CHAPTER ONE
What is the Gadaa system?
Different Scholars Gave Different Definition For The Gadaa System.
 Gadaa system:- Well comprehensive Political, Social,
Economic and religious institution of the Oromo.
 It is quite egalitarian.
 No one is specifically know when did the Gadaa system
started.
 Different scholars define Gadaa system from different
perspectives.
Mohammad Hassen; the precise definition of the term Gadaa is very
Difficult (complex).
The dividing line between the various definitions is very shadowy and
indistinct
Also the meaning of the word can only be understood when the total
context in which it has been uttered is taken into account.
 Mohammad provided several meanings in which the term can be employed.
• Masaja (1867), derived the etymology of Gadaa from
Gaaddisa (shelter, shade that protects from the heat of the sun).
• It is used in three contexts.
1st use is in the sense of taking advantage of the shelter.
2nd is in the sense of protecting oneself with the shelter.
3rd is in the sense of giving somebody a shelter, protecting
him, or them, taking them under one’s Umbrella.
• People often say Gadaa bal’aa, which means the wide Gadaa
• But, many elders do not attest that the term is derived from the
term of gaaddisa.
 Asmaroom stated that the term Gadaa stands for the whole
way of life, includes: Rituals, Politics, Religion, Economy,
Calendar, etc.
 The term also has the meaning of an eight years of one
Gadaa period, Gadaa lolaa, Gadaa quufaa, Gadaa nagaya,
Gadaa keenya.
 Gadaa also refers to religion and sacredness like
circumcision and maturity for political power.
The term Gadaa
•
refers to the entire system that guides the political, social
and economic life of the Oromo.
• It also refers to a particular eight years of office term or
group holds power.
• Primarily Gadaa is a political system of the Oromo.
• The Oromo Gadaa is so complex compared to similar
political systems of the East African communities.
• Gadaa system is a variety of democratic political organization that the Oromo
have developed and used at least for the last five hundred years.
• The system is fully operational among the Borana, the Guji and the Gabra,
and persists as a variety of local level democracy among other Oromo groups,
such as the Macha (Asmarom, 2000:30).
•
Asmarom (1973:50) stated that Gadaa system is an institution similar to agesets common in east African communities, yet it is quite different from what
is commonly known as age- set in anthropological studies.
• Historically the system might have started as an age-set organization
• However in its developed nature is has little to do with age.
• For instance, in Gadaa system “the newly born infant boy always enters the
system of grades exactly forty years behind the father, regardless of the age of
the father.
• Hinnat (1977:1) described the Gadaa as a system resembles to
age grade organizations of other African societies.
• Like other age grade organization Gadaa segments the male
members of the society into certain classes and grades, each
grade with a certain specific behavior and or responsibilities.
• The transition from one grade to the other is signaled by certain
type of rite of passage.
• The full cycle of Gadaa period is forty years.
• The movement of the 40 years is cyclical, repeating itself after every eight
years.
• Gadaa structure goes beyond clan structure and frames the basic social,
economic and political life of the society
• The Gadaa system is working hand in hand with the qallu institution.
• Qallu is the religious leader of the society.
•
The office of the qallu is hereditary, whereas the office of the Gadaa is elective.
• Among the Borana there are clans eligible to Gadaa and qallu.
• They call these clans warra Bokkuu and warra qallu (laduu) respectively.
• Gadaa consists of a series of grades that one passes through from birth to death,
each promotes to the next stage every eight years.
• The name of each stage and the number of stages vary from place to place.
Gadaa is the concept that standing for the whole way of life
oromo.
More specifically, however, it refers to any period of eight years
during which a class stays in power.
It refers to a specific grade (VI) through which every class pass
(Asmerom, 1973, P.81).
This multiplicity of meaning can be associated to either bulging
data on the study of Gadaa system or the comprehensive nature
of Gadaa itself.
The Gadaa which is comprehensive phenomena by its nature,
contains political, religious, rituals, and cultural dimensions of
oromo society.
Historical Development of the Gadaa system
• The origin of the Gadaa system is lost in mythical lore.
• Most of the Oromo elders also do not provide substantial explanations about
the origin of the Gadaa system and the etymology of the term Gadaa.
• But they know that it has been the all round organization of their forefathers,
which they have inherited.
• The Oromo elders have no idea whether age set organizations of East African
communities have common source or not.
• But they unequivocally argues that Gadaa is indigenous to the Oromo.
•
Gadaa is unique in its nature and more complex than any other like systems.
• It is therefore, justice and seems fair to argue that the source of Gadaa is the
Oromo and probably expanded to and moved across East African society.
• Some Tulama elders attest that the Gadaa Tulama is about 17 centuries old
interrupted so far.
• Currently the Borana informants claim that Gadaa was operation for at least 100
Gadaa periods.
• In the present Gadaa chronology the Borana are in a postion to list down about
69 sucssessive Gadaa leaders, each ruled for for eight years.
• Some reasearchers take the time of the origin of Gadaa back to 3000 years.
• Borana elders explain that originally the Gadaa system was organized in to two
gogessa, each ruled turn by turn for about eight years of time.
• The two gogessa were Tulami and Lolayi.
• Still the Borana use the tulami and loloyi categories for marriage purpose.
• Similar culture is observed among the Oromo of the central part of the country.
• Categories with like purpose are known as hobo and Cora.
• For the Oromo of Shewa the Hobo and Cora relation indicates the
generational relation.
• If the father is hobo the son is Cora.
• The grand son and grand father are always in the same category
• The two are considered mates.
• A grand mother has joking relations with the grand son, in which
she considers him her husband, because the boy is in the same
category with her actual husband.
• As a result a grand mother able to discuss with her grand son about
sexual matters.
• Women normally take the category of their husbands.
• However the Oromo in the western and central part of Oromia
never attach Hobo and Cora with Gadaa system and it is no more
important in selecting mates.
• The idea was that a male person is supposed to select his
marriage partner from his category, not from the category of his
father.
• During the sixteenth century, the Macha and the Tulama had a
common Gadaa government and common law.
• The leaders had legitimacy of declaring war, mobilizing resources
for common purposes, resolving conflicts to maintain order and
concluding peace on behalf of the people.
• Similarly, the Macha who moved further away to the west were ruled
under common law set at their common head quarter (Mohammed,
1990:41). Any inter and intra clan conflicts were dealt with by this
common law.
• The head quarter of their common government was located at Oda Nabe
in Fatagar.
• The fact of common law was symbolized by the common bokkuu.
• Bokkuu is a wooden scepter made up of olive tree used as a symbol of
political power and expression of unity.
• Macha eventually separated from Tulama and established their own center
at the hill of Tute Bisil Osole, known as Oda Bisil.
• It was located in the upper Gibe basin between Gedo, Bilo and Gibe
River.
• This site as Tesema (1980: 23) explains was used as a strategic place to
further expand into the areas they finally dominated.
• With further expansion of the Macha, Odaa Bisil no longer served as a
common Gadaa center for the group; instead various local bokkuu centers
were established.
• According to Tesema, currently, the Macha dominate the area between the
Abbay River in the North, the Gojeb River in the South, and the Dabus
and TuluWalal in the West.
• One of the Macha's descendants, Liban settled in western Shoa in the
extreme east of Macha land.
• Writers called this group eastern Macha. With this expansion
Gadaa became more fragmented among the Macha.
• Currently at local level Gadaa is practiced among eastern
Macha.
• Some of the Gadaa centers are: gumii gayo, Me’e Bokko, Odaa
Rooba, Odaa Bultum, Odaa Nabee, Oda Bisil, Bokkuu Cittuu,
Bokkuu Xulee, Laftoo Liban, Hindhee Yaa’ii.
• The Oromo believe that the roots of all odas of Gadaa centers,
like oda Bisil, oda Roba are common.
• This legend is to indicate that commonness and relationships
among of the Oromo groups
Structure Of The Gadaa System: Age Set And Generation Set
• The Gadaa system divides the whole male members into five groups,
in which successive generations of the first founders of each group
remain members of the same set.
• Each group holds power for one Gadaa period, with eight years term
of office. However, despite this and other basic similarities Gadaa
varies from place to place in its details.
• The Guji call the five sets as balli shanan or fincan shanana, whereas the
Borana call them gegessa shanan.
• Still in the other part of the Oromo land people use the term missensa
shanan.
•
Horata-years of glorious cattle breeding-ya horataa maal godhataa
•
Michille-good feat over their rivalry-michillee michuu duulaa
•
Birmaji- happy festival and dance- ya birmajjii ya sirbashii
•
Robale- heavy rain- roobaleeya roobashii
•
Dulo- credentials for war- duuloo qopheessa duulaa
• In most of the Oromo areas, except in the case of the Gabra and the
Borana there are only five names corresponding to the five groups.
• The names of course vary from locality to locality.
Guji
Arsi
Matcha
Ittu
Tulama
Harmufa
Birmaji
Birmaji
Faddata
Birmaji
Mudana
Bahara
Horata
Dibbaqsa
Mudana
Halchisa
Bultuma
Michille
Dibeessa
Halchisa
Dhalana
Robale
Robale
Darara
Robalee
Robalee
Horata
Duulo
Horata
Malba/Horata
Borana
Gabra
Fullaas
Melgus
dhibgudo
desmala (10
years)
Mardiida
Libaalle
selgudo
Margudo
(9 years)
Daraara
Irmangudo
elguba
Desgudo (9
years)
Libaas
Moggaas
Sabbaqa
Maakula
• The reason for changing the gogessa form seven to five and
retaining the seven names or maqa basi is still prevalent among
the Borana.
• According to them, two of the seven groups, Makula and Mogasa
were totally disappeared by war.
• These were the councils of Maxxalo and Walee Kokko
respectively.
• The Borana distinguish by name between seven gada groups:
mogisa, makula, fullasa, mardida, darara, libasa, and sabaka.
• To which of these group a man will belong depends upon the
group
of
which
his
father
is
a
member.
• A man is thus automatically initiated into the class that enters the
gada system 40 years after his father's initiation into the same
class.
• At the same time the father receives full rights as a member of
the system's'highest' class.
• 40 years later, when the son in his turn becomes a full member
of this class, the father after 80 years retires from the system.
• The time interval between two consecutive grades is eight years.
• When the son is initiated, the father's gada group has passed
through five classes of, in all, five eight year periods.
• The son will, therefore, be a member of the sixth gada group.
• For the Borana these two names are with bad fate, which you
can not avoid.
• They designed to distribute the risk of being named after
these two unlucky names.
• Accordingly, for the Borana no gogessa has constant name
that passed from father generation to son’s generation, rather
the five gogessa receive all the seven names across the
generational sequence.
• That is, all the five groups have the chance to be named after
all the seven names.
• For the Borana the above seven names are called maqa basii.
• It is stock of names to be given for a particular Gadaa period.
• It has nothing to do with the five Gadaa misensa.
• Names are changing wheras misensa is permanent over generations.
• Gogessa refers to the groups among which the Gadaa divides the society and
luba refers to a specific Gadaa class which is named after the abba Gadaa.
• Gogessa implies those five permanent groups founded by the first Five Abba
Gadaas and inherited by all the subsequent generations of the groups.
• Where as luba refers to a specific Gadaa class ruling for one Gadaa period.
• For instance, all members of the present Gadaa class call themselves luba
Guyyoo Gobba, while Guyyoo is the present abba Gadaa.
• As far as their gogessa is concerned they are the fifth gogessa, the founder
of this gogessa was Diida Namduri. Diida Namduii was one of the five
forefathers that founded the groups.
• The first founders of the present Borana Gadaa were: Gadaayyoo Galgaloo,
Yaayyaa Fullallee, Jaarsoo Baabboo, Daawwaa Borbor and Diida Namduri.
Gogessa therefore refers to vertical relations in genealogical order and
horizontal relations among the groups.
• Luba refers to horizontal relations in generational sense and
vertical relations in order of power holding
• Gadaa dividies the male members of the society into age sets and
generation sets.
• Still the number and names of the age sets vary from place to place, but
have common structure and purposes.
• For instance, according to Joseph Van de Loo (1991:23) Guji Gadaa has
about twelve series of grades that one passes through from birth to death.
• He listed down the names, but Hinnat provided another list of names of
the same Gadaa.
Van De Loo
Wako Dubo
Hinnat
Sulluda
Daballee
Sulluda
Gamme
Gammee
Dabale
Qarre
Dargago
Qarre
Raaba
Kusa
Kusa
Doorii
Raaba
Raba Mido
Gadaa
Dorii
Dorii
Batuu
Gadaa
Gadaa
Yuuba
Baatuu
Baatuu
Guduruu,
Yuuba
Yuuba
Qululicha
Yuuba Gudda
Yuba Gudda
Raqa
Ginya
Jarsa Guduru
Hurra
Qulullicha
Qulqullicha
Raqa
No
Age
Borana
Guji
1
0-8
Daballee
Daballee
2
9-16
Junior Gammee
Gammee
3
17-24
Senior Game
Dargago
4
25-32
Kusa
Kusa
5
33-40
Raaba/Dorii
Raaba/Dorii
6
41-48
Gadaa
Gadaa
7
49-56
Yuuba
Baatuu
8
57-64
Yuuba
Baatuu
9
65-72
Yuba
Yuuba
10
73-80
Yuuba
Yuuba Gudda
11
81-88
Gadaamojjii
Ginya (81-88)
12
Above89
Gadaamojjii
Qulullicha
• Each male member ideally passes through these grades.
