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Accounts on Ifugao rituals in the Municipality of Asipulo, Ifugao
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Accounts on Ifugao rituals in the Municipality of Asipulo, Ifugao
By Jon E. Royeca and Fatima Gay J. Molina
The people of Ifugao are part of the indigenous peoples that make up 5% of the world’s
population and control approximately 1 quarter or 14.7 million square miles of land in 87
regions (Daley 2018, cited in Jocson 2018: 422). Acabado (2014) highlighted that they
are known in the Philippines for their extensive rice terraces and two well-known figures
in the Philippine anthropology conducted extensive investigation about the Ifugao such as
Francis Lambrecht (1929, 1962, 1967) who focused on documenting traditional Ifugao
customs and Harold Conklin (1967 and 1980) who wrote the most significant works on
the Ifugao agricultural system and land use.
As part of the Ifugao customs, people perform rituals to commemorate life stages that
start from courtship, marriage, pregnancy, childbirth, infant care and child rearing,
adolescence, adulthood, old age, and, death and burial, which can occur in any of the
stage aforementioned. A ritual also performed when the dead is remembered and
appeased due to unfortunate events taking place in the lives of the living. People also
conduct rituals for the continuity of life as embodied in the communal work such as the
stages of agriculture that involves the planting of rice (Oryza sativa), driving away of
pests, invoking its abundant yields, harvesting of the produce, storage process, and taking
from the granary. The whole community is involved and everyone devotes time, delivers
labor, and shares possessions to make the rituals successful.
During the 12-day (October 25 to November 5, 2018) fieldwork of the Anthropology 197
undergraduate and Anthropology 278 graduate classes in Asipulo, Ifugao, we students
along with Sir Kiko, our professor, and Ram, his student assistant, had the privilege to
witness a number of rituals that will be chronicled as the paper progresses. This paper
was developed through the assistance of our informants- Al1 and Ben,2 along with our
partner institutions such as the Save the Ifugao Rice Terraces Movement (SITMo); the
National Museum in Kiangan, Ifugao (NMK); and the municipal government thorough
the Asipulo Culture, Arts, and Tourism Office.
Elements of Ritual Practice
a. Leader of Ritual
Mombaki, also spelled as Mumbaki, is a native shaman who officiates the conduct of
rituals. He leads the baki (prayer) recited and chanted during the conduct of rituals.
According to SITMo, the Mombaki is also the traditional ritualist, while the NMK noted
that the Mombaki serves as the ritual specialist. Over the years, it was expected that the
male would perform the role of the Mombaki since no female has ever served as such. He
1
A pseudonym of a cook interviewed in an Eco-Lodge at Barangay Antipolo, Asipulo, Ifugao last October
29, 2018.
2
A pseudonym of a local chanter and weaver in the municipality of Asipulo, Ifugao and one of the key
informants interviewed by the undergraduate and graduate classes throughout the duration of the fieldwork.
For this paper, the interlocutor was interviewed from October 27 until November 3, 2018.
never charges any amount for his services, but people pay him out of courtesy. He is
highly regarded in the Ifugao society and perceived as a man full of wisdom who grew
old over time learning from the mysteries of the ancient theism and have the capacity to
communicate with the gods and spirits.
b. Basis of Ritual
A person who desires better days ahead requests the conduct of ritual. If the person wants
a good marriage or a bountiful harvest, he asks a Mombaki for a ritual. It is completed
inside the house of the Mombaki or in the dwelling of the one who requested it when the
blessing asked for is intended for one or a few persons only. For the ritual on rice
planting, it is held outside of the house of the priest or of the requesting person for more
people to see it.
c. Process of Ritual
The conduct of ritual starts with the laying of talgan (rattan mat) on the floor inside the
house, on the ground in the enclosure, or outside of the house. The mombaki’s ritual tools
are placed on it such as: tingab (wooden container); a ligau (winnowing basket); a punamlagan (basket); a peme-ahan (wooden bowl); an aluwog (water container); a luhung ya
al-u (mortar and pestle); a guling, also referred to as pah-nay (jar for rice wine); moma
(betel nut), the seed of areca nut (Areca catechu); and the Bul-ul (wood carving that
embodies the rice god), represents the gods and aamod (spirits of ancestors).
The familiar food offerings are pigs (Sus scrofa domesticus). The natumuk (middle class)
and the niwotwot (lowest-ranked people), also spelled as niwetwet prefer this species as
offering. The kadangyan (wealthy ones) could add chickens (Gallus gallus domesticus)
and boast of carabaos or water buffalos (Bubalus bubalis). Offering carabaos is a chance
for the kadangyan to inform and remind the public of their nobility. They are affluent and
can afford the lavish sacrifice. It is also their time to don their pricey ornaments for these
completely separate and elevate them from the natumuk and niwotwot.
