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Doing time after time: an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis of
reformed ex-prisoners' experiences of self-change, identity and career
opportunities
Andreas Aresti a; Virginia Eatough a; Belinda Brooks-Gordon a
a
School of Psychology, Birkbeck, University of London, Bloomsbury, London, UK
Online publication date: 09 February 2010
To cite this Article Aresti, Andreas, Eatough, Virginia and Brooks-Gordon, Belinda(2010) 'Doing time after time: an
Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis of reformed ex-prisoners' experiences of self-change, identity and career
opportunities', Psychology, Crime & Law, 16: 3, 169 — 190
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/10683160802516273
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Psychology, Crime & Law
Vol. 16, No. 3, March 2010, 169190
Doing time after time: an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis
of reformed ex-prisoners’ experiences of self-change, identity and
career opportunities
Andreas Aresti*, Virginia Eatough and Belinda Brooks-Gordon
School of Psychology, Birkbeck, University of London, Malet Street, Bloomsbury,
London WC1E 7HX, UK
Downloaded By: [Aresti, Andreas] At: 10:22 10 February 2010
(Received 3 July 2008; final version received 29 September 2008)
The study of desistance from crime has generated a wealth of research in the last
few decades. Despite the many barriers ex-prisoners face when attempting to ‘go
straight’ many successfully lead law-abiding lives. Two key features identified in
criminal desistance are a shift to a pro-social identity and worthwhile employment
or the development of a new career path. There is, however, little psychological
knowledge available on reformed offenders’ experiences of self-change. This study
focuses on ex-prisoners’ experiences of employment and career opportunities.
Five male reformed offenders took part in semi-structured interviews. Data
collected was subjected to an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. Participants demonstrated that desistance involves a shift to a pro-social identity and
that self-change was a positive experience. An important aspect to emerge was the
conflict experienced by the label ‘ex-offender’, which had a contradictory
influence on the men’s sense of self.
Keywords: desistance; labelling; prisoner; role conflict; social isolation
Introduction
In the last few decades a growing body of criminological literature has focused on
investigating how criminal offenders desist from crime (Laub & Sampson, 2001;
Maruna, 2001; Matsueda & Heimer, 1997). Understanding the factors that lead to
criminal desistance (desistance) is vital to the development of interventions that
reduce re-offending. Such a reduction obviously has a number of implications for
society, in terms of economic gains and issues of public welfare. With the everincreasing prison population in England and Wales currently peaking at 82,500 (HM
Prison Service, 2008) and established reports suggesting that over 58% of prisoners
are reconvicted within 2 years of release (Social Exclusion Unit, 2002) the need to
understand the processes underlying desistance have become a critical point of
inquiry.
Despite the rapid growth in literature on desistance, it remains an area of
contention, with competing accounts advocating the importance of either individual
characteristics (Maruna, 2001; Shover, 1996) or social processes (Laub & Sampson,
2001; Matsueda & Heimer, 1997) as a crucial determinant to the desistance process.
*Corresponding author. Email: a.aresti@bbk.ac.uk
ISSN 1068-316X print/ISSN 1477-2744
# 2010 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/10683160802516273
http://www.informaworld.com
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A. Aresti et al.
In many respects, underlying this debate are the conceptual, definitional and
measurement issues associated with the study of criminal desistance (see Laub &
Sampson, 2001; Maruna, 2001). However in definitional terms, by its nature criminal
desistance or the long-term abstinence from crime involves some form of self-change.
In an attempt to understand the processes underlying desistance and the role of
social context in shaping its dynamics, Sampson and Laub (2005; Laub & Sampson,
2001) proposed their Life Course Perspective of desistance. Based on empirical
investigations, they argue that key adult life transitions, for example marriage or
employment, are key aspects in modifying criminal trajectories. Importantly,
underlying desistance is the strength of the individual’s commitment and attachment
to these roles, i.e. strong social bonds. Informal social controls, i.e. the conventions
associated with these roles, encourage the individual to lead a law-abiding life, whilst
isolating them or ‘knifing them off’ from their immediate criminogenic environment
(Laub & Sampson, 2001).
Developing this, Symbolic Interactionist theories of desistance (Matsueda &
Heimer, 1997; Uggen, Manza, & Behrens, 2004) attribute desistance to a change in
the reformed offender’s sense of self. Here a law-abiding self is developed through
processes of conventional role taking and social interaction. Particular focus is paid
to the changing identities that accompany these new roles and the stabilization of
new identities through role commitments (Matsueda & Heimer, 1997; Stryker, 2007).
