
cidls. Some pidrpodcefs choose ”pops [elderly mc-nf
Monroe their reaction time e: slower. but others fervor
hates tmiddloeged men: because they tend to carry
fatter wallets. A "mail burae or henger binger"
fsneolc thief who prc-y-s on women] o Idol-ted down on
SUMMARY
Victimization is an asyminetiital relationship that
is abusive. parasitical. destructive. unfair. and illegal.
Offenders haim their victims physically. financially.
and emotionally. Laws that recognized that injured
pai ijesdeseivd governiiienulsupportand economic
aid were passed centuries ago. but until the middle
of the twentieth century the plight of crime lvictims
was largely overlooked. even by most eiiminolo—
gists. When some researchers began to study victims. their initial interest betrayed an anti-victim
WHATISVICTIMDLDGTT 1 ."
In the underworld fraternity as a bottom feeder who
acts without slriii or courage. Interaction withvictims is
kept to a mininum. Although pidrpodcets may trace
amarlt‘ [follow a potential targeti for some time.
they need hat a few seconds to "beat him ol h e
polce" [steal his walletl. This is doneguietlyand deftly.
without a commotion or any iostllng. They rarely
make a score tsteal a lot in a single incidenti. The
class cannon "passer [hands ourerl “the loot" twailE‘t.
wad of billsl to a member of his "mob tanaccomplicel and swiltly leaves the scene of the crane. Only
about one time in a hundred do they get caught by
the marlr. and on those rare occasioru when the theft
ls detected. they can taualiy persuade their victims not
to call the police. They give back what they tools
[maybe more than they stole: and point out that
pressing charges can ruin a vacation became ol the
need to surrender the wallet as eyidence. pica waste
precious tune in court appearances. Cannons show no
hatred or contempt for the: marlrs. In general. they
rationalize their Crimes as impersonal acts directed at
targets who can easily alford the losses or who would
otherwise be fleeced by bedinessu or allow their
money to be talcen from them in other legally permissible ways {hciardi 19ml.
Erplorlng the Bonds between Captives and
Their captors
Hostages lof urrorists. styiaclrers. kidnappers. bank
robbers. rebell ng prisoners and gunmen who go berserki are used by their captors to exert levemge on a
med party—perhaps a family. the police. or a government agency. These captlres frequently react in an unanticipated way to being trapped and held against
their will. Instead of showing anger and seeking
revenge. these pawns In a larger drama may
emerge Irom a lengthy siege with positive feeling
for. and attachments to. their lreepers.TheIr outrage
is likely to be directed at the authoritlu who
rescued them for acting with apparent indiflerence
to the: wellbeing during the protracted
negotiations. Thissurprlsing emotionalraalignment has
been termed the soodsholin Syndrome became it was
first noted aftera lEI l Ibadr holdtp In Sweden Several
psychological explanations for this pathologicai transference" are plamible. The hostages could be identifying with the agg essor and they might have become
sympathetic to acts ofdeliance aimed at the power
structure. As survivors. they migtt harbor intense feelings of gratitude towardthelr keepers Iorspar ng their
livu: or as helpless dependents. they might cling to the
powerful Iiguru who controlled their every action
because of a primitive emotional responsecalled
traumatlcai infantilism.‘ After the ordeal. terrorized
hostages need tobewelcomed backanid reassured that
they did nothing wrong during—and rigtt after—their
captivity. People inocueaations that place them at high
risk of be ng talcen prisoner—ranging from
convenience-store clerks and banlr tellers to airline
personnel and diplomats—need to be trained about
howI to act. what to say. and what not todo if they are
held and coed as a bargaining chip dulng a standolf.
Law enforcement agencies need to set upand train
hostage negotiation units as an alternative to solely
relying on hearlly armed 5WATteianu whose military
style assaults endanger the lives oI thecaptit theyare
trying to sare [see Fattah. 15TH: Nib-erg. HTS;
5mm. I‘JEDD.‘ namer. 1590; Wolfl. 1953: anti
LOuclEI t. 1598’].
bias They sought et idenoe that the Irictinis behavior before and during the incidents contributed to
their own downfall. Since the l Jt mlls. the majority of”
the social scientists attracoed to this new discipline
have Iahomd to find ways to ease the suffering of"
victims and to prevent ature incidents. Lint a colitmitment to strive for objectivity rather than no he
reflexively "pro—victim" is the best stance to adopt
when carrying out research or evaluating the effectiveness ofpolicies.
Victimoiogy is best viewed as an area of
specialization within criminology. lloth criminologists and victimologists seek to be impartial in
their roles as social scientists when investigating
1.! CHAPIER I
Jawbrealeing, itssocial consequences. and the oll‘rcial
responses lay the justice system. But much or
criminology in tlte past can he eharacterized as
"ofl enderology." so tlte new focus on those who
suffer provides some balance and rounds out any
analysis of problems arising from lawhreaking
behavior.
Victimologists carry out studies that seek to
identify, deline. and describe all the ways that illegal
activities harm targeted individuals: to measure the
seriousness ofthe problem: Do discover how vieein rs
cases are actually handled lay the legal sysuem. and
to uest researeh hypotheses to see if they are sup-
ported by the available evidence.
IIE‘III I‘EIIMS
victim. I subjective approach. 3
objectivity. 3
ideal type. 4
sensationalism. II
victimization. 2
victimology. 2
direct or primary
vLctImL 2 ui uni “. 14
‘um‘im‘ 3 ideology. 14
indirect or secondary
criminology. 16
victims 2
lifetime likelihoods, 2-1
pro le. 24
needs assessment. 24
muggahility ratings. 26
plea negotiations, 7.5
post-traumatic scress
disorder. [9
erime oontrol, 2”
just deserts. 20
operationalization. 24
incidence "E“- 24 Stockholm Syndrome.
prevalence races. 2-1- 23
QUESTI DNS Fall DISCUSSION AND DEBATE
1.. Why should victimologists strive for objectivity
rather than automatically adopt a pro-victim
bias?
2. Give several examples of the kinds of research
questions that victimologisis. nd interesting
and the kinds oE studies they carry out.
3. In what ways are victimology and cririiinolo-gy
similar. and in what ways do they diii er?
4. What are some of the important milestones. in
the history or” victimology and victim
assistance?
CRITICAL THINKING QUESTIONS
1.. How should the police and the publie react
when hard-eon: criminals. such as mobsters.
drug dealers. and street gang members hecome
victims of violence?
2. Generate a list of questions about Foreihle tapes
that would be of great interest to a victimologist working within [a] an anthropological
I mne work; [h] an hisnorical approach: and
lit} an economic perspective.
quTisvrttiMULon? 19
SUGGESTED RESEARCH PROJECTS
Perform a keyword search of a comprehensive
database ofmagazines and newspaper articles to
discover whether the term victimology is still
being misused and confused with the ideology
of victimism.
Use a comprehensive database of magazines
and newspaper articles to denermine whether
any cases currently in the news illustraue the
difficulty of identifying which party clearly is
the criminal and which is the victim.
$~
The Rediscovery of
Crime Victims
The Discovery of Crime IIr ir:i.im5 Stage I: Calling Attention to an
Overlooked Problem
Stage 2: Winning Victories.
The Dedine of Crine Victims
The Rediscover;r of Crime Victims Implementing Reforms
Social Movements: Taking Up Stage 3_. EWFE‘E I NIE of an
the W mf Cause Opposition and Development
Elected Of cial: Enactfng of Resistance to Ftrrl n‘rer
legislation Named Alter Victims Changes
The News Media: Portraying the Stage A: Research and Temporary
Victims” Plight Resolution of Disputes
Comer-cial intereso.‘ EEH‘IHQ Bedisouvering Additional Groups
Security Products and Services “f Victins
to L’ictirm
StlnmaryI
VietimoIo-gy Contributes to the
Rediscover]; Process
THE IIHSCIIl Il Elt lr OF CRIME VICTIHS
Each law that prohibits a certain act as being hartriful derincs the wmngdoer as
a
criminal subject to punishment. and at the same time specifies that tlte injured
parnl h a victim deserving some sort of redress. The Lrws forbidding what an.now called street crimes—murder. rape. robbery. assault. burglary. and theFt—
can be traced back to biblical times. 1III- Iren the thirteen American colonies
were
settled by immigrants From Great Britain. the earliest penal codes were based on
religious vaIUes as well as English consumers. law. Hence. victims oF interperso
nal
3D
violence and thef t were "discovered" ages ago. in
the sense that they were formally identilied and ofcially recognized.
THE DECLINE OF CRIME
VICTIMS
Scholars ol the hisoory of the legal system report
that in past oenturies viccims played a leading role
in the resolution ofcrirrrinal matocrs. To discourage
retaliation by victims and their families—acts that
could lead Do endless feuding if ofl enders and their
kin counteraoadtcd—soeieties in simpler times
established direct repayment schemes. Legal codes
around the world enabled injured parties to receive
money or valuath from wrongdoers to compen—
sate for the pain. suffering. and losses they endured.
This process of victim-oriented justice pre—
vailed mostly in small villages engaged in fanning.
where social relations were based on personal
obligations, clear-cut family ties, strong religious
beliel s. and sacred ctaditions. But the injured party s
role diminished as induscrialization and urbanizacion brought about business relations that were
voluntary. secular. impersonaL rationalized. and
contractual.
(liver the centuries, victims lost control over the
process of dcncrmining the lane of the offenders who
harmed them. Instead. the Local governmental sout—
orre dominated judicial proceedings and catctacocd
lines from convicts. physically punished them. or
even executed them. The seriousness ofthe wounds
and losses in icted upon victims were ofimportance
only For determining the charges and penalties
wrongdoers l aced upon conviccion. Restoring injured parties to the condition they were in before
the crimes occurred was no longer the main
concern. In fact. the recovery ofdamagcs became a
separate matter that was handled in another arena
(civil court) according to a different set of rules
(tort law) aFter criminal proceedings were con—
cluded (Si-chafcr. I‘J SJ.
Historically. in the United States and in other
parts ofthe world. the situations ofvictin rs followed
THE I lEEIISC-DVER F or crtrrae vrt trras 31
the sarrre evolutionary path From being at the center
of the legal process to being relegated to the sidelines. During the colonial era. police Forces and
public prosecueors had not yet been established.
1slictimrs were the key decision makers within the
rudimentary criminal justice system and were its
direct bene ciaries. They conducocd their own
investigations. paid for warrants to have sheri ‘s
make arrests, and ltircd private attorneys no indict
and prosecute their alleged attackers. Convicts were
forced to repay those they harmed up to three times
the value of the goods they had damaged or stolen
(Schaf er. I‘JtriiJ.
Llut after the American Revolution and the
adoption ol the Consideration and the Bill of Rights.
crimes were reoonceptualiacd as hostile aco. directed
against the authority of the government. which
was de ned as the representative of the people.
Addressing the sul l ering imposed upon individuals
was deemed no he less important than dealing with
the symbolic threat to the social order posed by lawbrcaltcrs. Public prosecutors. acting on hehall of
the staoc and in the name ofthe entire society. tools
over the powers and responsibilities Formerly exercised lay victims. Federal. state. and oounty ldistrict}
attorneys were granted the discretion to decide
whether no press cltargcs against deiendano. and
what sanctions to aslc judges no impose upon
com-ices.
The goals of deter-ting crime through punish—
ment. prorteco ng society by incapacitao ng danger—
ous people in prisons or through executions. and
rehabilitating transgressors through treatment came
Do overshadow victims demands to bc restored to
nancial. emotional. and physical health.
Over the last two centuries. the government
increasingly has assumed the obligation ofproviding
jail detainees and prison irurraocs with Food. dothing. housing. supervision. medical care. recreational
opportunities. schooling.job training. psychological
counseling. and legal representation—while leaving
victims to fend for themselves. As they lost oontrol
over “their" cases. their role dwindled to just two
contributions: ling a complaint with the police
that initiated an investigation and. it" necessary,
ocstil‘ying for the prosecution as another piece of
32 CHAPTER 2
evidence in the state s presentation of danuring facts
against the accused.
When plea negotiations replaced trials as the
means of resolving most cases. victiins lost their last
opporounity to actively participate in the process
by presenting their rsthand experiences on the
witness stand to ajury. il iotims rarely were included
and oonsulted when the police and prosecution ream
decided upon their soaoegies and goals. To add insult
to injury. often they were not even informed oftlre
outcomes of"their" cases Thoroughlymarginaliaed.
victims oFten sensed that they had been taken
advantage of twice: rst by the offender and then by
a system drac ostensibly was set up to help them but
in reality seemed more intent on satisfying the needs
ofio. core agencies and leey officials (see Sehafer. 19nd:
MclJionald, l JTII‘; and Davis Kiurreuther, and
Connidt. I984).
THE REDISCO II‘EIIY OF CIIIME
VICTIMS
After centuries of neglect. those on the receiving
end of violence and theft were given renewed
aorention and. in effect. were rediscovered during
the late L95E1s and early l JGEIs. A small number of
self-help advocates. social scientists. crusading
journalists. enlightened criminal justice officials.
and responsive lawmakers helped to direct public
concern to a serious problem; the total disregard
of the needs and wants of victims. Through
publications. meetings. rallies. and petition drives.
these activists promoted their message! that victims
were forgotten figures in the criminal justice pro—
cess whose best interests had been systematically
overlooked but merited attention. Discussion and
debate emerged during the late I‘JE-ils and has
intensified throughout the following decades
over why this injustice existed. and what could
be done about it. Various groups with their own
distinct agendas formed coalitions and mobilized
to campaign for reforms. As a result. new laws
favorable to victims are being passed and criminal
justice policies are being overhauled.
Social Movements: Taking lip
the \r lttlrns‘ {arse
Aside from suffering harm at the hands ofcriminals.
victims as a group may have very little else in corrimon. They diifer in Derms ofage. sex, raoer e thnieity.
religion. social class. political orientation. and many
other important characteristics. Therefore, it has
been difficult to organize them into self—lrelp groups
and to harness their energies into a political Force
for change. Despite these obstacles. a crime victims
movement emerged during the l‘J J ils. [c has developed into a broad allianoe of activists support
groups, and advocacy organi eions that lobbies for
increased rights and. expanded services. deinonscrates
at trials. maintains a variety ofWeb sites. educates
the public. trains criminal justice professionals and
caregivers. sets up research institutes and. information
clearinghouses. designs and evaluates experimental
policies. and holds conferences to share experiences
and develop innovative programs.
The guiding principle holding this diverse
coalition together is the belief that victims who
otherwise would feel powerless and enraged can
attain a sense of empowerment and regain control
over their lives through practical assistance. mutual
support. and involvement in the criminal justice
process {see Friedman. 1.935: Smith. 1.935: Smith.
Sloan. and Ward, l J‘Jl]. and Weed. 1‘35].
Majocr Sources of Inspiration. Guidance and
Support Several older and broader social move—
meno. have greatly influenced the growth and
orientation of the victims movement. The most
important contributions have been made by the
Iaw-and-order movement the warnen‘l mottomont. and the civil rights movement.
The law-allel-order movement of the I‘inils
raised concerns about the plight of victims of
street crimes of violence and theft. Alarmed by
surging crime rates. conservative advocates of the
“crime control" perspective adopted a hard—line.
get-tough stance. They insisted that the criminal
justice system was society s first line of defense
against internal enemies who threatened chaos and
destruction. The “thin blue line I of law enforce—
ment needed to be strengthened. A willingness to
tolerate too rnuclt misbehavior was the problem
and a crackdown on social and political deviants
who disobeycd societyh rules and disrupted the lives
of conventional people was the solution. To win
over people who might have been reluctant to grant
more power to government agencies—police. pro—
secutors, and prison authorities—they argued that
the average American should be more worried about
becoming a victim than about being falsely accused.
mistakenly convicted. and unjustly punished [Hoole
193?]. Crime control advocates pictured thescales of
justice asbeingunfairlycilted in favoroftlte "bad guys"
at the expense of the "good guys"—tlre innocent.
law-abidingcitieens andtlreir allies on the police force
and in the prosecutor‘s oiiioe. In rlresmooth-running
justice systemtlratthese crime control advocates envisioned. punishment would be swift and sure.
Attorneys for defendants would no longer be able to
talte advantage of practices that were dismissed as
"Ioopholes‘I and “technicalities" that undermined
the government’s efforts to arrest detain. convict
deter. incapacitate. and impose retribution on
wrongdoers.
"Permissiveness" [unwarranted leniency] and
any "coddling ofcriminalsH would end: more oii en-
ders would be locked up for longer periods ofcime.
and fewer would be granted bail. probation. or parole. Liberals and civil libertarians who opposed
these policies as politically repressive and. overly punitive were branded as "pro—criminal I and "anti—
victim I {see Miller, WT]; and Harrington. [UTE].
Since the late l‘iriils, sortie liberal activists in the
women s naovoanent have focused Il lCIt energies
on aiding one group of victims in particular! females
who were harmed by males and then failed to reoeive
the support they deserved from the male-dominated
criminal justice system. Feminists launched both an
anti-rape and an anti-battering movement. The
anti-rape movement set up the first rape crisis centers
in Berkeley. California. and Washington. IJ.(I.. in
l‘iT-‘Z. These centers were not just places of aid and
comfort in a time ofpain and con ision. They also
were rallying sites for outreach e orrs to those who
THE tttiscovttr or CRIME vittius 33
were sud ering in isolation. meeting places for
consciousness-raising groups exploring the patriarchal
cultural traditions that encouraged males to subjugate
ferrules. and hubs for political organizing to change
laws and policies {see Rose. [UT- 3 : Largcn, I‘J l: and
Scheehter. J‘JHZ}.
Some anti—rape activists went on to protest street
harassment. uniting behind the slogan "Take back
the night" (see Ledeter, l‘JEi-U]. Dther activists helped
to organize battered women s shelters. They estab—
lished the first "safe house" in St. Paul. Minnesota. in
J‘J H. Campaigns to end battering paralleled activi—
ties to combat rape in a number of ways Both
projects were initiated for the most part by former
victims who viewed their plight as an outgrowtlt of
larger societal problems and institutional arrangements rather than personal troubles and individual
shortcomings. Lioth sought to empower women by
confronting established male authority. challenging
existing procedures. providing peer support and ad—
vocacy. and devising alternative places to turn to
for help in a time of need. The overall analysis that
originally guided these pro—victim efforts. was that
male versus female offenses (such as rape. wife heat—
ing. sexual harassment in the streets and at work, and
incest at home] pose a threat to all women. and that
this liind of illegal sexual oppression slows progress
o iward equality between the sexes. The gravest dangers are faced by women who are socially disadvantaged because of raeial discrimination and economic
insecurity. According to this philosophy. girls and
women victimized by boys and. men cannot count
on the men atthe helm ofthe criminal justice system
to lead the struggle to effectively protect or assist
them—instead. women must empower each other
(see Iirownmiller. [UTE].
Similarly. some liberal activists in the civil
rights movement of the i Jl riis focused their energies on opposing entrenched racist beliefs and discriminatory practices that encouraged members of
the white majority to intimidate. harass. and. attaclr
people of color. Over the decades. this movement
has brought together organizations representing the
interests ofa wide range of minority groups in order
to direct attention to the special threats posed by
34 crIAPrER 2
racist violence. front lynch mobs to Ku Klut Klan
bombings and assassinations.
In recent years, one of the movement s major
concerns has been convincing the government to
provide enhanced protection to individuals who
are the targets ofbias-motivatcd hate crimes. which
can range from harassment and vandalism to arson.
bearings. and slayings. tiivil rights groups have been
instrumental in lobbying state legislatures to impose
stiifer penalties on attackers whose behavior is fireled
by bigotry and in establislting specialized police
squads to deter or solve these divisive and inflammatory violations of the law that would otherwise
polaritc communities along racial and ethnic lines
[see Levin and MclJeviDL EUIJS].
(Iivil ri its organimtions cry to mobilize public
support to demand evenhandedness in the administration ofjuscioe. A double standard. although more
subtle today than in the past. may still infect the
operations of the criminal justice system. Crirrtes by
black perpetrators against white victims always
have been talten very seriously—thoroughly investigated. quickly solved. vigorously prosecuted. and
severrdy punished. However. crimes by white
offenders against black victims, as well as by blacks
ayinst other blacks {see Ebony. l JT-"JJ have rarely
evoked the same goverrunental response and public
outrage. The more irequent imposition ofthe death
penalty on those who kill whites. especially bhcks
who ltill whites. is the clearest example ofa discriminatory double stanthrd (see lialdus. 2mm. Civil rights
activists. also point out that members of minority
groups still Face graver risks of becoming victims of
of cial misoonduet in the form ofpolice bnatality—
or even worse, the unjusti ed use ofdcadly forte—as
well as False accusations. frame—ups. wrongful convic—
tions, and other miscarriages ofj ustice.
Additional Contributions by Other Social
Movements Social movements tltat cltampion
the causes of civil liberties, children s rights. senior
cititcns rigltts. homosexual riyrts. and self-help also
have rriade significant contributions to bcttering the
situation of victims.
