Psychology of Popular Media
Binge-Watching to Feel Better: Mental Health Gratifications Sought and
Obtained Through Binge-Watching
Nicholas Gadino, Morgan E. Ellithorpe, Ezgi Ulusoy, Dominique S. Wirz, and Allison Eden
Online First Publication, June 29, 2023. https://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000485
CITATION
Gadino, N., Ellithorpe, M. E., Ulusoy, E., Wirz, D. S., & Eden, A. (2023, June 29). Binge-Watching to Feel Better: Mental
Health Gratifications Sought and Obtained Through Binge-Watching. Psychology of Popular Media. Advance online
publication. https://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000485
Psychology of Popular Media
© 2023 American Psychological Association
ISSN: 2689-6567
https://doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000485
Binge-Watching to Feel Better: Mental Health Gratifications
Sought and Obtained Through Binge-Watching
Nicholas Gadino1, Morgan E. Ellithorpe1, Ezgi Ulusoy2, Dominique S. Wirz3, and Allison Eden2
1
Department of Communication, University of Delaware
Department of Communication, Michigan State University
3
Department of Mass Media and Communication Research, Fribourg University
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
2
Depression and anxiety have recently increased among young adults. So, too, have the media behaviors of
binge-watching and problematic viewing. Media may be an effective tool for coping with stress and mental
health challenges. The present study examines mental health management gratifications sought and obtained
via media using a uses and gratifications theory approach. An online survey of undergraduates in the United
States (n = 247) found that young adults report binge-watching and using media to feel better when experiencing depression and anxiety, especially if they tend toward problematic media use. For anxiety, this
appears to be a successful strategy, in that participants report reduced anxiety after binge-watching. For
depression, however, the results are mixed. More research is needed in this area, but this study solidifies
the potential importance of coping with mental health using binge-watching of media.
Public Policy Relevance Statement
This study suggests that people may sometimes use binge-watching to manage their anxiety and depression, with mixed success. Using binge-watching to manage anxiety was generally more successful than
for depression. People who are higher in problematic media use, which means they generally prioritize
media over other life experiences, are more likely to do this than those low in problematic use.
Keywords: binge watching, mental health, anxiety, depression, uses and gratifications
media use is related to mental health is still unclear. On the one
hand, binge-watching may reinforce negative emotional states in a
vicious circle (e.g., Panda & Pandey, 2017), on the other hand, it
may serve as a coping mechanism (e.g., Wagner et al., 2021). In
the present study, the link between binge-watching and managing
depression and anxiety is examined, as well as the perceived success
of this strategy.
Depression and anxiety have increased in the past few years,
largely attributable to the COVID-19 pandemic and other large-scale
existential crises (Kan et al., 2021; Pappa et al., 2021; Xiong et al.,
2020). This increase includes clinical diagnoses of depression and
anxiety as well as subclinical symptom reporting. These subclinical
reports may not be intense enough or last long enough to meet the
clinical threshold and yet are still negatively associated with health
and well-being outcomes (Maier et al., 1997). During the same
period in which depression and anxiety were increasing, so were
the incidences of binge-watching and problematic media use
(Eales et al., 2021; Sigre-Leirós et al., 2023). However, whether
Binge-Watching and Problematic Media Use
Much scholarly research on binge-watching has focused on defining binge-watching (e.g., Flayelle et al., 2020; Mikos, 2016). For
example, in a systematic review of peer-reviewed journal articles,
Flayelle et al. (2020) discovered 28 different definitions for studies
that operationalized the term, “binge-watching.” Definitions ranged
from watching more than one episode, to two episodes, three episodes, or some studies defining binge-watching by consecutive
hours spent viewing. However, the majority of studies have based
the definition on watching several or multiple episodes in one sitting
(Exelmans & Van den Bulck, 2017; Flayelle et al., 2020; Granow
et al., 2018; Merikivi et al., 2018), which is the definition we use
in the present study.
Despite the negative connotations of the term “binge,” not all
binge-watching is problematic. In order to be deemed “problematic,”
media use must include aspects of behavioral addiction such as loss
of control, withdrawal, and neglect of other social behaviors (Forte
et al., 2021; Ort et al., 2020). Often, the distinction made between
regular binge-watching and problematic binge-watching is in the
Nicholas Gadino served as lead for conceptualization, investigation, and
methodology and served in a supporting role for formal analysis. Morgan
E. Ellithorpe served as lead for formal analysis and supervision and served
in a supporting role for conceptualization, data curation, investigation, and
methodology. Ezgi Ulusoy served in a supporting role for conceptualization,
methodology, writing–original draft, and writing–review and editing.
Dominique S. Wirz served in a supporting role for conceptualization, methodology, and writing–review and editing. Allison Eden served in a supporting role for conceptualization, methodology, and writing–review and editing.