Developing this view, Uggen et al. (2004) argue that civic integration is also an
important aspect in role transition and identity change and therefore necessary for
desistance. Their empirical investigation of a cohort consisting of mainly prisoners,
illustrated that despite being incarcerated, most of their sample had already
established a connection between desistance and their roles as workers, family
men/women and citizens. Additionally, although only suggestive evidence, the
primary mechanism linking adult role transition and desistance appeared to be a
generalized sense of self as a conforming citizen.
Whilst contributing to our understanding of desistance, Vaughan (2007) is
critical of this theoretical framework, arguing that it de-emphasizes the role of the
individual and personal agency, by attributing desistance to the greater control
exerted by the obligations of new roles. This is critiqued in a qualitative study of exoffenders (Leibrich, 1993) who found no obvious differences in the social worlds of
those that continued to offend and those that desisted. Based on her findings she
attributed desistance to a change in the way her sample interpreted their lives,
implying a change in both cognitive and psychological processes within the
individual.
In keeping with this phenomenological line of inquiry, Maruna (2001) focused on
the subjective experience of desistance, by exploring the life narratives of a large
sample of ex-offenders and offenders. He found that successful desistance requires a
shift to a coherent, pro-social identity, supporting the view that a law-abiding
identity is an important factor in desistance (Matsueda & Heimer, 1997; Uggen
et al., 2004). However, Maruna (2001) highlighted the importance of the individual’s
role and personal agency in desistance, reinforcing the views of Leibrich (1993) and
Vaughan (2007). Underlying this shift to a pro-social identity is the re-conceptualization of the self, which is achieved through reconstructing one’s internalized life
narrative. Here a positive conceptualization of the self is developed as past events are
reinterpreted to suit future aspirations.
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171
Relative to this, Maruna (2001) found that many of his sample assumed
generative roles, using their past experiences to help others. Importantly, participants
attributed self-change to personal agency and expressed how much more meaningful
their ‘new’ lives were.
These diverse accounts of desistance each contribute to our growing understanding of the desistance process. Laub and Sampson (2001) acknowledge that
desistance stems from a variety of complex processes, including developmental,
psychological and sociological aspects. More recently, research has focused on the
interplay of these processes in attempt to determine the temporal sequence and
differential impact they have in desistance (LeBel, Burnett, Maruna, & Bushway,
2008). Arguably, linking all these aspects is a shift in one’s sense of self to a lawabiding (Uggen et al., 2004) and pro-social identity (Maruna, 2001). Considering this
shift in sense of self, what is not clear is how or if the widespread stigma attached to
the ex-offender cohort (Pager & Quillian, 2005; Rasmusen, 1996; Waldfogel, 1994;
Western, 2002) impacts on their daily lives and what are the implications, if any, for
their sense of self ?
Uggen et al. (2004) argue that the ex-offenders’ commitment to pro-social roles,
and hence a law-abiding or conforming sense of self is undermined by the stigma of a
criminal conviction. The implications for those who have served custodial sentences
appear to be more severe, as the enduring stigma of a custodial sentence imposes
restrictions on work opportunities, housing choices and a myriad of other social
relationships, isolating ex-prisoners from their communities and fellow citizens.
Uggen et al. (2004) reported that, despite still being incarcerated, participants
believed that their criminal convictions made them ‘outsiders’, occupying a status
that is ‘less than an average citizen’ (p. 288). Despite these important findings, little
empirical work has particularly focused on the reformed offender’s experience of
self-change, in light of the stigma attached to their status. Surprisingly, despite the
wealth of literature on stigma within psychology, little has focused on reformed
offenders1. However, research on other stigmatized cohorts has illustrated that
stigma can affect social status, self-esteem, psychological well-being and physical
health (Major and O’Brien, 2005).
Taking stigma as a starting point for this line of inquiry, a number of issues
require consideration. Although a positive shift in one’s sense of self appears
paramount in this cohort, it is unclear how this is negotiated in light of the stigma
(Uggen et al., 2004; Rasmusen, 1996). Little research has focused on a specific subpopulation of this cohort, i.e. reformed offenders who have made or are making
dramatic pro-social career changes. In light of this, a qualitative line of inquiry
appears to be suited due to its inherent flexibility to be exploratory in nature.