Each of these offerings is butchered before the Mombaki. He would check if the liver of
the first butchered animal foretells good or bad omens. If it shows bad or unsatisfactory
signs, another animal is butchered. To produce the desired forecast, some pigs are lashed
horribly. If the desired one becomes evident, the ceremonies would proceed and the rest
of the animal sacrifices are butchered.
To summon the presence of the Supreme God, lower gods, and the aamod, the Mombaki
would chant prayers such as the Hudhud3 epic or the olden Nun-akah myth. The invoked
Supreme Deity is Mat-ningan (also known as Mak-nongan). The Mombaki is seated on
3
UNESCO (n.d.) chronicled that the Hudhud consists of narrative chants traditionally performed by the
Ifugao community, which is well known for its rice terraces extending over the highlands of the northern
island of the Philippine archipelago. It is practiced during the rice-sowing season, at harvest time and at
funeral wakes and rituals. Thought to have originated before the seventh century, the Hudhud comprises
more than 200 chants, each divided into 40 episodes. A complete recitation may last several days. It is also
inscribed in the representative list of the intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of humanity in 2008.
the center of the talgan, with his hands wrapped across his legs or laid on his limbs. The
act is an imitation of the Bul-ul. He wears a bahag (g-string), while a baya-ong (blanket)
is draped around his shoulders. He chews moma.
After chanting, the Mombaki would catch with his hands blood dripping from the animal
and rub the blood on the Bul-ul, so that the gods could ease their thirst and also partake of
the offerings. He may dance while rubbing the blood.
When the animals are being butchered, there are instances when it is the older women of
the community who chant the epic or the myth. The chanting is also for soothing the
anger of the gods and the aamod. During the butchering and offering of the animals, men
beat gangha (flat gongs) in order that the summoned gods and spirits could be amused.
Once the animals have been cooked, the feast is served to the family that requested the
ritual, relatives of the family, residents, visitors, and even the curious ones. Bayah (rice
wine) also referred to as Tapuy in Ilokano is very strong liquor and the alcohol content is
about 28 proof or 14% (Department of Agriculture- Philippine Rice Research Institute
2000). The said wine is made from waxy rice mixed with powdered rice starter called
bubod (Sakai and Caldo 1985, cited in Sanchez et al. 1988: 240). It is abundant and
always drunk in rituals and feasts to weaken everybody and prevent anyone from
becoming a troublemaker.
Ritual as a reflection of Ifugao Social Organization and the People as a
Collective
The observation of rituals during the fieldwork not just provide us students a glimpse of
the lifeways of the Ifugao people but has made us realize the presence of inequality in the
Ifugao society. The kind of ornaments donned by the people and variety of animal
sacrifices depict different social classes in the performance of rituals. We have known in
the earlier part of the paper that there are those who are classified as the kadangyan,
known as the elites and the wealthy, next to them were the natumuk, the middle class,
and, the niwotwot, lowest ranked people. These groups’ offerings depend on what they
can afford. The kadangyan can offer not just pigs but can give as many chickens and
carabaos, while the natumuk and niwotwot are often limited with pigs.
Despite the presence of such inequality, the people of Ifugao alongside other
ethnolinguistic groups in Cordillera are united to achieve their autonomy. Ferrer (2005)
articulated that the second locus of ethnic mobilization is in the Cordillera in Northern
Philippines where a struggle for autonomy emerged in the late 1970s. The Southern
Philippines and the Cordillera stand out for their nature as armed resistance movements
from all the ethnic mobilizations and “ethnic” or “identity” issues in the country that
includes integration of the ethnic Chinese and other inter-ethnic dynamics among the
country's provinces, regions, and ethno-linguistic groups. This was based from the
examination of the nature and formation of the Philippine state, the “trigger” events that
led to the resistance, the revolutionary counter-elites, and, the resistance ideologies.
One of the most celebrated uprisings of the people in Cordillera is the fight against the
construction of Chico Dam. The said campaign took place in the late 1970s up to the
early 1980s (Remollino 2009). The resistance in the Chico Dam creation was
demonstrated through vochong 4 and has united manifold ethnolinguistic groups of
Cordillera Autonomous Region (CAR) that includes even those not living near the Chico
River and during this time, New People’s Army (NPA) was also involved in the
movement to oust the Marcos regime (Yogaswara 2001: 147).