The civil liberties mmreroant’sprimaryfocusis
to preserve constitutional safeguards and due-process
guarantees that protect suspects. defendants, and
prisoners from abuses of governmental power by
overzealous criminal justice oflicials. However.
civil liberties organizations have won courtvictories
that have benefited victims of street crime in two
ways; by furthering police professionalism and by
extending the doctrine of “eejual protection under
tltelaw."
In professionaliaed police departments. officers
must meet higher educational and training require—
ments and must abide by more demandingstandards.
As a result. victims are more likely to receive prompt
responses, effective service. and sensitive treaunent.
[fthey don t, channels exist through which they can
redress their grievances. Guarantees ofequal protection enable minority cornmunicics to gain access to
the police and prosecutorial assistance to which
they are entitled, and to insist upon their right to
improved, more professional law enforcement in
contrast to the under-policing they endured until
recently. This improves the prospects for sensitive
and responsive handling for-complainants whose calls
for help were given sltort shrii t in the past when
officials discriminated against them due to their
race. ethnicity. sex. age, social class. disability. or
some other disadvantage Walker, I‘JHZ , Stark and
Goldstcin, 191:5}.
Children s rights groups campaign against sexual abuse,physicalabuse. severe corporal punishment.
gross ne ect. and other forms of maltreatment of
youngsters. Their successes indude stricter reporting
requirements of cases of suspeeozd abuse: improved
procedures for arrest. prosecution. and conviction of
offenders: greater sensitivity to the needs ofvietim—
ited children as complaining witnesses; enhanoed
protection and prevention services; and more effec—
tive parenting instruction programs. Activists in
senior citizens groups have pressured sonm police
departments to establish special squads to protect
older people born younger robbers and swindlers.
and have brought aboin greater awareness of the
problem oi oldot obnso—iinanciaL emotional. and
physical mistreatment by family members or caretakers [sce Smith and Freinkel, [UH-1i).
The gay rights movement originally called
attention to the vulnerability of male homosexuals
and lesbians to blackmail. exploitation by organized
crime syndicates that ran bars and clubs. and police
harassment of those who needed protection [see
Maghan and Eiagarin. [983]. The movement now
focuses on preventing scteet assaults [“gay-bashing"}
against suspected homosexuals and lesbians—bias
crimes that are motivated by the offenders‘ hatred
for the victims presumed sexual orientation.
Groupsthat are partofthc self-help mot-errata“
have set up dependable support systems for injured
parties by combining the participatory spirit of the
grass—roots protest rrtovements ofthe l ifrils with the
selflimpiovement ideals of the human potential
movement oftlre 1971b. The ideology of self-help
is based upon a fundamental organ uing principle
that people who have direcdy experienced the
pain and suifering of being harmed and are still
struggling to overoomc these hardships themselves
can foster a sense of solidarity and mutual support
that is more comfortingand effective than the services
offered by impersonal bureaucracies and emotionally
detached professional caregivers {{iartner and
itiessman, J FHUJ.
Even the prisoners rights movement oftlte late
[Grills and early l‘ ils may have inspired viccirn atcivism. [nrrlates rebelled at a niunber ofcorrectional
insciortiona often in vicious and counterproductive ways. They protested overerowded conditions.
demanded deoent living standards: insisted on
greater ways of communicating with the outside
world [via uncensored mail. access to thc mass media. rrtorc family visits. and meetings with lawycrsl.
asked for freedom of religion: called for more
opportunities for rehabilitation. education. and
job training , and complained about mistreatment
and brutality by guards {see ACLU, ZIIUH]. Many
people harmed by these incarcerated offenders
surely asked, if convicts deserve better treatment.
don t we. too?
Tire task for victimologists is to assess the impact these social movements have had on shaping
the course oftlte victims‘ movement over the decades as well as on easing the plight oftoday s crime
victims. How e iective and influential have they
really been?
THE REDISCDVER F or CRIME VICTIMS 35
Elected D leials: Enatting Leglsla lion
Haired After ii ictlms
During the l‘JHEls. elected officials engaged in the
political process of enacting new laws helped to
rediscovcr and publicize the plight of victims.
They realized that proposing a new law to be
named after someone who su ered terribly in an
incident that received a great deal of media cover—
age helps to build support for its passage; few oili—
ceholders would dare to argue against the bill, lest
they be branded "anti-victim."
Probably the best-known example of a law
bearing the name of a crime viccirn is the Brady
BilL named after james Lirady. President lieagan’s
press secretary. who was shot in J JH-l by an assassin
crying to kill the president. This federal legislation
passed by Congress imposes restrictions on gun
purchases (background checks and “cooling—off"
periods) that are intended to head-off shootings
by unstable individuals eager to get their ltands on a
firearm.
Tire nationwide Amber ler-t system was
named after an abducted girl who was killed by a
sexual predator. it provides federal rnding that
enables tlte authorities to use the media to quickly
disseminate descriptions of the kidnapper. the
child, and any vehide they are traveling in. These
announcements mobilize the public so that thousands ofpeople can immediately help the police to
watch out for the missing youngster.
Many state legislatures ltave passed statutes
named after victims. For example. most states have
passed some variation of New jersey"s Megan s
Law. named after a little girl slain by her new neigh—
bor, a habitual child molester. It mandates that
community residents be notified ofthe arrival offor—
merly incarcerated sex oWeIrden. so that parents—in
theory. at least—can talte measures to better shield
their children from potentially dangerous strangers
[It New ‘i’orls State. a number of receiat statutes
have been named after victims:
- Lawmakers enacted a measure requiring convicts
to serve lengthier sentences before becoming
36 tumors 2
eligible for parole, referring to it as jenna s
Law. in honor ofa 22-year-old college student
murdered by a man out on parole.
l A law mandating background checks of
employees was dubbed Kathy‘s Law. in
memory of a comatose woman in a nursing
home who was raped and impregnated by a
health care worker and then died after
childbirth.
I A regulation that prohibited imprisoned fathers
who killed their spouses from demanding visitation rights to see their children is called Lee.r’rnne s Law after the deceased wife and mother
oftltree whose husband petitioned the court to
require their children to visit him wltilc he was
serving his prison sentence for killing her
(Henican. lEiI JSJ.
I Kendra‘s Law. named in memory ofa young
woman who was pushed in front ofa speeding
subway train by a man who had not talsen his
prescribed medication for schizophrenia.
empowered oouro. to impose compulsory
treatment on mentally ill patients (Cox. 1998).
I Stephanie s Law. named after a woman whose
peeping—tom landlord placed a hidden camera
in her apartment. rrtade it a felony to secretly
videotape a person in a place where there is a
reasonable expectation ofprivacy anWII.
arms}.
I Valiean s Law was named in honor ofan
I [—year—old who was run over by a drunlt
driver. it stilfened the penalties for serious
injuries and deaths caused by intoxicated
motorists [Silverman. 2le5).
Two very different reactions are possible to the
rediscovery oftlte victim s plight by lawmakers. Une
response is to suspect that vote-seeking politicians are
exploiting the media attention surrounding highly
emotional but very complicated situations for their
own personal advantage {to advance their careers).
They grab headlines by proposing a change in the
law that will allegedly prevent such incidents from
happening again. The strong feelings cvolsed by a
reoent tragedy make it di cult for opponents to
question the wisdom and potential flaws of the rnea—
suresproposed in the name oftltevictim. {During the
last EU years, legislatures nationwide reportedly have
enacted thousands of new laws named after victims}
{see Lovett, 211043. and Editors, New York Post.
aims]. The other response is to view certain highly
publicizedcragedies asa final straw that nally focused
inuclt—needcd attention on a festering problem. mo—
bilized public opinion, and trigered long overdue
legislative action by elected officials.
The task for victimologists is to start out as
impartial observers and to gather data to see
whether the legislation bearing the name ofa victim actually offers any tangible assistance to ease the
plight of people harmed in this particular manner.
Also. are these measures really effective in preventing innocent people from being harmed by: these
kinds of offenses in the future, or do theyjust punish offenders more severely in behalf of those they
already injured? Some of these recent legal reforms
allegedly enacted in the name of honoring victims
might turn out to be ill-conceived. ineffective. or
even counterproductive (for example. see Cooper.
21m].
The News Media: Portraylng
the Victlrns’ Plight
Tlte news media deserve a great deal of credit for
rediscovering victims. In the past. offenders received
the lion‘s share of coverage in newspapers. inaga—
zines. and on radio and television stations. Stories
delved into their backgrounds. their motives. and
what should be done with them—usually how
severely they should be punished. S-cant attention
was paid to the flesh—and—blood individuals who
suffered because ofillegal activities.
But now those who are on the receiving end of
criminal behavior are no longer invisible or forgotten people. Details about the injured parcies are
routinely included to inject some hurrtan interest
into crime stories. Lialanced accounts can vividly
describe the victims plight: how they were harmed.
what losses they incurred, what intense einocions
distressed them. what helpcdor even hindered their
recovery. how they were treated by caregivers, and
how their cases were handled by the legal system.
By remaining faithful to the facts, journalists can
enable their audiences to transcend their own
limited experiences with lawbreakers and to see
emergencies. tragedies. and triumphs through the
eyes of victims. Skillful reporting and insighc il
observations allow the public to better understand
and empathize with the actions and reactions of
those who suffered harm.
[n highly publicized cases. interviews by journalists have given victims a voice in how their cases
are resolved in court. and even how the problem
{such as kidnappings, easy aocess to firearms, or collisions caused by drunk drivers) should be handled
by the criminal justice system. Media coverage has
given these activists with firsthand experiences a
public platform to campaign for wider societal
reforms [lJignan, Ziiil ). It appears that incidents
receive intensive and sustained coverage only
when some aspect of the victim—offender relation—
ship stands out as an attention—grabber: The act. the
perpetrator, or the target must be unusual, unex—
pected. strange. or perverse. Causing harm in ways
that is typical. commonplace. or predictable isjust
not newsworthy. Editors andjournalists sift through
an overwhelming number ofreal-life tragedies that
come to their attention [largely through contacts
within the local police department) and select the
cases that are most likely to shock people out of
their complacency or arouse the public‘s social
conscience.
The stories that are featured strike a responsive
chord in audiences because the incidents. symbolize
some signi cant theme—for example, that anyone
can be chosen at random and be attacked brutally
(simplyI for being at the wrong place at the wrong
time): that bystanders might not come to a person’s
aid. especially in anonymous. big-city settings. or that
complete strangers cannot be crusted {Roberta
Fill-9).
Historically. heinous crimes that have received
the most press attention have had one or more of
these elements in common: Either the injured party
or the defendant is a child. woman, or a prominent
or wealthy person: intunations of “promiscuous"
behavior by the victim or defendant help to explain
THE REDISCDVER F or CRIME vle rIMs 3 ."
the event. and some doubts linger about the guilt of
the convict (Stephens. I‘JHES).
However. a study of homicides in Houston,
Texas. determined that the amount ofcoverage de—
pended more upon the particular circumstances and
situations surrounding the slaying than the characteristics ofthe killer or victim Giuckler and Travis,
Ziiil ). For eatample. it is predictable that the
unsolved Christmas Eve murder of a six—year—old
beauty contest winner in her own upscale home
with her parents upstairs would be the subject of
incessant tabloid sensationalism. as was the murder
of a young woman joging in a park who was
having an affair with a married Congressman.
Furthermore. media coverage may re ect the
unconscious biases of talk show hosts. correspondents. and editors who work. in the newsroom. For
example. members of rrunority communities have
charged that national news outlets. especially on
cableT‘v", focus relentless attention on the disappear—
ance of attractive white people, especially young
women and children. but overlook equally coinpel—
ling cases involving individuals who do not sitare
these characteristics {see Lyman, 2MB. Menunott,
Ziiil . and Gardiner. JUNK).
if these charges are true. the problem may go
deeper and may re ect the shortcomings ofmarket—
driven journalism. The gatekeepers. under or nizacional pressures to sell their product. sift through a
huge pool of items and select stories they perceive
will resonate with the general public, at the expense
of presenting an accurate sampling oftlte full range
of tragedies taking place locally. nationally. and
around the world [see Buckler and Travis. 20115}.
Pr related problem is that in the quest for higher
rao ngs. coverage can sink to an “lfit bleeds. it leads"
orientation characterizing commercially driven
"infotainment." [f reporters turn a personal tragedy
into a media circus and a public spectacle. their incursive behavior might be considered an invasion of
privacy. O vemealous journalists are frequently criticized for showing corpses lying in a pool of blood,
maintaining vigils outside a grieving family‘s home,
or shoving microphones into the faces of bereaved.
dazed. or hysterical relatives at funerals. The injured
party receives unwanted publicity and experiences
3! anPrER 2
a loss of control as others comment upon. draw
lessons from. and impose judgments on what he
or site allegedly did or did not do.
Find yet, it can be argued that media coverage
ofcrime stories is an absolute necessity in an open
society. Reporters and news editors have a oonsti—
tutional right, derived from the First Amendment‘s
guarantee of a free press, to present information
about lawbreaking to the public without interfer—
ence from the government. illeyl activities not
only harm particular individuals but also pose a
tltreat to those who may be next. People have a
right as well as a need to know about the erner—
gence of dangerous conditions and ominous developments. and the media ltas an obligation to
communicate this information accurately.
The problem is that the public s right to know
about crime and the media‘s right to report these
incidents clash with the victim s right to privacy.
journalisrs. editors. and victims advocates are ad—
dressing questions of fairness and ethics in a wide
variety of forums. ranging from blogs and posted
comments on the 1Web and letters to the editor in
newspapers. to professional conferences and law—
suits in civil court.
Several remedies have been proposed to curb
abusive coverage ofa victim s pliyit. One approach
would be to enact new laws to shield those who
suifcr from needless public exposure sucl r as unnecessary disclosure of names and addresses in news
coverage or on Web sites. An alternative approach
would be to rely on the self—restraint of reporters
and their editors. The fact that most news accounts
ofsexual rnolestations of children and of rapes no
longer reveal the names of those who were harmed
is an example of this self—policing approach in
action. A third remedy would be for the media to
adopt a node of professional ethics. Journalists who
abide by the code would "read victims their rights"
at the outset of interviews. just as police officers
read suspects their Miranda rights when taking
them into custody {see Thomason and. Babbilli.
198?: and Kat-men. 1.939}.
il ictimologists could play an important role in
monitoring progress by studying how frequently
and how seriously news reporters insult and defame
the subjects oftheir stories and how successfully the
diEfereirt reform strategies prevent this kind of
exploitation. or at least minUnize abusive invasions
of privacy.
Then there is the question ofaccuracy in media
imagery. For example. the most publicized stories
about mass killings center on a lone gunman who
randomly shoots complete strangers in a public set—
ting. However. a careful analysis of multiple homi—
cides reveals that the most frequent category ofmass
killings is the head of a household slaying all the
members of his family. so the widely disseminated
image misidentifies the greatest source of danger
{[3uwe. ZIJIHJ). journalists often put forward intriguing possibilities without sufficient docuinenta—
tion in their coverage of victuns’ issues. A story in
the news might hypothesize that there are a great
many battered women living in insular. devoutly
religious communities who are extremely reluctant
to turn to outside authorities for help. It is up to
vico mologists to treat these plausible assertions as
researelt hypotheses to be tested. to see ifthe avail—
able data support or undermine these impressions
circulating in the media.
Con-Inertial Interests: Sailing Security
Products and Services to Victims
Just as the rediscovery of victuns by elected officials
and the news media has benefits as well as drawbacks. so too does the new attention paid to injured
pardes by businesses. The development ofthis new
market of people seeking out protective services
and antitheft devices simultaneously raises the
possibility of commercial exploitadon. Profiteers
can engage in fear mongering and false advertising
in order to cash in on the legitimate concerns and
desires ofcustomers who feel particularly vulnerable
and even panicky. In situations where entrepre—
neurs issue bold claims about their products effectiveness, objectivity takes the form of scientific
skepticism. Victimologistsmust represent the public
interest and demand. “Prove those assereions!
1Where is the evidence?H
Consider the question of whether expensive
automobile security systems actually work as well
as their manufacturers‘ advertisements say they do.
For instance. do car alarms really provide the layer
ofprotection against break-ins that their purchasers
want and that sales pitches claim? In New York. the
City Council passed regulations restricting the in—
stallation of new car alarms because the devioes
were deemed to be largely ineffective as well as a
serious source of noise pollution. Rather than
agreeing with frustrated motorists that the wailing
sirens do no good, or trying to defend the alarm
industry s reputation and profits, nonpartisan victimologists can independently evaluate the efleceive—
ness ofthese antitheft devices. re ear alarms really
useful in deterring brealt—irLs. in minimizing losses of
accessories such as car stereos, navigation systems or
air bags. in preventing vehicles from being driven
away: and in aiding the police to catch thieves
red—handed?
VICTIMDLOGY CDNI’RIBUTES
TO THE IIEDISCOVEIIV PROCESS
The emergence and acceptance of victimology has
furthered the rediscovery of new groups ofvictims.
This process—in which people whose plight was
recognized long ago. neglected for many years.
and now again gains the attention it deserves—
goes on and on lwith no end in sight. Such redis—
covered groups include battered women . females
who have suffered date rapes; kidnapped cltil—
dren: people targeted by bigots , drivers attacked
by enraged fellow motorists; pedestrians. passengers. and drivers killed in collisions caused by
drunkards: prisoners sexually assaulted by fellow
inmates: and detainees killed while in government custody.
The rediscovery process is more than just a
well-intentioned humanitarian undertaking. media
campaign. or example ofspecial pleading. it ltas far—
reaching consequences for everyday life. and the
stakes are high. lliJIJlDCl people who gain legitimacy
THE rtttlscovsitr or CRIME metres: 39
as innocent victims and win public backing are in a
position to malse compelling claims on government
resources [asking for compensation payments to
cover the expenses they incurred from their physi—
cal wounds. for example). People who ltnow from
firsthand experience about the suffering caused by
ille l acts also can advance persuasive arguments
about reforming criminal justice policies concern—
ing arrest. prosecution, trial procedures, appropriate
sentences. and custodial control over prisoners.
Finally. rediscovered victims can assert that prevent—
ing others from suffering the same fate requires a
change in prevailing cultural values about tolerating
social conditions that generate criminal behavior.
1r’ictims even can make recommendations that are
taken seriously about the ways people should
and should not behave {for instanoe. how husbands
should treat their wives, and how closely parents
should supervise their children). the proper role of
government {such as how readily the state should
intervene in “private" matters such as violence
between intimates). and ltow convicts should be
handled (whether certain offenders should be
imprisoned or sent to treatment programs for their
underlying disorders).
The process of rediscovery usually unfolds
through a series of steps and stages. The sequential
model that is proposed below incorporates observations drawn from several sources. The notion of
developmental stages arises from the selfde nition ofthe victimization process (Wane.
i‘ill-‘li. The natural history. career. or life—cycle per—
spective comes om examining models of ongoing
social problems (see Fuller and Myers. 1.94]: Ross
and Staines. 1W2: and Spector and Kltsuse. WET}.
The focus on how concerns about being harmed
are first raised. framed. and then publicized arises
from the enmtructiomist approach {see Ii-cst.
Nil-9b}. The idea of inevitable clashes ofopposing
interest groups battling over governmental resources
and influence over legislationcomes from sociology s
con ict approach. The realization that there is an
ongoing struggle by victimized groups for respect
and support in the court ofpublic opinion is an appli—
cation of the conoept of stigma earnest:
(Schur, l JEi-l].
4D enAPtER 2
Stage 1: Calling Attention to an
Overlooked Problem
The rediscovery prooess is set in motion whenever
activists begin to raise the public s consciousness
about sortie type ofillegpl situation that "everybody
knows" happens but few have cared enough to
investigate or try to correct. These lateral entrepreneur s. who lead campaigns to change laws and
win people overto their point of view. usually have
firsthand experience with a specific problem as well
as direct. personal knowledge ofthe pain and sulfer—
ing that accompany it. Partic ularly effective self-help
and advocacy groups have been set up by mothers
whose children were killed in collisions caused by
drunk drivers. survivors of officers slain in the line
of duty, and parents who endured the agony of
searching for their missing children. among others.
Additional individuals who deserve credit for arous—
ing an indifferent public include the targets ofhate—
fllled bias crimes: adults haunted by the way they
were molested when they were young: women
brutally raped by atquaintances they trusted. and
wives viciously beaten by their husbands. These
victims called attention to a state of affairs that
people took for granted as harmful but shrugged
off with a "What can anyone do?" atdmde.
These activists responded. "Things don t ltave
to be this my!" Exploitacive and hurt rl relationships don t have to be tolerated—they can be
prevented. avoided. and outlawed; governmental
policies can be altered: and the criminaljustice sys—
tent can be ntadc more aocountable and responsive
to its "clients." .i rs Stage 1 moves along. activists
function as the inspiration and nucleus for the for—
ntation of self-help groups that provide mutual aid
and solace and also undertake campaigns for reform.