Nicholas Gadino and Morgan E. Ellithorpe contributed equally to writing–
original draft and writing–review and editing.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Nicholas Gadino, Department of Communication, University of Delaware,
250 Pearson Hall, Newark, DE 19716, United States. Email: ngadino@
udel.edu
1
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This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
2
GADINO, ELLITHORPE, ULUSOY, WIRZ, AND EDEN
outcomes—for each individual, binge-watching is unproblematic
unless and until it causes negative effects on mental or physical
health. In this vein, Pittman and Steiner (2021) have discussed
binge-watching as an activity that can be performed in two different
ways, as feast-watching or as cringe-watching. As postulated by
Pittman and Steiner (2021), cringe-watching is accidental rather
than planned; therefore, the viewer does not enter their bingewatching session with any specific gratifications in mind. In contrast,
feast-watching is intentional and planned where the viewer has a specific gratification in mind, such as using binge-watching as a social
activity. In their study, Pittman and Steiner (2021) found that
unplanned binge sessions led to decreased levels of well-being
while planned binge-watching sessions led to increased levels of
well-being. Pittman and Steiner (2021), associate problematic
usage of binge-watching with decreased levels of well-being,
whereas less problematic usage is related to positive mental health
outcomes.
Mental Health Outcomes
According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders, fifth edition, text revision, “Depression, otherwise
known as major depressive disorder or clinical depression, is a common and serious mood disorder. Those who suffer from depression
experience persistent feelings of sadness and hopelessness and lose
interest in activities they once enjoyed. Aside from the emotional
problems caused by depression, individuals can also present with
a physical symptom such as chronic pain or digestive issues. To
be diagnosed with depression, symptoms must be present for at
least 2 weeks.” (Fazel, 2022). According to the National Institute
of Mental Health, anxiety, or Generalized Anxiety Disorder, “is
characterized by excessive anxiety and worry about a variety of
events or activities (e.g., work or school performance) that occurs
more days than not, for at least 6 months. People with generalized
anxiety disorder find it difficult to control their worry, which may
cause impairment in social, occupational, or other areas of functioning” (National Institute of Mental Health, n.d.). In a study which
examined the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on mental health,
physical activity, as well as sedentary behaviors of individuals,
Marashi et al. (2021) found that individuals reported moderate levels
of stress and anxiety during the pandemic. Respondents in their
study reported desiring to be physically active in order to self-treat
their stress and anxiety, however, many felt government-mandated
closures of gyms and recreational centers, as well as increased
poor mental health, made increased physical activity difficult to
achieve. Finally, government-mandated limitations on public gatherings and activities outside the home forced individuals to remain
inside frequently during the COVID-19 pandemic, contributing to
poor mental health.
Though physical activity may serve as a self-treatment for symptoms of anxiety and depression (Marashi et al., 2021), individuals
may need to access other outlets in order to combat anxiety and
depression, especially when physical activity is difficult to achieve
and sedentary behavior is more frequent than normal. Potts and
Sanchez (1994) found that television viewing can aid an individual
in escaping depressive moods. Additionally, in investigating the
screen time behavior of young adults during the COVID-19 pandemic, Wagner et al. (2021) found that individuals increased their
TV watching, smartphone use, and use of streaming services in
order to stay connected with others, which was found as a coping
tool for stress and improved mental health.
Mental Health Outcomes of Binge-Watching
A great deal of research has examined the relationship between
binge-watching and mental health (e.g., Ahmed, 2017; Boudali
et al., 2017; Sun & Chang, 2021; Sung et al., 2015; Tefertiller &
Maxwell, 2018). Several studies have indicated that problematic
binge use is associated with increased loneliness, depression, loss
of control, poor sleep quality, insomnia, and overall fatigue
(Gangadharbatla et al., 2019; Starosta et al., 2020; Steins-Loeber
et al., 2020; Sung et al., 2015). For example, Ahmed (2017) found
that younger individuals tend to binge-watch alone, which may
lead to increased feelings of loneliness and depression. Starosta
et al. (2020) found that those who engage in binge-watching do so
to avoid life’s daily problems, and neglect schoolwork, chores,
and other duties. Steins-Loeber et al. (2020) concluded that as symptoms of depression increased, binge-watching may serve as a distraction from those negative thoughts and feelings, but may also lead to
social problems and negligence of duties. Sung et al. (2015) demonstrate that binge-watching is related to not only depression but also
loneliness, and that high rates of series-watching could lead to personal feelings of guilt, anxiety, helplessness, and depression while
also damaging interpersonal relationships. They also found positive
associations between problematic binge-watching and social interaction anxiety, anxiety, depression, and loneliness. Sun and Chang
(2021, p. 6) found problematic binge-watching was associated
with, “increased social interaction anxiety risk”, commenting that
individuals who experience anxiety concerning social interactions
may seek such interactions vicariously through binge-watching content. Lastly, Vaterlaus et al. (2019) found that binge-watching
among college students could lead to missed social opportunities
and strained friendships. In addition, they found that binge-watching
was reported to be an unhealthy way of dealing with mental health
challenges such as “depressive-like symptoms” (p. 476). In sum,
the bulk of this research shows binge-watching either as a casual factor or otherwise related to negative mental health outcomes and
well-being.