Epistemologically, a positivist line of inquiry with its emphasis on pre-defined
categories and concepts, can only serve to limit a domain that has little theoretical
and empirical knowledge. Considering the conceptual, definitional and measurement
issues underling the study of desistance (Laub & Sampson, 2001) it would seem
appropriate to focus on a small homogeneous sample. Previous qualitative
investigations (e.g. Maruna, 2001) have tended to use large samples and have not
particularly differentiated between ex-offenders (non-custodial sentences) and exprisoners. Yet the stigmatization of ex-prisoners appears to be more severe (Uggen et
al., 2004). This in turn may have greater implications in terms of employment/career
options, a factor well documented in the criminological literature (Waldfogel, 1994;
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A. Aresti et al.
Western, 2002; Uggen, 2000). As employment has been identified as a primary
contributor to criminal desistance (Laub & Sampson, 2001; Matsueda & Heimer,
1997; Social Exclusion Unit, 2002) it seems appropriate to focus on this aspect,
especially when considering that legal obligations require the ex-prisoner to disclose
their criminal convictions.
The aim of this study was to develop and further our understanding of
desistance, by investigating how reformed offenders, who have served a custodial
sentence, experience self-change, both generally and in terms of their identity. Special
attention is directed to their experiences of employment/career opportunities.
Method
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Participants
Five male reformed offenders participated in the study. To achieve a level of
homogeneity (Smith, 1996) inclusion criteria required the men to have served at least
one prison sentence of 3 years or more. Importantly, custodial sentences of 2.5 years
or over have significant implications for the reformed offender, because they are
never ‘spent’, i.e. the individual is legally obliged to disclose his criminal offences
when requested in particular situations, e.g. job applications/interviews (Rehabilitation of Offenders Act, 1974). Inclusion criteria also required the men to have actively
engaged in developing new career opportunities since implementing self-change and
to have been out of prison for at least 2 years, as the early stages of release appear to
be a sensitive period in terms of criminal desistance (Social Exclusion Unit, 2002).
All the men grew up in inner city areas in the UK and prior to change either
persistently offended or identified as career criminals. Four of the men reported that
they were substance abusers (drugs/alcohol) prior to change, whilst the fifth implied
that he had used drugs recreationally. The men completed either a foundation or
access course which enabled them entry to university to do a degree. Each is
educated to degree level and got involved in education during their last prison term.
The men are all currently pursuing new conventional careers or are studying at
university. In addition, they all work in varying contexts with vulnerable or socially
excluded cohorts.
Pete is a 27-year-old student. In his offending years he was a gang member and
has been to prison three times. On two occasions this was for robbery. Pete’s longest
prison sentence was 4 years. He was released from his last prison term approximately
3 years ago. After leaving prison he went in to higher education and is currently
finishing his degree. Scotty is a 52-year-old student. He has been to prison twice and
his longest sentence was 3 years for armed robbery. Scotty left prison over 5 years
ago and went in to higher education. He is currently doing a masters degree. Mikey is
41 and works for a voluntary sector organization at a managerial level. His work
involves devising and implementing rehabilitation programmes. He has been to
prison three times. His last prison term was his longest, where he received a 13 year
sentence for drug/fraud related offences. During this time Mikey started higher
education, obtaining a degree and has since obtained a masters degree. He has been
out of prison for 5 years. Since reforming he has found God. Jack is 51 and involved
in education, working on a widening participation programme and in the media. In
his offending years he was a bank robber. He has been to prison twice and his longest
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sentence was 20 years for armed robbery. During this sentence he started higher
education in prison and on release he went to university, completing his degree. He
has been out of prison for over 7 years. Chris is a 31-year-old hostel worker. In his
offending years he was a professional thief. He has been to prison on numerous
occasions and his longest sentence was 4 years. He went into higher education after
leaving prison and then went on to complete a degree. He left prison over 5 years
ago.
Procedure
Participants were recruited through The National Association for Reformed
Offenders (UNLOCK) and via a snowball sampling procedure. Here UNLOCK
provided a contact working on a widening participation programme who passed on
details of the study to potential participants. All respondents were informed that the
nature of the study was to explore self-change, identity, and their experiences of
career/employment opportunities. Participants were interviewed individually in a
private place and gave written informed consent. A semi-structured interview was
used to guide data collection, with the aim of capturing the richness and complexity
of participants meaning making. Here, rather than allowing the schedule to dictate
the flow of the interview, participants were free to express their views and experiences
(Eatough & Smith, 2006). Interviews lasted approximately 1 hour, were audio taped
and transcribed verbatim. Participants received a nominal fee of £10 and their travel
expenses were reimbursed. All ethical guidelines were followed including informed
consent, the right to withdraw from the study at any point, sensitivity and duty of
care, and full debriefing post interview. A list of independent counsellors was made
available to each participant. All participant names and other identifiable elements
were altered in order to preserve anonymity and confidentiality.