• Theoretically the age gap between the father and his sons is
about 40 to 48 years.
• Joseph Van de Loo (1991:23) states that every eight years each
member advances one grade.
• The grade to which some one belongs to is determined by the
grade attended by his father who is also supposed to pass
through all the steps.
• Usually the gap between the father and the son is five grades of
each eight years.
• Age set refres to a certain group of people in certain age
category.
• In Gadaa system this is known as Hariya. Hariya
has nothing to do with generation set, as opposed
to generation set which has nothing to do with
age category.
• The Borana have the system to use both
categories in one, with the possibilities to address
both separately.
CHAPTER TWO
Roles And Duties Of Individuals In The Gadaa Grade
• For each step social roles and activities are formally defined.
• If we take the typical Borana Gadaa all male persons are categorized in
one of these groups.
• Each stage except yuba and Gadaamojii lasts for eight years, and at the
end of every eight years there are rites of passage to be performed to
mark the transition of one grade to the other.
• For instance, this ritual is known by the name qululluu sadeen, meaning
the three shaved.
• Every eight year the Borana have three groups shaved to signal to the
transition of one Gadaa grade to the other.
• These are daballee, gammee I and Gadaamoji.
• On the same event gammee II transformed to kusa and the later
to raaba and raaba to doorii.
• As of this time children born to doori are dabballe.
• This ritual also marks the fatherhood ritual of the doori, known
as daannisa.
• Every eight years the dabbale is transformed to gamme I and
the gamme I to gamme II, etc.
Daballe
• Daballe are the male children of doorii. Dabbale are children born after
dannisa ritual until the third year of the Gadaa period of the fathers’
generation.
• Daballe are often called itti mako or Sulluuda.
• They have no specific role to play, but signal the entering of the first step
of the Gadaa grade and the last group of their specific gogessa.
• They are given love and attention because they are seen as mediators
between man and God.
• So, dabballee is not punished physically. Even mothers of dabballee don’t
have to stand in long queues.
• Parents try to protect dabballee by giving them unattractive and
derogatory nicknames. they don’t have common name until they
are promoted to junior game.
• The Borana have a system of controlling age gap required for the Gadaa
be implemented. This was mainly infanticide and late marriage of the
raaba Gadaa class.
• However since the Gadaa period of Jilo Aga (1976-1984) the Borana
amended the rule against infanticide, and consequently currently there
are a number of pre- matured children, whose age is beyond the normal
age limit.
• The Borana have no clear idea of the place of these children in the
the Gadaa system.
• Some, especially the fathers claim that they have the right to join
their luba regardless of their age, others still argue that they are
not part of the system for the system never permits birth before
the time of the luba.
• Dabbale is the one born after the ritual of dannisa, a fatherhood
ritual.
• But all unequivocally agree that the prohibition of infanticide
must be supplemented by another rule which allows the
integration of pre matured children into the system.
• Some of them propose that such children better join the Gadaa
group their ages appropriately fits into.
• Others propose to reward the luba of such children to the luba of
their grand father.
• During the former times children just born only a year ahead of
the normal time were kept with the non- Borana, especially with
the Wata until the fatherhood ritual was performed by the father of
the child.
• The practice is known as dabballee suuqqachuu, meaning
reserving the dabbale.
• The child was not considerd Borana dabbalee until the day of the
fatherhood ritual.
• The reintegration of the child into the family was considered his
birth
• On the other hand, the Dabballee in Oromo Gadaa system are
completely regarded as females which can be deduced from their
physical appearance and the societies’ perception towards them.
• They are socialized as females to reduce gender imbalance which is
naturally inherent in males.
• . The Dabballee grow their hair long, usually at shoulder length, and
decorate it with cowry shells.
• The style is typically feminine and is, in fact, identical with the hair style
of a class of women whom the dabballee call their grandmothers.
• The boys are not only made to look like girls; they are
also categorically identified with them.
• Borana always address them as girls (intal) when they
want to attract their attention.
• If the strangers use the masculine pronoun in talking to
them or about them, they are quickly corrected.
• The boys either go naked
or they wrap a large shawl
around themselves.
• This is another decidedly feminine characteristic
(Legesse, 1973:52).
• Today however, because of the far too long generation
interval and deterioration of past effective method of
birth control, many Borana men are born when their
gada group has already passed several classes.
• For the same reason some have become old men or have
died before being initiated into the first
class.
• A large number are not born until the group to which,
according to the genealogical recruiting principle, they
should belong has long since left the system.
• The sons born of fathers who have already retired or
who have never been members of the Gadaa system for
the
reason
mentioned
are lumped together under the name ilman jarsa sons of
jarsa.
• They take part in certain gada ceremonies and some
of them may be attached to lower councils of the
ruling Gadaa class
• Because of their nearly total exclusion from the gada system, a
significant
part
of
their
participation
in Borana social life derives from their membership in the
hariya age –grade organization.
• This in a way can be interpreted as reflecting the eight year
rhythm of the gada system.
• New hariya classes are actually formed each eighth year.
• The fundamental difference lies in the fact that the hariya class consists
of biological age-mates
Gamme I
• Three years in the Gadaa period of their fathers’
daballe are transformed into gamme xixiqa.
• At this stage the elder gamme can look after calves
and small livestock, like goats and sheep.
• They always remain under the control and close
supervision of their parents.
Gamme Gurguddaa
• The third stage in the Gadaa age category is characterized by
group of young peple ready for hunting as a first step to become a
patriot and fighter in the next steps to come.
• This group is known by different names in different parts of
Oromo land.
• They are known as Gamme gurgudda in Borana, folle in Tulama
and Macha, qarre in Gujii, and Gobama in Ittu.
• At this stage young men start to lead themselves independently of
the supervision of their parents.
• They are needed to take part in foora expedition.
• Foora is the time when youngmen take their family
herds into untamed river valleys.
• They don’t return to their family for 2-3 years.
• Some of the boys get killed while trying to hunt
big animals or defending their cattle from these
animals.
Kuusa
• Kusa is the fourth stage and significantly important in Borana and
Guji Gadaa.
• Hinnat (1977:128) gave detailed elaboration of the behavior of the
kusa grade.
• During kussa, however, men become like wild animals (akka
bininsa). … During this period the kussa are apparently wild in
their appearance.
• Their bodies are painted with sorsa (a mixture of red earth and
butter).
• Their hair is long and unkempt.
• The group of kussa had their own war leader, called abba dula
and oracles called aba gorsa.
• Similarly, among the Borana this stage is the time where election
of the future Gadaa leaders is performed.
• During the third year of the kusa grade the election of adula is
done.
• At this level the younger person in the group is supposed to be 24
years of age.
• This group is a self reliant and warrior section of the society.
• Yet they are not allowed to marry.
• The leader of the present kusa grade is the prospective Borana
abba Gadaa after 21 years.
• In spite of their identified leaders neither they have base (head
quarter) nor permanent gatherings.
• For the next eight years of time the leaders of the kusa class stay
with their families, but occasionally meet and perform certain
rituals under the supervision of the fathers’ generation of their
group.
• They settle together as a head quarter only when transferred to
the raaba grade.
• This group is eligible to marry just three years later than their
common settlement.
• The Kusa is a kind of warrior class.
• Previously at least its members undertook war expeditions or
big game hunts to win distinction and prestige for themselves
and for the class as a whole.
• Sexually the class members are permitted considerable
freedom, and even in other respects deviating behaviour on
their part is tolerated by their fellow Borana.
• Among the Borana the kusa, raaba, doorii and Gadaa classes
are politically more active.
• Each of these groups is with already identified Gadaa leaders.
• All the next three groups, i.e., the Raba, Doori and Gadaa have
already their leaders.
Raaba grade
• Raaba grade is the warrior grade represents the military force of the
Oromo.
• They have common settlement as a base.
• Settled together they perform extensive rituals.
• Formerly they wage war against their enemies either to defend Borana
land or to raid cattle.
• The source of bride wealth was supposed to be cattle raided from the
enemies.
• Raaba has no power to settle cases, except their own internal problems.
• Formerly they were under the guidance of the Gadaa grade.
• The Borana often use the phrase “raaba ya’a Gadaa dhaqxe” to
indicate the need to keep quite.
• More listing than talking is required.
• For the raaba no statement of decision or even suggestion is allowed
in the presnence of the Gadaa except questions from curiosity to
know something.
• Most raba have one or two mistresses in different camps; but this
depends on their social skills and prestige.
• The main function of this grade is therefore rituals and security
Doorii
•
Dorii is one step before coming to power.
• Doorii grade refers to the last three years of the fifth Gadaa grade.
At this stage they are ready to come to power.
• This grade passed through different steps in Gadaa grades and
matured enough.
• They assist the Gadaa class in all administrative activities,
including dispute processing.
• Cases can be taken to them and decision can be passed by the dori
class in the name of the ruling Gadaa class.
• Traditionally it was during this grade that the ritual war called
butta was waged in the past.
• The 1st 5 grades are the practical schools during which young men
were trained militarily, politically and ritually to take over the
leadership of the nation.
• The Gadaa grade is the grade in which the group holds power.
• After their entrance into the class of raba or raba didikka, little
raba, the men are allowed to marry, although theoretically they are
not allowed to keep the children who are born while they are in
this class.
• The dori class, also called raba gugurdo, the big raba, a gada
class constitute a period of preparation for the assumption of
authority.
Gadaa Grade
• Gadaa grade is the grade in which the groups are more active.
• They involve in over all administration activities.
• Ritually, politically and socially they are important compared
to the former grades.
• They are responsible in addressing the social, political and
economic problems of the society.
• The father and the son are separated by five grades, like when
the fathers luba is in a grade of Gadaa the sons’ luba is
daballe.
• The fourth through the sixth are active grades (luba), have their
own elected internal leaders, and assembly.
• The leaders of the luba become the leader of the nation
• Each Gadaa class assumes power only for eight years of time
that begins and ends with a formal power transfer ceremony,
called balli kennu, giving balli.
• Among the Borana, Guji and Gabra, while balli refers to an
ostrich feather, which is used as a symbol of power.
(Bargurddaa)
• In the other part of Oromo the out going Abba
Gadaa passes over bokku to the coming Abba
Gadaa, bokku is the symbol of power.
• Bokkuu is a wooden scepter made up of olive tree
used as a symbol of political power.
• So, the incoming abba Gadaa is expected to chase
an ostrich on foot until it drops some feather.
• Because, this is the insignia of political authority.
Yuuba
• The successive yuuba grades after the Gadaa grade are all equally
important in the political, economic and rituals performance.
• They mainly serve as advisors for the younger generations in the Gadaa
chronology.
• They share their experiences to the successive grades to come to power in
the time to come.
• In Borana the senior abba Gadaa has the height power in the Gadaa system.
• The yuba has the right to correct the ruling group when be.
• They need have advisory authority.
• They play an integral role in gumii gayo deliberation.
Gadaamoojjii
• Gadaamojjii is the last stage in the Borana Gadaa.
• They can continue as advisors and informants of aada and seera of
the society.
• However, officially they are retired section of the society.
• There is formal transition called qumbii walirraa fuudhuu (incense
exchange) to be performed. Semicircular hut is constructed.
• Then accompanied with seven assistants (turban) they enter the
hut.
• There are anxious relatives, friends, and neighbors to attend this
critical moment.
• Madaala (a large container filled with sour milk) will be tied to
the pole.
• Ones accomplishment can be estimated by the manner the hut is
decorated and how the madaala is tied.
• I.e. figures of wild animals or human enemies that the
Gadaamojji had killed in his younger days were painted and
displayed.
• He presents what has done very emotionally; but celebrants
challenge truthfulness of his statements.
• And fuudha geessittii will be performed.
• For those who had nothing to recite the ritual is deeply
humiliating.
• The luba sons came to him and force him to hear about his deeds
of valor.
• After this ceremony their status will be changed.
• They can’t carry arms or kill any other living creatures.
• Rather people come to them to seek their blessing.
• They are given food and shelter since they are liminal.
• Its members are subject to extremely strict taboos and purity rules
and must always bear their ritual class symbols, the phallic
kalacha and a long phallic ceremonial staff, the Horooroo.
• They may never carry weapons or kill.
• They must control their tempers and their tongues and should not
refuse any one anything.