However, the relationship between binge-watching and negative
mental health has not been consistent. Tefertiller and Maxwell
(2018), for example, found a negative relationship between depression
and binge-watching—indicating that there may be moderating factors
that influence whether binge-watching will have a positive, negative,
or no relationship with mental health outcomes. Earlier works on
binge-watching (or “marathon-viewing” e.g., Perks, 2015) have
shown that individuals sometimes use binge-watching to help their
mental health. Perks’ interviews (2019) demonstrated individuals
who were suffering from an injury sought comfort in binge-watching
to distract themselves from the pain and boredom. Similarly, those
who were suffering from mental health problems also used bingewatching as a way to escape their stress (Perks, 2019).
The use of media for coping with mental health and with stress in
general has been studied in various contexts (e.g., Anderson et al.,
1996; Prestin & Nabi, 2020; Nabi et al., 2017), but most lately in
the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, one study
found that university students reported using media to cope with
stress and anxiety during social distancing (Eden et al., 2020).
Eden et al. (2020) found that different kinds of media content,
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BINGE-WATCHING TO FEEL BETTER
such as hedonic versus eudaimonic, were differentially associated
with well-being when used for coping with either stress or anxiety,
however, did not specifically examine binge-watching. In terms of
binge-watching, Rahman and Arif (2021) found that individuals
who experienced boredom and stress caused by the COVID-19 lockdown experienced relief from these emotions through bingewatching. Finally, Sigre-Leirós et al. (2023) found that bingewatching for social gratifications was protective for mental health
during COVID-19, but that problematic binge-watching was maladaptive and associated with worse mental health over time.
Much of the research finding positive health outcomes from
binge-watching assumes that viewers are active audience members,
choosing their content with control and engagement as compared to
traditional, linear, “passive” broadcast or cable TV (Groshek et al.,
2018; Pittman & Sheehan, 2015; Rahman & Arif, 2021; Steiner &
Xu, 2020). This concept of an active audience stems from the theory
of Uses and Gratifications, which assumes an active media audience
and that active media users will seek out specific content to fulfill
particular needs or goals (Katz et al., 1973).
The uses and gratifications framework suggests that people select
specific media content in order to satisfy certain needs such as social
connection, entertainment, or information, and that this media content may gratify the user’s needs but may also lead to unintended
effects (Katz et al., 1973). Since its introduction, uses and gratifications frameworks have been applied to understanding motivations
for using different media platforms and content. While Uses and
Gratifications theory assumes an active audience (Katz et al.,
1973), over time, scholars have debated whether or not audiences
were active or passive in their media consumption. Earlier researchers claimed that audience members became more passive consumers
with greater television consumption (e.g., Gerbner & Gross, 1976).
Later scholars contended that audience members became more
active, attentive consumers of media content as their viewing options
increased (Sender, 2012). In the context of binge-watching,
researchers have claimed that binge viewers are both active
(Rahman & Arif, 2021) and passive (Sung et al., 2015) consumers,
with active consumers reporting positive outcomes and passive consumers reporting negative outcomes.
In terms of mental health and binge-watching behaviors, we suggest that users could be seeking media for coping with stress and strain
(Wolfers & Schneider, 2021), or as a method of recovering depleted
resources (Reinecke et al., 2011). The idea that binge-watching can
help individuals to cope with their physical and mental health problems also corresponds with the media use for recovery hypothesis
(Reinecke et al., 2011, 2014). The recovery hypothesis states that
media use can help people recover from daily stress factors, such as
work and school, and this is a factor in increasing overall well-being.
For example, individuals who were stressed performed much better
upon engaging with media content they enjoyed (Reinecke et al.,
2011). Recent research on binge-watching has also found support
for the recovery hypothesis, suggesting that binge-watching to recover
from stress is beneficial for mental health and well-being (Erdmann &
Dienlin, 2022; Granow et al., 2018).
Therefore, for many users, binge-watching is not likely to be associated with negative outcomes, but instead with positive mental
health and well-being. We are interested in understanding the circumstances and motivations that play a role in determining whether
a person experiencing depression and anxiety will come out of
binge-watching with positive or negative outcomes.