CAR was established through Republic Act (R.A.) No. 8438, also known as, “An Act to
Establish The Cordillera Autonomous Region,” enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the Philippines in Congress last December 22, 1997. In the same year,
the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA), also known was RA No. 8371 or “An Act to
Recognize, Protect and Promote the rights of Indigenous Cultural
Communities/Indigenous People, creating a National Commission of Indigenous People,
Establishing Implementing Mechanisms, Appropriating Funds Therefor, and for other
purposes,” was enacted to govern the concerns of the indigenous peoples. Yogaswara
(2001) narrated that before the ratification of the law that recognizes the autonomy of the
Cordillerans, the Cordillera people have rejected two laws that will enable their
autonomy: the RA No. 6766, otherwise known as the Organic Act of Cordillera, which
was accepted by all provinces except the Ifugao through its plebiscite in 1990, and, the
RA No. 8433 that came about as an amendment to the earlier law, which was also not
agreed in the province of Apayao through the 1997 plebiscite in spite of other provinces
approval.
Last 2017, the Philippine government5 reported that the Department of Social Welfare
and Development (DSWD) have extended assistance to the people of Asipulo through its
Field Office in CAR for the people’s safety was endangered when the Armed Forces of
the Philippines (AFP) overran a suspected New People’s Army (NPA) during an
encounter last February 12 at a camp in Sitio Pinugao, Barangay 6 (Brgy.) Namal,
Asipulo, Ifugao. The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) through its spokesperson
Ka Wigan Moncontad7 published that the AFP declared an all-out war in the municipality
of Asipulo under the Duterte Regime through the 54th Infantry Battalion (IB) of the
Philippine Army and confirmed the encounter with the NPA, particularly the Nona Del
Rosario Command. CPP-NPA (and National Democratic Front (NDF)) defended the
people of Asipulo and with this, the AFP was defeated, resulting for the soldiers to fire
grenades at the Pacdal Day Care Center and even in private houses, and burning of
civilians’ clothing and cooking pots. The scenario poses that up to this day, there do still
4
Castro (2000) discussed that the vochong is the indigenous peace pact institution among the northern
Cordillerans. It is also called pechen by the Bontoks and kalon by the Tinguians. Traditionally, the vochong
was a bilateral pactamong two tribes. The vochong spelled out the pagta (terms) of the agreement and the
mangjun si vochong (peace pact holders) made sure that these terms were strictly enforced.
5
Philippine Government. “DSWD assists Filipinos affected by AFP-NPA clash in Ifugao.” Relief Web.
https://reliefweb.int/report/philippines/dswd-assists-filipinos-affected-afp-npa-clash-ifugao (accessed 22
March 2019).
6 A village, smallest political unit in the Philippines (Molina 2016)
7
Moncontad, Ka Wigan. “AFP Launches All-Out War Against The People of Asipulo, Ifugao.” Redspark.
http://www.redspark.nu/en/peoples-war/philippines/afp-launches-all-out-war-against-the-people-ofasipulo-ifugao/ (accessed 28 March 2019).
exist groups who actively fight for the struggle for equality and freedom in the
municipality of Asipulo and in Cordillera region at large.
Ifugao Theism
It was observed at present that majority of the people in Ifugao have embraced
Christianity. The students were able to witness this given the presence of catholic
churches in the municipality of Asipulo. Lambrecht (1957) highlighted that prior to the
introduction of Roman Catholic church, the people of Ifugao people subdivide the
universe into five regions: (1) Kabunyan (The Skyworld) i.e. the place where deities are
or Angadal (meaning the region above); (2) Dalom (The Underworld); (3) Lagud (The
Downstream Region); (4) Daya (The Upstream Region); and, (5) Pugao (The Region of
the Earth). In these five regions, the Ifugao worship two important classes of deities,
whom we may call the rice culture deities8 and the foetus-maker deities. They live in
special villages in the four supernatural regions (the Underworld, the Skyworld, the
Downstream and Upstream Regions). The Ifugao despite the presence of so many gods
and deities have no supreme being. These people however, have a confused notion on the
Supreme Being, embodied by Wigan of the Skyworld, who is the chief of all the others.
Although many Ifugaos already hold on to the Christian teachings and other religions that
started in the municipality of Asipulo, they still retain their animistic beliefs. We students
have learned that they still believe in the fact that the forces of nature and their ancestors
and departed still affect their lives and shape their destinies. The animist propensities are
favorable to the Ifugaos since it would maintain the practice of their rituals, which is part
and parcel of their local and indigenous knowledge, the core of their culture.
In the following section of the paper, the different rituals observed and shared by the
informants during the fieldwork in the municipality of Asipulo will be chronicled such
as: Lemet and Dang-lih, Bogwa, Kolot, Hing-ngot and Uy- uy.