Members of support networks believe that only
people who have suffered through the sante ordeal
cart really understand and appreciate what others
just like them are going through {a basic tenet borrowed from therapeutic communities that assist
substanoe abusers to recover from drug addiction].
Activists also state that victims
troubles stem
from larger social problems that are beyond any
individual s ability to control; consequently those
who suffer should not be blamed for causing their
own misfortunes. Finally. activists argue that recovery requires empowerment within the criminaljustice prooess so that victims can pursue what they
define as their own best interests, whether to see
to it that the offender receives the maximum punishment pcrntitted by law. is compelled to undergo
treatment, andr or is ordered to pay their bills for
crime—related expenses.
To build wider support for their causes. moral
entrepreneurs and self-help groups organize them—
selves into loosely stnactured coalitions such as the
anti-rape and anti-battering movements. Usually.
one or two chl-publicized cases are pointed to
as symbolic of the problem. Soon rrtany other
victims come forward to tell about similar personal
experiences. Then experts such as social workers, de—
tectives. and lawyers testify about the suffering tltat
these kinds of victints routinely endure and plead
that legal rentedies are urgently needed. Extensive
media coverage is a prerequisite for success. The
group‘s plight becomes known because of investiga—
tive reports on television, talk radio discussions.
magavr ne cover stories. newspaper editorials, and the
circulation of these accounts on blogs. Meanwhile.
press conferences. demonstrations marches. candle—
li tt vigils. petition drives ballot initiatives. lawsuiu.
and lobbying campaigns keep the pressure on and the
issue alive.
Sociologically. what happens during the first
stage can be termed the social constructions ofa
social problem, along with claims-melting and
typi c-a on (see Spector and Kitsuse. l‘lHT: Best.
i JEi‘lb]. when a consensus about a pattern ofbeltavior
that is harmful and should be subjected to criminal
penalties is warranted. This crystallisation of
public opinion is a product of the activities of moral
entrepreneurs. support groups. and their allies.
Spokespersons engtge in a claims-snaking process
to air grievanoes. estimate how ntany people are
hurt in this inanner. suggest appropriate remedies to
facilitate recovery, and recorrunend measures that
could prevent this kind of physical. entocionaL
and financial suffering from burdening others.
Through the process of typifrcation, advocates
point out classic cases and textbook. examples tltat
illustrate the menace to society against which they are
campaigning.
Stage 2: Winnhg Victories.
Implementing Retort-net
The rediscovery process enters it. second stage
whenever activists and advocacy groups begin to
make headway toward their goals.
At first. it might be necessary to set up inde—
pendent demonstration projects or pilot programs
to prove the need for special services. Then government grants can be secured. or federal. state. and
local agencies can copy successful models or take
over some responsibility for providing information.
assistance. and protection. For instanoe. the battered
women s movement set up shelters. and the anti—
rape movement established crisis centers. Eventually
local goverrunents rndod safe houses where
women and their young children could seek refuge.
and hospitals [and even some universitich organized
their own 24—hour rape hotlines and crisisintcrvention services.
Individuals subjected to bias crimes were rediscovered during the J JENJs. During the J Jffile. only
private organizations monitored incidents of hate—
motivated violence and vandalism directed against
racial and religious minorities. as well as homosex—
uals. But in 1990. the government got involved
when Congress passed the Hate Crime Statistics
Ml. which authorized the FBI to undertake the
task of collecting reports about bias crirnes from
local police departments. Achievements that mark
this second stage in the rediscovery process include
legislative hearings at which victims’ testimonies
can lead to new laws—for instance. more severe
punishment for hate-motivated bias crimes
because they polarizc tommunities and undermine
the mutual resth and good will needed to
enable multiculturalism to succeed. Specially
ctained law enforcement units have been set up in
malty jurisdictions to more effectively recognize.
investigate. solve, and prosecute bias crimes. Self—
help groups o er injured parties tangible forms of
“JPPOIT.
THE llEEllSC-DVER F or CRIME vitTIMs 41
The best example of a redistovery campaign
that has raised consciousness. won victories. and
secured reforms is the struggle waged since the early
Willis by Mothers Ayinst Drunk Driving [MMJDIL
]t is an organization of parents. mostly mothers.
whose sons or daughters were injured or killed by
drunk drivers. These anguished survivors argued that
for toolong the "killer drunk" was able to get away
with a socially acceptable and judicially excusable
form of homicide because more pcoplc identified
with the intoxicated driver than with the innocent
person who died from injuries sustained in the
collision.
Viewing themselves as the relatives ofbona fide
crime victims not merely accident victims. these
crusaders were able to move the issue from
the obituary page to the front page by using a
wide range of tactics to mobilize public support.
including candlelight vigils. pledges of responsible
behavior by children and family cooperation by
their parents, and demonstrations outside court—
houses. Local chapters of their national self—help
organizations offered concrete services: pamphlets
were distributed through hospital emergency
rooms and rncral parlors. bereavement support
groups assisted grieving relatives. and volunteers
accompanicd victims and their families to police
stations. prosecutors ollitcs, trials. and sentencing
hearings.
Liuoyed by very favorable media coverage,
their lobbying campaigns brought about a crack.down on DUI (driving under the influence}
and IJWI (driving while intoxicated] offenders.
Enforcement measures include roadblocks. license
suspensions and revocations, more severe criminal
charges. and on—the—spot con scations of vehicles.
Their efforts also led to reforms of drinking laws.
such as raising the legal drinking age to 2| and
lowering the blood-alcohol concentration levels
that olliciaUy define impairment and intoxication
(Thompson. I‘J if}. .I llong with the iii-mph speed
limit. mandatory seat belt laws. improved vehicle
safety engineering. better roads. and breakthroughs
in emergencymedical services the achievements. of
MAUI) and its allies have saved countless lives
( yres, l‘JEI-f-J.
42 {NAPIER 2
Stage 3: Emergence of an Opposition
and Development of Reslstmte
to Further ChangeThe third stage in the rediscovery process is marked
by the emergence oi groupcs that oppose the goals
sought by victims of rediscovered crimes. The victims had to overcome public apathy during Stage 1.
and bureaucratic inertia during Stage 3. and they
encounter resistance i rom other quarters during
Stage 3. .i r backlash arises against percein excesses
in their demands. The general argument of oppo—
neno. is that the pendulum is swinging Boo Ear in the
other direction. that people are uncritically embracinga point oE vicw that is too extreme. unbalanced.
and one—sided, and that special interests are dying
to advance an agenda that does not really benefit
the law-abiding majority.
Spokespersons for agroup of recently rediscovered victims might come under re for a number of
reasons. They might be criticized for overestimating
the numbers of people harmed when the actual
threat to the public. according to the opposition.
is much smaller. .D rdvoeanes might be oondemnod
For portraying those who were harmed as totally
innocent of blame—and tlterefore deserving of
unquali ed support—when in reality .some are
pardy at fault and shouldn t get all the assistance
tlrac they demand. Activists might he castigated For
malting unreasonable demands that will CM: the
government [and taxpayers} too much money.
They also mi rt be denounced for insisting upon
new policies that would undermine cherished constitutional riyrts. such as tlte presumption of
innocence of people accused of breaking the law
[For example. allegations about child abuse or elder
abuse can lead to investigations that permanently
stigmatizc the accused even if the charges later
turn out to be unfounded) isee Crystal. 1931!).
1t Uhen the anti—rape movement claimed Do
have discovered an outbreak of date rapes against
college students. sltept ies asked why federally mandated statisties about incidents reported to campus
security forces showed no such upsurge. They contended that hard-m-classiFy liaimns were being
redefined as full- edged sexual assaults, thereby
maligning some admittedly sexually aggressive and
exploitative college men as hard-core criminals (see
Gilbert. I‘J Jl; Hellman. 1.993: and. MacDonald.
2iiUH]. When the bautered women s movement
organized a clemency drive to free certain imprisoned wives who had slain (allegedly in self—
defense) their abusive husbands, critics charged
that these women would be getting away with
revenge killings. When incest survivors insisted
that new memory retrieval techniques had helped
them recall repressed recollections ofsevual moles—
tat iorrs by parents. stepparents, and other guardians.
sonte aocused family members banded Dogether and
insisted they were being unfairly slandered because
ofa therapist-induced false Inertial-y syndrome.
Claims by some child-search organizations that each
year tens of thousands of children were being kidnapped by complete strangers created near hysneria
among parents until some Journalists. challenged
their eso matcs as gross ereaggerations [see Chapters
8, ‘3, and III] for an in—depth analysis of these
controversies}.
Even the many accomplishments. of the entire
vict ims Jttovertterrc can be questioned (see Weed.
i J‘J ]. Under the banner of advancing viccin rs
rights pressure groups might advocate policies
that undermine whatever progress has been made
toward securing humane treatment For offenders
and eat-prisoners and inadvertently "widen the
net" of Formal social control exercised by the police
and prosecutors over deviants. and rebels. Viccim
activism can unnecessarily lteightcn fear and anxiety
levels about the dangers of violence and theft and
divert funds away from social programs designed to
tackle the root causes of street crime.
Groups that focus their energies on the plight
of individuals harmed by street crimes also can distract attention from other socially harmi ul activities
such as polluting the environment or marketing
unsafe products, and their reforms can raise
expectations about full recovery that jrrsc cannot
be reasonably met {Fattah. 1.936}. It is even possible
that what was formerly a grassroots. movement run
by volunteers who solicited donations has
metamorphosed into a virtual “victim industry." it
engages in a type ofmass production. churning out
newly identified groups of victims by dwelling on
kinds of suffering that can arise from non—criminal
sources such as bullying. emotional abrrsc. sexual
harassment, sexual addiction. eating disorders. and
credit card dependency (Best. WWII.
Stage 4: Research and Temporaryr
Rut-simian of Dispute:
]t is during the fourth and last stage ofthe rediscov—
ery process that victimologists can make their most
valuch contributions. By getting to the bottom of
unsolved mysteries and by intervening in bitter
conflicts victimologists can become a source of
accurate assessments. helping to evaluate competing
claims issued by those who. assuming the worst.
generate high estirtrates. and by those at the oppo—
site end ofthe spectrum who downplay threats and
come up with very low estimates.
During Stage 4. a standoff. deadlock. or truce
might develop between victims advocates who
want more changes. and their opponents who re—
sist any further reforms. Iiut the fourth phase is
not necessarily the final phase. The findings and
policy recommendations of neutral parties such as
victimologists and criminologists do not settle
questions once and for all. Concern about some
type of victimization can recede from public consciousness for years to reappear only when social
conditions are ripe for a new rediscovery cycle of
claims—making, reform. opposition. and temporary
resolution.
liy maintaining objectivity. victimologists can
serve as arbiters. in these heated disputes. For in—
stanoe. since the early l Jiiiis. parents have been petri ed about the specter of kidnappers spirit ing off
their children. Highly publicized cases of vicious
pedophiles abducting. molesting. and then slaying
youngsters periodically rekindle this smoldering
panic. ll-lJl: skeptics voice concerns that fears about
"stranger danger" are causing over-reactions and are
being exploited for commercial gain. .i r blue—ribbon
panel ofexperts convened by the US. Department
THE l lEEIISC D lr ER i" CIF CRIME VICTIMS B
ofJ ustice in the i Jii-ils and again in the late I‘J Jils
sought to malte sense out ofcompecing daims about
just how often such infuriating tragedies take place
each year. The researchers concluded that killings and
longhtcrm abductions by complete strangers were.
thankfully, very rare and did not pose a dire threat to
the well—being ofthe next generation (see Chapteriii.
During the Nil-(ls. a series ofshocking shoot—
ings by disgruntled gun—toting employees. led to the
rediscovery of victims of "workplace violence." in
the aftermath of these slaughters. worried workers
insisted that employers call in occupational safety
specialists to devise prevention and protection programs noxious managers feared expensive lawsuits
and lowered morale. Hut researchers havedetermined
that these highly publicized multiple murders acoountcd forJust a tiny Ei-aecion ofa multiEroeted but
far less newswortlryset ofda.ngers. Most ofthe cases of
workplace violence across the country involve rob—
beries. unarmed assaults. and complaints aboutstalkers
acting ina menacing way. Many incidents thatdisrupt
the smooth functioning of factories. and o ices are
not even criminal matters. such as incidents ofvcrbal
abuse. bullying, andscatual harassment (Rugala, 20114}.
(see Chapter ll).
A number ofaspccts ofthe crirrre problem have
reached Stage 4: data is now becoming available
that can be used to cty to put the public‘s fears
into perspective. to attempt to resolve controversies. and to evaluate the e ecciveness of countermeasures and prevention strategies {see Dos: 1i).
REDISCOUERING ADDITIONAL
Gll lJPS OF VICTIMS
Academics, practitioners, social movements, elected
of cials. the news media. and commercial interests
continue to drive the process of rediscovery For—
ward. .i’r steady stream of fresh revelations serves as
a reminder that neglected groups still are “out there"
and that they have compelling stories to tell. unmet
needs. and legitimate demands For assistance and
M CHAPTER 2
ID! 1.1 RadardlnnmrsloslhuutCE-Hn pesandimhn m
Road Rage
R-earrh o needed to addrms widupread fears about
the chances oft-lemming a victim of road rage. Flareups between drivers with short fuses must have been
taking placetlnce the-dorm of the automobile age. but
the rediscovery of the suffer ng caused by these spontaneous confrontations between people encountering
one another for the first time did not take place- until
the phrase road rage" was co nc-d in the late 15505.
During the 199m. news media outlets carried many
accounts about “ugly acts of freeway fury in which
cursing. seething. and stressed-out motorists were
drivc-n to dHlMli n." home it was hlgh noon on
the country s streets and highways.‘ Drivers lost the:
ten-3m and tool: their frustrations out on each other
in nunerous strays. ranging from running their ontagonists off the road to intentional collisions to
gunfire [sec- I uhento. 1993’].
Road rage is generally defined to include all
vehicular incidents in which one driver Intentionally
injures or Itills another motorist. passenger, or pedutrian. The term also n icludes an Infuriated driver using
his vehicle as a weapon to ottarlt someone. Those who
are injured or killed often there mponslbillty to some
degree I.Ivith the complete strangers who attack thc-m
because- the- violations of traffic laws would not have
minted into criniml matters were it not for the
victim‘s furious merreaction to the offender s had
driving. The eruption of repressed anger by both parties initially tam the form of shouting out some curse
or slur or the- making of an obscene guture. Angry
words over minor sligh‘is can escalate Into assaults.
A driver who is threatened can be coroidered a victim
of harassment and if a gun Is pointed. the crime hecomes menaclng." Assaults with a deadly weapon can
result In tragically pointless dentin. as the incident
illustrats:
late at night a car. with three young men who
had beat drinlc ng heavily. Is cut off and civic-ares
out of its late. The infuriated tilver speeds up.
pulls even with the other vehicle. and usc-t his
fingers to molie a. gesture that rc-semblos pointing
a gun and pulling the trigger. The other driver
lowers hiswindow and fatallyshoota him. He later
turns himself In. claims he acted n self-defense.
and reveals that he o: an off-duty police officer.
Halter. 200?].
As the process of rediscovery gathered momentum
during the 19905. polls revealed that many motorists
have been targets of or wlme
to acts of road rage.
Some. fearful that aggressive driving was getting mat
of hand. kept weapons in their cars for self-protection.
Researchers sifting through police- and assurance company files and news accounts attribute-d thousands of
njur m and several hundred ninth! to outbursts by
“‘er warriors.
After the Home Subcommittee on Surface
Transportation held hearing: about a ropon epi-
demic of auto anon-lg" that was ”tra oforming the
nation s roodwdys Into crime scene-t.’ state legislatures
pasted tough new laws against recklessly aggressivedrlv u ig. Police departments and state highway patrol
agencla devised new ways of monitoring and video—
taping incidents and accidents and enforcing traffic
laws. Awareness and education campaigns were devolopod by the National Safety Council. the MA
Foundation for Traffic Safety. assurance companies.
and government agencies such as the National
Highway Traffic Safety Administrations. In the midst of
all this publicity. however. skeptics argued that statistirs showed that the numbers of accidents. highway
deaths. and crash-related Injuries actually store trendisg downward, especially when the increases in the
number of drivers. reg otered vehicles. and the total
miles trove-led were taken Into account. Perhaps the
problem had been blown way out of proportion by
iournalists engaging In media mationalism. voteseeklng politician s. userapisrs Iooltlng to profit from
heigrtened fears of a newly recognized emotional
”d oorder." and lobbyists represent-1g publ icity~hungry
agencla 2nd aosociations bec- Drlverscom staff. 1557:
rumento, 1995,- Rothbone and Huckabc-e. 1999;
Henna-say and wiesenthal. 2002; and Rising rage.‘
EDBEII.
The problem for victimologists is that the definition of road rage has expanded for beymd the original
narrow notion of violence on “heels. flow soveralweb
situ welcome postings by people infuriated by
encounters [and sometimes accidents] triggered by
aggressive. inconsiderate. rude. tare-less. or just plain
nc-pt drive-rs who cut them off, honkod inccssonw.
broiled hard without warning. or toilgatod. These
might be annoying violations of traffic ordinances. but
they don t rise to the level of criminal matters. anti the
aggrieved parties are not victims of violence- or Intentional property destruction. The tank for victimolog dfs
E to sort through this colIc-ction of accounts about bad
drlv ng and sift out the incidents of intentional collisions, assaults, shootingsr and even murders in order to
THE l lEDISCD lt ER l" CIF CRIME VICTIMS ‘5
estimate the true dimensions of the problem and the
effectiveness of the recentlydevised solutions. Attempts
to measure the actual etutent of attacks that can be
attributed to eapressions of road ragewlll be facilitated
by improvements In police record-keeping and media
coverage. Now. with the term f‘rmly entrenched In the
vocabulary of crininal justice and journalism. news
media accounts periodically higtlirjtt outrageous and
tragic incidents. and on occasion raise the specter that
ablated outbursts ofroad rage are somehow contagious
orreflect surges in hostllitylevels in the general public
:for etrample. see AP. moat.
Violence Among Prisoners
In 2003. the number of people In US. jails and prisons
set a record. etuceedlng 2.3 million. or more than ‘I In
every IDD adults thew Charitable Trust. most.
It is well ltnorim that when large numbers of criminally n irllned men are held against their will In conditions of intense confinement and utter subjugation,
they vent their anger and frustration on each other.
hmates target one another In a number of ways. n—
cluding thefts of their meager possessions. extortion.
assaults with homemade weapons. and gang fiytts fsee
5ilberman. 1995.- Schneider. 1595.- and O Connell and
5traub. 15995. But the worst etrpressions of violence
born of fructratlon—seluual assaults and murders result—
itg from fatal beatings and stabbi lgs—are receiving
renewed attention from corrections administrations intent on running orderly institutions.
The rape of woaI-cer inmates by stronger prisoners.
oncea taboo topic. has been written about and dc—
picted in movlu for decades [see Lockwood, 1930.- and
Machlarnara. toast. but it was not until 2013 that those
who endured sexual assaults while itcarcerated were
rediscovered offlclally when congress passed the Prison
ltape Reduction Act. Public Law toll-7 1 promulgated a
zero tolerance policy and mandated that preventing.
detecting. and prosecuting setrual attacks become a topprlority it earh federaL state. and Iocalcorredlonal nstltutlon it order to protect the Eighth Amendment
rights of Individuals subjected to the government s care
and custody.
Acknowledging that there was insufficient solid
research and data about the extent and seriousness of
seauual aggression behind bars. the legislation assigned
the taslr of admln eter ng a sway to the bureau of
Justice Statistics 1.5.5! to determine the frequency and
consequences of inmate-on-inmate sexual contacts
both non-consenoual and consensual. Experts provided
an initial timate that about 13 percent of the more
than 2 million detainees and convicts in the nation s jails
and prisons tmore than Hum people) have been
sexually abursed during their period of incarceration.
The Comm esion s fist national survey In IUD}. based on
a representative sample of state and federal prison
Inmate-s. yielded an estimate that .15 percent [about
moan indi vldualsln had endured sexual violence during
a single year rNPREc. molt. Duri‘ig zoo-t. more than
him allegations of sexual assaults were lodged by
Inmate-s. and more than 2pm} of these complaints were
Substantiated after invitigations by the author ll r .
About 9t]- percent of the nonconsensual acts
could be summarized as lnmate-on-‘nmate as well as
maleon-male. The remainder were perpetrated by
corrections officers. and female inmatu were often the
targets. The highut levels of reported sexual assaults
tool: place in juvenile facilitlu. where about five youths
out of every Lil-JD were forced to submit to the
demands of other nmates—or sometimu even mem—
bers of the custodial staff—according to the officials
who ran these institutions lBecI-c and Hughes. zoos].
The most vulnerable of all inmates are teenagers
confi ied in adult itstitutions t llew Study.“ zonal.