3
The Current Study
The present study aimed to further the current literature on the
relationship between binge-watching and mental health by examining the specific role of mental health gratifications or purposefully
using media to manage mental health. This adds to the literature
on media use for coping by asking participants directly about their
use of binge-watching when they feel depressed and anxious. We
also examine the extent to which the gratification of mental health
management is realized via binge-watching.
We expect that participants who are experiencing subclinical
depression and anxiety may be more likely to report seeking mental
health gratifications through binge-watching. This is based on previous research finding that depression (Steins-Loeber et al., 2020) and
anxiety (Boursier et al., 2021) were both associated with increased
binge-watching, with both articles inferring that this increased use
was likely due to a desire to manage mental health. When combining
this work with other research on media use for coping with stress and
other negative emotions (e.g., Eden et al., 2020), we expect that
participants who report greater depression and anxiety will also be
more likely to report seeking mental health gratifications using
binge-watching.
Hypothesis 1a: Increased depression will be associated with
increased mental health gratifications sought via binge-watching.
Hypothesis 1b: Increased anxiety will be associated with
increased mental health gratifications sought via binge-watching.
In addition to mental health, previous problematic use of bingewatching should also be associated with mental health gratifications
sought via binge-watching. For example, problematic use of media
was associated with seeking gratifications of entertainment and
information via binge-watching (Tukachinsky & Eyal, 2018). To
the extent that problematic use is related to addictive behavior
such as increased use, tolerance, and withdrawal, it should be associated with turning to binge-watching for a variety of reasons,
including mental health gratifications.
Hypothesis 2: Increased problematic media use will be associated with increased mental health gratifications sought via
binge-watching.
Given the expected main effects of depression and anxiety and
problematic media use on mental health gratifications, it is possible
that these relationships are not just parallel but are also multiplicative. In particular, we might expect an interaction between mental
health and problematic media use such that people with depression
and/or anxiety who are also high in problematic media use may be
more likely to turn to media to manage their mental health than
other methods of management. Someone without problematic
media use, however, may be more likely to seek to manage their
mental health through nonmedia means. This is because problematic
media users are more likely than nonproblematic users to spend time
with media regardless of other activities or relationships that are
important in their lives (Horvath, 2004). When problematic users
are experiencing depression and anxiety, states in which they
might already be predisposed to seek media for coping, the more
problematic their media use the more likely they should be to seek
media.
4
GADINO, ELLITHORPE, ULUSOY, WIRZ, AND EDEN
Hypothesis 3a: Depression and problematic media use will
interact to predict mental health gratifications sought via bingewatching, such that those who are higher in both depression and
problematic media use will be the most likely to report seeking
mental health gratifications via binge-watching.
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Hypothesis 3b: Anxiety and problematic media use will interact
to predict mental health gratifications sought via bingewatching, such that those who are higher in both anxiety and
problematic media use will be the most likely to report seeking
mental health gratifications via binge-watching.
Unfortunately for media users, gratifications sought may not
always translate into gratifications obtained (Palmgreen &
Rayburn, 1979, 1982; Wenner, 1986). Each aspect provides unique
explanatory power for the patterns in which people seek certain
kinds of media to fulfill certain gratifications, and how those patterns
may change over time. Therefore, it is important to not only measure
mental health gratifications sought but also whether those gratifications are obtained. In the present study, mental health gratifications
obtained are defined in terms of whether participants report feeling
more or less depressed or anxious after binge viewing. In this
case, there is less specific research on which to base a directional
hypothesis—often research suggests both positive and negative
effects, and so we present a research question:
RQ: What is the relationship between mental health gratifications sought via binge-watching and binge-watching gratifications obtained?
In sum, our hypotheses and research question combine into a
moderated mediation model, with depression or anxiety and problematic media use interacting to predict mental health gratifications
sought as a mediator, and mental health gratifications obtained as the
outcome. See Figure 1 for a generic conceptual model.
Method
Participants
Participants were 247 undergraduates at a large university in the
midwestern United States who participated for course credit through
a student participant pool. The mean age was 19.71 years (SD =
1.50), 148 (59.92%) identified as female, 97 (39.27%) identified
as male, and two (0.81%) identified as nonbinary/other. Racial
and ethnic identities included 182 (73.39%) White, 23 (9.27%)
Figure 1
Conceptual Model
Asian, 20 (8.06%) Black or African American, nine (3.63%) multiracial, seven (2.82%) Hispanic or Latino, two (0.81%) Arab or
Middle Eastern, one (0.40%) other, and four (1.61%) declined to
respond. Participants who reported they only watch 1 episode at a
time (n = 18) were not included in the analysis, leaving a total sample of n = 229.
Procedure
Participants were invited to take the online survey via the university’s student participant pool. After indicating consent to participate, participants were asked about their problematic series
watching, gratifications sought from television viewing, gratifications obtained from television viewing, and their current mental
health in a randomized order. They answered demographic questions
at the end of the study before they were given debriefing information.