The Structural Relationships Between The Gadaa Grades
Gadaa (Luba) (41-48 )yrs)
All age grades have roles and
responsibilities!
Raabaa Doorii(33-40 yrs)
Kuusa(25-32 yrs)
Senior Gaammee(17-24
yrs)
Yuuba I (49-56 yrs)
Yuuba II (57-64 yrs)
Yuuba III (65-72 yrs)
Junior Gaammee (9-16 yrs)
Yuuba IV (73-80 yrs)
Dabballee (0-8 yrs)
Gadaamojjii (>81 yrs)
Diagram 1: Structural Relationships between Gadaa Age Grades
• The above triangle corroborates the philosophical base of Gadaa
system that age grades are structurally congruent.
• Accordingly, both physical strength and mental maturity of
Dabballee and Gadaamoojjii, junior gaammee and yuuba IV,
senior gaammee and yuuba III, kuusa and yuuba II and raabaa
doorii and yuuba I are equivalent.
• Accordingly, at the apex of this structure is Gadaa (Luba).
• Since it is at the peak of all, there is no equivalent age grade in
terms of both muscular strength and intellectual maturity.
• At this level, physical might and intellectual development reach its
climax and appropriate than other Gadaa grades to administer the
community.
• On the other hand, dabballee and gadaamoojjii share many
common characteristics including being ritualistic, physical
liminality, proximity to Waaq and knowledge deficiency.
• Because of this short distance between them, dabballees and
gadaamoojjiis are nearer to each other despite their lengthy age
gap.
• Dabballees respect their fathers (Gadaa) than their grandfathers.
• As a result, participation in Gadaa assemblies and structures are
determined by this biological fact.
• Seen from this perspective, one can figure out the fact that very
immature children and very old peoples hold ritual supremacy,
while the middle aged segments of the society exercise political
CHAPTER THREE
The Political, Ritual And Social Significance Of The Gadaa System
Calendar
• It is believed that the Oromo developed their own calendar around 300
BCE.
•
The Oromo calendar is a lunar-stellar calendar system, relying on
astronomical observations of the moon in conjunction with seven
particular stars or constellations.
•
Borana have a separate calendar, with twenty seven days, each with
distinct names.
• The Oromo count twelve months each with.
• Each month has a day as its first day.
• There is a chance for a day to appear two times in a given month.
Borana
Arsii
Gujii
1
Areerii
Bitaa qaraa
Areerii
2
Areerii Bal’oo
Bitaa gidduu
Areerii Bal’oo
3
Adula duraa
Adula duraa
Adula duraa
4
Adula Bal’oo
Adula Bal’oo
Adula Bal’oo
5
Garba dura
Garba dura
Garba dura
6
Garba Bal’oo
Garba Bal’oo
Garba Bal’oo
7
Garba dllachaa
Garba dllachaa
Garba dllachaa
8
Bitaa duraa
Bitaa duraa
Bitaa duraa
9
bitaa bal’aa
bitaa bal’aa
bitaa bal’aa
10
sorsa
sorsa
sorsa
11
Algajima
Algajima
Algajima
13
Walii
Walii
Walii
14
Basa duraa
Basa duraa
Basa duraa
15
Basa bal’oo
Basa bal’oo
Basa bal’oo
16
Maganatii carraa
Maganatii carraa
Maganatii carraa
17
Maganattii Jarraa
Maganattii Jarraa
Maganattii Jarraa
18
Maganattii biritii
Maganattii biritii
Maganattii biritii
19
Salbaana Duraa
Salbaana Duraa
Salbaana Duraa
20
salbana bal’aa
salbana bal’aa
salbana bal’aa
21
Salbaana dullacha
Salbaana dullacha
Salbaana dullacha
22
Gardaduma
Gardaduma
Gardaduma
23
Sonsa
Sonsa
Sonsa
24
Rurruma
Rurruma
Rurruma
25
Lumaasa
Lumaasa
Lumaasa
26
Gigaadaa
Gigaadaa
Gigaadaa
27
Ruuda
Ruuda
Ruuda
• The twenty seven days are all identified with the position of the stars vis-àvis the moon.
• This is expertise achieved through education and not inborn quality.
• The Oromo attach each of these days with certain fates.
• For instance, for the Borana Areerii Bal’oo is a day for the Ilmaan
Kormaa.
• This means any rituals related to Ilmaan Korma must be celebrated on
this day.
• Similarly, Bitaa dura is said to be the day of war and planned war is waged
on this day.
• Accordingly the birth day of each person has its own meaning in the rest of
• He is entitled to or/ and liable to something. For instance, Algajima
is said to be the day of hayyuu and it is most likely that someone
born on this day will hold the office of hayyuu.
• In the mean time from his early child hood he is supposed to
abstain from all things prohibited for the hayyuu.
• For the Borana woman birth day has nothing to do with their fate,
but their wedding day.
Gumii
What is Gumii?
• In the Gadaa system the legislative power is vested in gumii.
• The Oromo word gumii stands for assembly. It refers to a kind of
gathering.
• In its present sense it represents general assembly, particularly
• The Oromo have different gatherings, such as clan council, qalluu
gatherings, kora debanuu (meeting of the many).
• In Gadaa system the beginning of eight years reigning time is marked by the
proclamation of the new law.
• The Oromo make law on the occasion of general assembly.
• The assembly is known Gumii gaayoo among the Borana, me’ee bokkoo
among the Guji, yaa’ii haraa among theWaliso.
• Once the group enters the gula grade, the next eight years is known by its
name.
• Asmarom (1973: 83) states, "the strongest indication that the class was in
power is the fact that it imparted its name and its ritual attributes to the
period of history when it was Gadaa (vi).
• Laws are made and proclaimed; the former laws are renewed
and amended every eight years by the name of the reigning set.
• Otherwise it is a common activity of all Gadaa leaders, including the
retired ones.
• The reigning set proposes the law with the consent of the experienced
Gadaa leaders.
• The proposal is enriched, improved upon and amended through public
debate before proclaimed law.
• The formality of proclaiming the law also varies from locality to
locality.
• According to Asmarom (1973: 93-96) in Borana society among whom
Gadaa is still fully operational, gumii gayo that is the assembly of the
representatives of the entire society is a law making body.
• This body has the highest degree of political authority.
• The gumii is held under a green tree known as dhaddacha gumii.
• The Gumii is made up of all the assemblies and councils of the Borana who
meet as a single body once every eight years.
• It is comparable to the great assemblies in the history of other parts of
Oromo country such as the Chaffe of the western (Macc’a), central
(Tulama) and eastern (Barentu-Arsi) Oromo.
• This assembly stands above all other Oromo institutions.
• The assembly also sits as a law making body, revises existing laws and
proclaims new laws.
• Some of the changes they have made are fundamental” (Asmarom 2000:
32).
• In his famous monograph Gadaa of (1973: 93) Asmarom discussed that the
pan-Borana general assembly called gumii gayo that brought together almost
every important leader attended by large number of people every day for
eight successive days.
• Gumii gayo is not only inclusive but also vested with the highest degree of
political authority, the highest decision making body.
• It is inclusive in the sense that any interested person has a right to attend
and bring issues to the attention of the assembly.
• Mohammad Hassen (1990:11) stated that the ultimate source
of power was the assembly held every eight years.
• The assemblies were concerned with issues of supreme
importance like war and peace, legislation, amendment of the
former laws and enacting new laws, settlement of inter clan
disputes.
• The assembly was held in the chafe(the meadow) under the
life giving shade of the oda (the holy sycamore tree”) which
traditionally was believed to be the most “respected” and the
most “sacred” of trees, the shadow of which the sources of
peace and the center of religion.
• The shade of the oda was not only the “office of the government,”
the meeting ground for the elders of the confederacy, but also the
sacred place for the religious duties.
• Hence, all the sacrifices undertaken by the Gadaa class were performed at
this spot” (p.14).
• Oda indicates protection, indiscrimination, democracy, access to power,
inclusiveness, sustainability and prayer.
• Green for the Oromo is the symbol of justice. This is common practice
among Oromo groups.
• The general assembly is held under oda tree, but not in all the cases.
Other trees also serve as the center of the gumii.
The Amaya Gadaa center is called laafto Liban and the Borana have dhad
Guji gather under me’e tree.
If we take the example of the Borana what qualifies a gathering an assembly is n
attendants, but the purpose and the nature of the gathering.
The Borana never call clan gatherings as gumii, rather the word kora is commonly
Gumii refers to general assembly of the Borana as such under Gadaa system.
The participants of general assembly are the Gadaa leaders at different stages, the
qallu, the wayyu, elders, and any interested Borana men and women.
• In the history of the Borana there have been different assemblies.
• These are: gumii gayo, gumii El-dollo, gumii Surichoo Lahe and
gumii Simphir Balal.
• However, except gumii gayo none of these gumii is a law making
body.
Gumii Gaayoo
• Gumii gayo is the largest and well known assembly held at Gayo in
the present Areeroo district.
• It was first assembled by the 31st Borana abbaa Gadaa Dawwee Gobboo
(1696-1704)... Dawwee Gobboo was committed to restate the weakened
Gadaa system.
• He renewed many of the past traditions and rules. Since then it is
done once every eight years.
• Gumii Gayo was and still is a forum for every interested
personality in airing their views and attending the views of able
and knowledgeable personalities.
• Gumii gayo provides an opportunity to evaluate the performances
of the lately retired Gadaa and the active Gadaa in power.
• It provides chance to evaluate the past Gadaa system in line with
internal dynamics and external pressure.
• Theoretically the forum enables the gumii to dismiss the abba
Gadaa from power when need be.
• However in the history of the Borana there have been no abba
Gadaa dismissed from power before his term of office was over.
• The Borana of course use the forum effectively in evaluating the Gadaa
classes and individuals in the classes.
• The thirty-first abba Gadaa Dawwee Gobo made a popular law called seera
Dawwe.
• The law was related to ban on the movement of the hayyuu.
• The law was enacted to ban free movement of the hayyuu beyond certain
territorial boundaries.
• On this occasion law is made and amended. The abba seera is the leader of
the process. But the law makers never make laws without prior
investigations of the attitude of the Borana as such.
• The investigation and gathering of different ideas could be both in formal
and informal procedures.
• In addition, the adula and the retired abba Gadaa, stay together for long
time during the assembly.
• The making of the law is pre planned, discussed within the concerned
personnel.
• The fiixe from all classes, i.e., from raba, dori, Gadaa and the retired
grades participate in thorough discussion.
• Any abba Gadaa Fiixe has the chance to participate in three assemblies of
gumii gayo prior to his coming to power.
• They therefore, make necessary preparation ahead of time.
• Except in very rare cases making of law never appears as sudden act at
Gumii Gayo.
• But sometimes individuals possibly come with very innovative and
progressive ideas to the general assembly, which automatically welcomed by
the multitude and announced law.
• Ideas are treated if convincing and progressive.
• Among the Oromo what is important is the idea rather than the source of
the idea. During the gumii gayo different laws have been amended and
newly made.
• For instance, Jilo Aga (1976-1984) amended the law which banned on the
movement of the Gadaa leaders beyond certain part of the Borana land.
• Goba Bule (1968-1976) also amended the Borana law against
farming and farming. The Borana have practiced infanticide
for centuries.
• This was in favor of the Gadaa system, but as of the Gadaa
period of Jaldesa Liban (1960-1968) the law was amended.
• During the Gadaa period of Liban Daljesa (200-2008) the
general assembly agreed that opportunistic farming of the
Borana lowland has its adverse effect on the pastoralist way of
life and should be minimized and gradually abandoned.
Gumii El- Dallo
• El-Dallo is located at the north eastern part of the Borana land, in Liban
district.
• It was organized to reach the borana in Liban.
• This gumii is the continuation and implementation some of the decisions of
the gumii Gaayoo.
Gumii Simphir Balal
• Gumii Simphir Balal was the general assembly of the Borana with their
neighbors organized by Borana abba Gadaa LibanWata (1776-1784).
• LibanWata, according to Borana oral history, was one of the able and
outstanding abba Gadaas.
• The participants were: Borana, Guji, Arsi, Gedeo, Sidama, Gabra, Burji,
Amaro, Murale, Rendille, Konso, Hamar, Erbore and the like.
• Elders attest that the participants were about seventeen groups
neighboring the Borana.
• The very objective of the assembly was to bring about long lasting peace
and cooperation among those groups.
• LibanWata was committed to this golden objective.
• And he was able to gather the groups together.
• . The first assembly was held in Arsi during the Gadaa period of Liban
Wata (1776-1784) and the second in Borana during the Gadaa next Gadaa
period (1784-1792).
• The gumii Simphir Balal was successful in bring peace for these two Gadaa
periods among the neighboring communities.
•
•
•
•
•
Gumii Suricho Lahe
Gumii Suricho Lahe was the assembly organized by the Dambe- Noonnoo
clans of the Borana.