Analysis
Data collected was subjected to an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA)
(Smith, 1996). The aim of IPA is to gain an in-depth understanding of the ways in
which people make sense of their personal and social world (Smith & Osborn, 2003).
Its philosophical underpinnings combine two diverse, yet compatible, epistemological positions phenomenology and hermeneutics. In short, phenomenology is
concerned with the subjective meanings people ascribe to their lived experiences.
Hermeneutics is concerned with the interpretation and identification of the underlying meaning embedded in individuals accounts. IPA characteristically uses a dual
interpretation process (or double hermeneutic). Here the participant is trying to
make sense of their world and the researcher attempts to make sense of the
participant’s sense-making. This involves moving between different levels of
interpretation, one of empathy; which is consistent with phenomenology, whereby
the researcher is trying to see things from the participant’s perspective. Additionally,
IPA also utilizes a hermeneutics of suspicion (Ricoeur, 1981); here the researcher
takes a critical stance, whereby the participant’s account is not accepted at face value
(Smith, 1996). During this analytic process, the researcher works with the data from
the ground up, attempting to put on hold any preconceptions. Considering this in
light of one of the author’s experiences of working with this cohort, special care was
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A. Aresti et al.
given to reflexive issues. Primarily, IPA was most appropriate for this study, due to its
suitability for investigating topics of ‘hot cognition’, i.e. issues that have ongoing
significance, are emotionally charged and are a potential cause of dilemma. Central
to IPA is a focus on ‘lived experience’ and the acknowledgement of historical,
cultural and social norms and practices that influence this (Eatough & Smith, 2006).
Clearly, with the sanctions imposed on the ex-prisoner cohort IPA is the most
suitable approach.
IPA offers a flexible set of guidelines, enabling researcher adaptation and
creativity. The approach adopted in this paper is in keeping with the guidelines set
out in Smith and Osborn (2003). The treatment of data was considered on a case by
case basis, with each transcript being analysed individually. Each transcript was read
in full several times to gain a more holistic understanding of the data generated from
the interview. Initial thoughts, impressions and ideas were noted next to the
corresponding text in the left-hand margin. The next stage of the analysis involved a
move to more psychological concepts and abstractions, transforming initial
impressions or ideas into more specific themes or phrases. Caution was taken here
to maintain a connection between the participant’s account and the researcher’s
interpretation. The subsequent stages involved further data reduction. Emergent
themes were refined by establishing connections between the preliminary themes and
clustering them appropriately. In keeping with the iterative nature of the IPA
method, there was scope for the addition, removal or re-conceptualization of themes.
Clusters were given a descriptive label (superordinate theme) which conveys the
conceptual nature of the constituent sub-themes.
A table consisting of the superordinate themes and their constituent sub-themes
was provided along with a brief illustrative verbatim extract from the interview. The
process was then repeated for the remaining interview texts. The second author was
required to carry out an ‘independent audit’ (see Smith, 2003). Here a review of the
analytic process was conducted, from start to finish, ensuring all interpretations were
‘grounded’ in the participants accounts. Following this, a cross-case comparison of
the findings was conducted. Here both convergences and divergences were identified
between participants in order to establish an overall representation of the main
themes emerging from their accounts. A table representing this was then provided
and guided the development of an expanded narrative account of the research
findings.
Results
Four superordinate themes emerged illustrating the men’s experience of self-change.
All accounts exhibited a strong narrative structure apparent in the emergent themes,
which followed a salient temporal path. The first theme, ‘being stuck’, captures the
men’s struggle with life in the offending years. The second theme, ‘defining
moments’, highlights the defining moments or epiphanies leading to self-change.
The third theme, ‘life in transition’, is indicative of the men’s experience’ during the
process of self-change. The fourth theme, ‘a new world’, illustrates the men’s
experiences of self-change in its latter stages and the present.
This paper focuses on the fourth superordinate theme to emerge (see Appendix 1
for table of themes) where the shift from offender to reformed offender is most
salient. Although self-change is an evolving process, the men clearly distinguish
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between their past offending lives and the present. For them, self-change not only
involves their desistance from crime, but also a shift in their perception and
positioning in the world. Here the men have developed a law-abiding identity and
have connected to wider society.