The procedure and measures were approved by the university’s
Institutional Review Board.
Measures
Depression
Depression was measured using the PROMIS short form (fouritem) depression scale (Pilkonis et al., 2011), using a 1 = never to
5 = always scale (M = 2.10, SD = 0.99, Cronbach α = .92).
Anxiety
Anxiety was measured using the PROMIS short form (four-item)
anxiety scale (Pilkonis et al., 2011), using a 1 = never to 5 = always
scale (M = 2.59, SD = 0.97, Cronbach α = .88).
Problematic Series Watching
Problematic series watching was measured with the Problematic
Series Watching Scale (PSWS) which consists of five items on a
scale of 1 = never to 5 = always. The original scale (Orosz et al.,
2016) is six items, but one of the items, “watched series in order
to reduce feelings of guilt, anxiety, helplessness and depression?”
was considered too similar to the gratifications sought and obtained
by the authors. The item was removed, leaving five items (M = 2.28,
SD = 0.87, Cronbach α = .86).
Mental Health Gratifications Sought
Gratifications sought for mental health management were operationalized via two items for each of depression and anxiety, measured on a 1 = never to 5 = always scale. The measure was
developed by the authors, based on existing gratifications and
need satisfaction measures. These were embedded within a list of
activities people may engage in, with the prompts, “Think of a
time when you were feeling more [depressed/anxious] than usual.
To what extent would you say you did the following activities?.”
The crucial, relevant items were, “binge-watched TV” and “used
media specifically to help me feel better.” Filler items included
activities such as, “exercised more” and “slept a long time.”
Central tendencies for the crucial items were as follows: bingewatched TV when depressed (M = 3.25, SD = 1.07), used media
to feel better when depressed (M = 3.13, SD = 1.16), binge-watched
BINGE-WATCHING TO FEEL BETTER
TV when anxious (M = 3.15, SD = 1.10), used media to feel better
when anxious (M = 3.13, SD = 1.19).
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Mental Health Gratifications Obtained
Whether or not participants obtained the gratifications sought was
operationalized as whether they reported feeling more or less
depressed/anxious after binge-watching. This was measured with
the prompt, “binge-watching TV…” and the items were (−5 =
strongly disagree to +5 = strongly agree scale): “helps me feel
less depressed” (M = 1.47, SD = 2.45), “makes me feel more
depressed” (M = −1.34, SD = 2.54), “helps me feel less anxious”
(M = 1.78, SD = 2.27), and “makes me feel more anxious”
(M = −1.91, SD = 2.45).
Binge Frequency
Participants were asked to indicate how often they watch more
than two consecutive episodes of a series in one sitting, with
response options from 1 = less than once per month to 6 = daily
(M = 4.53, SD = 1.51). This variable was included as a covariate
in the analysis.
Statistical Analysis
Analyses were conducted using path models, one for each of
depression and anxiety, using structural equation modeling in
Stata 17 and the Satorra–Bentler adjustment (Satorra & Bentler,
1994) for robust standard errors due to the measures being slightly
elevated in kurtosis (ranging 2.01 to 3.73), though none of the measures were skewed (ranging −0.47 to 0.88). Depression and anxiety
were treated separately because the PROMIS depression and anxiety
scales were too highly correlated (r = .77) to avoid multicollinearity
if combined. Both of these models were tested first as mediation
models only, in order to obtain the main effects of PSWS and depression and/or anxiety, and then the interaction between PSWS and
depression/anxiety was added to make the models moderated mediation models. In each model, PSWS and depression (or anxiety) and
their interaction predicted the two gratifications-sought items (binge
when depressed/anxious and use media to feel better when
depressed/anxious). Gratifications sought and the main effects of
PSWS and depression (or anxiety) predicted gratifications obtained
related to depression and anxiety, with all variables treated continuously as measured. Participant sex was included as a covariate due to
significant differences in depression and anxiety when comparing
males and females. The two nonbinary/other participants were
included in the analyses, and sex was treated as a multinomial variable; however, any conclusions regarding this group should be
avoided due to the very small sample size. Binge frequency was
also included as a covariate to account for individual differences
in how often they binge-watch as a factor in their likelihood of
reporting binge-watching when depressed or anxious. The error
terms of the endogenous variables were allowed to correlate at
each stage of the model (i.e., the two mediators together and the
two outcomes together). Indirect effects were obtained using 5,000
bias-corrected bootstrapped samples.
Results
Full statistical results can be found in Tables 1 and 2.
5
Depression
Examining depression first, we find that depression was not
significantly associated with reporting binge-watching when
depressed, but it was significantly and positively associated with
reporting using media in general to feel better when depressed.