In Borana political principle of decentralization the Dambe-Noonnoo
clans were allowed their own council in the east-central part of Borana
land.
The idea was to authorize these clans to defend the Borana in this
direction.
It was the tendency to guarantee these clans with relatively separate
council, with relative freedom in managing the Borana relations with the
Gare.
The majority of the Dambe- Nonnoo clans reside in the south east part of
the Ethiopian Borana land.
• They were allowed to organize a huge gumii called gumii suricho Lahe.
• Lahe is one of the nine well complexes of the Borana, which they call, tula
saglan.
Some specific procedures of Making and amending law
• Among the Matcha once agreed upon, laws are formalized through the
process known as seera tumu (law making) that involves a much
elaborated ritual performance.
• The leaders of the class in power select two gulas from any Gadaa set
based on seniority.
• The selected gulas kneel down and lay down whips and pronounce the
law.
• The act of making and proclaiming law is always preceded
and concluded by prayer.
• Mohammed (1990: 16) expresses this fact as one of the
points where politics and rituals intersect. The following is
an example of law making (tuma) ritual.
• It is typical law making process of the Macha Oromo.
x
y =
=
The first Gul
The second Gula
Step – one (general principles) X starts, Y responds
Y
X
Kan ati jette milkii dha milkiin biyyaaf haa ta'u
Haa ta'u
You said good thing, may good fortune be for the nation
May it be
Biyyi nagaa haa ta'u
Haa ta'u
May our land be peaceful
May it be
Dinni bitaa haa galu
Haa ta'u
May our enemy be on the wrong side
May it be
Waaqni qananii dha
Haa ta'u
Waaqa is praiseworthy
May it be
Lafti qananii dha
Haa ta'u
Earth is praiseworthy
May it be
Kormi qananii dha, hari'ee dhalcha
Haa ta'u
Bull is praiseworthy, for it mounts cow
May it be
Abbaan qananii dha, waan nama uumeef
Haa ta'u
Father is praiseworthy, for he procreates
May it be
Haati qananii dha, garaatt baattee dugdatte dabarfatti
Haa ta'u
Mother is praiseworthy for she carries in her womb and May it be
on her back
Fardi gananii dha, ari'ee qaqqabsisa, fige jalaa baha
Haa ta'u
Horse is praiseworthy, for it enables to catch up the
enemy and to flight from enemy
May it be
Burqaan qananii dha, bishan irraa argatu
Haa ta'u
Spring is praiseworthy for it is the source of water
May it be
Alangaan qananii dha, seera ittiin tumu
Haa ta'u
Whip is praiseworthy, for it serves to make law
May it be
Step – 3 (specific issues)
• After these preliminary steps, the leaders
proceed to proclaiming the law.
• They decide upon major issues, pronounce
what would be the consequence of what,
how the breach of law is punished and the
ruptured relations could be restored, for
instance as follows.
X
y
Fudhaa fi herumni jifuu dha
Eyye, jifuu dha
Marriage is basic
Yes, it is
Baasii guddaan ilma gahe fudha, intala geesse heeruma dhowwa
Eyye ni dhowwa
Much expenses are obstacles to a marriage
Yes it is
Gatiin margaa soddoma hin caalin
Haa ta'u
Let betrothal expense be not more than thirty Ethiopian Birr
May it be
Uwwisaan abbaa bullukkoo haa ta'u
Haa ta'u
Let a bride price for a father be bullukko (cotton blanket)
Let it be
Uwwisaan haadhaa gaabii haa ta'u
Haa ta'u
Let a bride's mother be given gabbii (cotton cloth smaller
Let it be
than bulukko) and so on.
• The Gadaa leaders provide a summary of justification to pass
laws.
• For instance, a law related to homicide is based on the very idea of
the inevitability of dispute and necessity of controlling dispute.
• They underline that though it is unfortunate, homicide often
happens.
• The slayers run away, the victims embark on vendetta. If not
controlled, things will escalate and go out of hand, but for no use.
• They believe that there is no way of reversing the act of homicide,
i.e. the man would not come back and there is no need to let the
living suffer the consequence.
• Tedecha (1988:181) presents similar view of the Guji Oromo.
• The Guji believe that resorting to force to avenge the offense
never maintains social order.
• It is therefore, in line with this principle that they pass law to
deal with murder.
• Such a process of making law has been practiced every eight
years.
• But when situations dictate, it could be made in less than eight
years.
• The following statements usually conclude the law making
(tuma).
X
Y
Tumaan Kun seera
Eyyee seera
This tuma is a law
Yes it is
Guungumni hin jigsu
Hin jigsu
No grumbles (murmur) will collapse it
Never collapse it
Kenni hin balessu
Hin ballessu
Bribe will not violate it
Never violate it
Kun murtii dha
Haa ta'u
This is decision
Yes it is
Murtiin seera waliso ti
Seera Waliso ti
This decision is Waliso's law
Yes it is
Jilbi keenya ni tura
Ni tura
This law will live long
Will live long
Kun afaan maa?
Afaan waaqaa
• Two explanations are given regarding the meaning of the whip that the
Gadaa leaders use to make the law.
• The first approach suggests that the whip of the gulas is made up of
hippopotamus skin, which is too strong.
• In making law the gulas indicate that their law is as strong as the whip.
• Others say whip is an instrument to threaten and punish with. So is
law.
• People are supposed to abide by seera (law), the breach of which
results in punishment.
• The actual whip, therefore, symbolizes the potential resultant of
disrespect of the law (Dejene 2007).
• Lastly, though Lewis, in his various writings, and Knutsson (1967)
admit the presence of many bokkuu centers among the eastern
Macha, they relegated the Gadaa System to a mere Gadaa feast
performed every eight years with no political importance, but
ritual significance.
• As opposed to this view, I argue and witness that the Waliso Gadaa
system still plays important political, social, and religious roles. It
has significance in resolving conflicts, and proclaiming law and
enforcing it.
• Among the Guji the general assembly at Me’e Bokkoo was guided
by the abba seera (law maker) proclaimed the following cardinal
law.
A. Issues Related to Environment:
1. Ritual places are sacred. No one is permitted to settle
and farm such a place.
2. Any one found done these will be punished.
3. River is wayyu (sacred).
4. No one is permitted to pollute water, neither any one
5. permitted to interrupt the flow of river for any purpose.
6. Road is wayyu.
7. Road should not be closed.
8. Trees should not be cut, They are life giving and have
life.
B. Issues related to marriage
1. Abduction is forbidden
2. Marriage should be either with the agreement
of the couples or the parents.
3. Marriage within the clan is strictly forbidden
4. Marriage with one’s mother or daughter
generations is not allowed.
5. Family cases must be traditionally settled
C. Issues related to human right
1. Sexual assault is strictly forbidden
2. violation of others right is not allowed
3. boys have right
4. Girls are equal with boys and have equal
right to learn.
5. Females circumcision is forbidden
D. Issues related respect
1. Mother deserves respect
2. Father deserves respect
3. elders deserves respect
4. Gadaa deserves respect
E. Issues Related to animals:
• All animals both domestic ad wild have right.
• So no one is allowed to harm them in unjust
manner.
Some Basic symbols: Baqqala Fajjii (Gadaa Regalia)
• The Gadaa system has its ritual banners. One of the common symbols in
the Gadaa system is the ritual regalia, called Baqala Fajjii or Fajjii.
• For the Borana it is baqal faajjii, for the Tulama and the Macha it is faajjii.
• The Oromo use Faajjii on different Gadaa ceremonial occasion.
• Faajjii has five different colors that include: red, black, white, green and
yellow.
• Different colors are used by various Oromo groups at different localities,
yet red, white and black are common ones, each with its specific
meanings and values.
• The selection of the colors the meanings attached to them and the
order in which the colors were placed are part of the Oromo
world view.
• The black color symbolize Waaqa (sky god) and water, white
represents the sun, the moon , stars and the earth, whereas red
color stands for blood, fire and living things.
• Banner of the Gadaa had black at the top, white at the middle and
red at the bottom (Alamayehu, 2007: 176-77).
• Faajjii was used as an indicator of sovereignty and independent
Oromoland before the incorporation of Oromo and weakening of
the Gadaa.
• The Tulama Gadaa has its emblem black color.
• They say ‘Gurracha gara garbaa leemmoo garaa talila.’ Black
also signifies hair, pupil of an eye.
• Every thing black is at the top.
• Waaqa is above every thing pupil is at the top of an eye, hair is
at the top of our head, the Oromo call winter ‘ganna gurracha’,
meaning black winter.
• It rains during this black season and rain is life giving.
• Night is black and it is during the night time that child is
procreated.
• Human being, for that matter every animal is conceived and
nurtured in a uterus which is still black.
• We live on the earth but when died at the end we enter into dark.
• The Tulama do not use other colors for faajjii, yet they interpret
the red as blood the white as bone, brightness and clarity.
• We are made up of soil and soil is black.
• Walaabuu represented the universe that consisted of the heaven, living
things, and the earth including the dead.
• These three realities form the Oromo universe called Faajjii (banner)
Oromo or FaajjiiWalaabuu.
• The Faajjii Oromo consisted of three colors, black, red and white.
Accordingly, heaven is Black (the symbol of Waaqaa), the living
beings is red or fire, the earth and the dead in white color.
• The Black giant sky (Gurraacha Garaa Garbaa) symbolized the heaven in
which the Oromo believe Waaqaa lived.
• The knowledge beyond heaven is dark. Inside the darkness existed fear
and power.
• Waaqaa, equated with power and greatness was perceived in blackness.
• Red became the symbol of living beings because all living things were
presumed to have blood, and it was this blood that was the symbol of life.
• As there was blood, there was life, and heat.
• Where there was no life there was no heat and fire.
• When fire was out what was left was the ash and when the body
disintegrated, it was reduced to skeleton (white).
•
Both ash and a skeleton were white, all represented dead.
• Therefore, Faajjii Walaabuu; the Black heaven, the living thing
and the material abstract fused together and give the divine,
human and the dead components (Dinsa, 1975).
• It appears that the areas known as Walaabuu was named in the
memory of the paradise.
Conflict Resolution:
Gadaa Court and General Assembly
• Under fully operational Gadaa system, disputes including inter clan
conflicts have been managed and resolved by Gadaa officials in line with
the Oromo indigenous laws.
• One of the function of Gadaa Assembly is the maintenance of peace
(naga).
• The same gumii that is the law making body also devotes some of its time
to the settlement of disputes.
• It hears and resolves conflicts of any sort when it is sufficiently
important to be discussed at the level of assembly (gumii).
•
For instance, in the past gumii gayo has the power of deciding capital
punishment against the offenders as per the Borana law.
• Gumii gayo and only gumii gayo has the mandate for capital punishment.
Capital punishment among the Borana is known hamaa mudammuddii, which
literally means terrible groin.
• The killing was executed by beating on especial parts of the body by
bokku, a ritual stick used as a symbol of authority.
• Such offenses as misuse of power, mistreating poor and widows, disrespect
for cultural values, disrespect for the community, failure to protect the
interest of the community are serious ones.
• Cursing is also one of the serious measures that could be taken against
wrong doers.
• The assembly of course never treats minor cases.
• Only very few cases are qualified to be dealt with the assembly.
• Majority of the cases are handled at different levels before it reaches
the assembly.
• However, gumii gayo, which is held only once every eight years, could
not entertain a day-to-day conflict resolution.
• Rather, Gadaa system has had its own administration of justice and
court system.
• Abera (1998: 52) shows that in Gadaa court three gulas have served as
permanent judges.
• In addition, each party in dispute selects three assessors to sit for
hearing their case with the permanent judges.
• Nevertheless, the nominee of each party should secure the approval of
the opposite party to be selected.
• Together with the three judges, the six selected elders constitute the full
bench of the court and would sit for a hearing.
• The court was known as dhaddacha or shanacha.
• The proceeding has been open for any male member to attend.
• The court has been held in an open field under a tree as in
the case of law making. It has permitted full interaction of
the parties.
• They could even request the postponement of the
proceeding when need be.
• The formal procedure of requesting for adjournment of the
hearing was by saying qabe (I behold).
• According to Asefa (2001: 12-13) they usually employ this
method in seeking further information and piece of advice
on the matter under investigation.
• Abera (1998) further discusses that after hearing arguments and
counter arguments of the disputants, judgments are rendered.
• Such judgments are supposed to be given by consensus in consulting
Gadaa law and local customs.
• Of course, according to Abera, there has been a chance to give verdict
on a dispute case by majority vote.
• The decision of such court was not final, as any party that refuses to
accept the decision had a right to appeal against the verdict.
• Asefa (2001) states that a formal way of requesting for appeal was by
saying bokkuu qabadhe (I hold the scepter).
• This appeal has been taken to the court of another clan.
• According to Abera (1998), while the appellants move from place to
place for appeal.
• Any Oromo group through whose land they travel had the
responsibilities to guide and provide shelter and food.