A. Lemet and Dang-lih
Last October 29, 2018, we had the privilege to meet Al, one of the cooks in the EcoLodge that serve as our home in the field. It was raining hard that morning because of
Typhoon Rosita (international name: Yutu). The typhoon made a landfall in the
neighboring town, particularly in Dinapigue, Isabela in October 30.9 We were in the
8
Of the rice culture deities, those that inhabit the Underworld are believed to be the makers of the rice
paddies and the fertilizers of the soil. Their chief is called the Deity-Giving-Growth. Those of the Skyworld
give the rice plants. Those of the Upstream Region control irrigation and water supply and those of the
Downstream Region are the managers of the rice crops. They are especially invoked during and after the
harvest at which time they are said to come to man's abodes, swaggering and wobbling and zigzagging;
they drink rice wine, chew betelnut and finally go to dwell in wooden statues which are then put in the
granaries where they act as guardians over the rice supply and prevent too hasty consumption or even
increase the supply in a miraculous manner (Lambrecht 1957, 276).
9
Rappler. “Typhoon Rosita makes landfall in Isabela. Rappler. https://www.rappler.com/nation/specialcoverage/weather-alert/215517-typhoon-rosita-pagasa-forecast-october-30-2018-5am (accessed 22 March
2019).
kitchen and we talked about where the rainwaters were going since we could see them
cascading down the zigzagging streets. Al told me that they just went down and that the
soil just absorbed them. No floods could ever happen.
Then, since All Saints’ Day was coming, we also talked about the mourning for the dead.
We asked him how Asipulo residents mourned their dead. He then mentioned the words
lemet and dang-lih and started sharing about these concepts.
About Lemet
Lemet is the Keley-i term for mourning. The Ethnologue published that Kallahan, Keley-i
is one of the languages spoken in CAR, particularly in Ifugao province and the
municipalities of Aritao and Kiangan. It is also referred to as Hanalulo, Keley-i
Kalanguya and Keleyqiq Ifugao and has Bayninan and Ya-Tuka as dialects.
The people of Asipulo have varying modes for lamentation. If the dead is young, the
family mourns the passing deeply, manifested in deep and loud crying. However, if the
dead is old, there is less or almost absence of crying. The Ifugaos believe that it is time
for the old person to go, and it is better to let the person die instead of witnessing further
suffering due to old age, sickness and diseases or injuries.
The days of mourning can be as short as three days and can extend to more than a week.
The number largely depends on the financial capacity of the relatives. If the relatives are
affluent, there is room for grander observance. On the other hand, if the relatives are
limited by financial considerations, the wake is shorter.
There are times when the financial status is insignificant because many people contribute
funds to the grieving family and other things needed for the mourning. Cooperation of
relatives, neighbors, and the entire community prevails during the mourning period. The
recipients of donations are not obliged to pay back what has been given. But, as part of
social contract, it is dictated that the receiver of donations must also extend assistance to
others who contributed to him/ her. There is no exact amount of payment; it can be less
than, equal to, or greater than the donation their family has received. This practice of the
Ifugao people can be seen as reciprocity, which can link with the idea of “The Gift,”
written in 1925 by the French anthropologist and sociologist Marcel Mauss. Heins et al.
(2018) wrote that Mauss defined gift giving as the generous transfer of socially valued
objects without any legal or contractual guarantee of reciprocation. Reciprocity in gift
exchange is asynchronous, where there is a time interval between giving and
reciprocating and in kind, where the transaction is not measured in monetary terms. This
allows gift exchanges to be framed as expressing the social bond rather than as deferred
payback for benefits received earlier.
The residents prefer to practice their tradition of burying their dead in their own lands.
However, there are those who do not have land and have embraced the Catholic faith that
bury the dead in the neighboring town of Kiangan, where a public cemetery is situated.
Understanding Dang-lih
The pig is the primary animal served during the phase of mourning. The pigs to be
butchered are called dang-lih. The kadangyan can add carabaos or cows or cattle (Bos
taurus). On the first day of mourning, only a big pig is butchered because few mourners
have arrived. On the second day, another huge pig is butchered for every meal and this
number may increase as more mourners come. On the third day and on the succeeding
days, the number of butchered pigs still depends on the amount of mourners. About 30 to
50 pigs may be butchered during the entire process mourning. During the mourning
period of the people, gambling and drinking are strictly prohibited.