This provides partial support for H1a. Problematic viewing was significantly positively associated with both gratifications sought, in that
the more participants reported problematic binge viewing the more
they were likely to report binge-watching when they felt depressed
and more likely to report using media to feel better when depressed.
This supports Hypothesis 2. Adding the interaction term finds that
there was not a significant interaction between depression and problematic viewing, which means H3a was not supported in the context
of depression. Using media to feel better when depressed was significantly associated with participants reporting both that they felt less
depressed after binge-watching, while the relationship did not quite
reach significance for feeling more depressed after binge-watching
(p = .053). Problematic viewing was also associated with more
reports of feeling less depressed after binge-watching. This provides
an answer for RQ1 for depression.
The indirect effects were tested in the main effects model only,
given the nonsignificant interaction between PSWS and depression.
Three indirect effects paths were significant. First, problematic binge
viewing was significantly associated with feeling less depressed
when mediated by using media to feel better when depressed.
Second, depression was also significantly associated with feeling
less depressed when mediated by using media to feel better when
depressed. And third, depression was also significantly associated
with feeling more depressed when mediated by using media to
feel better. Therefore, there is somewhat of an ambivalent effect
on mental health gratifications obtained from binge-watching in
the context of depression.
Anxiety
Examining anxiety, we find that anxiety was significantly associated with reporting using media to feel better when anxious, but not
with binge-watching when anxious. This provides partial support for
H1b. Problematic viewing was significantly positively associated
with participants reporting binge-watching when they felt anxious,
but not with using media to feel better when anxious. This provides
partial support for H2. Adding the interaction term finds that there
was not a significant interaction between anxiety and problematic
viewing, which means H3b was not supported. Binge-watching
when anxious was significantly associated with participants reporting that they feel less anxious after binge-watching. Anxiety gratifications sought were not significantly associated with reporting
feeling more anxious after binge-watching. Problematic viewing
was also associated with more reports of feeling more anxious
after binge-watching, while anxiety was associated with reports of
feeling less anxious after binge-watching. This provides an answer
for RQ1 in the context of anxiety.
The indirect effects were again tested in the main effects model
only, given the nonsignificant interaction between PSWS and anxiety. There was only one significant indirect effect path. Problematic
binge-viewing was significantly associated with feeling less anxious
when mediated by binge-watching when anxious. Therefore, the
outcomes of mental health gratifications sought for anxiety are
6
GADINO, ELLITHORPE, ULUSOY, WIRZ, AND EDEN
Table 1
Path Model Regression Results for Depression as the Context
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Binge when depressed
Independent variable(s)
b
PSWS
Depression
Sex (male = 0)
Female
Non-Binary/other
Binge often
Binge when depressed
Use media to feel better
0.35
0.09
0.20
− 1.06
0.23
—
—
[−0.05, 0.45]
[−
− 1.43, − 0.69]
[0.14, 0.32]
—
—
PSWS × Depression
−0.06
[−0.21, 0.08]
R
2
95% CI
[0.20, 0.49]
[−0.04, 0.22]
Use media to feel better
b
0.18
0.21
PSWS → binge → less depressed
PSWS → use media → less depressed
PSWS → binge → more depressed
PSWS → use media → more depressed
Depression → binge → less depressed
Depression → use media → less depressed
Depression → binge → more depressed
Depression → use media → more depressed
[0.00, 0.37]
[0.04, 0.38]
b
95% CI
Feel more depressed
b
0.42
0.24
[0.06, 0.77]
[−0.03, 0.50]
0.03
0.27
95% CI
[−0.36, 0.42]
[−0.00, 0.54]
0.31
0.06
−0.02
—
—
[0.00, 0.61]
[−2.90, 3.03]
[−0.13, 0.08]
—
—
−0.11
0.45
0.26
0.27
0.31
[−0.71, 0.50]
[−2.47, 3.37]
[0.04, 0.47]
[−0.09, 0.63]
[0.03, 0.60]
− 0.99
−0.83
− 0.25
0.25
0.27
[−
− 1.54, − 0.44]
[−1.70, 0.03]
[−
− 0.46, − 0.03]
[−0.08, 0.59]
[−0.00, 0.54]
0.05
[−0.13, 0.24]
—
—
—
—
0.33
Indirect effects
95% CI
Feel less depressed
0.09
0.19
b
95% CI
0.09
0.06
0.08
0.05
0.02
0.07
0.02
0.06
[−0.03, 0.27]
[0.00, 0.18]
[−0.04, 0.21]
[−0.00, 0.16]
[−0.01, 0.10]
[0.01, 0.19]
[−0.01, 0.10]
[0.00, 0.17]
0.22
Note. The results reported below for all variables except the interaction are from the main effects model; the interaction results are for the interaction only.