Before presenting this theme a brief insight into the superordinate theme,
‘defining moments’ will be presented. This is necessary in order to provide some
context into what events led the participants to change.
Defining moments
The theme ‘defining moments’ captures the points in time or epiphanies leading to
the men’s decision to change, the influences underlying this decision and the very
early stages of the men’s implementation of change. Whilst there was some
divergence across the men’s experiences, the following description typically captures
the converging patterns. Here a psychological and behavioural shift begins to unfold
as the men move towards self-change.
All of the men’s narratives showed clear signs that they struggled with being
disconnected from their existing lifeworlds. For four of the men the prospect of longterm imprisonment generated much tension and angst. Consequently, this evoked
intense feelings of loss which manifested itself in a variety of ways. This evoked an
existential moment where the men questioned their very existence. This intense
feeling of loss is captured in the following extract, where Jack is overwhelmed with
feelings of despair, as he mourns the loss of a substantial part of his life:
‘And this is in like 87 [1987] . . . it’s a fucking lifetime away. It’s the next century and we
weren’t even thinking about the next century . . . fuck that, I can’t do any more of that.
You know . . . you’re working out how long you’re gonna be in, how long you done
already, you know, that what percentage of your life and stuff. . .’ Jack
This traumatic experience appears to have had a devastating impact on the men’s
sense of self. This is clear in Pete’s response, where he is consumed by feelings of
despair and hopelessness, as he struggles with his loss of self-agency. Consequently,
this impacts on his sense of self as he tries to wrestle the conflicting thoughts he is
experiencing in terms of his identity. Amongst the chaos and confusion, Pete has a
moment of clarity realizing that self-change is critical to his well-being:
‘It was like a sense of I suppose desperation, but also a sense of like hopelessness. I was
totally powerless about my life and no matter who I thought I was in my head, I thought
I was this person, you know, I am being locked in a cell where my movements are being
dictated too and everything like that, and I have got no control over my life . . . and my
destiny of my life, so I kinda knew from that point that I didn’t want to continue what I
was doing . . .’ Pete
This adverse experience was typical across the men’s accounts to varying degrees and
subsequently forces them to re-evaluate their lives. Cut off from their pre-existing
social networks and meaning systems, the self appears to be in a state of
fragmentation. It is at this point that the first signs of self-change begin to emerge,
as the men move towards taking control of their lives and they attempt to create a
new and meaningful identity. This is clear in Mikey’s extract where a shift in selfefficacy generates new goals and aspirations, reducing the tension and evoking
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A. Aresti et al.
feelings of hope. Here his perception of and positioning in the world gradually begins
to shift as he works towards achieving a pro-social identity:
‘It was like a feeling of no choice, I’d actually reached the point where I felt that life
wasn’t worth living . . . so I had to make a decision as to what I was gonna do, I have to
do something which is worthwhile [pursue a career working with the socially excluded] so
to me it was the only thing that really give me hope. I was in a state of hopelessness, but
that sort of gave me a light at the end of the tunnel . . . so, yes there is an opportunity, if I
can focus on that, then at the end of this there might be some hope . . .’ Mikey
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Importantly, whilst this clearly supports the view that subjective changes underlie the
desistance process (Maruna, 2001; Vaughan, 2007) it also highlights the importance
of external factors in facilitating self-change. This was typical in all the men’s
narratives, where the opportunities for educational pursuits and/or addressing their
addiction problems were available.
A meaningful life
All five men clearly expressed their preference for their current non-offending lives,
acknowledging that their present life was much more meaningful. This was
attributed to their existing projects, e.g. careers or interests, their achievements since
self-change and their experiences of connecting to others. By comparison, the men
expressed how their past lives lacked ‘genuine’ meaning and purpose. An extreme
example of this is Scotty’s experience. For him death appeared to be a more attractive
option than living a meaningless life. His excessive drinking was not only a way of
easing his pain and coping with life’s struggles, it was also a means of escaping a
mundane and unfulfilled life. For Scotty, life had been simply worthless:
‘I just wanted to fucking die. I was drinking to blackout, hoping that I never woke up.
And, and this is no cry for help, because at that moment I really didn’t want to fucking
wake up . . .’ Scotty
On reflection, Scotty clearly regrets his wasted life . . .