Interment
The ceremonies performed for the dead nowadays are already immersed in the Catholic
practices since majority of the Asipulo residents are already affiliated under the Roman
Church and other Christian groups. If the church is in close proximity where the dead is
being mourned, the body of the departed is brought to it. If the church is very far, the
priest travels to where the dead is located in order to officiate the final sacrament. After
this, a procession is participated by the people who want to pay their last respects to the
dead and the deceased is sent to an ancestral land or public cemetery.
B. Bogwa
During the fieldwork, we have learned that a young girl woke up in the morning stricken
with fever. The following day, one of her cousins was also affected with an unknown
sickness and couldn’t get up from bed. The situation of the two goes on for many days.
Then, another relative falls ill and the condition also lasted for countless days. The clan
began to question the series of sickness happening among their family members in a span
of a week and have concluded that the sick people must have harmed bad spirits.
However, one of the family members argued that they did not venture into the woods
before getting sick. The family patriarch, an aged man, knew the answer- it might be his
wife, who died many years ago causing the situation for them to remember her. She was a
good wife, a caring mother, and a lovable grandmother and now, nobody knows her
anymore. With this, the old man quipped, “Many in the family are getting sick, let’s have
a Bogwa!”
Conduct of Bogwa
Ben, one of our informants in the class, shared to us about Bogwa. This ritual involves
the unearthing of the bones of a dead person, following with the cleaning the bones, and
returning the bones again to the resting place. The immediate family members, spouse
and children of the dead are the ones who can ask for this ritual. The practice is also
identified as the death ritual that involves the cleansing of the bones, wrapping them in
blankets, and keeping them in their homes (Dulawan 2006, cited in Jocson 2018: 435).
The ritual is practiced whenever family members get sick for there is a need to appease
what they perceive to be an anger of the departed and when a family member vividly
dreams of the departed. This is also done to ask for blessings from the departed and
ancestors and to clean the bones of the dead to prevent them from decomposition.
In this ritual, pigs are sacrificed for the departed loved ones. The number of pigs depends
on the capability of the family members. Most of the families can afford one, but the
kadangyan can have more. Bogwa is both a family and a community affair done in from
one to three days. On the boh-wat (first day), a Mombaki starts the ritual at past sunrise.
He chants prayers to the ancestors before the tomb to assure them that they are not yet
forgotten, loved, and that they are appealed to help the living in waging their daily lives.
When the Mombaki senses that the ancestors have been appeased, he signals the family
members to exhume the bones from the gungat (grave).
The family members painstakingly do so and bring the bones to the former home of the
dead or home of one of his children. In the largest hall of the house, the bones are
deposited in a table and family members slowly unwrap the bones. Then, they remove the
ants, dirt, and other elements that damage the bones. Once cleaned, the bones are
wrapped again in a gamong (new cloth).
The duration of the cleaning with the use of bare hands depends on the condition of the
bones. If the bones are dirty, it can take many hours to clean them.
For kadwa (second) day of the ritual, the family members receive more visitors and serve
them bayah, cooked meat, and rice. Finally, on katlu (third day), also the last day, bones
are returned to their resting place and the men play gangha.
Bogwa in the field
On the 1st of November 2018, the commemoration of All Saints’ Day, Alo10 in the
company of his children and relatives performed Bogwa for his sick daughter and Maria,
his departed wife. We learned about this from Ben, one of our informants who happen to
be one of Maria’s relatives and also through some of her children. Maria died in 1987.
Series of Bogwa were performed for her. The first time was in the year 2000 and another
one was conducted in 2013. At sunrise, Maria’s bones were taken from the grave in the
family’s land located beside the mountain slopes and were brought to her former house.
The bones were placed in the center table of the receiving room.
Since Maria’s family and relatives is Roman Catholic, they no longer invited a Mombaki
to perform Bogwa. Instead, they recited Catholic prayers before unwrapping the bones.
The cleaning of the bones was done carefully and with due respect to the dead. Alo kept
himself composed, but his children and other relatives felt that he was about to burst into
tears.
10
A pseudonym of a widow since 1987 who performed a Bogwa for his wife together with his
children and relatives in November 1, 2018.
When the bones had been cleaned, they were wrapped again in a new cloth. The wrapped
bones measured 60 cm long and the bones of Maria were returned to the grave before
noon.
Then, Alo accompanied by the male children and relatives gathered in a circle for the
bolwa. Picache (n.d.) stated that bolwa is a distinct communal meat-sharing practice in
Ifugao where the meat of the sacrificed animal is distributed among the people who
helped in the Bogwa. The distribution is not exclusive to one family but involves an
entire village and with this, it promotes reciprocity and strengthens relationships between
kin and within the community. It took two hours for them to divide the meat. They were
taking a swig of bayah from time to time. Sir Kiko got a seat for himself, joined the men
and gladly documented the activity, while Ben, got his share of the tenderloin. He was
smiling when we left.