Elut deteimi ri ig the truescope of the problem is
difficult. Many inmates conceal the r ordeals from the
authorities because they fear retaliation or don‘t want to
be labeled asa snitch.’ Either prisoners may lodge false
accusations in order to getan enemy Intoserloustrouble.
or to justify a transfer to a more fatorablesetting.
A National Pr oon Rape Eininau on Commission
holds mnual heslngs to identify the conmon characterIstics of both perpetrators and victims. and to examine
why some facilities have had more success it reducing
sexual violence than others. The Con h nlssion believ it is
In the enlightened self- ntge-st of law-abiding citiza ts to
be concerned about setuual violence behind bars: young
men who have been gang-raped when corrections
offices weren t present to Intervene are lirely to suffer
from deep-seated rage. intense shame. low self-esteem.
self-loathing. and an Inability to trust others. They are
prone to substanceabuse and a return to crimi‘tbl
behavior upon release t ll trhatsheriffs need to lrnow ...."
2am- Parse-lL most. ‘r‘et In most correctional institutlons
Inmates who have suffered sexual aasaultsstll cannot
find safe. reliable. and responsive ways to report these
attacks: nor are they are able to access adequate- and
[Con untied]
45 CHAPTER 2
BID] 1.1 Cim nuad
u mely medical and mental hearth sen-Ices behlnd bars
ltlational Sheriffs Association m.
Even worse than bei lg forciily raped is to be
Murdered while ostensibly under the government s
care and conu-ol. Control-ersies often break out when
suspects. defendants. and convicts dle while in the
custody of law enforcement agencies tpollce station
lockups]. the courts :holdlng pens]. or the correctional
system tjails. prisons. and juvenile faciliti l. Some
deaths might be attrlbuled to medical conditions
than attadis and strokes). drug abuse lorerdoses or
adverse reactions]. suicides, or Ihe use of necessary
force by officers during an ucape attempL but on occasion the relatives of the deceased insist he Is a victim
and that either fellow innates or the authoritl- [police or correctional officers] corru nitted a serious crime.
Fluearrhers I.Iirerre unable to seek Ihe truth about these
allegations until Congress officially rediscovered the
existence of homicid behind bars. and passed the
Delaths In Custody Reporti tg an of near
The Bureau of Justice Statistics no.» maintains a.
database about all fatalities while in custody. whether
under suspicious circumstances or not. The information
i lm the gender. racelethnicity. and age of the deceased; the date. time. and location of the incidentand a brief narrative about the circumstances. The first
analysis of this new database indicated that nearly
t ll- homicides of Inmat In jails and prisons took place
during 2902 [315. ZDBE; Mumola. 20053. focusing only
on state prisons. Ihe EIJS reported that fewer than JJZID
convicts were murdered by other prisoners duri lg the
years 2511 through MCI-L for a homicide rate of about
four per IDCIJJDB lmostly male] inmate-s per year. Irtl‘tlch
was lower Ihan Ihe murder rate for the general public
tot men, Iriromen. and children: [Munola ZIJEIJ‘]. The
murder rate for iail Inmats our the six-year period
from 2900 to 20-05 was an even lower average rate
of three slayings for every 1mm confined people
per year. As for long-term trends. oter the decadu
from 1am to 20112. the annual murder rate of prison
inmata plunged an astonlshing 53 percent. As for
the backgrounds of these men slain In jails and
prisons. most were serving time for violent offenses
llvlumola. must.
The nest step is for victimolog ats todeielop more
detailed statistical profiles of the deceased Inmates
and thei killers: to figure out where. when. and why
timeslayingshappen: to determine cicumstances that
would heighten the risl-ts that a pr eoner will be beaten
or stabbed to death.- and to eaamlne what can be done
to prevent such needless losses of life of people under
got-ernnientalcontrol in the future.
irlellms of Human Tralflcltlng
People-smuggling by unscrupulous syndicata premably b-egan decades ago when immigratlon restrictions
between nations were first establahed. organized—
cr n ne famillu lwho also smuggle guns and dmgs:
provide a service. helping border<rossers to get to
their destinations. Some individuals Irmo paid exorbitant fees :considerlng their I l nited ability to ralseSuch
large sums of money] to “coyotes" and other smugglers surely knew they Irirould have to wodl off their
debts before they left thelr country of orlg n. They
can t really be considered victims. But others Must hare
been deceit-ed and did not realize how traffirlrers
could force them n lto uitual sen-Itude. Many of the
women and certainly all the children who wind up
mlred in prostitirtlon were unknow ng victins.
l raf‘fidtiig ii human beings has emerged as a Iucratire
racket and ma]or problem in a great many souce.
transit, and dutination countrlu across the globe.
The rediscotery of people trapped In a modern
equivalent of the slate trade officially toolr place in
was when the U.5. Department of State began to
collect reports about trafficking across borders as a
severe violation of human rlghts. fls Office to Monitor
and Combat Trafficking in Persons orlg nally focused
on the sexual exploitation of women and gels smuggled by international prostitution r ngs. lut over the
years. its concerns—and the United Nations def nltion
of traffidi ng—hare broadened to cover anyone
recruited. transported, transferred. harbored. and
compelled to work it prostitution, domestlc service.
suppnlt. Usually. the}.r continue to escape public
notice until some highly unusual or horri e ineident reveals how they are being. harmed and attracts
the innerest of the news media and climinaljustice
agencies. The types of tritium whose plight is now
being rediscovered—hut: who require much mole
scrutiny- and analysis. and ereatit e methodical—ale
Jislied in 1503s 2.2.
THE REDISCDVERV CIF CRIME VICTIMS ‘?
agriculture. construction work, or factory sweatshops by
means of threat. coercion. force. abduction. fraud. or
deception. Physical transport across borders is no longer
an essential part of the definition tus. State
Department. 2on7. wwa lumantrafficJ-tingorg, moat.
From the standpoint of victimological research and
policy evaluation. the first hurdle is to distingu eh
between those who are genuinely trio-ted. abused. enticed. terrorized. and cautjlt up in debt bondagetpe
onagel from those economically desperate immigrants
who knowingly and willingly pay smugglers huge fen.
That entails identifying actual trafficking victlnts from
the ranks of lllegal irrunigrarlts.‘ asylum seekers. and
political refugees. victimologists want to discover elitactly how the traffickers lure or deceive their targets
[probably through false promises of a. better life and
plays about legitimate Jobs); how they recruit mil-Iron
[by capitalizing on their innocence and nalvete. somelines with parental complicityl: and how they domi-
nate and Intimidate into submission those who find
themsehies trapped Into involuntary servitude, even it
tM
to escape their predicament arise—presumably this occurs by confiscat ng all their documents.
exploiting language barriers. threatening reprisals
against loved ones at home. and scaring them about
deportation if they turn to the authorities for help
[see George, EDIE.- Landuman. EDD-l..- Eureau of Public
Affairs. ZEIIZIS.‘ Giaberson. m5: and saunders. ZIJIZI5].
The United Nations. federal agencies. and nonprofit and nongovernmental organisations work to
rucue individuals caught in the clutches of transnational organised crine syndicates. As for Ieg elation. the
Traffidting Victims Protection Act. passed oy Congress
In ZUDIJ and reauthorlaed and strengthened is 2003
and stud. established a federal intemgency fasll force.
Imposedstiffpenaltieson profiteers. and promised victims
certa n legal bmefits and service-s Ifthey cooperated with
proseCutors and testified agath their eluplolters
The ”filled States is principally a limit and destination country as opposed to a source counu-y.
Concerned individuals in diplomatic circles. law enforcement. and social services are developing and then
recommending best practices of a yict m-centered
approach to prevent the smuggling and sale of human
be ngs. safeguarding th e ndividuals from further
harm. and repatriatlng these displaced people to their
country of origin or reintegrating then into the dutination society Irtrill t citizenship rights. In the United
States. hotlines mite tipsters to report suspicious relationships. and trained professionals aswell as volunteers
stand ready to provide comfort and support to ucapees
or to those confln ned ylctims" who are rescued after a
raid of a brothel or sweatshop.
By the start of 2110?. 2? states had passed antitrafficking legislation and s2 regional tasit forces had
been set up and funded by the Department of lurstice.
lult between ZIJllIlI- and early 2W. federal agencies
had cutifled only 1.175 people from TI countries as
victims of human trafficking [U.5. State Department.
zonal. Yet the official Htimate in Congress s 2|:II2I5
reauthorizatlon legislation was that the human cargo
smuggled Into the United states each year nurrlaered
between 1am to 29,1310 people. primarily women
and children hvmv.humantrafflcking.org. ZDDEll. And
on New Yori-c s Long Island. an area reputed to be a
hotbed of trafficking. not one arrest was made during
zoos. and only one woman was rescued from prostitution mead. 2N6}.
The murder of myeral border-crossers in Arlaona
by smugglers holding them hostage in frustrated attempts to extort more money from thei famiila back
home Indicates the depth of the perils victims face
in. lginili. about. Furthermore. a Study based on a survey
completed by more than 15-: municipal and county
police departments concluded that most of these law
enforcement agencies lad-ted sufficient policies and
training to adequately identify traflidting ylctims and
n‘tv tigate their cas (Wilson. Walsh. and Kleuber ,
ZDDEJ. Clearly. the true level of seriomnus of the problem. and the effective-was ofwell-lntentloned efforts to
reach out to trafl‘rrjti lg t-lct n ns it the Ltnlted States.
requires additional research. whirl-l is why the situation
can be considered to be at Stage 4 of the rediscovery
process.
SUMMARY
Victinmlogiso. an: social scientists who
seriirl:
For objectivity when studying the characoetistics 0t"
victims. the suffering they endure. their reactions
on choir plight. their interactions with offenders.
and the way ushers [such as journalists. elecoed
of cials. and [ample allied with social movements
4! CHAPTER 2
ID! 2.1
terssul edbmwy nosDnandnn
These recently recognized groups of victims face
special problems that require Inaginative solutions:
n Disabled individuals [deaf. blind. mentally retarded. mentally ill. or afflicted in other wlay sl
who were assaulted or molested [Office for
v ictims of Crime. ZEIIJI]
I People whose attackers cannot be arrested and
prosecuted because they are members of foreign
delegations granted diplomatic immunity
[Jlshman and Trescott. 1m; 5ieh. 1990: and
Ll-WJ‘I. 21ml
I immigrants who feel they ml. come forward
and ask the police for help without revieal ng that
they are ilIeg-al aliens” who lack the proper
documents and are subject to deportation [Davis
and Murray. 1955: Davis. Erez. ind Avitabile.
2W1: Chan. 2D 7l
e Homeius adults robbed. assaulted. and Murdered
on the streets and in shelters lFiupahirk. LaGory.
and Fiitchey , 1953.: and Green. mat
a Homeius rurtavlrilliyI teens who are vulnerable
to sexual eltploitation and rape {Tyler et ai..2Di15l
I Hotel guests who suffer thefts and assaults
because of Ian security measures [Prutiat 1993.owsiey. zuasi
n Tourists who blunder Into dangeroussituations
avoidedbystreetwise localstltohter. 1593a: 15931::
and Murphy. mustand are easy preyI because they
let their guarddown [Royle.1!9di. and Lee. 2DiJ5l
I Delh-ery-trtxk drivers who are preyed upon by
robbers. hijackers, and highway snipers :Seston.
199-1; and Duret and Patrick. 2min
I Motorists and pedestrians slammed into data-ing
high speed chats by iugilitn seeking to avoid
arrest or by squad cars in hot pursuit [Gray 1993;
crew. Frideil. and Purseil. 1996; and San Mateo
Section. 2m
I Good Samaritans who try to break up crimes in
progress and rscue the intended victims but wind
up injured or killed themselres McFadden. 1993;
and: Eligoh. 2m
I innocent bystanders wounded or killed by bullets
intended for others, often when caught in cross‘fire between rival street gangs or drug dealers
fightingover tur f (Sherman. Steele. Laufersweiler.
Holler. and Julian. 1552 Dn ehi. 1994i; and
lifll llliartlt. zonal
I People deceived by robbers and rapists impersonating plaincJothes detectives enkowita. EDIE:
Topping. zoos; and Wilson. zonal
I Llnrelated individuals whose livu are snuffed out
by vicious and demented serial Itiilers [Holmes and
DeBurger. 19H; Hirkey. 1991; Eggier and Egger.
zonal
I Prostitutes soliciting customers on the streets
who face r o:ks of being beaten. raped. and
murdered that are many timu higher than
for other women in their age bracket [Eoyer
and: Jams. 1m: and Salfat l. James. and
Ferguson. must
I Mewbornsabandoned or iciiled by their distraught
mothers [ r‘ardley. 1995; and Buckley. 211ml
I Frantic. relatives of m ss ng persom‘ who have
vanished and are pr umed dead but. since they
were adults with the right to primacy. cannot be
and commercial interests) lespond to them.
Victltnology s findings contribute to an ongoing rcdiscovery princess. which constantly brings thc plight
ofadditiollalovcrlookcdgmupt to the public s attcntioal. The rediscovery pinccst goes thlough several
stages. After a group s plight becomes known and
rcfotdils alt: ililplcttwlltcd. an opposition Frequently
arises. that lcsists l ulrJicr changes that lllight he to the
group s advantage. \I ict lmologists can help Instill-rt:
disputes by studying how newly rediscovered groups
sullcr and. whether cfl olts to assist thcltl an: rcally
walking as intended.
THE REDISCDVERV CIF CRIME VICTIMS “
the objects of intense police manhunts mless there
iset-Idenceof Ioul play [McPhee 199?; Gardner;
EDGE; and NEMA. ZlIIBI
Suspects brutally beaten by police officers
tAmnuty International use. 1939.- Dauey and
Ei ldrn. 2|]EITI
Teachers attacked. Injured. and eyen killed by their
students Fine. 2m"
Students sexually molested or physically abused
througt prohibited forms of corporal pun ehment
by teachers {Goodnougn MGM
High school and college students subjected to
abuslye hazing and bullying by older students
that results in njury ordeath ESaImiualli and
Nieminen, will; Meadows. Johnson. and Down-hey.
EDD!)
Students assaulted. robbed. euen fatally shot by
fellow students or by Intruders in school buildings
and schoolyard: [Bastian and Taylor. 1551: Tony;
1933; NEE. 1955: and DeGette. Jensut. and
Colomy. 2cm:
Terrified ruidents whose horns Imere iwaded by
armed robbers lLamba l. m5: and Henicm. 2on7:
"Mall-order brides.‘ lured to the united Statesby
unregulated intemational matchmakingseryiceson
the Internet. I.tlho fear deportation if they complain
to the authorities about their husbands violence
:lriscoe. ml
Teenage girls and young women Iridnapped and
held captive as “sea slat-5‘ by vicious rapists
(Hoffman. mns- and Jacobs. 2003:
unsuspecting people. usually women. who Ieel
symbolically raped alur being secretly videotaped
during private moment: by royeurs uslng hidden
spy cmeras lLoyett. 2001 Williams. 2|:II2I5-l
Female motorbts sexually abused by highway
patrol officers (Tyre. 2DIJ1J
Female Inmates sexually abused by corrections
olficers {Struckman-loh tson and StruckmanJohnson. 2:02:
Youngsters physically arid sexually abused by childcare workers and babysitters [Flnlcelhor and
Emma. M‘H
Peoplebeing blackmailed whoare reluctant to turn
to the authorities Ior help because that would lead
to espouureof their embarrassing secrets bee Icatz.
Fletcher. and Altman. 1993: Patridr. 2006: and
muse. EDI“:
Recipients of cranlr phone calls, laced with threats
or obscenitlu. made by individuals that range
from heairy breathers and bored temagers to
dangerous assailants isatritl. 1556: Associated
Press. was
Residents injured by tires or hunted out of the r
homes, unaware that they were harmed by a
criminal act lmtil flre marshals determine that the
suspicious blazes were intentionally set {sunfant
2UD5]
Consumers who lose money in Internet cyberswindles and "dotcons such as online pyramid
inuestment tPonail schemes bogus auctions, lake
escrow accounts. and other computer-based
frauds tLee. mall!
Homeowners who become victims of mortgage
fraud and foreclosurerucue fraud and lose their
homes because they are swlndled {I RL 2mm.
street crimes. 3[]
KEV TERMS
Jaw-and-nl‘der
movement. 32
children s rights youps.
Brady LiilL 35
English common:
law. 34]
civil court. 3|
ms: law. 3|
public pmmcumts‘ 31
pie-a negotiations, 32
women s movement.
33
cit-ti] lights movement.
33
cit-i] libelties
movement. 34
34 Amber him. 35
elder abuse. 34 Mtg-5.11113 Law. 35
)‘ rights self-de nition of
movement, 34 the victimization
hale crimes. 3-i- PEMC‘“ 3 }
self-help movement. 35
3D CHAPTER 2
const ructionist
approach. 3 )
moral entrepreneurs, 41]
social construction. rill
con ict approach. 39 claims—making, Alli
stigma contests. 3‘3
typi eation. 4U traf cking in human
false memory beings. 44 :
syndrome. 42
road rage, 4-1
QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION AND DEBATE
1. Describe what happens it eaclt stage of the
rediscovery process.
2. Argue that the reditoovery of victims by the
news media. eIecDed of cials. and coirutiemial
enterprises is :1 "Inbred blessing" by stressing the
downside: the potential for exploitation.
CRITICAL THINKING QUESTH JNS
1. Identify a group ol tricu ms of illega] acu trin es
I.ivho still has not been rediscovered and was not
mentioned in this chopper. Describe the Itinds
ol harm this group might be experiencing.
2. Argue that victimology would be enriched by
expanding its boundaries to include smdies
about people around the world who suff er
because of war crimes, govemment repression
of political dissidents. and torture by the
authorities.
SUGGESTED RESEARCH PROJECTS
1.. Find out proposed. or retendy passed laws in
your state that have been named in honor of
crime victims. In each case. ask whether this
legislation o ers anything speci c—other than.
suepped—up punishment of the oliender—to
ease the Victim s plight.
2. Choose a group from the list in. Iiox 2.2 whose
plight is currendy being rediscovered. Forte
questions that researchers ought Do examine.
Find out what you can about this group.
a
Sources of Information
about Crime Victims
The UCR and the NCVS
Crime i1 the Streets: The Big Picture The FRI": Uniform Crime Report
the Use- andnatrse of tatis tr cs tuctn
interpreting Statistic The 315 : National Crime
Victimization Survey {NCVSII
“19 TW“ (“ lial 59W“! Comparing the ucn and the new
of Victimization Data
A First Glance at the Big Picture:
Looking at the FHl s Crime Clock
Using Data to Bring the Big Ficuare
in‘br Focus
Summary
CRIME IN THE STREETS: THE BIG PICTURE
Victimologists {Hillel and interplet data to answer questions such as: How many
people are harmed by criruinah each year? How Iapidly are the ranks of people
who have surl eled misr onunes glowing? nd. a matter or particular concern.
which gloups are talgeted the rue-n and. the least often? Researchers want to
find out where and when the nujoricy of crimes occur. wItetIteI predators on
the plow] intimidate and subJ Ugate their pley with weapons and it’ so. what kinds
of weapons. Victirnologists also want to determine wItetIteI individuals are at—
tacked by complete strangers oi people they Itnow. and how these intended tar—
gets act when confnanted by assailants. What plop-onion tly to escape or ght
back. how nuny are injured. what percentage need to be hospitalized. and
how Inuch money do they typically lose in an incident?
51
52 tnAPtER 3
The answers to basic questions like these. when
taken together. constitute wltac can be termed the
big picture—an overview of what is really happening across the United States during the First de—
cade of this new century. The big picture serves as
an antidote to impressions based on direct but limited personal. experiences. as well as sell—serving
reports. circulated by organizations with vested in—
terests, misleading media images, etude stereotypes.
and widely held myths. But putting together the
big picture is not easy. Compiling an accurate por—
trayal requires caie rl planning. formulation of the
right questions. proper data-collection techniques.
and insightful analyses.
Until the l‘J TI‘ils. l e w el l orts were made to routinely monitor and systematically measure various
indicators of a victim s plight. 1n the I‘JHils. a great
many social scientists and agencies were conducting
tlte research needed to bring the big picture into fo—
cus. By the 1.990s. all sorts ofspecial—iiiterest groups
began keeping count and disseminating their own
estimates about the suffering of a wide variety or
victims. indudiiig youngsters wounded at school.
college students hurt or killed on campus. children
reported missing by their parents. and people singled
out by assailants who hate their "kind."
Most of the statistics and analyses presented in
this chapter concern the dreaded crimes ofmurder
and robbery. Statistics about murders are more
complete. consistent [over time and from place to
place). aocurate. and detailed than those for any
other crime. Robbery statistics are far less precise
and reliable but are so ll eatoemely important be—
cause hold—ups rel the public s fears about strangers
committing “crime in the streets.’I Uther street
crimes. involving violence (assaults) or stealing {bur—
glaries. vehirdc thefts) will also share the locus of
attention in this chapter.
The Ilse and Abuse of Statls liu.