• The Oromo have had a symbol to identify appellants that move from one
clan court to another.
• The symbol has been adopted to cope with the expansion of Oromo over
large territories that the appellants had to cover and the enmity among
different tribes.
• Bassi (1994:16) show that the Borana Gadaa officials do not employ force
to enforce their decisions; rather they exclude the offender from nagaa
Borana (peace of the Borana).
Federation Or Confederation In The Gadaa System
• Historically as Mohammed (1994) clearly depoicted the Macha and
Tulama had common government at Oda Nabe in the 16th century.
•
But later on the Matcha was separated from the Tulama.
• They formed the afre confederacy (the confederacy of the four) and
sadacha confederacy (the confederacy of the three).
• Still today the Borana and Guji Oromo practice a federated or
confederated Gadaa system.
• Today the Borana have three Gadaa councils, led by hayyuu adula: the
Arbora, the Hawwaxuu and the Konnituu councils.
• At his side the abba gada arbora has the two abba gada kontoma,who are
theoretically his equals.
• They
are
always
recruited
from
the
same
clans
each of which represents one of the two sub-moieties of the Gona moiety.
• A group of three assistants called hayu adula are also attached to him.
• They are his advisers in general and they are, moreover, each in his turn.
• Then priny arn oefciple, by which a balance is preserved between the two
moieties' claims to Gadaa offices.
• The existence
of
such
a principle
is
further
demonstrated
by the fact that if the abba gada arbore has been already chosen from
one of the hayu clans, then the third hayu adula must be chosen from
the Gona moiety.
• This stipulation ensures the two tribal halves three
representatives each in the upper council of the ruling gada class.
• To this council belong also three ritual assistants, woyu, one for eachof
the three chief officials.
• Below the higher council there are two lower
councils, the so-called hayu garba and hayu medicca.
• The
former
group,
consisting of fourteen members, is partly made up of representatives
forthe immediately preceding gada class.
• It
is
appointed
by
its
three
abba
gada to advise the new upper council in ritual and other matters.
their term of service these Hayu garba includes, furthermore, some
ilman jarsa.
• The Arbora council is responsible for the entire Borana land.
• Mostly the seat of the Arbora council is at the central part of the Borana
land, in Areero district.
• The Hawwaxxuu settles at the northern part of the Borana land,
bordering with the Guji.
• This council is supposed to defend the Borana in the northern direction
from Guji southward expansion.
• The Hawwaxxu are guaranteed self administration, with separate council
to deal with their clan affairs and any problem of the Borana as such.
• The Hawwaxuu Gadaa council, called ya’a Hawwaxxuu has a separate
meeting called Kora warsoo.
• This meeting has full mandate to treat any problem of the Hawwaxu and
any other case presented to it, regardless of its nature and clan affiliation
of the concerned individuals.
• Similarly, the Konnituu clan has separate council with relative freedom in
managing their own and any other Borana cases brought to its attention.
• They usually reside at the eastern direction of the Borana land.
• Basically the Borana designed their political system in so decentralized and
inclusive form.
• Accordingly, each and every Borana clan has a share in the political life of
their society.
• Power is shared and the larger system Gadaa is only possible with the
participation and contribution of each moiety and clans in the moiety.
• From the very out set, the Borana set the principles of
election that any luba of the concerned Gadaa class has
the right to compete for the position.
• But this is only possible in line with the already set
allocation of power for the respective Borana clans.
• Always the six offices of the hayyuu adula is equally
divided between the two major moieties of Gona and
Sabo.
Adulas in the Gadaa of Liban Daljesa (2000-2008) the
recently retired Gadaa class.
S. Adula
Moiety
clan
1. Liban Daljessa
Gona
Galantu
2. Jarso Boruu
Sabo
digalu
3. Edo Galgalo
Gona
Hawwaxxuu
4. Halake Garbicha
sabo
Karrayyuu
5. Daljessa Borbor
Gona
Konnituu
6. Jaso Tari
Sabo
Maxxarrii
Adulas In The Gadaa Of Guyyoo Gobba (2008-2016),
The Currently Ruling Class
S. No Adula
Moiety
Clan
7. Guyyoo Gobba
Sabo
Digalu
8. Daljesa Diddoo
Gona
Qarcabdu
9. Aana Guyyoo
Sabo
Karrayu
10. Rooba Jarso
Gona
Hawwaxxuu
11. Qurii Liban
Sabo
Maxxarrii
12. Nura Jilo
Gona
Konnituu
Moeity
Sub-moeity
sabo
Clans
Digaluu
Maxxaarrii
Karayyu
Gona
Fullele
Daccituu
Konniituu
Bachituu
Sirayyu
Maccituu
Galaantuu
Odituu
Harooressa
Arusi
Qarcabdu
Hawwaxxuu
Warajidda
Maliyyuu
Nonniituu
Dambituu
• Apart from the office of the hayyuu adula they elect hayyuu garba and
hayyuu medhicha from different clans.
• Hayyuu garba is an advisor for the relatively young group of the adula.
• They are elected from any Gadaa grades olader than the present Gadaa
in power.
• The Borana say “adulan kallo, gabri abbaa of dhaga’e”, meaning the
hayyuu garba is experienced, whereas the hayyuu adula can be
relatively imatured person.”
• The Borana election campaign takes for long duration that ranges from
few months to some years ahead.
• In some cases the adula position of a particular person is promised
before the birth of the child.
• In others at the death of the father, who himself was hayyuu.
• In some cases the adula position of a particular person is
promised before the birth of the child.
• In others at the death of the father, who himself was hayyuu.
• In most of the cases, currently, adulas are elected as a favor in response
to the contribution of one’s father and forefathers.
• The death of the loved, committed, concerned and respected adula of
the Borana is compensated by promising adula to his son.
• The Borana use the statement of appeasing the death “adulaa keessaniin
irraa hafa”, meaning tolerate the death by adula to his son.
• That is why some one promised adula for his son earlier even before the
birth of the child.
• This has its own implications for the Borana that leaders’ efforts in
discharging their responsibilities are evaluated not only in terms of their
short term effects but also in terms of long range effects that involves the
fate of the next generations.
• Mostly, adulas are elected or denied in response to the efforts of fathers
and forefathers.
• Four of the six adulas serving during the Gadaa period of Liban Daljesa
(2000-2008) did not have fathers at their election.
• The aba Gadaa Liban Daljesa, the leader of konnitu Gadaa council Daljesa
Borbor, the leader of the Hawwaxuu Gadaa council Edo Galgalo, and
member of the arbora Gadaa council Jarso Tari were gamme hiyyetti at
election.
• The Borana term gamme hiyyetti refers to the children whose fathers
already died.
• In the typical Borana form of election the primary competition is done at
clan level.
• All the Borana clans have hayyuu of different types in the Gadaa
institution, except the clans of qallu institution.
• In most of the cases the clan council determines who should represent
their clan in the Borana Gadaa.
• In very few cases, members of the same clan compete for the same
position.
• The majority of the gona clans deserve always the first or the second
position in the Gadaa offices.
• So far except Oditu, Arusi, Daccituu and Maliyu all the Borana clans led
the Borana.
• In Borana type of election it is the mandate of the respective clans, based
up on clan share.
• Basically the Borana have two moieties, each hold three offices of the six
adulas.
• The head of the Gadaa could be from either moiety.
• The nature of the election based up on the type of the hayyuu elected.
• The election procedure for the election of adula is different from the
election of the hayyuu garba and hayyuu medhicha.
Currently,The Available Number Of Office Is As Follows:
Council Hay. Adula Hay. Garba Hay. Medhicha
Arbora
Four
Ten
None
Hawwaxxu
One
Four
Three
Konnituu
One
Four
Three
• The Guji are divided into two moieties, Kontoma and Darimu.
• They have seven major clans: Uraga, Mattii, Hokkuuu, Haloo,
Weessituu, Ottuu, and Shelloo.
• The Guji Gadaa is practiced in the form of confederation of
three major clans: Uraga, Mattii and Hokkuu.
• The three councils are relatively independent and say
separately through out the Gadaa period, except on the
occasion of power transfer and making of law.
• Gadaa Uraga is the senior partner, followed by Gadaa mattii and
the Gadaa Hokku is the junior.
The Role Of Women In The Gadaa System
•
It is commonly said that women are restricted to domestic work and are
excluded from public activities, including those performed under Gadaa
system, like conflict resolution.
• In this regard, Asmarom (1973:19) shows that the Oromo women are
entirely excluded from Gadaa age grade.
• On the other hand, he attests that the system is uniquely egalitarian in
which women too have roles to play.
• Kuwee (1997) also discusses that the Gadaa system, which seemingly
excludes women, has designed an institution known as siiqqee that
actively excluded men.
• Physically according to Kuwee (1997:3), siiqqee is a stick given to the
bride on her wedding day and stay with her throughout the rest of her
life.
• But as an institution, siiqqee refers to the “weapon by which Oromo
women fought for their rights.
• Gadaa law provided for them and society honored it.
• Thus, the siiqqee institution functioned hand in hand with the Gadaa
system as one of its-built-in mechanisms of checks and balances.”
• Kuwee further explains that women use siiqqee for various ceremonial
purposes.
• They use it to symbolize their status and honor, to protect their rights and
to resolve conflicts that range from martial dispute to inter clan fighting.
• Women use siiqqee to curse and to bless, too.
• Nevertheless, siiqqee as an institution has gradually declined among the
Oromo.
• Currently, siiqqee exists as a ritual stick connoting the irresistible
religious and moral authority of women.
• It could be employed on certain ritual occasions including that of
pleading for mercy after homicide.
• Lastly, despite the fact that women seem to play marginal role in political
activities, politics is not entirely the business of men among the Oromo.
• There is evidence that in present Gadaa system for every role of men,
there is a parallel role for women. And Gadaa law backs this.
• For instance, when a man is in gula age grade among the Macha his wife
is kalaalee.
• A kalaalee becomes cifiree when her son enters a gula grade.
• And these women have roles to play in the ritual practices embedded in
the system.
• Hence, women, I argue, are not excluded from Gadaa system, but only
from age grade.
• During this Gadaa period the Borana proposed the women to be elected
hayyuu.
• ‘’Muka laafa ‘’ meaning soft tree” is Oromo word refers to women
among the Borana.
• The Borana consider women a soft and delicate section of the society and
unable to withstand difficulties.
• In addition, since they are biologically liable to pregnancy and breast
feeding they are not appropriate to hold power and freely move all over
Borana land for administration and supervision purposes.
• In spite of this idea, Dawwe proposed hayyuu from among women, but
the proposal remained unimplemented.
CHAPTER FOUR
The Religious Aspect Of Gadaa System (The Qallu Institution)
Meaning Of The Qallu Instituion
• Before the introduction of Christianity and Islam, the Oromo practiced
their own religion, which is a belief in a monotheistic, one-supreme deity,
known asWaaqa.
• According to Gadaa (1988:19), Waaqa can loosely be translated into
English word God.
• Waaqa, for the Oromo, is the creator of universe, source of order and
justice, omnipotent, omniscient, omnipresent.
• The belief in such a powerful creator is called Waaqeffanna.
• Concerning the The Oromo praise their Waqa referring to the great
forces of nature he created like trees, the grass the water he provides
not at a particular confined place or under a roof of a certain hall, rather
on top of a mountain and near a river or a lake or under oda tree as
usual appreciating its shade giving and ever greenness.
• Waaqa, as Knutsson (1967: 48) states does not have personal form.
• He is also physically inaccessible, but simply manifests himself through
his deeds.
• However, the Oromo believe that despite the inaccessibility of Waaqa,
rituals and prayers provide a path of communication through which the
power of divinity can flow into the human world.
• There are also other smaller divinities called ayyaana to deal with day-today activities.
• Gemetchu (1993:104) says that the term ayyaana is given a confusing set of
meanings. Some of the writers on Oromo, for instance, Morton (1975:73) define
ayyaana as a divine being with no precise picture that inhabits the atmosphere.
• On the other hand, Bartels (1983:112) state that for the Oromo the world is full of
ayyaana.
• . Every thing animate and inanimate has its own ayyaana.
• Ayyaana is given from birth to guide and guard the possessor.
• According to Gemetchu (1993:75), to the custodians of the traditional wisdom,
“ayyaana is what causes the thing to come into existence as well as becoming that
which it has caused.”
• In spite of these controversial meanings of the concept ayyaana,
• It is true that, many think that ayyaana is spirit that has an active role in
day-to-day routines.
On the other hand Knutsson explain five different meanings of Ayana.
1.
Ayana has in a part the meaning of divine being.
2.
It also means a man’s quality, character or personality and is regarded at the
same time regarded as a being that creates this personality.
3. A kind of guardian divinity of the family called ayana abba, the father’s ayana or
Nabi.
4. The kernel of the personality and thereby the cause of an individuals
characters.