C. Kolot
Bravery is an inherent character among the Ifugaos, especially the men. Even at a very
young age, it must be demonstrated for the protection of the immediate families, clans,
and communities. The man must be courageous to respond to battle, defend the women
and the weak, and keep their lands free from enemies. He must also know how to face
other hardships of life like disasters, diseases, sickness, and personal failures. If he
possesses that necessary courage, he will become useful and respected by others. He will
become a good citizen of his native land.
The kadangyan must ensure that the male members of their family possess those good
traits. Thus, when a male baby is born, they arrange him for his destiny. The first stage of
that preparation is the cutting of the hair at the age of seven.
In Asipulo, we did not observe any ritual for the expression of bravery. Ben narrated one
ritual pertaining to it.
He shared that to instill bravery, the kadangyan stages the Kolot, the ritual of cutting the
hair of boys aged seven years old. A kadangyan clan may perform the ritual once, twice,
or several times, depending on the number of boys in the clan who reach the required age.
It is only the boys who can participate in ritual for they have the duty to go to war, to
rescue the needy, and to do other heavy and laborious tasks. Ben also disclosed that Kolot
is held for two days outside the house of the boy’s parents. Gangha are beaten repeatedly
to make it lively and the entire community is invited to attend it.
Kolot begins at daybreak of the first day, with a Mombaki chanting prayers to Mat-ningan
and the aamod, enjoining them to come to the celebration. The sacrificial chicken is
butchered. The Mombaki inspects its liver and reads from it the boy’s fate. If the liver
looks healthy, it is believed that the boy has brilliant days ahead of him. If the liver looks
pale, another chicken is butchered. When the desired fate is seen, the pigs are also
butchered. Then, the feast is held when the offerings have been cooked.
The next day, the boy is dressed for his ritual. He wears a bahag, a baya-ong, a kabbaong (necklace of beads) and a hinalung (knife). The knife has a wooden handle and a
one-sided scabbard. For his age, its length is about 15 to 20 inches. To start, the boy is
given a spear and is instructed to pierce it into a tree trunk. Then, he is made to sit on a
chair. The Mombaki and his assistants approach him to cut his hair. Sharp bamboos are
used as knives. Only portions of the hair from the nape below are cut and the boy does
not go bald. When the hair is cut, the Mombaki blesses him to become good, strong, and
brave. The lock of hair is given to the parents to keep. With his hair now cut, the boy
undergoes a fight game. According to Ben, the game is done through the following…
“Another boy his age would come near him and snatch away his baya-ong, kab-baong, or
anything that he owns. The kadangyan boy must take it back to prove that he is already
swift and can already fight back. If he fails to take it back, the boy who steals will pretend
that the kadangyan boy can take things back.”
Ben further shared that, “the above practice is an arrangement in order not to embarrass
the boy subjected to the ritual. With this, the boy who steals will give the kadangyan boy
a chance to take the things back.”
When the boy successfully gets it back, his parents rejoice and tell the community that his
hair has been cut and that he is already a young man. Gangha are beaten more loudly to
start the dancing, drinking, and the feast. The cooked chickens, pigs, and carabaos are
served to the family members, relatives, and guests.
The boy’s parents are elated for holding this occasion. They have reasserted their status
as revered nobility in the Ifugao society, have sustained a tradition for kadangyan boys,
and their young boy has now been groomed. It is now the boy’s responsibility to fulfill
what his parents and the community want him to be.
D. Hing-ngot
On the 3rd of November 2018, we went to the Brgy. Pula to join another community
gathering. Green mountains, rolling hills, trees, plants, and rice terraces assuaged the
trepidation that was registered by the dangerous hike.
In the said village, we witnessed simbal, also known as Hing-ngot (pre-marital
arrangement), wherein the suitor would come to the house of the maiden to ask her
parents to marry him.
We had the privilege to witness the undertaking at 10:57 in the morning. We met Jeff,11
who went to the house of Anne12 for the Hing-ngot. The ceremony took place in a
rectangular-shaped receiving area, situated before the main door of the house. The shelter
11
A pseudonym of a boy aged 19, residing in Brgy. Pula, Asipulo who was observed to undergo Hing-ngot
or pre-marital arrangement last November 3, 2018.