Statistics are meaningful ntutihers that reveal
important unfonriatioit. Statistics are oI crucial importance to social scientists. policy analysts. and decision
makers because they replace vague adjectives siach as
“many." "moist," and “tests" with precise numbers.
(Iriminologiscs and victimologists botli gather their
own datatomalte their own calculations, or they sena-
tiniae n eial statistics compiled and published by
government agencies. 13y collecting. computing. and
analyzing scatisties.victiiiiologasi1can derive answers to
the intriguing researclt questions they itiust tarJtle.
Accurate statistics about crimes and victims are vital
because they can shed light on a number ofiiiiportant
111m!
I Statiso cs can be calculated to estimate vim
eimizatioin rates, which are realistic assessments of threat levels that criminal activities
pose to particular individuals and groups. What
are the chances or odds various categories ol
people Eice oi get ting harmed during a certain
time period. such as a year. or even over an
entire lifetime? Coons {such as death tolls). or
better yet. rates (per lilil.il[Hl people per year)
can provide answers to these disturbing
questions.
Statistics can expose patterns ol criminal activity. l atteriis re ect predictable relationships
or regular occurrences tltac show up during an
analysis of the data. For instance. a search for
patterns in the data could answer these questions: Do murders generally occur at a higher
rate in urban neighborhoods than in suburban
and rural areas? Also. is homicide a bigger
problem year after year in the South than in
other regions oE the country? Are robberies
committed more often at certain locatimis than
others and more often against men than
women?
I Statistical ends can demonstrate how situations have changed as time goes by. ls the
burden of crime intensifying or subsiding as
years pass? .i‘ire the dangers of getting killed by
robbers increasing or decreasing with each
successive year?
I Statistics can provide estimates ol tlte costs and
losses imposed by illegal behavior. For exam—
ple, insurance companies can determine what
premiums to charge their customers based on
SOURCES. UFINFDlM TION ABOUT CRIME VICTIMS 53
calculations of the average financial expenses
suI lered by motorists whose cars are stolen.
I Statistics can be used for planning purposes to
project a rough or “ballpark gure I of [tow
many people are likely to need assistance in the
immediate future. Law enforcement agencies,
service providers, and insurance companies can
anticipate the approximate size of their caseloads for the following year if they know ltow
many people were harmed the previous year.
I Statistics also can be computed to evaluate the
eil ectivienets of criminal justice operations. and
to assess the usefulness of recovery el‘l orts and
prevention strategies. r‘ire battered wounenliltely
to lcad safer lives after their violent mates are
arrested? HOW well are police departments do—
ing in rewriting stolen property to burglarized
households? IJoes installing a car alarm with a
ashing red warning light really deter thieves?
I Finally. statistical pro les can be assembled to
yield an impression of whac is usual or typical
about a victim in terms ofcharacteristics such as
seat. age. and racer ethnicicy. For example. is
there any truth in the stereotype that most of
the people who die violently are young men
from troubled families living in povertystricken big-city neighborhoods? Also. statistical portraits can provide a reality clteck to help
ground theories that purport to explain why
some groups experience higher rates of predation than others. For example. if it turns out
that the frail elderly are robbed less often than
teenagers, then a theory that emphasizes the
physical vulnerability of robbers targets will be
oH—basc or incomplete as an explanation of
which groups suffer the moist and why.
Interpreting Statistics
Cynics joke that stau stics can be used by special
irrteresc groups just like a lamppost is used by a
dnrnkard—for support rather than for illtunination.
Ullicials. agencies. and organizations with their
own particular agendas may release statistics to
influence decision makers or the public. Alarming
gures can be circulated by law enforcement
agencies to support their argtune-nts at budget hearings that more personnel, equipment. and money
are needed to better protect and serve the public.
Dther numbers can be used to reduce fears and to
demonstrate that those in charge are doing their
jobs well, such as tracking down murderers or pre—
venting robberies. Their opponents will cry to make
the contrary point by releasing numbers that seem
to indicate that the crime problem is getting worse
and that the incumbents are incompetent at ooiit—
bao ng crime and need to be replaced. Statistics
might also be cited to prove that existing laws and
policies are having the intended cll ects (such as installing surveillance cameras reduces the number of
robberies] or, conversely, to persuadc people that
the old methods are not working and new ap—
proaches are necessary.
interpretations of mathematical ndings can be
given a spin that may be debatable—for example,
emphasizing that a shelter for battered women is
“lqu empty“ rather than “half : ull." or stressing
how much public safety has improved. as opposed
to how much more progress is needed be are
street crime can be considered under control. As
useful and necessary as statistics are. they should
always be viewed with a healthy dose of scienti c
skepticism.
Although some :inistakes are honest and unavoidable. it is easy to "lie" with statistics by using
impressive and scienti c-sounding numbers to manipulate or mislead. Whenever statistics are pre—
sented to underscore or clinch some point in an
argument. their origin and interpretation must be
questioned. and certain methodological issues
must be raised. What was the source of the data.
and does this organization have a vested interest in
shaping public opinion? re different estimates
available from other sources? 1What kinds ofbiases
and inaccuracies could [rave crept into the collection and analysis ofthe data? How valid and precise
were the measurements? How were key conoepts
defined and measured ("operatioiialized")? What
was included and what was excluded. and why?
For example. oI‘licials in New York. like to ateiact tourists by pointing out that it is the safest big
54 tnAPrER 3
city in merica. That claim has been true since the
late 1.990s [see Karine-n. Eilff ji and even was accurate for 2EIII]l because the terrible death toll from
the September ll terrorist attacks on the 1World
Trade Center. in which more than 2.?IJEI people
perished. was not counted by the FL“ in its oflicial
calculation of New York City‘s murder rate [evi—
dcntfy. its rate of “ordinary" murders). However.
the body count of [fig deaths resulting from the
bombing oftlte Oklahoma City federal building by
home—grown terrorists in 1995 was added to the
number of "ordinary" homicides that year. making
it look like that urban area was an exceptionally
dangerous place. To make definitional matters even
more complicated. the six people who were killed
fiom a blast in the underground garage in the first
terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in 1.993
were counted as murder victims by the FBI.
Victimologists committed to objectivity try to
gather and interpret statistics without injecting any
pardctdar "spin" into their conclusions because fit is
hoped] they have no “art to grind" other than en—
lightening people about iiiyrlrs and realities sur—
rounding thc crime problem.
THE TWO OFFICIAL SOURCES
OF UICTIMIZATIOII DATA
As early as the ltiilifs, public officials began keeping
reoorids about crimes to gauge the "moral health"
ofsociety. Then. as now. high rates ofinterpersonal
violence and theft were taken as signs of social
patltology—indications tltac something was desperately wrong with the way many people interacted.
Sets of yearly data. were compiled to determine
whether illegal activities were being brought under
control as time passed. This monitoring of trends is
even more important today than it was then , over
the centuries many innovative but intrusive and ex—
pensive criminal justice policies intended to curb
crime have been implemented.
Two government reports published annually
contain statistical rim that enable victimologiso. to
monitor trends. The Federal Liureau of lnvesrigation s
Urig fiirm (.‘ririrr Report: (.‘ri rirr iii the United States.
is a massive compilation of incidents known to
police departments across the country. This virtual
"bible" ofcrime statistics is older and better known
than the other official source. the liureau of
justice Staciscies Mantel [ Ilr iric kirrr nrizuriwr Sump.t’hiirrr riiri Vi rri iiiir ziii‘r aii in the Ir iir reri Shires. which is a
compilation of incidents voluntarily disclosed by vic—
tims to interviewers. Bodi ofthese of cial sourees of
facts and figures about crime and its victims are dis—
seminated each year by the US. Department of
justice in Washington. IJ.EI. Each of these government data-collection systems has ll l ii. own strengths
and weaknesses in mm ofproviding the information
victimologists are seeking to answer their key
questrons.
The establishment of a second. independent
reporting system to measure the amount of street
crime in contemporary hmerican society initially
appeared to be a major breakthrougli in terms of
bringingth bigpicture into sharpcrfocus. In theory.
the federal government s two monitoring systems
should support and confirm each other s findings.
lending greater credence to all oflicial stacistics published for the public s bene t. But in practice, estimates from the Urg arm Crime 112er IUCR} and
the Madeira! Crime We mizirn‘orr Survey {NCVSJ
have divergedsubstancially for particular categoricsof
offenses and terrain briefstretchcs oftime.
On occasion during the l JJ IIs and l ififls. victimieacion rates appeared to go up according to the
UEIR but down aocording to the NYSE/ 5 , or vice
versa, as a number of graphs presented later in this
book will show (see Chapter 4 in particular}. This
lack of close oorrc-spondence (technically speaking.
this absence of a very strong positive correlation)
caused confusion and touched o debates about inaccuracies among victimologists criminologists.
and criminal justice professionals (sec Lynch and
Addington, ZIJEIT‘J. The divergenoe enabled some
interest groups to oontend that .r’rmerica s street
crime problem was getting worse, while their opponents could marshal evidence from the other
reporting system to argue that the situation was
improving. During the second half of the l‘J‘JIls.
SOURCES. UFINFDRMATIDN ABOUT CRIME VICTIMS 55
trend lines drawn From tlte data from both government agencies were in synch. confirming that an
across-the-board decline in criminal activity was
taking place throughout the country. However.
the two reporting systems again gave out con icting signals concerning short term trends in certain
oll enses during the early years of the twenty—first
century, yielding dill erent impressions about whether
the "big pittum" was relatively stable or slowing
changing.
A First Glance at the Belg Plenary.- Looking at
the FBI s Crime Clock Statistics never speak for
themselves. Numbers must always be scrutinized
carefully and placed within context. or put into
one
who! trite
every 22 seconds
Ef e
crime Indalo ense
every 3 sec
One
ptnptrtytrln ie
every isettntls
FI UIlF. 3.1 TMFII SCI IH‘IECIM.2EID5
perspective. Sometimes the same numbers can be
interpreted quite dill crently. depending on what
spin commentators give tltem—what is stressed
and what is downplayed. For example. consider a
set ol~ statistics issued yearly to summarize the big
picture by the FL“ in its authoritative L rril nm Crime
Report HIGH]. The picture it presents is called the
"Crime Clock." The Crime Clock dramatizes the
fact that with the passing ol each and every seeond,
minute, hour, and day. the toll keeps mounting as
more and more people join the ranks ofcrime vic—
o ms (see Figure 3. | :I.
The Crime (IIo-ck s statistics are calculated in a
straightforward manner. The number oE incidents of
each kind reported to police dcparuneno is divided
DIE
murder
every 31 rrilnuttr
Brie
ftrtltle rap-e
every imlnutes
Brie
Inhfitry
tvtry stomtfs
CINE
aggravated assault
tvtrya‘r stomtfs
CINE
Wight
every 14 seconds
Brie
larceny- rth
every 5 seconds
tvtryl seconds
Brie
mumrvtfllde‘lhtft
56 CHAPTER 3
into the number of seconds {1 10 x on as 2-1 x 365 =
3|.536,1]EHJJ orminutes{(:[f X 2-1 X 365 = 515.ft[]ff] in
an entire year. For instance, during BEING, about
1.10fo people were slain in the United States. The
calculation {515.Ift ff].-’[l3 , [flf]:| = 3| indicates that
approximately every 3i minutes one American was
murdered that year CED], ZIIIIIITI‘].
Just a glance at this chart alerts even the casual
reader to its chilling message. The big picture it
portrays is that crimes of violence (one every 22
seconds) and theft (one every three seconds] are
all too common. As the Crime Clock ticks away.
a stream of casualties flows into morgues. hospital
emergency rooms. and police stations throughout
the land. Practically every moment somewhere in
the United States another person is experiencing
what it feels like to be harntcd by a criminal.
These grim reminders give the impression that being victimized is virtually inevitable. it seems to be
just a matter of time before one s “number is
called" and disaster strikes. Sooner or later, it will
be every hmerican‘s "turn" so it appears.
The FBI [Hill-i: 141 offers a disclaimer that
points out that crimes do not take place with such
rigid predictability. “The Crime Clock should be
viewed with care. The most aggregate representation of UHF. data, it conveys the annual reported
crime experience by showing a relative frequency
of occurrence of the Part ] index offenses [referred
to as "street crimes" in this teatdiook.‘ see below]. it
should not be taken to imply a regularity in the
commission of crime. The Crime Clock represents
the annual ratio ol crime to fixed time intervals." In
other innards, the FIi-I s Uniform Crime Reporting
Division is reminding the reader that in reality the
number of offenses carried out by lawbreakers ebbs
and ows, varying with the time ofday, day ofthe
week. and season. These frequencies represent proJcctions over the course of an entire year and not
the actual timing of the attacks.
Because the Future seems so ominous. this
Crime Clock mode of presentation ltas inherent
sltock value. it lends itself to media sensationalism.
fear—mongering political campaigns. and marketing
ploys. Heightened anatieties can be exploited to
garner votes and. to boost the sales ol bu rglar alarms
automobile antitheft devices, or crime insurance.
Customers can be frightened into thinking they
may be neat: or that their time is nearly up—il
they haven t already suffered in some manner at
least once.
Furthermore, it can be argued on methodological grounds that the alarming figures revealed on
the Crime Clock are actually underestimates of
how dangerous the streets of tlte United States re—
ally are. The big picture is much worse. The FLii s
calculations are based solely upon crimes known to
the police across tlte country. Liut not all illegal acts
are reported. The police lind out about only a striall
fraction of all the incidents of violence and even a
smaller proportion of the thefts that actually take
place.
Many victims do not bring their troubles to the
attention of their loml polioe departments The
reportingratevaries from crime to ctime,placeto plane.
year to year. and group to group {see Chapter fl about
lvictim reporting rates). Hence. one waytolook at tltese
Crime Clock statistics is to assume that they represent
the tip of the iceberg: The actual number ofpeople
harmed by o cnders in tltese various ways must be
considerably higher.
However. these impressions about the risks to
life and limb in the United States today can legitimately be given an opposite spin. It can be argued
on Justifiable methodological grounds that conditions irrfcrred from these numbers are overly dramatic and unduly pessimistic. and consequently
misleading. The numbers lack “context"—the rec—
ognio on that tltere are millions of potential targets
throughout the nation. The ticking away of the
Crime Clock is an unnecessarily frightening way of
depicting the big picture because it uses a formula
that ignores population size. Instead of" seconds
and minutes, another figure could be used in the
calculation that takes into account the actual
{huge} nLunber of” people or possessions at risk.
Because there are so litany hundreds of millions
of residents. homes. and automobiles that could be
selected by predators on the prowl. the actual
chances ofany given individual getting targeted dur—
ing the course ofa year may not be so high or so
worrisome.
SOURCES UFINF DIIM TICHI ABOUT CRIME VICTIMS 5?
Although the FBI s Crime Clock infers that
being singled out by an oifender is a shockingly
common occurrence, :1 different set ofautltoritative
numbers circulated by another branch ofthe US.
lJeparcrnent ofjuscice yields a very different impression. Estimates about the chances of being
victimized from a different source—a nationwide
survey {NEJWFi—are presented as rates per 1.0110
persons for violent crimes and per 1,110” households
for property crimes per year. Adding a “denominator I ["for every 1,110” each year") seems to malte a
world of difference in terms of "conresrt." The im—
plicit message when rates are calculated is almost the
opposite: Don t worry so much about being tar-
geted. These misfortunes will probably strike other
people, not you. Indeed. the survey‘s yearly lindings seem relatively reassuring. suggesting that the
odds of being harmed are not at all as ominous as
the Crime Clock implies.
For example. the Crime Clock warned that a
robbery tools place nearly every minute during
211013. That understandably sounds frightening be—
cause robbery is the street crime most people worry
about. However. when the {ICE findings are pre—
sented with a denominator as a rate, the gure seems
less worrisome. For every IIHJ,1100r \.r11ericans. "only"
1&0 were robbed during ZIKIG. therefore. ‘J J,Ii-’IU
made it through the year without being accosted.
Put another way. only about 1].”: percent of the
public complained to the police that they had been
robbed that year.
Similarly. the NCI’S s ndings indicated that
200 out ofevery I0[I.1][Hf residents age 12 and over
(or just about three of every 1.0110 people in the
United States, or 0.3 percenti were robbed during
that year (this statistic is about double the UCR
figure because it includes those incidents not reported to the police but that were disclosed on the
survey). Furthermore. the vicciin was not physically injured in roughly two-thirds of the confrontations. An additional bit of good news was that
victims did not lose anything of value to robbers
in about one-third of the hostile encounters
(no possessions were stolen or damaged. according
to a detailed BJS statistical breakdown}. In sum, despite widespread public concern, and aocentuating
the positive. for every 1,1100 residents of the United
SHEEL 9 )? were never confronted. J‘J J were not
wounded: and J‘Jii did not suffer any nancial
losses due to robberies during 213116 (see Rand and
liatalano. 2007 ).
[n sum. both sets ofdata published by agencies
in the federal government are reasonably accurate
and trustworthy. What differs is the way the statis—
o es are presented. Each format lends itself to a par—
ticular interpretation or spin. The [ICR s Crime
Clock calculations accentuate the negao ve by
highlighting the number of people harmed per
hour. rrtinure. or even second. But stripped of perspective, this "numerator‘I without a denominator
is unduly alarming. it ignores the fact that the overwhelming ma_j ority of merieans went about their
daily lives throughout the year without interference
from criminals. The rates per l011.[f1]0 published in
the ["1112 and per L000 in the NCVSjuactapose the
small numbers who were preyed upon against the
huge numbers who got away unscathed in any
given year. This mode of presenting the same sta—
cistics yields a very different ilrrpression: a rather
reassuring message that being targeted is a relatively
unusual event.
The FBI s um Crime Report rues:The Ir rIR was established in 1‘32? by a committee
set up by the International Association ofChiel s of
Police. The goal was to develop a uniform set of
definitions and reporting formae. for gathering
crime statistics. Since 1931]. the Flll has published
crime data in the MGR that was forwarded volun—
tarily by police dcpartments across the United
States. In recent years, more than 17.0110 village.
town. municipal. oounty. and state police departments and sheriffs departments in all 50 states. the
District of Columbia. and several territories that
serve about 9-1- pereent of the roughly 30” million
inhabitants of the United States participate in the
data. collection princess. usually via state criminal
justice clearinghouses. Unfortunately, both Parts ]
and Part Ii ofthe UCR have been of limited value
to those interested in studying victims rather than
incidents or arrestees.
5! crtAPtErt 3
Part 1 of the [NIH focuses on eiglat index
crime-s. illegal acts most people think about when
they hear the term "street crime." Four index crimes
count violent attacks directed "against persons": murder. forcible rape, robbery. and. aggravated assault.
The other four eonstitute crimes “against property":
burglary. larceny {thefts ofall kinds}, motor vehirde
theft. and arson. The category ofarson was added in
10?“) at the request ofCongress when poor neighborhoods in big cities experienced many blazes of
suspicious origin. However, incidents of arson are
still unreliably measured because intentionally set
fires might remain classi ed by fire marshals as being
"of Lurknown origin."
The ranking of these eight offenses. from inurder to arson. is considered by the FBI for record—
keeping purposes to correspond to their relative
degree of seriousness (see below). The number of
acts of violence and theft known to the authorities
is presented for cities. counties, states. regions ofthe
country, and even many college campuses [since
the mid-l‘iEHIIs: see Chapter 11.). For each crime.
the FBI compiles information about the number
of incidents reported to the police, the total esti—
mated losses in billions of dollars dare to property
crimes. the proporcion of cases that were solved.
and some characteristics of the suspecrr. arrested—
but. unfortunately for victimologists. nothing about
the people who led the complaints.
In Part [I. the [ICR fumishes data about the
number of people arrested [without estimates of
the number of illegal acts committed} for 21 as—
sorted offenses. Some of these crimes that led to
arrests do not have clearly identifiable victims—
earamples include counterfeiting. prostitution. gam—
bling. drunkenness. disorderly conduct, weapons
possession. and drtrg offbnses. Other Part I] crimes do
have flesh-and-blood victims. such as “olfenses
against women andchildren ." aswell as sex olfenses
other than forcible rape and prostitution. Still other
Part I[ arrests could have arisen from incidents
that directly harmed identi able individuals includ—
ing embezzlement. fraud. vandalism. and buying;1
receivingr posscssing stole-n property.
Another part ofthe report furnishes data about
how many hate crimes were reported to police
departments (see Chapter 1]]. The Uniform Crime
Reporting Division also issues a yearly analysis of
how many law enforcement officers were feloniously assaulted and killed in the line of duty. the
weapons used against them. and the assignments
they were carrying out when they were slain (see
Chapter 11).
From a victiirrologist s point of view. the
i J l IR s method ofdata collection staffers from sev—
eral shortcomings that undermine its accuracy and
usefulness [see Savitz. 1951.2. and O Brien, HHS).
First of all. under—reporting remains a major intrac—
table problem. Because many victims do not inform
their local law enforcement agencies about illegal
acts committed against them and their possessions
{see Chapter G). the Fiji s compilation of “crimes
known to the police" is unavoidably incomplete.