Because the interaction was not significant, it was the main effects model that was used to run indirect effects testing. Coefficients are unstandardized;
indirect effects were obtained with 5,000 bias-corrected bootstrap samples; significant coefficients and confidence intervals (at p , .05) are bolded for ease
of interpretation. PSWS = Problematic Series Watching Scale.
more consistently positive compared to depression, but only one
mediation path was significant.
Discussion
Given recent reports on the state of mental health of young adults
(Kan et al., 2021; Pappa et al., 2021; Xiong et al., 2020) and the concomitant increase in binge-watching—both nonproblematic and problematic (Eales et al., 2021; Sigre-Leirós et al., 2023), the present study
examined the mental health gratifications sought and obtained from
binge-watching. The results demonstrated that individuals report
binge-watching in order to manage depression and anxiety.
Whether or not they perceive this as successful management is dependent upon the specific gratification sought from binge-watching, and
on whether the mental health context is depression or anxiety.
There was a mixed outcome for depression, in that both people
reporting problematic media use and people reporting greater depression were more likely to report using media to feel better when
depressed. Using media specifically to feel better when feeling
depressed was significantly associated with decreased depression feelings after media use. However, the indirect effects of depression on
outcomes through using media to feel better when depressed were significant in both directions—for feeling less depressed and for feeling
more depressed, despite the lack of a significant relationship between
using media to feel better and experiencing more depression
(p = .053). This is possible given the way the indirect effect is calculated (A. F. Hayes, 2022). Therefore, problematic media use was indirectly associated with both increased and decreased depression
symptom reporting, indicating an ambivalent effect of problematic
viewing on depression—but perhaps slightly more strongly in favor
of reduced depression. It should be noted that many longitudinal
studies have found an association between time spent viewing television and later depression (Bickham et al., 2015; Boers et al., 2019;
Primack et al., 2009), which is in contrast to the present study.
While the present study looked specifically at using media to manage
depression and the contradictory studies looked at general use, the fact
remains that there is a disconnect. Due to these contrasts with previous
research, we urge more attention to be paid to this topic in the future.
Additionally, people reporting higher anxiety were more likely to
report using media to feel better when anxious, and problematic
media users were more likely to report binge-watching when anxious.
Both of these strategies were associated with decreased reported anxiety after media use. However, only the indirect effect of problematic
use on decreased anxiety through binge-watching when anxious was
significant. Therefore, in the context of anxiety, the strategy of bingewatching might be effective. As with depression, much of the longitudinal research on television use and anxiety finds a relationship with
more anxiety, rather than less (Allen et al., 2019; Maras et al., 2015).
However, there has been more specific work with anxiety and coping
using media (e.g., Eden et al., 2020), which supports the possibility
that asking specifically about using media to manage anxiety symptoms as opposed to looking at television use in general as time
spent is the likely reason for these disparate findings.
The results of this study shed some light on the disparate outcomes in previous literature for the relationships between bingewatching, problematic media use, and mental health. The results
of the present study are more supportive of the media use for recovery hypothesis and research on media use to cope with stress (Eden
et al., 2020; Reinecke et al., 2011, 2014), in that the results suggest
that problematic media use can actually yield positive results for
some people in some contexts. Although many studies have found
that binge-watching and problematic media use are associated with
7
BINGE-WATCHING TO FEEL BETTER
Table 2
Path Model Regression Results for Anxiety as the Context
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Binge when anxious
PSWS
Anxiety
Sex (male = 0)
Female
Non-Binary/other
Binge often
Binge when anxious
Use media to feel better
0.32
0.12
[0.14, 0.50]
[−0.03, 0.27]
0.09
0.21
[−0.13, 0.30]
[0.04, 0.38]
0.11
0.41
[−0.21, 0.42]
[0.14, 0.68]
0.57
0.26
0.08
−0.57
0.22
—
—
[−0.18, 0.34]
[−1.44, 0.31]
[0.13, 0.31]
—
—
0.33
1.11
0.02
—
—
[−0.01, 0.67]
[−0.66, 2.87]
[−0.10, 0.13]
—
—
−0.14
1.66
[−0.72, 0.45]
[0.28, 3.04]
− 0.76
0.99
[−
− 1.36, − 0.16]
[−2.38, 4.36]
0.53
0.21
[0.19, 0.86]
[−0.06, 0.49]
−0.08
0.24
[−0.41, 0.25]
[−0.04, 0.52]
0.02
[−0.17, 0.21]
−0.07
[−0.29, 0.15]
—
—
—
R
0.26
Indirect effects
PSWS → binge → less anxious
PSWS → use media → less anxious
PSWS → binge → more anxious
PSWS → use media → more anxious
Anxiety → binge → less anxious
Anxiety → use media → less anxious
Anxiety → binge → more anxious
Anxiety → use media → more anxious
95% CI
0.08
b
95% CI
Feel more anxious
B
2
b
Feel less anxious
Independent variable(s)
PSWS × Anxiety
95% CI
Use media to feel better
0.19
b
95% CI
0.17
0.02
−0.03
0.02
0.06
0.05
−0.01
0.05
[0.05, 0.35]
[−0.02, 0.12]
[−0.18, 0.07]
[−0.02, 0.12]
[−0.00, 0.19]
[−0.00, 0.15]
[−0.09, 0.02]
[−0.00, 0.16]
B
95% CI
[0.13, 1.01]
[−0.07, 0.60]
—
0.09
Note. The results reported below for all variables except the interaction are from the main effects model; the interaction results are for the interaction only.