5. A particular festival day.
• The Oromo have had an institution called qallu to interpret the
law of Waaqa and ayyaana.
• Mohammed (1990:6) defines a qalu as "high priest who was
spiritual leader of Oromo traditional religion.
• " The same is true for Knutsson (1967), Lewis (1970, 1990) and
Asmarom (1973, 200).
• According to these scholars, whatever its origin the qaalluu
institution has been in function since time immemorial, as one of
the most important institutions in guarding and interpreting the
law of the creator (Waaqa).
•
Qaliti is a special wife of the qalu, a mother of the future qalu.
• Mohammed (1990:7) reveals that the relations between Waaqa
and qaalluu institution necessarily leads to the story of abbaa
muudaa (father of the anointment).
• The meaning of the term abbaa muudaa is controversial.
• Scholars such as Cerulli (cited in Asmarom, 1973) consider it as
the place where the Oromo went to celebrate the muudaa
ceremony.
• On the other hand, for Asmarom (1973, 2000:94) abbaa muudaa
is a common name of the qaalluu.
• Despite this controversy, literature on Oromo shows that in the
past, the Oromo made their pilgrimage to the famous Abbaa
Muudaa in the Boranaa land from all over Oromo land.
• The pilgrims are called jila, the representatives of the Gadaa set of
their respective clans.
• The jilas received blessing and instructions on laws of the creator
(Waaqa) and ritual functions (Mohammed, 1990).
• Qallu institution is a religious institution.
•
The Oromo respect the qalu for it is very much attached to
spiritual world.
• The Borana call the qallu as qalu harka ladu, meaning the qalu
whose hand is ladu.
• Ladu is a sacred ornament wore by the qalu, and never be exposed
to others sight through out the life of qalu.
• The Borana and the Guji have qallu institution in its original form.
• The Guji has a single qallu. The same qallu serves the Gedeo as
well.
• According to Hinnat (1977:18) the Guji qallu is a single supreme
religious leader above all the clans.
• Same qallu serves as the religious leader of the Gedeo.
• Yet he never interferes in the affairs of the gosa and the authority
of the aba Gadaa.
• His neutral position is symbolically and spatially reveled by his
settlement.
• He lives in the territory of the Gedeo, near the town of Wonago
and avoids entering the territory of any other clan.
• The same qallu also serves as a mediator between the three aba
Gadaas and their territories.
Origin Of The Qaalluu
• The Oromo believe that qallu institution is not man made, rather is
a divine institution. Qallu institution was founded by waaqa.
• The Borana believe that the senior qallu was the Oditu qallu.
• The first oditu qallu did not have human father, rather snake sent
by waaqaa.
• A snake sent by waaqa spit semen into sexual organ of a virgin girl
while she was urinating, as result of which she was impregnated
the first qallu.
• Therefore the first oditu qallu was born without human father.
Still the families of this qalluu trace their ancestors back to
Boficho, which means snake.
• On the other hand, the Borana provide similar explanations for
the origin of the karrayyuu qallu.
• According to Borana oral history, the founder of the karrayu
qalluu was sent by waaqa from cloud in the sky.
• He was found with a girl from maxxari clan, buti (a viper-like
snake), rufa and a sheep.
• The name of the first qallu was Urantee Dega. Urantee is a word
derived from Urrii, which means cloud.
The Structure And Function Of The Qallu Instituion
• The qallu institution has separate council, called ya’a qalluu, with its head
quarter.
• The council is headed by the qallu.
• Parallel to the Gadaa institution the qallu institution has its elected
hayyuu.
• The hayyuu are advisors of the qallu and responsible for a day to day
activities of the qallu institution.
• They are known as hayyuu muka ya’a.
• Their election goes through similar procedure of the election of the
hayyuu garba of the Gadaa institution.
• As opposed to the hereditary and unlimited office term of the qallu the
office of hayyuu muka ya’a is elective for a limited term of office.
• They are elected for eight years of office term.
• The qallu institution of the Guji and the borana, which are relativelyu in
their original nature play important roles in conflict resolution.
• Qalu handle cases which are so serious.
• Minor cases are not brought before the qaluu, unless otherwise to the
hayyuu of muka ya’a, who are responsible for any day to day activities,
including routine administrative activities of the qalu clans.
• The Borana from near by villages may take their cases to the ya’a qalu.
• The hayyuu decide on issues in the name of qallu.
• The qalu never intervene in dispute processing in person, rather
represented by hayyuu muka ya’a.
• During the dispute processing of serious case the qalu physically present at
the proceeding.
• The site of the proceeding and /or simple physical presence of the qalu
qualify the decision belongs to him.
• The hayyuu muka ya’a is fully authorized to handle cases of the qalu clan.
• Cases such as repairing and excavating water wells, supporting the needy,
settling dispute, etc are treated.
The Interaction Of The Gadaa And The Qallu
• The wara laduu and the warra bokkuu are the two important
institutions of the Oromo.
• The qallu and the Gadaa are the most important Oromo and then
Borana institutions that make possible the traditional democratic
political system for centuries.
• The two institutions were working hand in hand since time
immemorial until the Borana incorporation in to the Ethiopian
empire.
• The Gadaa leaders anointed qallu as one of the requirements to hold
power.
• The Oromo word for anointment is muda, meaning daubing one’s
head with butter.
• However, in this particular context anointment never refers to
daubing of butter, rather it refers to giving cattle to the qalu as a
gift.
• All the Gadaa leaders and some times their makala (service renders
to the leaders) anoint qalu.
• In return of the anointment the qalu provide qumbi, meaning
incense as a symbol of blessing.
• He also provides a deep verbal blessing accompanied by spiting of saliva.
• For the Oromo saliva symbolizes life.
• At the anointment the qallu stay at his ritual hall, receive the gift, and
provide qumbi and blessing.
• Hinnat explains that the qallu provide blessing to each Guji aba Gadaa of
the separate gosa as a way of legitimizing the authority of each.
• However with the incorporation of the Oromo in general and the Borana
in particular the former form of relations between the two systems was
messed.
• Since the political
tradition the northerners was more of
monarchial in which power is transferred through heredity they
tried to enhance and empower the qalu institution,
which is
without specific term of office and inherited position.
• It seems that a political system like the Gadaa in which officials
are elected only for eight years of time and non-hereditary was
uncommon and deviated from their experiences.
• The monarchial administration tended to favor the qalu institution
at the expenses of the Gadaa institution.
• During the feudal system it was the warra qallu who had close
relations with the central government.
CHAPTER FIVE
The Current Trend In Revitalization Of The Gadaa
System
• Following the restructuring of the Ethiopian state of
1991 and subsequent constitutional guarantee of the
rights to develop one’s own culture and language Gadaa
has been revitalized in different parts of Oromo land.
• The promotion and revitalization practices are prevalent at
different levels:
• At regional level some of the terminologies and symbols of the
Gadaa have been adopted by the Regional State of Oromia.
• The government has the plan to promote some known Gadaa
centers. Galma abba Gadaa at Kobi Cora of the Borana, Me’e
Bokko of the Guji, Odaa Nabee of the Tulama, Odaa Bultum of
the Ituu and the Madda Wallabu in Bale are planned to be
constructed.
• The Bureau has the plan to construct cultural centers at different
Historical and cultural centers.
• The construction has already started at Madda Walabu, which is
said to be the cradle land of the Oromo.
• The construction will encompass different parts, like meeting hall,
ethnographic museum, cinema, center for cultural exchange conducive
for theater and the like.
• The view of the building is architecturally supposed to reflect the culture
of the Oromo.
• The designed Abba Gadaa Hall, called Galma Abba Gadaa shall take a typical
Oda shape and color, Round building its roof green color and an oval shape
and at bottom its wall is grey color.
• Further a shape of kallacha, a symbol of authority at the top of the roof
like a pillar comes from in side the hall.
• The idea is that formerly the Gadaa center was simply under Oda
tree and the Oda tree is turned into building a real hall, but
embracing the traditional and historical essence of it.
• Gadaa, specifically the Borana Gadaa was reported to UNESCO
for registration in the World Heritage list in 1997.
• As a reason they forwarded that Gadaa is exclusive male domain.
• The recognition was required for protection of Gadaa from risk of
disappearance, threats of Islam and Christianity.
• The Gadaa system has been also reinstituted in different parts of
Oromo land. The followings are some empirical examples.
Oda Bultum
• The Ittu Oromo celebrate the revitalization of Oda Bultum in 2002
after nearly 120 years of interruption of the Gadaa rituals.
• It was celebrated on February 3, 2008 for the second time.
• On this occasion the higher official attended the ceremony and
fixed base stone for the construction of Abba Gadaa Hall at Oda
Bultum.
• Despite the Ittu are all Muslims the revitalization of the Gadaa
center became effective as the reverse effect of the promotion of
Gadaa system at regional level.
• The Gadaa Ittu was interrupted as a result of pressure from Islam
even before the arrival of Minilik and the incorporation of the area
into Ethiopian Empire.
• Same is true to the Oda Roba in Bale.
• Still the Oda Roba has not been revitalized like others.
• During the revitalization they constructed ritual Halls for nine major clans
of Ittu Oromo.
• Clan history of the Ittu Oromo shows that there are nine clans of Ittu,
excluding the qallu clan.
• They are often called Afran mana Babbo, shanan Ittu, the four of
Babbo and the five of Ittu.
• They established provisional Gadaa council and assigned Abba
Gadaa in the name of Haji Mormor Abba Seena that would work
on the reinstituting of the Ittu Gadaa.
Bokkuu Cittum
• Bokkuu Cittuu is one of the Gadaa centers of Kuttaye Oromo
situated in Western Showa administrative zone of Oromia
Regional State.
• The Kutaye Oromo have other Gadaa centers like Bokkuu-Xule,
Bokkuu-Bakkee and Bokkuu-Gindabarat.
• According to Delessa (2008) the Bokkuu Cittuu claims seniority
over all the rest, where as the other center, for instance the
Bokkuu Xule too claims originality and seniority.
• In spite of that currently the Bokkuu Cittuu has never been
interrupted, yet became so weak and performed in its very lose
form for the whole century since the incorporation of the area
into Ethiopian Empire.
• Following the 1991 change of government and consequent
guarantee of the rights to develop one’s own culture and
language the Bokkuu Cittu also has showed dramatic changes,
new elements has been introduced, which is especially visible in
the area of conflict management.
• The centre established a kind of regular customary court settling
every kind of conflict at all levels.
• The newly introduced court hears cases of dispute every two
weeks on Sunday.
• The proceeding is held in open field under the Oda tree.
• As indicated by Delessa (2008) about two hundred people,
including litigants, witness when need be, any interested
individuals attend the court.
• Seven of the Gadaa officials plus five shanacha (five elected
elders from the luba that have already held power or is still
holding power) are elected and constitute full bench of the
proceeding.
• Besides the qallu believed to be endowed with spiritual power also
attend the proceeding, but neither provide or propose solutions.
• Physical presence of the qallu enforces the decision for the fear of
the impersonal power of the ayyana (sprit) of the qallu, believed
to be omnipotent and all knowing and whose punishment is so
sever that extends deep into the successive generations of the
wrong doers.
Ammayyaa Gadaa
• The Ammayyaa Gadaa was interrupted since 1970 during the H/Silassie
regime and remained uncelebrated for about 30 years. It was reinstituted
in 2002.
• The Ammaya elders attributed the reason for its interruption to the
controversy over the Liban bokku among the three major clans often called
Liban sadeen, meaning the three Liban.
• . Liban one of the Eastern Macha sub-moieties had three sons, Ammaya
the elder,Waliso the second and Kutaye the third.
• The legend of both the Waliso and the Kutaye indicates that the original
bokkuu, sign of authority, is in their hand.
• The Ammaya’s interruption of the Gadaa rituals for some times also
confirmed the truth of the legend.
• The elders argued that they were unable to celebrate the Gadaa rituals for
they missed the bokku.
• Yet the elders have attributed every misfortune over the area to
the interruption of the Gadaa and strongly worked on its revival.
• They argued that since the interruption of the Gadaa cattle do not
well multiplied, children often died, pregnant often aborted, and
cattle give less yield, rainfall decreased in magnitude and
frequency.
• Prominent and famous individuals died earlier, in general the
Ammayya suffer the consequences of abandoning Gadaa.
• The group which was supposed to assume power in 1970 was organized
and campaigned for the renaissance of the Gadaa system.
• Their efforts were strongly supported by the elites in the urban areas.
• The elders had taken the initiative for the revitalization of the system.
• Since the Ammaya Gadaa lagged behind from the other two Gadaa centers
the Kutaye and the Waliso by four Gadaa periods they decided to
accelerate the pace of power transfer from eight years to four for
successive seven Gadaa periods since 2002.
TheTulama Gadaa
• The Tulama Gadaa has its center at Oda Nabe.
• Odda Nabe is relatively nearest to Finfinne under the constituency of
Galan.