The statistics about the number ofcrinres comrrrit—
ted inevitably are lower than the actual (but un—
known) number of crimes that occurred. Second.
the U R focuses on accused offenders (keeping
track of the age. seat. and race] but does not
provide any information about the complainants
who reported the incidents. (However, characteris—
tics ofnrurder victims are collected routinely—see
Chapter -l.) Third. the [ICE mixes reports of attempted crimes (usually not as serious for victims)
with completed crimes {in which offenders
achieved their goals). Fourth. when computing
crime rates for CldEL counties, and states, the FL1[
counts incidents directed against all kinds oftargets.
adding together crimes against impersonal entities
{such as corporations and government offices) and
commercial establishments (stores and restauranrr.)
on the one hand. and individuals and. households
on the other. For errample, gures for robberies
include bank holdups as well as muggings. statistics
about burglaries combine attempted warehouse
break-ins with ransackings of homes , figures for larcenies include shoplifting in addition to thefts from
pocket-pickings. and car break-ins.
Finally. the EB] instructs local police departmend to observe the hierarchy rule when report-
ing incideno: List the event under the heading of
the most serious crbrte. For instance. if an armed
intruder breaks into a home and finds a woman
SOURCES UFINF DIIM TICHI ABOUT CRIME VICTIMS 5!
alone, rapes her. steals herjewelry. and drives offin
her car. the entire incident will be counted only as a
forcible rape [the worst crime she suffered}. If the
rapist is caught. he oould also be charged with
armed robbery, burglary, motor vehicle theft. possession ofa deadly weapon. and possession ofstolen
property, but the lesser offenses are not noted in
that year s [IIIR s totals.
Phasing-In a National Incident-Based ReportIrag Syalem Fortunately. the 11(1Ris being over—
hauled and is becoming a much more useful source
ofinformation for researchers. The Hi1 is converting
its data collection format to a National Incident]Jased Reporting System (NiiiltS-L
One major change is the abandonment of the
hierarchy ruleof reporting onlythe worst offense that
happened during a sequenee ofeventsc Preserving a
great many details will make it possible to determine
how often one crime evolves into another. such as a
carjacking escalating into a kidnapping, or a robbery
imensifying into a hie—threatening shooting. For the
incident cited above that was categorized as a forcible
rape under the hierarchy rule. this new record—
keeping system also would preserve information
about the initial burglary: the resulting robbery: the
vehicle theft. other property stolen from the victim.
its value. and whether it was recovered; other injuries
sustained: the woman s age, sex. and race , whether
there was a previous relationship between the victim
and the assailant. and the date. time, and location of
the incident (1BR Resource l Ienter. 211112). Until the
advent of the NIBRS computer database. only in
cases of homicide were some ofthese facts extracted
from police files and collected.
instead ofjust eight closely watched UC R index
offenses. Hi1 computers are now prepared to keep
crack of 4r. Group A offenses derived from 22 cate—
gories of crimes. in addition to the four "crimes
against persons" and the four “a inst property" of
Part I. the new Ieroup Fr embraces offenses against
individual victims that had been listed in Part [I or
not collected at all. These crimes. for which victimoriemed data are becoming available. include justifi—
able homicide and negligent manslaughter {classified
as types of homicides): simple assault {including
intimidation). vandalism [property damage and de—
struction}; blackmail {extortion}: fraud [swindles and
non games}: forcible sex crimes (sodomy, sexual assault with an object, and foncIing}; nonforcible sex
offenses (statutory rape and incest): and kidnapping
(including parental abductions] (1BR Resource
Cemer. 2002).
Although these changes will yield useful infor—
mation for researchers. keeping track ofthese details
about victims and arrestees [in addition to simply
counting offenses and incidents) leads to many corn—
plications. Emcring all the data om police files into
the proper computer fields is very time consuming.
costly. and complex. cspeciallywhen a sin e incident
involves several different offenses inorethan one viccim, many offenders, and. multiple arrests. Eventually
routine analyses of in-depth statistics from tlae
N[BEsS database wiLl appear in an annual supplement
called Victims and ( J émr m: Incident-Beret! lr mjjbrm
Crime errr s [Ileaves, I‘J‘Ii.‘ () ice of justice
Programs. lEil iT: Chilton. Major. and Propheter.
mus: Fur, 1999].
Already. some dam—mining studies exclusively
from the NlliRS archives answer some troubling
questions. For example. an analysis of roughly
1.2110 cases of abductions in the 12 states that had
switched over to NiiillS by l JEi’r‘ shed light on a
previously overlooked subcategory of “holding ofa
person against his or her will": acquaintance kidnap—
ping. This newly recognized offense includes situations such as when a teenage boy isolates his former
girlfriend to punish her for spurning him. or to pres—
sure hcr to return to hint. or to force her to submit
sexually, or to evade her parents efforts. to break
them up. Also included are incidents in which
gang members spirit of rivals to inrimidate them.
retaliate against them. or even to recruit them. in
these types of hostage-takings, the perpetrators tend
to bejuvenilesjust like their teenage targets [as op—
posed to adult strangers who snatch little children).
the abductions take place in homes as opposed to
public places: and the victims are more likely to be
assauhed [Finkellror and Urinrod, 211011).
Several studies using NJBRS data have revealed
important findings about murders. Hderly people
are rttore likely to be fatally assaulted by attackers
ED CHAPTER 3
they know than by complete strangers such as robbers [(Ihu and Kraus. 2[H]4}. Murders of intimate
partners teitd to be conuttitted Late at nigltt, during
weekends, aitd in the midst of certain holidays
ntore often than at other times {Vazquez Stohr.
and Purkiss. 2MB). lm. the higher homicide rate
in Southern cities may not be due to a presiutted
subculture of violence or “code of honor" that
compels iitdividuals likely to lose fights and suffer
beatings to stand up to the aggressors to save face
(Chilton. Hill-1}.
The polite force iit Austin. Texas. was the first
to switch to this coittprehensive data collection and
reporting system. but other bighcity police departntents that deal with a huge volume ofcrime reports
have had etouble meeting NIDIL‘S goals and timetables so complete implementation has been postpoited repeatedly. North Dakota and South
Catolina were the first mo states to adopt NIBJL‘i
formatting in J F Ji. Ii-y 2min, 2‘} states aitd the
District of Columbia ltad converted their datagathering and record—keeping systems (Barnett—
Esyan. 2mm. As greater numbers of local Law
enforcement agencies and state data—collection clear—
inghouses phase iit the NJBRS format. the wealth of
details in the F.Ll[ s Uniform Criitte Report will
increasingly resemble the information derived from
the National Crime Victimization Romy. But one ma_jor difference will persist: Ut JR and NIBIIS figures
will continue to be based solely on crimes known to
local police forces and sheriffs departments.
The 315 s Hawaii-n: Wet mita oo
Sunvey (NM)
Criminologiso. and vietiittologists ltave reservations
about the accuracy ofoificial reoords kept by police
that form the basis ofthe FBl s III-CR. Tallies maintained by local law enforcement agencies surely are
incomplete due to victim non- reporting. Occasionallythese closely watched statistics may be distorted as
a result of political pressures to either downplay or
inflate the total number of incidents in order to nta—
nipulate public opinion {for example. see Bhu,2[l(]fi].
Dissatisfaction with official record-keeping practices has led criminologists to collect their own data.
The rst method used was the self-report survey.
Small samples of people were promised anonymity
and cmt dentiality iftltey would "eonfcss" oit questionnaires about the crimes they had committed.
This line of inquiry coitsistently revealed greater vo—
lumes of illegal act. than were indicated by official
statistics in government reports. Self—report surveys
con rmed the hypothesis that large numbers ofpeople broke the law (especially during their teens aitd
twenties). but most were never investigated. arrested.
or convicted. especially if they were tnembers of
middle- or upper-class families.
r’tfter establishing the usefulness of self-report
surveys about offenses. the next logical step for researchers was to query people from all walks oflife
about any street crimes that may ltave been contmitted against them rather than by them. These
self—report studies originally were called "victim
surveys." But that label was somewhat misleading
becatrse most respondents. answered that they were
not victims—they ltad not been harmed by street
crimes during the time period in question.
The first natioital survey about victimization
{based oit a random sample of Lilli-mi households}
was carried out in I‘J
for the President‘s
Commission oit Law Enforcement and the
Administration ofJustice. it immediately con rmed
one suspicion: A sizable percentage of individuals in
the sample who told interviewers that they had
been harmed acknowledged that they ltad not re—
ported the incident to the police. This additional
proofofthe existence ofa “dark figure" of unre—
ported crimes further undercut confidence in the
accuracy of tlte FBl s UCR stadstics for all offenses
except murder. and understored the importance of
continuing this alternative way of measuring victimization rates and trends.
In i J r ]. the federal government initiated a
yearly survey of businesses as well as residents in
26 large cities. but the project was discontinued
in was. [n WI“: the Census Bureau began iitter—
viewing members of a huge, randomly selected.
nationwide. stratified. multistage sample ofhouse—
holds (clustered by geograpltic counties]. Until
SOURCES. UFINFDlM TICllI ABOUT CRIME VICTIMS 51
1092. the undertaking was known as the National
Crime Survey {NCS}. After some revisions it was
retitled the National Crime Victimization Survey
(worst.
The Issues [t Addresses NCVS respondents altswer questions from a survey that runs more than
2i] pages. They are interviewed every siit months
for three years. The questioning begins with a series
of screening items such as. “During the last six
months did anyone break iitto your home?" if the
respondent answers yes. follow—up questions are
asked to collect details about the incident.
when completed. the survey provides a great
deal ofdata about the number of violent and prop—
erty crimes committed against the respondents the
extent of any physical injuries or nancial losses
they sustained. aitd the location and tiitte of the
incidents. it also keeps track of the age. sex. race.Ir
ethnicity, marital status. income level. educational
attainment. and place of residence of the people
disclosing their misfortunes to survey interviewers.
The survey records the victims descriptions of the
perpetrators and weapons, aitd accounts of self—
proteccive measures they took before. during, and
after the attack. Additional questions probe iitto any
relationship between the victim aitd the offender. as
well as reasons why the crime was or was not re—
ported to the police.
The survey is person-centered. ]t is geared to—
ward uncovering the suffering of individuals l2
years of age or older, and the losses experienced
by entire households (but not of workplaces. such
as burglaries of offices or robberies ofbanks]. The
questionnaire focuses on crintes of violence (forc—
ible rape. robbery. and aggravated assault) like the
HER. plus simple assault. but not murder. it also
inquires about two kinds of tltcfts frotn individuals
{personal larceny with aitd without contact}, and
three types of stealing directed at the common
property of ltouseholds—burglary. Larceny. and
motor vehide theft—again. just like the UCR (except that criittes against collectivities like organizations and corruttercial enterprises are not included).
The list of offenses analyzed in the NIH/S now
includes identity theft but it is far from exhaustive.
For example. respondents are not quizzed about
instances of kidnapping. swindling. blackmail extortion. and property daittage due to vandalism or
arson.
Tlte beneftt ofsurvey research is that it eliittinates the futility of attempting the impossible: interviewing every one of the nearly 251i] million
people 12 years old or older liviitg in nearly [Iii
million households in the entire United States in
211% to nd out how he or she fared in the past
year. The combined experiences of the nearly
]35.[}ll{] individuals over the age of 1] living in
roughly Trail-l1” households randomly selected to
be in the national sample can beprojected to derive
estimates oftlte total number ofpeople throughout
the country who were robbed. raped. or beaten,
aitd ofltouseltolds that suffered burglaries, larccnies,
or car thefts.
Shortcomings of the Data A: the survey s iit—
ce-ption. the idea ofasking people about their rcceitt
misfortunes was hailed as a major breakthrough that
would provide more accurate statistics than those
found in the (Hill. Liut for a number of reasons
the technique has not turited out to be the foolproofmethod for measuring the “actual" crime rate
that some victimologists had hoped it would
be. {For more extensive critiques of the methodology. see Levine. L J r fi: IZ‘rairofailo. 191i]: Skogan,
Nil-1b. I‘J o: Leltiten and Skogan, I‘JHL , ILeiss.
l‘ill-l. 1939: Schneider. Nil-1 , (J llrien. 1935.
Mayhew and I-lough. l‘i HS , Fattah. l‘J Jl , and
Lynch and Eddington. 2ll(] .- ].
First. the findings of this survey,like any other.
are reliable only to the eattent that the national sain—
ple is truly representative of the population of the
whole country. If tltc sample is biased {in terms of
factors connected to victimization. such as age, gettder. race, class. and geographical location]. then the
projections ntade about the experiences of the
roughly 250 million people who were not quescioned in 2011(- will be either too high or too low.
Because the NEW? is household-based. it might Etil
to fully capture the experiences of transients. (such
as homeless persons} or people who wish to keep a
low profile (such as illegal immigrants).
62 enAPtER 3
Second. the credibility ofwhat people tell pollsters is a constant subject of debate and a matter of
continuing concern in this survey. Under-reporting
remains a problem because eomittunicacion barriers
cait inhibit respondents from disclosing details
about certain crimes committed agaimt them {incidents that they also probably refused to bring to the
attention ofthe police}. .i’rny systematic suppression
of the facts, such as the unwillingness of wives to
reveal that their husbands beat them, of teenage
girls to divulge that they suffered date rapes, or of
young men to admit that they were robbed wltilc
trying to buy illicit drugs or a prostitute s seatual
services. will throw off the survey‘s projection of
the true state of affairs. Furthermore, crimes comittitted against children under 12 are not probed (so
no information is forthcoming about physical and
sexual abuse by caretakers. or ittolestations or kid—
nappings by acquaintances or strangers). Memory
decay {forgetting about incidents) also results in
information losses. especially about minor offenses
that did not involve serious injuries or expenses.
But over—reporting can occur as well. Rotate
respondents may cteaggera te or deliberately lie for
a host of personal motives. Experienced detectives
Filter out from police statistics any accounts that do
not sound believable. They deem the charges to be
"unfounded" and decide that no furtlter investigation is warranted [see Chapter (1). But there is no
such quality control over what people teLl NEVIS
interviewers. The police don t accept all reports of
crimes at face value, but pollsters ittust. “Stolen"
objects actually may have been misplaced. and an
accidentally shattered window may be mistaken as
evidence ofan attempted break—in. Also. no verifi—
cation of asserc ons takes place. If a person iii the
sample discusses a crime that was supposedly re—
ported to the local police. there is no attempt to
check to see ifthe respondent s recollections coincide with the information in the department’s case
Files. anmd telescoping is the tendency to vividly rerrteittber traumatic events and therefore be—
lieve that a serious crime occurred more recently
than it actually did [within the survey s reference
period of"the previous six months"). it contributes
to over-reporting because respondents think a
crime should be counted, when actually it was
committed long before and ought to be excluded.
Ii-ecause being targeted within the previous siat
months is a relatively rare event. tens of thousands
of people must be polled to find a sufficient number
ofindividuals with incidents worthy ofdiscussion to
meet the requirements for statistical soundness. For
example. about LEHIIH people ittust be interviewed in
order to locate a handful who were recently robbed.
Estimates derived From small subsamplcs (such as
robbery vicc ms who are elderly and female) have
large margins ofcrror. The fol z’l i‘thcrefore requires
a huge sample and bccornes very expensive to carry
out.
Even with a relatively large number ofparcici—
pants, the findings of the survey can only describe
the situation in the nation as a whole. The seriousness of the crime problem in a particular city.
county. or state cannot be accurately determined
because the itational sample is not large enough to
break down into local subgroups of suliicient size
for statistical analysis (with a few exceptions).
Furthermore. the projected absolute number of in—
cidents {olfenses committed and victiitts harmed)
arid the relative rates (victims pcr i.[l(}li people)
are really estimates at the midpoint of a range
{what statisticians call a con dence interval).
Therefore. NEII’S rates always must be regarded
as approximate. plus or minus a certain correction
factor [margin of error) that depends mostly on the
size of the entire sample [all respondents] or a specific subsample, such as low—incoitte young men.
living in cities, who were robbed.
The NCVS ltas improved over the years as
better ways ltave been devised to draw representa—
tive samples: to determine which incidents coincide
with or don t fit crimc definitions: and tojo-g re—
spondents memories. Beginning iit i Jiifi. ejuescions
probing several new subject areas were asked of
victims: whctlter they thought the offender was
high on drugs or alcohol at the time oi the crime.
how they behaved while under attack {selfprotective measures). what they were doing when
trouble struck (corruttuting. shopping. and so forth):
and what contacts they ltad with agents ofthe criminal justice system (Taylor. I‘JH‘J).
SDURCE . UFINF DllM TICllI ABOUT CRIME VICTIMS B
During the early 1900s. the survey was filte—
trrned once again. An advisory panel of criminal
juscice policy makers, social scientists victim advo—
cates, aitd statisticians redesigned some quescions to
provide cues that could help victims recall events
aitd details. especially about incidents involving
nonsctangers. r rlso. more explicit quescions were
added about sexual assaults (involving unwanted
or coerced seiiual contact) that fell short of the
legal definition of rape. and about outbreaks of
domestic violence (simple assaults) (Hoover. 1994.
aitd Klnderinann. Lynch. aitd Cantor, [99?].
Over about 35 years, the survey s questions have
been refocused. clarified. aitd improved. Dirt the ac-
curacy ofthe Nt JVShas su iered because of waves of
budget cuts. To save money. thesample size has been
crirttrrred repeatedly. and consisted of about Il‘rJJUU
individuals in Tl‘ftillllll households across the nation in
ZlJEH r. (liver the decades. expensive “paper and pencil
interviews" ( l’hl l} carried out at people s homes
have been replaced by follow—up phone calls
(computer—assisted telephone interviews [lIthn aitd
mail—in questionnaires. The response rate for iitdivi—
duals who were invited to participate has slipped to
about lif- percent. in other words, [1 percent ofpeople chosen for the study dedined in 2mm {Rennison
aitd lland. 20H}: Rand and Catalano,2[l(]’.-‘).
The sample used for the 2mm NCVS was adjusted to reflect derrrographie cltanges. but some
highly technical correctiorrs could not be impleh
mented because of insullicient funding. The DJS
caucioned that the overall findings from the JUNE":
survey were not scictly comparable with the find—
ings from previous years due to differences lit the
samples ofpeople living in rural areas.
Corriparlng the HER and the NM
For victimologists, the greater variety of statistics
published in the Nl Ili i olfer many more possibilicics for analysis and interpretatioit than the ittuch
more limited data in the lr fIR. But both oilicial
sources have advantages and can be considered to
coittplerrreitt each other.
The (ICE. not the NICE/5 . is the source to turn
to for information about murder victims because
questions about homicide don t appear on the survey. However. two other valuable. detailed. and
accurate databases for studying homicide victims
are death certificates as well as public health records
maintained by local coroners‘ and medical exaittiners o ices. These files may contain irrforrttacion
about the slain person s sex. age, racer ethnicity,
ancestry. birthplace, occupation, educational attain—
ment and Zip code of last known address
(for eatamples of how this non-ir R data cait be
analyzed, see Karmen. ZlJIHJ).
Tire [ICE is also the publication that presents
information about ol l‘icers slain in the line of duty.
college students harmed on campuses, aitd hate
crimes directed against various groups. The [ICE
is the place to go for geographically based statistics;
it provides data about the eight index crimes reported to police in di ierent towns and cities. entire
metropolitan areas, counties. states. and regioits
of the country. NHVS figures are calculated for
the whole country, four geographic regioits, and
urbani suburbaltr rural areas. but are not available
for speci c cities. counties. or states [because the
subsamples would be too small to analyae). The
”FIR. but not the NC VS. calculates the overall
proportion of index crime cases that are solved by
law en i orceittcnt agencies. Incidents counted in the
UCR can be considered as ltaving passed through
two sets of authcncicity filters: viccirrrs felt what
happened was serious enough to notify the authorities shortly afterward. and olficers who lled out
the reports believed that the complainants were
telliitg the truth as supported by some evideitce.
Although liittited information about arrestees is
provided in the UCR. this annual report doesn t
provide any descriptions of the people harmed
by rapists. robbers. assailants, burglars, and other
thieves (until the NIDRS replaces current recordkeeping formats).
NUDE interviewers collect a great deal of information about the peoplc who claim they were
harmed by street crimes. The NC VS is the source
to turn to for a more inclusive accounting ofwhat
happened during a given year because it contains
information about incidents that were itot reported
to the police. The yearly surveys are not alfected by
64 anPtER a
any changes in the degree of cooperation—or
level of tension—between community residents
and their local police, by improvements iit record
keeping by law enforcement agencies, or by temporary crackdowns in which all incidents are taken
ittore seriously. ll-th the NEWS interviewers rttust
accept at face value the accounts respondents describe. Also. the Nt’JI’S annual report has nothing
to offer about murders. line—of—duty assaults aitd
deaths ofpolice officers, offenses committed agai itst
children under [3. robberies aitd burglaries directed
at commercial establisltitteitts. and injuries from in—
tentionally set fires.