‘Oh what a fucking life and it was such a fucking waste, that’s what gets me now, you
know’ Scotty
For Pete, the prospect of a meaningless life was clear at an early age. His life lacked
opportunities, he was excluded from school and he felt that the world was against
him. Undoubtedly, this contributed to his destructive lifestyle, and his early
imprisonment probably confirmed his belief that his life was worthless. Pete was
angry and resented life, society and the injustices he was experiencing, so for him
crime and destruction appeared to be the only way forward:
‘My first prison sentence when I was 16, I got sent down in the Old Bailey, right. So
already by that time, I was really fucked off with [life]. I thought life didn’t mean
anything. I thought life really dealt me the bad hand that I was going to have this bad
hand all of the time’ Pete
Contrast this with how both Scotty and Pete talk about their lives now. When Scotty
compares his past to the present he acknowledges how much he has achieved, in
Psychology, Crime & Law
177
terms of his educational successes and overcoming his alcohol addiction. The
contrast is stark, with Scotty displaying an overwhelming feeling of self pride:
‘I’ve got this [outstanding student] award. I’m going on the 3rd September so they can
give me £1800 quid, to get a computer, Oh fucking great! The woman phoned me up and
she said right . . . you’ve been awarded £1800 for personal development. And that was
great. Then a week later, right, she gives me [a call] actually we’ve nominated you for the
champion’s champion . . . these are great things (excitedly) yes, fucking 5 years ago I was
lying in a sea of fucking whisky bottles and look at us now’ Scotty
The men also reported how being giving opportunities they once lacked, was
fundamental for self-change. This is clear in Pete’s powerful metaphor illustrating
not only how meaningful his life is, but also his joy at being giving the opportunity to
fulfil his wish to study at university:
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‘I am studying. I’m kinda like living the dream really, right’ Pete
Comparatively, it is clear how much more meaningful life is for these men. Both are
passionate about their academic pursuits and their enthusiasm and excitement is
manifest. This is typical to all the men who clearly took pride in their achievements
and expressed how their new careers were important to them:
‘I’m happy, doing really interesting work, with some really interesting friends who like
me for me and the work I do. Not how much money I got . . .’ Jack
Paramount to the men’s shift to a more meaningful life, were their academic pursuits
and the support and reassurance of ‘significant’ others. A shift to a more positive
sense of self and taking control of their lives was also fundamental. Underlying these
aspects was a change in how the men perceive their world. Mikey’s extract captures
the tone common to the other men. Here a shift, from an obsession with money and
crime to values that are more relational and people orientated, has not only given his
life more meaning, but has significant implications for his sense of self:
‘I think my whole attitude about life, my whole outlook on life, everything has just
totally changed . . .’ He goes on to say . . . ‘a whole new set of values, umm, whereas my
values before were very much focused on money . . . my values now are just doing what I
feel I’m called to do, doing what is benefiting others, you know, doing something that
makes me feel good about myself’ Mikey
Typically, all the men are involved in working with socially excluded groups and
expressed how helping others makes them feel good. A combination of this, their
existing projects, their achievements and their connection to wider society has not
only given meaning to their lives, but are instrumental features in the shift to a more
positive conceptualization of the self. By engaging in activities that conform to
society’s conventions, the men appear to be fulfilling a need to belong. Furthermore,
self-change has liberated the men, freeing them from a previously restricted
environment and enabling them to engage in a wealth of new experiences, providing
new opportunities. This is captured in Pete’s extract when reflecting on his past life.
For Pete, an overwhelming sense of being ‘stuck’ or trapped in his existing
environment was clear. His freedom was limited due to his gang membership and
this appeared to be another form of imprisonment for him. Being ‘stuck’ was a
salient theme to emerge in the men’s accounts and will be reported at a later date.
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A. Aresti et al.
‘it was like only associate with these people here, and you can’t go over there because
you are in beef [trouble] . . . its madness . . . I mean my world was so small’ Pete
Contrastingly, in the present a new world has opened up for Pete, where he is free to
explore new experiences and to connect with other people that he was unable to
relate too in the past. His excitement and enthusiasm is clear:
‘My world is massive . . . I’ve got friends all over . . . meet people from all over the world’ Pete
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By satisfying the need to belong and engaging in work that has a strong moral
element, these men appear to be maintaining a positive sense of self. First, because
by its very nature belonging implies acceptance and therefore the belief that one is
valued by others; second, and related to this, because moral behaviour is appraised
by society.