• The Tulama Gadaa has Hora ja’an Galan encompasses Hora Kilole, Hora
Finfinne, Hora Arsadii, Hora Huluqa, Hora Hadho and Hora Jijjiga.
• The current Gadaa officials are from Gadaa robale, working
since June 2002.
• It represents the entire Tulama Oromo.
• Irrecha as one of the examples of revitalization of Gadaa rituals is
worth mentioning, which turned to be a regional even national
holyday, since recently.
• The Tulama abba Gadaa who is currently about 59 years of age has
attended for the last 44 years the ritual of irrecha at Harsadii.
• Yet it was under great pressure and it was performed in an official way.
• The participants were intimidated and ashamed, considered an act of
pagans.
• Yet adherents of the Gadaa and its religion performed the ritual
every year.
• Until 1991 it was attended only by few residents of the area.
• Currently the Tulama Gadaa has office provided to it by the
Bushoftu city municipality.
• The traditional Gadaa government developed by the Oromos
organizes and orders society around political, economic, social,
cultural, and religious institutions.
• We do not know when and how this system emerged.
• However, we know that it existed as a full-fledged system at the beginning
of the sixteenth century.
• During this century, Oromos were under one Gadaa administration.
• 8 Bonnie Holcomb notes that the Gadaa system “organized the Oromo
people in an all-encompassing democratic republic even before the few
European pilgrims arrived from England on the shores of North America
and only later built democracy.
• Dej gem: Gadaa system is a variety of democratic political organization that
the Oromo have developed and used at least for the last five hundred
years.
• The system is fully operational among the Borana, the Guji and the Gabra,
and persists as a variety of local level democracy among other Oromo
groups, such as the Macha (Asmarom, 2000:30).
• Gadaa is an Oromo social, domestic and mercantile order.
• It is a pitch of Oromo unity, and adore among an Oromos.
• It is an approved complement of supervision that symbolizes
Oromo civilization.
• Gadaa governs beliefs of an Oromos.
• It controls a sacrament (Qaalluu) institution, too.
• Gadaa system is a uniquely democratic, political, social, egalitarian
institution governed the life of every individual in the society from
birth to death.
• Gadaa was a complex system in which the Oromo were divided into five
"missensa," or "parties" and participated in military, political, legal and
cultural affairs
The Five Gadaa Parties
• The Oromo people grouped themselves into 5 parties.
• These parties are: Roobalee, Duuloo, Birmajii, Michillee and Horata.
• They are named after materialization or whatever occurred during a
governance of one sold party.
• For example, Roobalee was named after rain.
• The fact that it rained heavily is indicated by a word “the Roobalee and a
copious rain” (Yaa Roobalee ya roobashii).
• Duuloo was named after credentials for war.
• The fact that a Oromos prepared a large quarrel is indicated by a word
“Duuloo and a credentials of war” (Duuloo qophessa duulaa).
• Birmajii was named after happy festival and dance.
• The Oromos had happy time and phrased this as “Birmajii and a
happy dances” (Ya Birmajii ya sirbashii).
• Michillee was named after quarrel victory.
• Oromos had good feat over their rivalry and showed this by a
word “Michillee a best crony of war” (Ya Michillee michuu
duulaa). Horata is remembered and was named after years of
glorious cattle breeding.
• These good years were phrased as “Horata and a feeling” (Ya
Horata maal godhataa).
• The names of a 5 Gadaa parties are indicated in a subsequent
figure as extra to a above description.
Location Of The Odaa’s And Bokku’s
• There are 5 Odaa locations in Oromiyaa.
• They are Odaa Bisil in Maccaa, Odaa Bultum in Bartuuma, Odaa
Nabee in Tuulama, Odaa Garres in Boorana, Odaa Makoodi in
Walloo, and Odaa Rooba in Arsii.
• The locations of these Odaa’s advise that there were 6 executive
regions in Oromiyaa, before to a function by a Abyssinians, a
small over one-hundred years ago.
• However, a function force could not mislay a Odaa locations
from their existent places, nor from a minds and hearts of a
Oromos.
• All regions of Oromiyaa ought to have sub-offices of a
Odaa’s called Bokku.
• We have been means to snippet 3 Bokku locations in Macca,
namely, Bokku Bulluq, Bokku Cittuu and Bokku Wee.
• However, a hunt for some-more locations will continue,
quite for a other 5 regions.
• Among a above 3 Bokku locations in Maccaa, Bokku Xulee
and Bokku Cittuu are distinguished yearly in Oct and Dec
respectively.
• Before the establishment of the modern state of Ethiopia, the
Oromo had two types of social organisation, namely a complicated
class system, the famous Gadaa system and a moiety-clan-lineage
structure (Karl Eric Knutsson, 1967:30).
• The concept Gadaa has different meanings. First, it refers to the
Oromo social system as a whole.
• Secondly, it is used to refer to the sixth grade (see below) of the
system in which the elected members of the grade have ritual and
political responsibilities for a period of eight years.
• Thirdly, it refers to a calendar period of eight years.
• Fourthly, it is used to refer to a person belonging to the class which
occupies the grade “Gadaa” (see Ton Leus 1995:320).
• The Gadaa system is a democratic egalitarian system that has its
own leaders who conduct government (political, economic, social,
judicial, legislative, ritual and military affairs) of the Oromo
society for non-renewable eight-year terms.
• The Gadaa system organises the Oromo society into groups or sets
(about 7-12) that assume different responsibilities in the society
every eight years.
These Gadaa grades involve:
1. Dabballee (0-8),
2. Foollee or Gaammee Xixiqqaa (9-16) Some look after small stock
around Ollaas,
3. Qondaala or Gaammee Gurguddaa (17-24) Takes livestock
further away from Ollaas and begins drawing water from Eelaas,
4. Kuusaa(25-32) Luba elects its leader and is named after him.
Nucleuses Of Gadaa Leaders (Adula Councils) Emerge,
5. Raabaa Doorii (Raabaa Xixiqqaa and Raabaa Gurguddaa) 33-40 .
• This and the Kuusa grade constitute a period of preparation for the
assumption of full authority.
• It is Important military wing of the Gadaa system.
• Conducts raids; protects Boran territory and resources against enemies.
Men allowed to marry.
6. Gadaa, (41-48)-
• Politically the most active Leadership grade-the most important of
all stages; Luba assumes power/office; transition is marked by
leadership ceremony; Visit all Borana regions, settle serious
disputes and convene assemblies
7. Yuba I,
8. Yuba II,
9. Yuba III,
10. Yuba IV,
11. Gadaamoojjii and
12. Jaarsa.
In the Gadaa system everybody has a social role.
• Even the Dabballee and Jaarsa have special roles to play in the
Oromo society.they are immature, sons of Gadaa, only symbolic
role as mediator between God and humans.
• The Dabballee (0-8 years of age) are required to grow their hair
for eight years.
• In any case, an individual in the first age-grade (Dabballee, in the
case of Constantinos) is not considered to be in the Gadaa
system as a result of which there are only five active Gadaa
grades.
• They are sons of the men who are in power, the Luba, and are not
allowed to enter active Gadaa grade until their father retires from
the cycle.
• The Oromo treat the Dabballee as girls and put cowry shells
on their hair in order to protect them from evil eyes.
• When the Dabballee reach the Gaammee Xixiqqaa (junior
Gaammee) grade, their heads will be shaved.
• Gaammee Xixiqqaa are expected to look after livestock
without any further role of political participation.
• After eight years they enter the grade of Gaammee
Gurguddaa (senior Gaammee).
• These children will move to different parts of Borena and
participate in the Nyachisaa ceremony.
• The Borena slaughter bulls for them. After this ceremony, the
Adulaa (the six Gadaa Councillors) will be proclaimed before
their father’s Gadaa class.
• The councillors have to pass through two more grades (about 21 years-8
years of the Kuusaa grade plus 13 years [8+5] years of the senior warrior
Raabaa grade) of testing before entering the Gadaa grade and taking over
the responsibility of leading the Borena people (see below).
• During this time, they live and perform rituals together.
• In other parts of Oromo lands the period before the Gadaa grade may
have been longer normally by 4 years (Paul de Salviac, cited in Legesse,
2000:227).
• Upon completion of the third grade, Gaammee Gurguddaa will
enter Kuusaa grade, where they serve as junior warriors, and
participate in raids and formal military campaigns through the
leadership of the older Gadaa class.
• The fifth grade is known as Raabaa.
• In the first part of this grade the group is known as Raabaa
Xixiqqaa.
• Although Raabaa Xixiqqaa can marry, they are not allowed to
have children.
• They have the responsibility to defend their country against
external aggression.
• Having completed the first part of the fifth grade, in the fortieth
year of the Gadaa cycle, they perform the fatherhood ceremony.
• Subsequently, they will be allowed to raise children.
• Then, they enter the senior warrior grade (Doorii) which lasts five years
before entering the six grade.
• They are known as Raabaa Gurguddaa.
• During this period they are required to sharpen their knowledge, which
will enable them to lead the Oromo people.
•
It is worth noting that in the past the children of this group are given to
surrogate parents (the Wata people) to allow the fathers to fulfil their
duties without looking after their families.
• My informants said that this practice is no more applicable in
Borena, because of political and cultural changes.
• Doorii will be followed by the Gadaa grade where the
councillors who have proved their leadership ability assume
power.
• The pan-Borena assembly can remove those officials who failed
to fulfil their duties.
• Those who assume power have all the laws and customs in hand
for a period of eight years.
• The Gadaa stage is very important for them.
• It was at this stage that every ‘reigning set’ left its mark on
the nation through its political and ritual leadership”
(Mohammed Hassen, 1994:13).
• What is interesting is that the children who have participated
in the Gadaa grades are under obligation to learn, respect the
Borena culture and lead the Borena people.
• The Abbaa Gadaa or Abbaa Bokkuu in different parts of
Oromo lands is the leader of the Gadaa in power or “bearer
of the symbol of authority” respectively.
• The representatives of the whole nation elect him.
• All male members of the society who are of age and of Gadaa
grade are allowed to elect and to be elected.
• The Borena Oromo select Gadaa officials on the basis of wisdom,
bravery, health and physical fitness.
• To be elected as a Gadaa official one has to have knowledge and
leadership qualities.
• These qualities are proved when the children pass through
different Gadaa grades.
• The Borena people say that Waaqa (God) advises Abbaa Gadaa.
• The Borena people further say that even Waaqa cannot go before
Abbaa Gadaa.
• This shows that Abbaa Gadaa is the most respected person in the
Oromo society.
• However, his peers treat him as the first among equals.
• As Legesse has noted, “[t]he ethical foundation of Oromo democracy bars
him from flaunting his high status” (2000:215).
• In some cases, when the son of the previous Abbaa Gadaa proves to be
strong, knowledgeable and wise, the Borena people will select him as the
new Abbaa Gadaa Fiixee (apical councillor).
• Otherwise, everybody has the chance to be elected as the new Abbaa
Gadaa depending on his achievement.
• The seat of the Gadaa government is located at the residence of Abbaa
Gadaa..
• The office of the government is the shade of the odaa (the
holy sycamore tree), which is the source of peace and the
centre of religion.
• When the previous Abbaa Gadaa completes his period he will give
Baalli, (the feather of an ostrich)–the symbol of power transition in
the Borena society–to the new Abbaa Gadaa.
• In other parts of Oromia Bokkuu (sceptre) is the symbol of power.
• However, the Bokkuu is a junior character who is the ritual officiant
of the Gadaa class whereas Abbaa Gadaa is the leader of the Gadaa
class in Borena (Legesse, 2000:131).
• The transition between the old leadership to the new one is smooth.
• The Oromo prevented power from becoming absolute and from
falling into the hands of men who stand at the head of politicalmilitary hierarchies by creating a complex system of checks and
balances.
• The Oromo accomplish this by balancing the power of one luba
(Gadaa class) against another, one half of the society against the
other (Legesse, 2000).
• The attempt to extend the term of office beyond the fixed term of
eight years on the part of the Gadaa leaders violates the basic laws
of the Oromo constitution.
• In the Oromo constitution, the laws govern the activities of the
people, and leaders are accountable to the national assembly.
• According to Legesse, the Oromo constitution “runs parallel to
the Magna Carta, the foundation of British constitutional
thought” although the latter “is a very primitive document
compared to the Oromo constitution” (2000:258-259).
• In 13th century Britain, King John was forced by the barons of
England to accept the principle that he should obey the law,
otherwise the people had the right to force him to give up the
throne, if necessary, by an act of insurrection (George Burton
Adams, cited in Legesse, 2000:260).
• The Gadaa grade is followed by four (7-10) Yuba grades which
last for 3, 8, 8, and 8 years respectively.
• The first Yuba period lasts for only three years, because the senior
warrior grade (Raabaa) exceeds the normal period by five years
(see Legesse, 2000:126).