Even when both ofthese official sources collect
data about the sarrre crimes the ndings might not
be strictly comparable. First ofall, the definitions of
certain offenses {such as rape] cait vary. so the numerators may not count the saint incidents. The
{KER keeps track only of rapes of women and girls
while the h ffVScounts sexual assaults against males
as well as females. The IJFIR includes robberies aitd
burglaries of commercial establishments, but the
NI IVE does not.
In addition. the dcnorttinators differ. While the
Fiji computes incidents of violence "per illUJJIHJ
people.’I the LijS calculates incidents "per l,l][fl]
people age 12 or older." For property crimes. the
NI’.‘ VS dcnomiitator is "per 1.0“!) households," not
individuals {the average household has between
two and three people living in it}.
Therefore, it is difficult to make direct compar-
isorrs between the findings of the Hill? and the
NI’.‘ VS. Tire best way to take full advantage ofthese
two official sources ofdata from the federal govern—
ment is to focus on the unique inforittacion pro—
vided by each data collection system.
USING DATA I‘D- BRIHG THE
BIG PICTURE INTO FOCUS
The two official sources ofgovernment statistics can
yield useful information that answers important
questions about everyday life. such as. “How often
are people harmed by lawbreakers?"
Victimologists look at both raw numbers aitd
rates. Raw numbers reveal the actual numbers of
victims. For example, the body count or the death
toll is a raw number._]ust about 110m] people were
murdered in the United States during 2ll fi. Rates
are expressed as fractions or ratios that project the
odds, chances. or risks of vic tiittizac on in a year.
The numerator of the fraction counts the number
of individuals actually harmed. while the denomi—
nator reveals the total number of possible targets.
Rates are usually presented with a standardized base
{e.g.. for every LUIJII people. per UK)” households.
or per liHJJIUlf vehicles]. Rates are the appropriate
measurements to use when comparing the incidence of crirrre iit populations of unequal size.
such as the seriousness ofthe violence problem in
different cities or countries, or at di erent periods
of time.
The total population of the United States was
close to 3IIHJ million in ZlJEls r. Dividing lT-‘Jl llifslay—
ings by 2‘35 million people yields a tiny quotient
that converts (move the decimal point five digits
to the right] to a murder rate of about 5.? killings
per HHHJEHJ inhabitants. That means that for every
HHJJJEHJ people of all ages throughout the land. five
or sit perisltcd from violence during that l2-month
period. Giving the same statistic a more upbeat spin
by accentuacing the positive. that murder rate ofless
than siat per 11][I.[}lI{] reveals that 99.994 out of
every lilif ll Americans were itot slain in 2mm.
{Note that when working with statistics and round—
ing of numbers such as body counts aitd itturder
rates, it is easy to forget that each death represents a
terrible tragedy for the real people whose lives were
prematurely terminated. and a devastating loss
for their families]
The LijS‘s MCI/S doesn t generate data about
murders. but it yields estimates (plus or minus some
small correction factor because of sampling error) of
the number ofpeople who endure rapes. robberies.
assaults, burglaries, motor vehicle thefts. and other
larcenies each year. The standard definitions used
by police departments for Ir iR purposes aitd by
NC L’S interviewers appear side by side in Table 3.1.
Also shown are esdtnamd numbers of incidents and
victimization rates for 2ll f: derived from bod} data
collecting programs.
TABLE 11
SOURCES. DFINFDRMATIDN ABOUT CRIME VICTIMS 55
Estimate-II Iifitzlitriliitlion Ilat
from the um and the NEW. mo
\‘Ir hen reading Table 3.]. not: that the de nitions are parallel but not idenucal. Recall that the
NCI’S and (ICE victimization rates are not directly
comparable. I Itesmndarddenominators for the Ii l IR
C rne
HER Dell-Milan
mm
late (per routine]
Mu der
FIBI‘CIIHE Rape
Robbery
Aggravated
Assault
Sinqale Assault
Personal Larceny
Burglary
Larceny-Than
Motor Vehicle
Theft
The willfdtnonnegllgent] klllingofone human be ng
by another: Includes manslaujtterand deathrcluetio
recklessness; m5 dead-u due toarcidents.
sulcide-s. andjustiflable homicldec in self-defense.
The carnal knowledge ol a. female forcirly and
against her wlll; incl-ides attempts,- excludes other
sexual assaults and statutory rape.
The talc-so of or atternptlng to take anything of
valuefrom thecare. cmtody. or control ofaperson
or persons by force or threat of force; include-5
commercial utablishments and carjacklng. armed
and unarmed.
The mlawful attadting of one person by another
for the purpose of Inflicting severe bodilyI injury.
olten by use of a deadly weapon; Includes
attempted murder and severe- h-eatinga of family
members; occlude-r simple. unarmed assaults.
Ilo weapon coed. minor wounds infllcted
Not a separate category
The mlawful entry of a structure to commit a
felony or thel1.- Includes mlawful entry without
applylng force to resldences and commercial and
government premises.
The tnlanrfultalting. carryingleadlng or ricisgaway
ol property Irom the posse-salon ofanother; includes
purse snatchlng. pocket plck‘ng. thefts fronts-erodes.
thefts of partsofvehicIesandrhoplilt Isgenchdes
the ureol force orfraud to obta n possessions.
The thelt or attempted drivlng away ol a vehide;
include: automoblles. truclu. limes motorcycles
snotwnoblles. and commercially owned rehlcles;
encludes farm machinery and boats and planes.
HIDE}
93.0110
not measured
not rneasu ed
LIB-LINN]5.6010“)
1.1510“!5.?
31
1‘9
253
not computed
not computed
1 29
2.20?
353
CI IM
NC‘LI S Defitition
attidenla
lute Ipor tantrum
NIL-“ ler
Flap-e
Not included in use-surrey
Thecarnal knowledge ofamaleor female througs
the use of force or threats of rlolence; Includes
attempts as Itroll ac vernal threats: excludes :eaual
contacts and statutory rape.
not measured
orerall‘ 192.0110
completed 11?.EIDI]
attempted 36.000
not computed
ED
SD
3|]
66 CHAPIER 3
TAIL! 3.1
[Mlllled]
Cl‘il I le
m DeI Iidll
Incidents
Ilole [per limos]:
Sexual Assault
Flowery
Aggravated
Assault
Simple Assault
Personal Thelt
Household
Euglary
Thelt
Motor Vehicle
1helt
The imposition ol unwanted semi contact {grahblng. Iondliigi with or IrtritJI rrout force: nclucles
attempts and threats: excludu molestations of
children under 11.
The taking directly from a person oi property or
cash by loroe or threat oi force with or without a.
weapon; includes attempts.- eircluzles commercial
establishments.
The attacking oi a person Irrith a weapon.
regardless of Irlirliether an injury is stetained:
includes attempts as Irtrell as attadts without a
Iweapon that result In serious injuries; escluoes
severe physical abut! ol children under 12.
The attackiig of a person Iriithout a weapon
resulting In rninor wounds or no physical Injury;
includes attempts and lntralamily violence.
The tllelt of cash or possessions from any place
other than the vict m s home or its immediate
IrIlitinity wluiout the use of force or threats;
includes pocket picking and puse matchan as
well as attempts.
memlawlul entryol a residence. garage. or shed.
usually but not always for the purpose oi melt,includes attempts: excludes commercial or governmental premises.
The tllelt of property or cash without contact:
includes attempts to take unguarded possessions
as mall at lamenievs comitted by persons invited
into the home.
The driving away or taking Irtritl rrout authorisation
ol any household s motorised uelilcle», includes
attempts.
overall 59.0w
ovemll "3.11m
completed HEADNattempted 23D.DDD
ovemll 13qu
overall 3.??1Dm
overall 113.1101
overall 31551309
completed 2.E-IE.I:IDD
attempted i13.DDll
overall 14353.0“)
overall 391.00:
in
HE
L530
Till
3320 lpef 1E|E|.|2||2|D
households]
LIN
ll]
12.190
WE.§uh“
in nu;- ool add no b mlaln uumolrauodiry-rrm
AI will are m;
AI MM rate-we rounded on La the Mthl1a.
"Ea! mites min multiplied is,- 100 lumi
tnim comparable Iour
Orkll - mph!!! 1- alienated
50mm Far. LID! sins: BIS S "Eli-S ma, rand smmlamm.
meson: prr JlJllJHJiJ individuals ofany ago. E orNCl
mes an: per 1.0““ persons 1.2 yum of age or older.
Furdicrmose. leJVh‘ property crime nuts are calculated as. per LiIIlHJ households and therefore do not
um risi- int nts Mnr undl u
toms-rites! 1m
correspond Iica ym chi: Flil spor IIJELUUiJ individuals.
To facilimm mush comparisons, NCL S mus won:
promoted in Total: 3.] as For every IiIlLiltliJ simply
Ivy mquph-ing the published rate per |.l)l)ll by Hill.
SDURCE . UFINF DllM TICllI ABOUT CRIME VICTIMS 5?
Glaneing at the data from the HER and the
NIH/S presented in Table 3.]. the big picture taltes
shape. Note that tlte numbers of incidents and the
victimization rates front the MCI/ 5 are consistently
higher than the HER figures for each type of offense. The main reason is tltat the NCI’S numbers
include crimes not reported to the polioe. and
therefore not forwarded to PR] headquarters.
like.
Lioth sources ofdata expose a widely believed
myth. Contrary to any false impressions gained
from newsmedia coverage and television ormovie
plots. people suffer from violent crimes much less
frequently than from property crimes. Every year.
theft [a broad catch-all cancgory} is the most common crime of aLl. Burglaries are the seoond most
common form oi" victimization. and motor vehicle
thefts rank tltird. According to NCI’S findings. thefts
of possessions—the stealing of iucms left unattended
outdoors plus property or cash taken by someone
invited into the home. such as a cleaning person or
guest—touched an estimated ]2.l )i] out of every
liJEII.EHI|ll households. or roughly I2 percent in
211043. Fortunately. this kind of victimimtion turns
out to be die least serious: most ofthese cases would
be classified as petty thefts inflicting expenses ofless
than $250. The NCVS finding about how common
thefts are each year is con rmed by the UIEJR.
Larocnies of all kinds [inchrding shoplifting til-om
stores in the HER definition] vastly outnumber all
other types of crimes reported to police. These everyday thefts when added mgether cost individuals
and stores about $51: billion in 21th. Financial losses
from burglaries of residences and commercial prop—
erties added up In $4 billion that year.
As for violent crimes. fortunately a similar pat—
oern emerges! The most common is the least serious
type. Simple assaults [punching kicking. and slap—
ping] are far more liltelyto take place than aggravated
assaults, robberies. rapes. or murders Aggravated assaulll. which are intended to seriously wound or kill.
ranlsedsecond in frequency on the NEVER. According
Do the E. (2R.aggravated or feloniousassa ults werethe
most common type ofviolent offense reported to
the police, but that is because the tr t JR doesn t
monitor the number of simple assaults committed.
Only the number of arrests for simple assaults, not
the number of incidents. appears in Part ]I of the
USE: NIBRS keeps traclt of both statistics but a
nationwide tally is not yet possible.
Robberies talcc place much more ofucn than
rapes. The NCI’S keeps track not only of rapes
but also of other sexual assaults {fondling. grabbing,
even verbal threats to do so). Unfortunately, more
than halfofthe rapes disclosed to the NIEIVS interviewers were compleucd acts. and not attempts. The
smaller HER estimate of the total number of
incidents indicates that many rape victims lwho dis—
closed their problemsto interviewers were not will—
ing to bring their plight to the atucncion of police.
Also. the [ICE only counts forcible rape-s of girls
and women but not sexual assaults against boys or
men. Both sources of data agree that rapes take
place much less often than nonscxual assaults or
robberies.
n analysis of the "big picture" indicaocs. that
the most terrible of all violent crimes—homicide—
is the least likely of all to be committed. according
Do lr t lR data. But because the consequences of kill—
ings are so devastating. murders {and robberies that
potentially could cscalaoc into slayings) will be the
focus of the neat: chapter.
SUMMARY
Statistics. can convey important information about
crimes and their victims. but consumers of nuineri—
cal data mustascertain exactly what was counted hornI
accurate the measurements are. and whether vested
inuerests are promoting particular interpretations.
The two leading sources of data about crime victims published annually by the US. Department of
Justice are the FBJ’s [fulfil-ms Crime Report and the
1315 s Nirrr wrrri Chime Vir rirun errriorr Surrey. The {HER
draws on police files and is useful to victimologists
6! CHAPTER 3
who want to study murders, but it is oflimited value
Ior research into other kinds of victimiutions. The
NET/S oontains information about a wider range of
violent and property crimes and gthers data direcdy
Irom members of a large national sample who answer
questions about their experiences over the past six
momhs. Victimization rates are expressed per Hill]
in the NCI’S orper ll Kill ll in the LICK in facilitate
fair comparisons between groups, cities. or countries
of different sizes.
IIE IIII TEIIM 5
big picture. 52 spin. 53 Crime (Iloclt. 55 range [con dence
statistics, 52 [In irmr Crime Report index crimes, 5H interval}, (‘2
of cial statistics, 5] NIGEL 54 hierarchy rule. 58 ”W numbers, 5“
victimization rates, 52 MIWWI Crime self-report survey. iii] ““35- ( 4
Ir i riiirriz-ritr nn Surrey
{Nt Il’S}. 54
correlation. 54
patterns. 52
trends. 52
profiles. 53:
memory decay. (:2
forward telescoping. r12
QUESTIONS FOII DISCUSSION AND DEBATE
1. Choose some statiso cs presented in this chapter
and interpret them in two ways: first, make
them seem as alarming as possible: and second.
portray them as reassuring as possible.
2. What kinds of data about crime victims can be
found in the Fli-I‘s annual [Inij bnn Crime
Reports? What are the sources ofinaccuracies in
these statistics?
3. Wluc kinds of data about crime victims can be
found in the li_[S s annual Mtr amil Crime
Victimization Surrey? What are the sources of
inaccuracies in these statistics?
CRITICAL THINKING QUESTIONS
1. What information about crime victims is not
systemacically collected by the [EUR and the
MCI/.1 or even the NiBllS? Why would this
additional information be important? How
could it be used?
2. Make up some hypothetical soenarios in which
people with a vested interest in convincing the
public that victimization: rates are either going
up or going down oould "shop around" for
LICK or MCI/"S statistics about robberies and
burglaries to support their claim.
SOURCES UFINFDlM TIDN ABOUT CRIME VICTIMS 59
SUGGESTED RESEARCH PROJECTS
Find out the latest rates per 1.[HJ.lI{JII people for
the index crimes for your home state by
searching the Fiji website that posts the [J‘L‘R
statistics. 1What crime rates are substantially
higher or lower in your state than for the entire
United States (as shown in Table ll]?
Find out the definitions and the precise wording
of the questions that are asked in the NCVS
by downloading the survey inscnament from the
HTS website. Discuss how the inquiries about
aggravated assault. rape. and other sexual assaults
are phrased and how respondents might be
confused or unclear about how to answer these
questions.
%
Violent Crimes:
Murders and Robberies
Focusing on Murders Checking Out Whether More
Using the UCR Robberies Arie Turning into
Murders
to Analyze Murders
Searching for Crime Waiter: Differential Risk: of Being
Detecting Trends in Interpersonal Robbed
“Glam-T Pruieeting Cumulative Risks
:22?” ”E" m“ "1 Murder The Search for Risk rat-ms
Changes over Time in Aggravated The Deterrninani: of
““53”" ”a” :fif il l ; and Liferqales
Uncovering Ivictimization Patterns Reducing Risks:
Making International How 53m 3 531:9 EVEN- 99:?
[Umlmm’ Ambivaience about Risk Taking
listening Comparative Risks: Putting From Crime Prevent-fan to
Crime in“! PEEPEEIW E Victimization Prevention
Focusing on Robberies Criminals as Victims
Robbers and Their Ii ictin irs Deterrence Theory
Using the NM as Applied to Ii ictinis
to Analyze Robberies Summary
FDCUSING ON MURDERS
This chapter focuses on people hanncd by vinieitt ori eiiders. especially by ino
rdercrs and robbers. {The plight of those who suffer :it the lursds of rapists wi
ll he
7-D
examined in Chapter IU.} Data from the {ICE and
the NEE/S will be used to answer a sec of unsecding questions:
I What are the odds ofbeing attarJted during any
given year? Annual incidence rates reveal the
risks faced by large numbers ofpeople.
What are the chances that a person will be
harmed by a criminal at least once during his or
her lifetime [not just in a single year}?
Cumulative rirltt estimate these odds by
projecting current situations into the future.
Does violent crime burden all eorrutt unit‘ies and
groups equally. or are sonte types ofpeople
more likely than others to be physically injured
and killed? Diii ertntiel. risks indicate the odds
of an unwanted event taking place for min“bers of a social grouping [for example: urban,
suburban. or rural residenix}.
[s violence a growing problem in rimeriean
society. or is it subsiding .’ Trend analysis
provides the answer.
Which dreaded event is an individual more
likely to directly experience—an accident. an
illness, or a crime? Comparative risks assess
the relative threats posed by eaelt kind of mis—
fortune to members of their group (for exam—
ple. the chances of being murdered versus the
odds ofdying in an automobile crash for
teenagers).
[s the threat of crime as serious a problem in
other societies as it is in the United States?
Intematiorial comparisons enable research—
ers to rank oouncrics according to their homi—
cide rates.
Ushg the tim to Analyze Murders
Murder is the rrrost terrible crime of all because it
inflict. the ultimate harm and the damage cannot
be undone. Thelcrsssiifferedby the departed person’s
survivors is total and. irreparable. iiuc the social
reaction to the taking ofa person s life varies dramatieally. It is determined by a numberoffaetors. among
them the state s laws. theoffender s state of mind, the
VIOLENTCI IIMES: MURDERS AHDRDEBERIES ’1
deceased s possible contribution to the escalation of
hostilities, thesocialstandingol cachparty. where the
crime was committed, how the person was dispatched. and whether the slaying attracted media
coverage. Some murders malte headlines, while
others slip by virtually unnoticed except by the
next of kin. Some killings lead to the execution of
the perpetrator. others ruled to bejuscifiable hoiiii—
cides result in no penalty and possibly even approval.
Homicide is broadly defined as the killing of
one human being by another. Not all homicides are
punishable murders. .I’rll murders are socially defined:
the determinations are carried out by legislators.
police o lcers and detectives; prosecutors and de—
fense attorneys. judges and juries. and even the
media and the public s reaction to someone s demise.
Deaths caused by carelessness and accidents are not
classi ed as murders (aldtough if the damage was
foreseeable. diey might be prosecuted as manslaugh—
ters:|. .r’scts involving the legitimate use of deadly
force in self—defense whether carried out against
felons by police officers or by private citizens under
attack {see Chapter 13). are also excluded from the
body counts. as are court—sanctioned executions.
The law taltes into account whethera killing was
carried out intentionally {with "express malice"]. in a
rational state ofrrtind ["deliberate"), and with advance
planning {“premeditation"). These defining characteristics of rst—dcgree murders carry the most severe
punisluiienu. induding [dependingon the state} execution or life imprisonment without parole. Killing
eertain people—police o iters. corrections olficers.
judges. witnesses; and victiiits during rapes. kidnap—
pings. or robberies—may also be capital o enses.
ii homicide committed with intent to in ict
grievous bodily injury {but no intent to kill] or with
extreme recklessness ("depraved heart"] is prosecuted as a second-degree murder. A homicide oommitted in the "sudden heat ofpassion" as a result of
the victim s piovocations is considered a "voluntary"
{or first-degree) manslaughter. The classic example is
"the husband who comes home to find his wife in
bed with another man.‘I .r’r negligent killing usually is
created as an "involuntary" (second—degree) malt—
slaughter. or it may not be subjected tocriminal prosecution at all.
1 2 time-ten -t
Second-degree murder is not a capital crime
and cannot lead to the dcatlt penalty. Offenders
convicted of manslaughter are punished less severely than those convicted ofmurder. "iome types
ofslayings have special names [see Holmes. 1994):
infanticide (ofa newborn by a parent). iilicide {ofa
child by a parent or stepparent). parricide (ofa par—
ent by a child]. domestic or intirrtate partner homi—
cide {of a spouse or lover). serial killing {several or
more victims dispatched one at a time over an extended pcriod). truss murder (several people slaugh—
tered at the same time and place}, felony murder
[committed during another serious crime, like robbery or rape). and contract killing {a professional
"hit" for an agreed-upon fee).
The first criminologists who were attracted to
victimology were drawn by the interaction be—
tween victims and oil enders. They were especially
intrigued by any prior relationships between the
two parties in cases of interpersonal violence. For
example. they wondered whether the killer and the
mortally wounded person had known eaclt other
[as intimates, adversaries. or casual acquaintances).
andwhcther those who wereslain shared many com—
mon characteristics with their killers. They also
wanted to nd out what groups ofpeople suffered
the greatest casualties. how they perisltcd. and what
caused the confrontations that led to untimely
deaths. In otherwords. they wanted to derive a pro—
le or statistical portrait of the "typical" murder.
killer, and victim.