Because the interaction was not significant, it was the main effects model that was used to run indirect effects testing. Coefficients are unstandardized;
indirect effects were obtained with 5,000 bias-corrected bootstrap samples; significant coefficients and confidence intervals (at p , .05) are bolded for ease
of interpretation. PSWS = Problematic Series Watching Scale.
worse mental health (Gangadharbatla et al., 2019; Starosta et al.,
2020; Steins-Loeber et al., 2020; Sung et al., 2015), others have
found the opposite, especially when considering binge and problematic use as coping behaviors for mental health and stress (e.g., Perks,
2015, 2019). The present study’s participants reported that they do
generally feel better when they use media to manage certain aspects
of their mental health, without strong evidence that such behaviors
make them feel worse. The current study demonstrates an agentic,
purposeful use of media and binge watching which, thus far, has
been ignored in the current literature in favor of problematizing
binge-watching and mental health.
Adopting a Uses and Gratifications framework for this study, we
found partial support for the notion of seeking out media in bingewatching fashion to cope with feelings of anxiety. Overall, this
study advances the application of the Uses and Gratifications theory
in terms of mental health outcomes. While other studies have examined binge-watching from a Uses and Gratifications perspective
(Groshek et al., 2018; Pittman & Sheehan, 2015; Rahman & Arif,
2021; Steiner & Xu, 2020), the current study finds that media
users may turn to binge watching to cope with anxiety and depression emotions. This is a specific contribution to the available scholarly applications of Uses and Gratifications theory and is the latest
example of how the theory can be applied in both use of modern
media context as well as a mental health context.
Limitations and Future Research
The present study was cross-sectional, meaning causality cannot
be assumed, and recall for media use when feeling depressed or anxious may be inaccurate due to faulty memory or due to current
mental health states coloring the recalled experiences. It is also possible that people who are high in problematic media use may be more
likely to recall their media use as beneficial in order to justify their
use. Relatedly, whether participants felt better or worse after bingewatching was also based on their perception, not on reality. Despite
these issues, however, the results remain useful as an initial step in
uncovering how mental health management gratifications are sought
by people experiencing depression and anxiety. Future research
should consider longitudinal or experimental designs to better pinpoint these relationships.
Additionally, the sample in the present study was a convenient sample of undergraduates. While young adults are an important group to
study in this context given the research on the state of their mental
health in the past few years (Kan et al., 2021; Pappa et al., 2021;
Xiong et al., 2020), it remains an issue that the results of this study
may not be generalizable to other populations such as older adults
or children. Furthermore, this undergraduate sample may have
encountered external factors which dictated their media consumption
schedule, like their responsibilities to academic course work, or parttime employment, for example. Populations outside of an undergraduate sample likely would engage in media use around different externally influential factors, like the demands of a full-time job. Future
research should consider studying these topics in other populations.
Finally, the mental health gratifications sought and obtained were
measured using single-item measures, which are statistically not
ideal for capturing what is likely a complex phenomenon. This
was an initial attempt to ascertain whether there is something
worth studying in this area, and the present results are suggestive
of that. However, in the future, it would be better if a scale for mental
health management gratifications sought and obtained could be
8
GADINO, ELLITHORPE, ULUSOY, WIRZ, AND EDEN
created and validated in order to lend more strength to the results.
Additionally, conceptual distinctions between binge and problematic viewing behaviors are needed, in order to establish the discriminant validity of the constructs (e.g., Davidson et al., 2022).
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Conclusion
Media use for coping with mental health such as depression and
anxiety is likely to continue to be a strategy to contend with. Our
results suggest that people with anxiety and depression may experience some relief by using media to feel better or by binge-watching
while feeling anxious. This is in line with the media use for recovery
hypothesis and research suggesting using media to cope with stress
can be beneficial (Reinecke et al., 2011). Although more work is
needed in this context, the present results are compelling to suggest
that mental health management is a gratification sought by people
experiencing anxiety and depression. Whether those gratifications
are obtained is another story.
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Received July 13, 2022
Revision received April 6, 2023
Accepted May 17, 2023 ▪