• The Yuba grade heralds partial retirement.
• In Yuba grade the former Gadaa officials can move to different
places.
• They are not forced to stay in the Gadaa centre.
•
The last stage of the Gadaa system (the sacred grade) is
Gadaamoojjii when the former Gadaa officials become politically
inactive.
• They would be deprived of all secular political and economic
power although they can give advice to the younger lubas.
• The final ritual is known as qumbii wal-irraa-fuudhu (the handing
over of incense), when the old men recite their achievements to
their sons in ceremonial pavilions constructed for each of them.
• This ceremony concludes the Gadaa life cycle. Subsequently old
men enter the final stage of retirement called Jaarsa.
• This process ends with the partial retirement of the whole group of
elders to an advisory and judicial capacity.
• Following luba, men automatically retire from Gadaa and move
into an advisory role known as yuba.
• By then they receive a great deal of respect, as wise, experienced
authorities and repositories of law, but their decisions are no
longer final, as they had previously been.
• They turn the bulk of their attention to private family businesses or
religious activities while their sons enter Gadaa, the public service.
• The indigenous Gadaa system organized and ordered society
around political, economic, social, cultural, and religious
institutions (Baissa, 1971, 1993; Legesse, 1973).
• We do not know when and how this system emerged.
• However, we know that it existed as a full fledged system at the beginning
of the sixteenth century.
• During this century, the Oromo were under one Gadaa
administration (Baissa, 1993). According to Lemmu Baissa
(2004: 101).
• Gadaa has three interrelated meanings: it is the grade during
which a class of people assumes politico-ritual leadership, a
period of eight years during which elected officials take power
from the previous ones, and the institution of Oromo society
(Legesse, 1973; 2006).
• Discussing the philosophy of Oromo democracy, Asmarom
Legesse (1973: 2) notes, "What is astonishing about this cultural
tradition is how far Oromo have gone to ensure that power does
not fall in the hand of war chiefs and despots.
• They achieve this goal by creating a system of checks and
balances that is at least as complex as the systems we find in
Western democracies.
• Describing how Gadaa currently works in the Borana region of
Oromia, Asmarom Legesse (1973: 8) asserts that “[Gadaa] is a
system of classes (luba) that succeed each other every eight years
in
assuming
military,
economic,
political,
and
ritual
responsibilities.
• Each Gadaa class remains in power during a specific term
(Gadaa), which begins and ends with a formal transfer
ceremony.”
• And “[society is organized] into two distinct but cross-cutting
systems of peer group structures.
• One is a system in which the members of each class are recruited
strictly on the basis of chronological age.
• The other is a system in which the members are recruited equally
strictly on the basis genealogical generations.
• The first has nothing to do with genealogical ties.
• The second has little to do.
• Both types of social groups are formed every eight years.
• Both sets of groups pass from one stage of development to the
next every eight years” (Legesse, 1973: 50-51).
• Oromo males are involuntarily recruited to both age-sets and
generation-sets or Gadaa grades.
• Male children join age-sets as newly born infants.
• Males born in the same eight-year period belong to an age-set.
• But they enter into the system of Gadaa grades forty years after
their fathers, and since one grade is eight years, fathers and
sons are five grades apart.
• Male children can join advanced grades at birth, and may join
men or old men who are considered to be members of their
genealogical generations.
• Older men mentor young males in teaching rules and rituals,
but the former treat the later as equals since there is no status
difference between the two groups in a Gadaa class (or
grades).
• Recorded history demonstrates that between the sixteenth
and the mid-seventieth centuries, all of the Oromo people
lived under one Gadaa administration (Baissa, 2004:101;
Jalata, 2005: 20).
• In the Gadaa republic, the Oromo people were organized
around political, economic, social, cultural, and religious
institutions.
• According to Lemmu Baissa (2004: 101).
• By the mid-seventeenth century, with an increased
population and extended territorial possessions, different
Oromo
groups
started
to
form
autonomous
Gadaa
governments (Baissa, 2004; Jalata, 2005a).
• While establishing autonomous local governments, the
Oromo
groups
formed
alliances,
federations,
and
confederations to maintain their political and cultural
solidarity and to defend their security and interest from their
common enemies (Bulcha, 1996: 50; Etefa, 2008).
• These Gadaa leaders are elected on the basis of wisdom, bravery,
health and physical fitness (Workneh, 2001).
• The main criteria for election or selection to office included
bravery, knowledge, honesty, demonstrated ability to govern, etc.
• The main criteria for election to office included bravery,
knowledge, honesty, demonstrated ability, and courage.
Regional And Global Challenges
• The Gadaa system was mainly suppressed by the alliance of
Ethiopian colonialism and global imperialism.
• Western powers, mainly Great Britain and the United States, have
given external legitimacy to the Ethiopian state, engaging in
colonialism,, and cultural destruction of indigenous peoples.
4. Kuusaa 25–32
 Politically significant Nucleus of future Gadaa leaders emerges
through nominations by the current Gadaa class (see grade 6,
below).
 The nominated future luba are formally installed in office;
however, they do not yet assume full authority.
5. Raabaa 33–40
 This and the kuusaa grade Important military wing of the Gadaa
doorii constitute a period of system.
 Conduct raids; protect Boran preparation for the territory and
resources against assumption of full enemies.
 Men are allowed to marry authority.
• Successive Ethiopian regimes used Christianity to link themselves
to Europe and North America to consolidate their powers against
the colonized population groups, mainly the Oromo.
• In addition, between 1974 and 1991, the Mengistu regime utilized
a “socialist” discourse to ally itself with the former Soviet bloc
and to consolidate its state power.
Grades Designation Age Limit Remarks Specific Role In Society
1. Dabballee 0–8
 Child is born;
 stage of None;
 immature, sons of the Gadaa class childhood or the luba;
 only symbolic role as mediator between God and humans.
2. Foollee 9–16
 Naming ceremony at home Some look after small stock
around ollaa.
 (Gaammee or Nura Shrine in Liben if perform light work.
xixiqoo) Ilmaan jaarsaa or Ilmaan korma, respectively.
3. Qondaala 17–24
 Intensification of the 2nd Take livestock further away
from ollaa.
 (Gaammee stage and begin drawing water from Eelaa.
 gurguddoo) can go long distances to hunt; perform heavy
work.
.6. Gadaa (Luba) 41–48 )
o Politically the most active Leadership grade – the most important of
all stages.
o Luba assumes power/office.
o Transition is marked by leadership ceremony
o Visit all Borana regions,
settle serious disputes and convene
assemblies.
7.Yuba I 49–56
 Retirement stage Advisory role in the society.
 receive a great deal of respect as wise, experienced authorities and
repositories of law.
8. Yuba II 57–64
• Retirement stage.
9. Yuba III 65–72
• Retirement stage.
10. Gadaamojjii 73–80
Marked by rites at different Senior advisor sites
11. Jaarsa > 80
Stage of old age At a stage to be cared for
• Grade designation and age limits differ slightly between the two
sources.society also change.
• For instance, during the grades of qondaala, kuusaa and raabaa
doorii, individuals learn war tactics, Oromo history, politics,
ritual, law and administration over a period of 24 years.
• When they enter the Gadaa class or luba at the age of about 40
years, they have already acquired all the necessary knowledge to
handle the responsibility of administering the society and the
celebration of rituals.
• This process ends with the partial retirement of the whole group
of elders to an advisory and judicial capacity.
• Following luba, men automatically retire from Gadaa and move
into an advisory role known as yuba.
• By then they receive a great deal of respect, as wise, experienced
authorities and repositories of law, but their decisions are no
longer final, as they had previously been.
• They turn the bulk of their attention to private family businesses or
religious activities while their sons enter Gadaa, the public service.
• Luba is the ruling grade. Its members hold all political authority.
• Elect representatives to attend a national convention called caffee.
• where the laws of the land are amended by the vote of tens of
thousands of lubas and where officials are elected to administer
the society in a wide variety of capacities.
• The caffee elects nine Gadaa officials.
The Following Are The Gadaa Officials And Their Duties.
1. Abbaa Bokkuu Or Abbaa Gadaa – President.
2. Abbaa Bokkuu I – Vice-president.
3. Abbaa Bokkuu II – Vice-president.
4. Abbaa Caffee – Chairman Of The Assembly (Caffee).
5. Abbaa Dubbii – Speaker Who Presents The Decision Of The
Presidium To The Assembly.
6. Abbaa Seeraa – Memorizer Of The Laws And Results Of The
Assembly Deliberations.
7. Abbaa Alangaa – Judge Who Executes Decisions.
8. Abbaa Duulaa – In Charge Of The Army.
9. Abbaa Sa’aa – In Charge Of The Economy.
• These Gadaa leaders are elected on the basis of wisdom, bravery,
health and physical fitness
(Workneh, 2001).
 Slight differences are observed among the Oromo communities
across Oromia in the way they practice Gadaa.
 The Boran have kept the system more intact than the Oromos in
the other areas because of their relative isolation from external
influences.
 In the case of the Boran, the entire Gadaa presidium, consisting
of nine members, is called Saglan Yaa’ii Boran (nine of the
Boran assembly).
 The current abbaa Gadaa or Bokkuu (the president) is called
Guyyoo Goba; he is the legitimate leader of the Boran.
 If the Gadaa officials fail to carry out their duties, the caffee
can replace them by another group from among the same
Gadaa class, which proves how accountability is entrenched in
the governance system.
 One major economic function of Gadaa is the distribution of
resources, by establishing who had to help whom, when and
why, by settling conflicts between families over goods and by
making laws.
 It is the system that governs the Boran’s use of natural
resources and enables the various groups to coordinate their
use of important resources like water.
 According to Gadaa, those people who have entered the
luba grade (individuals in the expected age range of 40–48)
are considered to be elders.
 Therefore, the lubas (elders) settle disputes among groups
and individuals and apply the laws dealing with the
distribution of resources, criminal fines and punishment,
protection of property, theft, etc.
 Thus the elders in the community form a dominant component of
the customary mechanisms conflict management and natural
resources management (Watson, 2001; Dejene, 2004)
Dejene, 2004;Desalegn et al., 2004).
 The authority held by the elders is derived from their position in
the Gadaa system.
 Whilethe rules and regulations laid down by the Gadaa tradition
must be respected by all councils of elders, any problem
regarding resources use which could not be solved by these elders
would be handled by the higher Gadaa leaders.
Watson (2001) describes : The role of abbaa Gadaa in natural
resources conflict resolution as follows:
• The abbaa Gadaa is seen as the figurehead of the whole of Boran,
and is often described as the president.
• As well as performing rituals, matters are referred to him and his
council when a decision cannot be reached at a lower level.
• When conflict breaks out between ollaas or araddaas, or maddaas,
then the abbaa Gadaa will rule on the case.
• If there is conflict between ethnic groups, then he will be called in
to help make peace.
• As the abbaa Gadaa is responsible for dealing with matters of concern to
the Boran, and as matters of concern are often related to access to the
resources (water, land and forests), the abbaa Gadaa is the highest level of
institution of natural resources management in Borana.
• However, it is worth noting that Gadaa is a male-oriented, sociopolitical and cultural system and excludes the Oromo women from
its political and military structures.
• Taking the case of the Boran, Legesse (1973) states the following
relationship between men and women:
• Men are in control of military and political activities.
• Only men can engage in warfare. O
• nly men take part in the elections of leaders of camps or of age-sets and
Gadaa classes.
• Men lead and participate in ritual activities.
• However, ritual is not an exclusively masculine domain: there are several
rituals performed by women.
• In these and a few other instances women do take an important
part.
• Women are actively excluded from age-sets.
• They are therefore heavily dependent on men for most politicalritual services and for all activities connected with the defence of
Boran camps, wells, herds, and shrines.
• However, there are parallel female-oriented institutions to Gadaa
known as Ateetee and Siiqqee institutions ((Megerssa, 1993,
unpublished PhD dissertation; Hussein, 2004)
• Oromo women used to practice ateetee as a way of strengthening
their solidarity and as a tool to counter atrocities staged against
them by men.
• Similarly, as a check and balance mechanism, siiqqee was
institutionalized and women formed parallel organizations of their
own that actively excluded men.
• Another important informal institution with relevance to conflict
resolution is the institution of araara (literal meaning,
reconciliation) and jaarsummaa (literal meaning, the process of
reconciliation between conflicting individuals or groups by a
group of Jaarsaas).
• Dejene (2004) reported the effectiveness of the araara institution
between the Karrayyu Oromo of the Upper Awash and its
neighbouring ethnic groups like the Afar and Argoba.
• Araara is the process of conflict management involving individual
clans within and outside the community.
• It is basically handled by the council of elders in the community and thus
associated with the Gadaa system, and called jaarsummaa in some localities.
• The term jaarsa is the Oromo version of elder, and thus jaarsummaa, is the
process of reconciliation between conflicting individuals or groups by a
group of jaarsaas (elders).