Fearing a lack of connection
For these reformed offenders self-change has generally been positive, although it did
have a negative side. Despite some variation in the intensity of these negative
experiences, a salient pattern to emerge converged on two interrelated psychological
phenomena; an underlying fear of being judged (prejudice) and rejected (discrimination) attributed to the stigma attached to having a criminal past. Underlying these
fears are the men’s concerns that they will be excluded from various social
conventions, for example, legitimate careers/employment or interpersonal relationships. All the men accept that the label ‘ex-offender’ and their criminal record are
there for life, although it was clear that this was a source of much tension. Scotty’s
extract provides an example of this, illustrating how his criminal past will always be
there to haunt him and is a source of constant threat:
‘The psychological effect it had on me was really scary. I thought to myself, although
you are doing all this shit now, that still happened it’s not going away [his offending
past] and that’s, that’s a mark on your book for as long as your going to be on this
fucking planet mate . . . it’s there man . . . and it’s still a fucking stigma’ Scotty
Underlying this stigma is the fear that disclosing the offending past will result in a
negative evaluation of the self, subsequently resulting in social exclusion. Typically,
this was a source of anxiety, although the intensity varies in degree. This fear and
anticipation of being judged and rejected appears to be constant in the back of the
men’s minds. Many social interactions have the potential for bringing up the men’s
pasts and therefore the possibility of having to disclose or avoid it, which in itself is
the cause of some anxiety and tension. What evokes a more intense response is the
prospect of being socially excluded. The impact of this is clear in Pete’s account,
where his fear of being isolated again from society is so immense that it causes him to
avoid disclosure:
‘It’s like before that I wouldn’t tell people because when people see me they wouldn’t
expect I can do those things so I kinda didn’t tell people . . .’ Pete
On being asked why he would not disclose his past . . .
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‘Just fear, fear of being rejected innit, fear of kind of like of not being accepted, do you
know what I mean, not feeling part of and, and kinda like feeling erm, isolated again
innit and stuff . . .’ Pete
Pete then goes on to describe an experience where his peers at university found out
about his past and whilst his disclosure was received positively, he still avoids
disclosing his past to others:
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‘I tell you what when it came out like, it was weird, people just accepted me, people just
like said, if that’s were you’ve come from and that’s what you’re doing now, that’s
amazing, but still today, I don’t meet people [and disclose] I don’t, unless it’s through
work or I have to tell them, I don’t generally tell them . . .’ Pete
Pete’s response is typical to the other men (in varying degrees), illustrating a fear of
not being accepted or ‘belonging’. It is possible that ‘not belonging’ has implications
for Pete’s sense of self and therefore, is a great source of tension to him. In his
narrative, there is a strong sense of him feeling that he never belonged to society even
in childhood. One example of this was his exclusion from school. Although in some
respects, a sense of belonging was typically achieved through identification with
criminal sub-groups, all the men exhibited a desire to connect to the wider world and
to maintain that connection. This is apparent in the following extract where Jack has
decided to leave his past behind him, by working towards a new crime-free future.
Yet leaving the past behind and moving towards a new future, brings along its own
tensions. Like the other men, imprisonment has severed his connection to his
criminal cohort and subsequently led to a desire to connect to significant others, e.g.
family or friends and wider society:
‘I was found guilty, given 20 years, then I thought right that’s it, no more of this . . . and
then I just tried to slowly work myself up into a position where I would be fairly
employable . . . I knew it would have made a lot of people happy [self-change]’ Jack
In this instance, the tension is clear as Jack is aware that he lacks connection to wider
society and is uncertain whether society will accept him. The pull between the past
where he comfortably belonged and an uncertain future, was clear in his account and
some of the other men’s.
The fear of lacking connection is most salient when the men are adapting to a
non-offending life in society. They are concerned with being accepted by others and
the societal sanctions imposed on them because of their ex-offender status. In
addition to the fear of not connecting to others, the men are also concerned with the
potential loss of a connection to others, who are unaware of their pasts. The desire to
maintain this potential connection results in the men avoiding disclosure of their
pasts until they have established more familiarity in these relationships. This was
explicit in some of them men’s accounts, for example Pete’s earlier extract. Such
situations must be at the very least uncomfortable or evoke tension, as the men try
and avoid discussing the past:
‘I’m aware that it’s [disclosing] is not a good chatting up line, or getting work line,
because I know people are gonna make a judgement . . . If they know it too early . . . If
they’ve made judgements on me over a period of time, then find it out, it’ll just be a
shock that their get over with . . . you know, quite quickly’ Jack
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Clearly these men want people to make a decision on whether they want to maintain
a connection with them based on their personal profile, rather than society’s
preconceptions of the ex-offender:
‘I don’t generally tell them [people] . . . I want other people to see me first’ Pete
‘I think they [people] should get to know people [ex-offenders] . . . before they you know,
make a judgement on, on a label they’ve been given’ Jack
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Importantly, avoiding disclosure appears to serve two interrelated functions. It
minimizes the potential threat to one’s sense of self and enables the men to connect
with others, reinforcing the previous view that a sense of belonging is instrumental to
participants well being.