12
A pseudonym of a 26-year-old woman who is a schoolteacher in Brgy. Pula, Asipulo and subject to premarital arrangement to Jeff.
was covered with a roof and the walls were about 3ft. tall. There was a pah-nay
underneath a table and anyone could scoop from it with a small cup of bayah. The family
members who gathered from both sides are predominantly male. We were treated as a
guest and allowed to sit in the receiving area. One of Anne’s cousins facilitated the
ceremony and asked everyone to sing the Christian charismatic song entitled, “I Will
Come and Bow Down,” followed by the opening prayer led by Ben.
Anne’s mother was asked to give the opening remarks. She warmly welcomed everyone
to the gathering. For us to feel more accepted, she made us render two more charismatic
pieces entitled, “There’s A Welcome Here” and “Ang Búhay ng Kristiyano” (The Life of
Christians). We shook hands with each other while singing. We approached the couple
and shook hands with them and wished them good luck.
A Christian pastor, holding a thin and withered bible in his left hand, gave a very lengthy
message. We almost fell to sleep while listening. He spoke mostly in Keley-i, but he
uttered few English lines that made us grasp the gist of what he was saying: “Marriage
was the first institution that God created; therefore, it should be preserved, protected, and
revered.”
Following the pastor’s message was the turn of both family members to express their
views on the pre-marital arrangement. We were really surprised to learn that it was not
the parents who were presenting the views but the grandfathers, uncles, and male cousins.
Jeff’s parents came with their son, but they preferred to be quiet and to be invisible
within the assembled people. Anne’s parents were naturally there, but they attended to
the preparation of the feast.
Jeff’s clan was the first to give their side. His grandfather began it, and was followed by
an uncle and a cousin. Anne’s side took the floor next, with the same order of speakers.
The messages they extended were their approval of the engagement and their desires for a
successful union and parenthood. We could not understand Keley-i, but Ben was there to
explain in whispers the rest of the proceedings. Given the eminent participation of other
relatives, it can be observed that the Ifugao people are clannish. It was not only the
parents who must give consent to the wedding, but also the close relatives, since they
were part of the bigger family. It also showed respect for those relatives since their
opinion were sought and considered important.
When all had been said, the pastor led a pray over for the two. We joined in the raising of
the right hand. The ceremony ended with the pastor leading the closing prayer.
It was already noon, and the feast was ready. Food consisting of rice, adobo (pork or
chicken in vinegar and soy sauce), sinigang na baboy (pork stew), lechon (roasted pork),
and pansit (noodles) were served to all who came. The neighbors had to fall in line, while
the family members, relatives, and guests were given plateful of food and ate inside the
house. We ate with bare hands all that was given to us.
While we were eating, we learned from Anne’s mother that it was Jeff who gave the
dowry composed of three big pigs worth Php 25,000 each. She also told us that her
neighbors performed the man-ili, the practice of neighborhood cooperation to make an
event a success. Neighbors volunteered as butchers, cooks, and food servers. Anne’s
mother said that she and her family could repay them by also volunteering in the future in
any event calling for man-ili.
A little later, the local chief executive arrived together with a candidate for provincial
board member in next year’s local elections. The two greeted everyone, with the last one
shaking vigorously with anyone’s hands.
The lunch was followed by the bolwa, the last segment of that day’s ritual.
E. Uy-uy
During the old times, the people of Asipulo referred to the ritual for wedding as uy-uy,
also spelled as uyàuy, 13 and also called as keleng as disclosed by Al, one of our
informants.
The uy-uy is held in a damaraan, a place especially designated and decorated for the
occasion and presided by a Mombaki.
The groom wears a baya-ong (sash or blanket), a bahag, a pa-ngaw (necklace), and, a
kalew, an ornament wrapped around the head consisting of a horn and a statuette. The
bride wears a lamma (blouse), a tapis (skirt), a hubeng (a gold or bronze necklace), and, a
dungdong, a statuette mounted on a sash and wrapped around the head. These ornaments
are worn only by the kadangyan. It is possible that the natumok and niwotwot can also
afford the ornaments, however, knowing that those are only for the kadangyan, they do
not wear them.
Ritual for the Uy-uy
The uy-uy begins when the Mombaki chants a prayer to Mat-ningan and asks him to bless
the offerings for the wedding composed of chickens, pigs, carabaos, and bayah. He also
chants portions of Hudhud. Men lightly beat gangha as the Mombaki performs the ritual.
The groom and the bride walk into the center chairs of the damaraan and take their seats.
The Mombaki through chants blesses them and wishes them to have many and healthy
children- this practice implies that they are already united, married to each other.
13
Dulawan, Lourdes Saquing. “Singing Hudhud in Ifugao.” Palawan State University.
http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:LkktHQxCMysJ:citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/do
wnload%3Fdoi%3D10.1.1.474.5263%26rep%3Drep1%26type%3Dpdf+&cd=3&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=ph&c
lient=safari (accessed 28 March 2019).