IK E IVS interviewers ask no questions about
murders of household members. so the [ICE and
tlie reeords of coroners or rrtedical examiners are
tlie o icial sources of inlormation. HER guidelines
compel police oiiicials to lill out a Supplesuenlar-y
Homicide Report [SI-Ill.) about each killing in
dieir jurisdiction. The resulting SHR database provides iniormation about the age. sex. and race ofthe
victim and—isc detectives solved the case and made
an arrest—rlie aoctiscd person‘s age. seat. raoe.
weapon, motive. and relationsltip to the deceased.
Data derived from the FBI sSHRs ior EUH sheds
light on these issues. HER statistics indicate that men
die violently much more frequendy than women.
Year after year, at least three-quarters of the corpses
are ofboys and men (7 3pcrcei1tii12iHlfu].Also. about
9 out of liiofthc known o iendcrs wereteenage boys
or men {‘JI percent of the arrestees were males in
2mm. Therefore. most murders can bc categori ted as
male-on—male. when females get killed. the murderers usually turn out to be males (‘12 pereent were
in Zlill }. ("in the inlrequent occasions when lernales
kill, they tend to slay their own small children or the
men in their lives. rather than other women.
As for the race of those who were slain. the
UCR recognizes only diesc categories "white."
“black." and “other" (Asians) plus “undetermined or
unknown." {Note that most Hispanics were counted
as whites on rlte SHILs) During 2mm. half of all
who perished [54] pereent] were black. an almost
equal proportion were wltite [in percent). and the
rcrriaining 4 percent were of other races or of unknown background. Because about 1.4 percent of
the population identifies itselfas "black I on the latest
Census surveys. violent crime is a disproportionally
serious problem in African—American communities.
Year aft:r year. most murders uarn oLn to be intra—
raeial. not interracial [see Wood. i J‘jiJ). Focusing
solely upon Ione—o cndcrfsingle—victim killings car—
ried out during 2min, the UCR documented rliat
92 percent of black victims were slain by black offenders, and H2 pendent of white victims were killed
by white perpetrators.
As for age. the typical victims were in their late
teens. twenties. and thirties when they were killed.
Almost two—thirds [in]; percent in 2110(1) of those
who died violently were between ages [7‘ and 3 }.
An even higher proporo on of perpetrators fall into
this age range. As a result. many murders can be
characterized as young men slaying other relatively
young men.
For decades. the majority of killers have dispatched their adversaries with firearms—sometimes
rifles and. shotguns, but usually revolvers and pistols.
which account for about three-quarters of all gun
murders. lJcaths due tobullet wounds rose from Erlpcrcent in L JENJ to_just about 3 ” percent in [993.
before subsiding to fei- pcrcent in L J‘JH. inching
baels up to Til percent in ZlKII-l. and dipping back
down to fill- percent in 2mm. Knives and other
sharp instruments ran a distant second as the
weapons ofchoice. accounting for less than 15 percent of all deaths. The rest were killed by blunt
instruments. fists. and feet; hands (largely via strangulation and smothering). and other ways [explo—
sioris. arson, poisons. by being pushed, and other
less-frequent means).
Speci c relationships connecting victims and
offenders can be broadly categorized to shed ligltt
on certain patterns within slayings. Three ntain cate—
gories can be distinguished. The two were family
members {nudear or extended]: acquaintances. neigh—
bors. or close friends (including girlfriend or boy—
friend]: or complete strangers brought together by
fate. According to data fnmr police investigations
from the l JEPlls to 2EKJL’I. in the most common situation (ranging from 2‘) percent to Jul! percent] the offender was a friend or acquaintanoe. Killings ofone
family member by anodtcr added up to an additional
12 percent to I4 percent caclt year. Slayings by stran—
gers accounted for about [2 percent to [5 percent
of cases for which the relationship could be sur—
mised by detectives. Unfortunately. unsolved homi—
cides "of unknown relationship" (at the time the
SHRs were submitted) ntade up the largest category.
hovering betweenJSpercent and 45 percent in recent
decades.
[f detectives could determine the victim—
ofl ender relationship intltis residual grouping {which
presumably contains many diliicult-to—solve slayings by complete strangers). the percentages due to
family quarrels and con icts with friends and acquaintances probably would be much smaller. However.
looking only at solved cases. the old adage remains
true: tltata person is more likely to bekiLled bysome—
one he or she knotss than by a stranger [only 23
percent of the known killers in EUHG). liut if the
proportion of murders committed bysctangers is rising. that would be a frightening development be—
cause it is rrtore difficult to anticipate and guard
against attacks by unknown assailants (see Riedel.
l‘iii-TI‘). {SHEls are lled out shortly after killings
take place. Police departments do not send updated
reports to the UCR for "cold cases" that they solve
months or years later.}
As for the reasons for the confrontations that
claimed lives (what police departments and the FL“
VIOLENTCIIMES: MURDERS AHDRDEBERIES ’3
call "circumstances"). the 20m": SHlls expose some
widely held myths arising om T .’ shows and
movies. Of the more than ‘JfHKJ murder victims
whose circumstances were known. only eight
were labeled as prostitutes. "Gangland killings" of
mobsters claimed I [H lives but amounted to barely
1 percent of all murders nationwide. IJrug dealer
turf battles and drug—fueled brawls added another
9 percent. Killings arising
om clasltes between
rival street gangs accounted for less than 9 percent
of all murders in which the motive was known—
however, the nationwide death toll for “juvenile
gang killings" (motivated by or related to thc activities of a “youth ga.r|g"] added up to Etc-i in 211043,
making gang membership a risky business in many
urban neighborhoods. Robbers stolc more than
].[}ii{] lives. comprising about TI‘ pcroent of the
body count (see Hort 4.I below for a closer examination oftltese tragedies).
However. the largest category was “other argu—
ments" (15 percent ofall cases solved during EUi i6}!
heated disputes of all sorts. some trivial or based on
misunderstandings. If that miscellaneous grouping
of IS percent is added to "unknown reasons" aris—
ing from unsolved cases {35 peroent). then the mo—
cives for half of all killings can t be meaningfully
analyzed.
in sum. it is dil licult to generalize wh y killings
typically take place. But the statistical portrait that
emerges from UCR data is of young men shooting
other young men during confrontations over some
issue that seemed important to them at the time.
Searching for Crine Waves: Deter-thy
Trends in Interpersonal Violence
Each annual report from the lr R or the NCVS
presents the latest readings on the current state of
America s crime problem. But these arejust snapshots that depict what went on during a relatively
short time period—one calendar year. Trends refer
to changes that occur over longer stretches ofcimc.
Sharp increases in rates over several consecutive
years are commonly known as crime waves.
Downward trends indicating reduced levels of
1 4 titer-rte a
criminal activity can take place as well. Ironically.
there isn t a good term to describe a sudden yet
sustained improvement in public safety. Perhaps
the term crime trash (see Karmen, 2min) captures
the essence of such a profound and largely unexpected downturn (as a tumble in (lit: price ofshares
on the stock market is called a crash). To bring the
big picture into focus. a crucial question that must
be answered is whether street crime is becoming
more or less of a problem as years pass.
During the I Jfriis. a major crime wave en—
gulfed the country, aocording to the FBI s i J EJR.
which was the only annual souruc of nationwide
data during that decade. Since 1973. the findings
of the Bureau of _]ustice 5tatisties I JJJS) NICE/LS!
have provided an additional set of gurL-s to monitor the upward and. downward drifts in victimization rates. Acuording to both these monitoring
systems. crime rates "crashed" during the 1990s, as
the graphs below demonstrate. Is the United States
still in the midst of this crime crash? Few social
scientists, politicians. or journalise. would declare
that the "war on crime" has been won. Liut what
do the statistics derived from the two yearly
11
government reports reveal about the level of criminal activity in recent years? An: victimization rates
rising once again. remaining steady. or dropping
further?
Changes over Time In Murder Rates
Graphs are particularly useful for spotting trends at a
glance. Trends in homicide rates can be traced fur—
ther back than changes over time for the other
crimes. The MEIR has been monitoring rnurdersince
the beginning of the I Jlils. But another source of
data. drawn from death certificates and calculated by
the National (inter n Health Statistics. can be
tapped to reconstruct what has happened since the
start ofthe century. Graphing this data. as shown in
Figure 4.1. facilitates the identification of stop increases and sharp decreases in the homicide rate over
the decades. Long—term trends can then be consid—
ered against a backdrop of major historical events
affecting the nation as a whole.
As the trend line in Figure -l.] indicates. hoini—
cide rates climbed rapidly soon after the statistical
reporting system based on records from coroners
Homicides per 1m.000inhalai1ani_s
en
1900190519101915 191019251930|9I3519l4019|15195019‘551 01965 I9301915195019519901995
100020052010
Yeti r
Fl E U I E l..1 TI‘EndSir i Homicide Rates in the United Sl f . 1BiI1-1DDTI‘
sources: hlarienal Emmi lm Hearth Eighties, 11H; uni. 1001‘.
ol l rces was initiated at the outset ofthe I9llils. From
1903 to I‘ll! the murder rate soared from fewer
than one person killed out of every IEJILIHJEII each
year to neatly IE] per IENUHJEI annually. The number
of violent deaths plummeted after Prohibition
ended in 1.93:3. even though the economic hardships
ofthe “(ire-at [Zlcpression‘I persisted throughout the
193115. Only live slayings took. place for every
lilil ll inhabitants. during the years of World War
]l. A brief surge in ltillings broke out after most of
the soldiers reorrned home from the war. but then
interpersonal violence continued to dedine during
the Wills. reaching a low ofabout 4.5 victims per
liltl m people by I958.
From the mid-I‘J Els Do the late IWEis, the
number of slayings shot up again. This crime
wave reflected the demographic impact of the
unusually large baby-boom generation passing
through its most crime—prone teenage and young—
adult years. as well as the social turbulence that ar—
ose during the l Jfrlls and lasted well into the I‘J a‘ils.
n all—time high was recorded in I‘JHU, when the
homicide rate hit 1] deaths per liHlJIHJil people per
year {515. 1950:). Alter reaching that peak, murder
rates dropped for several years until the second half
ofthe I‘JHils. when the craclt epidemic touched off
another escalation of bloodshed. By the start of the
l‘i‘J’lls. murder rates once again were close to their
highest levels for the century. But as that decade
progressed. the tad of smoking crack and toting
guns waned. the economy improved. the proportion of the male population between [H and
24 years old dwindled and consequently the mur—
der rate crashed {sec Karmen, 21101]. Fort and
Zawitz, 20023. The death toll has remained rather
stable during the first decade of the twenty—first
century. as Figure 4.1 shows. With nearly 1T.[]|IU
victims in 2007‘. the U5. murder rate stood at
5.1’: killings per 1011,00” inhabitants, basically unchanged since the decatle began.
Changes aver Tlrno in Aggravated
Assault Batu.
Murder and robbery are the two crimes that are
the Focus of this chapter. but a lools. at aggrade
VIOLENTCIIMES: MURDERS AHDRDEBERIES ’5
assault trends also would be appropriate. By de nition. aggravated assaults result in serious injuries. or
involve attacks or threats of harm with a deadly
weapon. Therefore. sortie aggravated assaults are at—
Dcmp-ted murdcrsin which the victuns barely survived
(a bullet missed. its mark. a knife wound was not
fatal. a severe beating alth claimed a lifej. To put
it di erentiy. homicides are aggravated assaults that
in ict mortal wounds With some bad Iuclt or poor
medical care, an aggrade assault easily oould wind
up as a murder. [Imrversely. with good fortune, a
tragedy might be averted by ambulance crews and
hospital emergency room personnel, and an act of
violence that would have added to the body count
remains a near-death experience and instead is oflicially reoorded as an aggravamd assault. Whether a
victim ofan aggravated assault lives or dies depends
on several lactors. including the weapon used. the
severity of the wound, the injured party s pre—
existing health condition. and the quality ofrnedical
care received. According to a nationwide snidy that
analyzed the caliber oft-arious counties trauma care
systems. a continuous drop in the lethality ofassaults
since “Krill can be primarily attributed to advances
in emergency medicine [Harris et al., 2lltl2jl. The policy irnplidttion is that the most important way to
lteep the murder rate down is to help critically
wounded people stay alive by having eornpetcnt
Ell. doctors. nurses. and EMTson calL ready tospring
into action.
Lioth the HER and the NEWS keep records of
the annual number of aggravated assaults. Because
two sources of oHicial data can be tapped, a graph
depicting changes over time in assaults with a
deadly weapon can ltave two trend lines: one ac—
cording to the UCR and the other according to the
NUT/S. The graph shown in Figure 1.2 displays the
estimated rate For aggravated assaults committed
across the United States from [911 to BEING.
The Nf.‘ VS trend line shows that close calls and
near-death experiences of people shot or stabbed
declined slightly in frequency from the early 1.9?[is
until the early I‘J‘Jlls. Then the NCI’S was redesigned; the rate of aggravated assaults jtunpcd in
part because of the new measurement methods.
However, by the end of the J‘J Jils and for several
TIE CHAPTER -t
1.1 so:
are
1:
m 5 "
1, E
a “1 350 1 !
r. J
r was
t r E
C 250 3
L 5 r
. 2m .3»
E ll
15:: a
”i 4 E
rat:
a
50
0 0
assesses sasssassess»teasersastronomer
1": I
_ — I— “15:5ng assault. rate + UCR aggravated mull tall:
Fl Ii Ll I E 4.2 Trendsio Aggravated howl! Rates in the Llrtlted States. 1973-20
06
NDTE: MIPS Islam ndings arliu lh-d Io. mtn lhlk with redesigned me Indy.
S l lLES: FBI A WM Homeowners. 199mm.
years into the new century. a dramatic improve—
ment in the level of serious interpersonal violence
became evident from NI’W‘S Figures. Between
109.1 (when the survey was redesigned and the rate
hit a peak) and 2mm. aggravated assaults disclosed to
Nf.‘ VS interviewers "crashed" about (:0 percent.
LICK data show a different pattern. After years of
rising numbers ofrcports about serious attacks. cottt—
plaints to the police about aggravated assaults peaked
in the early l‘i‘J’lls. After that. just as the r siffVS line
on the graph indicated. the level of violenee stub—
sided substantially during the second half of the
1 J9lls and continued to dittunish gradually through
2mm. But unlike the Nl Il’S figures. the USE rates
in 2mm were low—but not at their lowest levels in
All years. During 2110?. reports to the police about
shootings. stabbings, and other aggravated assaults
once again drifted downward [FBI. ZlKJH].
Change: over. Tiara: in Robbery Rates Robbery
is often cited as the offense most people worry
about when they discuss their fears about crime in
the streets. Trends in robbery rates are displayed in
Figure 4.}. The {.lt JR trend line shows that robberies soared after 19?? and peaked in 191-3]. plunged
uncil 1935. and then shot up again to record levels
in the early I J‘Jils. After that. reports ofmugings
and hold-ups plummeted impressively until 2012”.
and then leveled out during the rst decade of the
2Ist century, rising a bit in 2006 and then falling
back a little during 2[H1T{FL1I. 201m}.
The .N CJVS trend line tells a sunilar. but not
identicaL story. It indicates that the robbery rate
fell between I974 and I‘J r‘éi, rebounded until
I JKI when it hit an all-time high. dropped sharply
during the early I‘JEHJL but then climbed back. up
from liiHr t until I J‘M. lter that. the robbery rate
VIOLENTCIIMES: MURDERS ANDRDEBERIES T?
H F- UI or
mm: [per 1,000perstlnel
H
N
u.
c.
200
G
a
[101 rule (per HILMD inhabitanlsl
El
3 M3 .3
é’ t
l
.W3 3%..
You
"a
.3" 32% .33
answers. ‘e e s‘e‘;
f’sf"
—.—a cvslare +uctme
F IG U I. E 4.] Trends In Bellamy ora in “reunited 518111. 1973-2015
”ME: lick intlucla. mpourcd (ammo-Sal robberies. IIJ HM. ”(is ndioga itlJr
h lily inIh tin
redrairjn 1m rut-rip.
source. Fart acts. mamas. arr-rams, sari—am.
ttrmbled from the second half of the walk uncil
21102. llobbery rates crashed an impressive (:5 percent between ]‘393 and 211112. reaching theirlowest
levels since the NCKSI surveys beyn, before creep—
ing up a little by 2111113.
The graphs depicted in Figures 4.I. 4.2. and 4.3
con rm the good news dtat violent crime rates ltavc
fallen dramatically. perhaps even ”crashed." from
their historically high {and politically imolerable)
levels in the early i J‘jils. UCR figures for 3107
showed violent crime totals were down slightly after
inching up in 211116 {FJJL 21th. To conclude from
these graphs showing favorable trends in murders.
robberies. and aggravated assaults that the "ttlrrrst
is over" trughc be overly optimistic. however.
Certainly. interpersonal violence is not "getting otn
ofhand" or "spiraling out of control" for the nation
as a whole. although speci c oontmunicies may be
rocked by sporadic spikes in lawlessness and blood-
rl Id: tamoat
shed. No criminologist or victimologist knows for
sure what the future holds.
Predictions about future crime waves or crashes
must be based on projected changes in a number
of underlying variables. Development: in some of
these root causes are very hard to anticipate. like
the emergence ofnc w drug epidemics. perhaps in—
volving methamphetamine. Other crucial variables
are difficult to measure. such as the willingness of
children of recem immigrants to maintain their
parents optimism about the American dream. And
of course. the experts don t agree about the reasons
why street crime rates rise and fall. Another crime
wave could break out or the dramatic improvement
in merica‘s crime problem that materialized as one
oentlury drew to a dose and another one began just
might toncinue after tlte current pause. But it is safe
1 ! crrAPtER s
to conclude that the ranks ofvietims oF violence are
not growing as rapidly as they were in the "bad old
days" of the l ifrlls. l‘i h. l Jll-lli. and early l‘J ills.
Uncovering Vielimhatlon Patmrns
Recognizing Differential Blah Victimization
rates for the entire population indicate how fre—
quently murders. rapes, robberies. and assaults are
committed against "average" Americans and how
often “typical" households suiFer burglaries and
motor vehicle theFts. [c is reasonable to suspect
that the chance ofbeeoming a victim is not uniform
For everyone but more likely for sortie and less
likely for others, just as different categories oF people do not face the same odds of getting hurt
accidentally—say, From a skiing rnishap—or oFcon—
tracting a particular disease. such as HIVIAIIJS.
People with attributes in common such as sex and
age may be affected by crime muclt more or much
less often than others. If these suspicions can be
documented, then any overall rate that projects a
risk For all Americans might mask important varia—
tions by subgroups. In other words. victimologists
must disaggregate. or break down. general victimization rates to reveal the rliii etential. risk: Eaced by
particular categories ofpeople.
A pattern within a victimiration rate is recognizable when one category sull ers signi cantly more
than another. The most obvious example is the incidence of rape. Females are much more likely to
be sexually violattd tlran are males. Searching for
patterns means looking for regularities within a seemingly chaotic mass oF inFormation and finding pre—
dicrability in apparently random evenn. To discover
patterns, researchers must sort through data collected
each year about various groupings of people and
households Ilrat participated in the MCI/S survey.
Patterns can emerge when rates are calculated separately for each grouping, especially by sex, age. race.
marital status, income class. and area of" residence.
Once a pattern has been established over the years
tlren the group s differential risks {as obscured in the
pastJ can be projected into the future. For example.
because men historically have suil ered assaults more
often than women (according to tlre annual surveys).
it can be predicted that men will Face greater risks of
being attacked than women next year and in the
foreseeable friture. unless profound social changes affecting interpersonal violence take place.
The diilerential risks derived From victimization patients will be investigated for the crimes of
murder and robbery.
Differential Risks of Busing Murdered As was
noted in Chapter 3. the murder rate in the United
States in aim was 5.? per l[)i],i][H]. That means that
between Five and six people ofall backgrounds were
killed. and at least ‘3 ).9 9-1 survived out oF every collection of 1.[|(J.ilii{i people. This statistic captures the
odds oF being slain for the ctitious "average"
Americas]. which is a useful social construct for certain purposes {for example. to compare risks faced lry
the average American to the average Canadian or
Mexicanj. But this composite statistic oonoeals as
much as it reveals. When the FBI compiles statistics
from SHRs and publishes them in annual U ‘s, a
number ofstriking patterns within homicides emerge
{which should be especially alarming for those who
fall into some or all ofthe high—risk categories. and
should be somewhat reassuring for members ofotlter
groupsa. The risks ofbeing murdered vary greatly lry
region ofthe couim y. area ofresidencc {urban. suburban. or rural]. seat. age, and race.
As for different sections oF the country. the
highest homicide rates For many years have been
found in the South (with 6.0 per ii ili