Men beat gangha loudly to kick off the dancing. The first to dance are the newlyweds.
Kadangyan couples have the privilege of holding butchered chicken while dancing. After
the dance, they take a shot of the bayah.
The couple’s parents, relatives, friends, neighbors, guests, and the entire community take
their respective turns in dancing and in drinking bayah. While the dancing and drinking
are ongoing, groups of men and women are cooking the offerings.
By noon, the feast is ready to be served. The feast may last until evening, when everyone
is already exhausted from dancing, eating, and drinking.
A Modern Uy-uy
Most of the traditional wedding practices are no longer observed today while the retained
ones are sometimes modified to accommodate convenience.
Last October 27, 2018, an Ifugao wedding took place in Brgy. Panubtuban, Asipulo.
Although Sir Kiko, undergraduate students and our graduate class were passively invited,
we still attended and rode jeepneys to get there.
A tarpaulin displayed the names of the groom and the bride. The wedding ceremonies
started at 8 o’clock in the morning. The actual wedding was no longer done in a
damaraan, but in a Roman Catholic Church, for the couple is already affiliated in the said
church.
While the wedding was taking place in a church, people were already assembled in a
damaraan, which was decorated with balloons, flowers, paper and cloth sashes, and
coconut fronds. They began dancing and drinking bayah. Gangha were beaten loudly.
The mistress of the ceremony was cajoling everyone into dancing in the middle of the
damaraan. Government officials like the Ifugao governor, provincial board members,
town Mayor, town and barangay councilors danced, drank bayah, and gave cash
donations.
The wedding sponsors and prominent persons were seated on the front seats.
The politicians made sure that their names were mentioned during the festivities. That
way, everyone could recognize and remember them. This relates to the importance of
political influence and power relations in social gatherings, not only exclusive to the
people of Ifugao.
The newlyweds came to the damaraan at about 10 in the morning. The groom was
wearing coat and tie, and the bride was in a white dress. They sat in the chairs located in
the middle of the damaraan.
A pastor led a prayer for the couple. When the prayer was over, relatives, friends, and
sponsors relayed messages to the newlyweds. The newlyweds stood up to officially
commence the dancing. They danced to a foreign mellow song. After his or her rendition,
everyone danced in the damaraan.
At noon, the feast started. Food was served in banana trunks and paper plates. There were
rice, chicken, pansit, fried pork, and lechon.
Before eating, the newlyweds changed to the traditional Ifugao wedding attire. The
couple along with their parents, relatives, friends, and sponsors had special tables
reserved for them. The other people, including our classes had to fall in line to get our
share of the food.
No invitation had been sent out for the feast, just an announcement that such a feast
would be held. It was generally understood that everybody could come. About a thousand
people did come. But not a single Mombaki was sighted.
Conclusion
This paper reveals that despite the acculturation of the people of Asipulo to the Christian
faith and practices, they still continue to sustain and perform their culture. The power of
cultural continuity and sustainability lies in the people. The continuous recognition and
performances of numerous rituals are an embodiment of a strong Ifugao sense of identity
for they still embrace their cultural heritage and pass it on intergenerationally. The
discovery of diverse ritual performed in this article also reveals that intersectionality as a
way of framing the various interactions among the people of Ifugao belonging to
different social classes (i.e. kadangyan, natumuk and niwotwot) and gender is useful to
pose the context of social and gender inequality. The inequality to the access of resources
and privileges were observed and learned due to the fieldwork. Despite the inequality in
the Ifugao society, the people are known to be collective, which is notable in their
practice of reciprocity and battle for autonomy.
In relation to the field methods graduate class, this paper showcases the value of being in
the field. Fieldwork provides an avenue for the ethnographer (or anthropologist) to
develop, practice and perform the necessary skills, methods and techniques in the field.
At the same time, fieldwork trains the ethnographer to identify the appropriate
approaches in a given context in the field and depart from the preconceived practices of
research undertaking. With this, it can also be concluded that doing anthropological
research is free from structure. An ethnographer can adjust and tweak the research
methods as needed. Fieldwork also gives an ethnographer that chance to cultivate
relationships with fellow researchers and research partners (the informants) in the ground.
Apart from developing relationships with the informants, the ethnographer also learns to
frame his/her own perspective independent from his/her association with the informants.
The ethnographer also develops an identity as a researcher as a product of his/her
interaction with the people in the field. The methods are therefore not the end of the class,
but tools to better practice the art of ethnography and the essence of Anthropology.
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