Living with the ex-offender label
Three of the men reported that they were denied career opportunities due to their exoffender status. Additionally, all the men reported they were victim to prejudice and
discrimination at some point since leaving prison. For Jack, it was becoming
increasingly apparent that finding employment was going to be difficult. In some
instances he found he was invited to interviews because his criminal background was
a form of amusement or intrigue for potential employers. Although he did not
explicitly state that he was humiliated by this, he may have felt some level of
discomfort, however, it was clear that as a result Jack felt low and discouraged. He
expressed his dislike for interviews and although speculative, these kinds of
experience were likely to contribute to this:
‘I got invited to some interviews, just cos they wanted to see what an armed robber, or
someone who’d done 20 years looked like. I could see within minutes that I wasn’t here
to get the job . . . you’d go through the interview, and just feel a little bit dejected really,
like, you know’ Jack
For Pete, being rejected from university had a similar impact leading him to question
his decision to change. Despite being as well qualified as other successful candidates,
apparent in his exemplary grades on his foundation course, he was not offered a
place. He was told that the decision was based on his past convictions and his
relatively recent release from prison. Not being accepted by others appears to have a
devastating impact on Pete, confirming his pre-existing beliefs that society does not
accept him. It is possible that this impacts on his sense of self, evoking feelings of
worthlessness:
‘I just kinda felt self-defeatist, innit, I felt kinda like well OK, see I told you so, what’s
the point in trying to change or trying to do anything, because society is not going to
accept me . . .’ Pete
Arguably this expectation of leaving prison to go straight to university may appear
unrealistic, although Pete’s subsequent success in securing a position at five other
universities refutes this notion:
‘When I finished the foundation I applied for six universities for UCAS, one turned me
down, and five of them were crying out for me. People were crying out for me’ Pete
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Similarly, Chris’s experiences of trying to secure employment are akin to Jack’s, as
like him Chris has had a number of failed attempts. Chris is clearly upset by this and
there is anger and frustration in his response. Hostility appears to be a common
response in these situations for most of the men:
‘It was upsetting, I felt quite upset and negative about it and now I can think fuck them.
I’d get the hump, I’d get angry . . . they don’t even give people a chance’ Chris
Typically, Chris appears to be burdened with society’s negative conceptualization of
the ex-offender. This clearly has a detrimental impact on his life and like the others
there are probably times when he feels he is constantly battling society’s attitudes:
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‘You kinda feel the weight of society’s, err, attitudes to ex-offenders, the sort of
discrimination which is out there . . .’ Chris
Both Pete and Chris’s responses imply a sense of injustice an issue common in the
men’s accounts. The men show a clear dislike for the term ex-offender as they feel it
does not distinguish them, reformed offenders, from the wider ex-offender
population, who potentially may re-offend and so justifiably are perceived negatively
by the public. It is this association that annoys the men and makes them feel they are
being treated unfairly. This is clear in the following extract:
‘No, I don’t like it, as long as they ain’t lumpin’ me in with all ex-prisoners because
there’s different types of ex-prisoners . . . there’s people who turn their life around, and
people who are gonna be prisoners again’ Jack
Here Jack is talking about being included in the negative stereotypical view of the exprisoner and he goes on to say:
Well, that’s when it’s, I don’t like it. And that’s why I don’t want people to know that
part of me until they’ve got to know me’ Jack
This highlights the men’s concerns that other people do not see them as individuals.
This appears to be quite upsetting and frustrating for the men, although they are
resigned to the fact that it is beyond their control:
‘I’ve got this label [ex-offender] whether I like it or not and that’s what people see, I feel
they see that’ Chris
Importantly, one of the negative implications of having this label is a sense that these
men are not trusted. Chris expresses this when talking about being refused
employment. He is clearly annoyed:
‘It made me feel untrustworthy; they didn’t trust me obviously’ Chris
Considering these men’s experiences and the perceived stigma attached to the label
ex-offender, it is apparent why these men anticipate that they will be victim to
prejudice and discrimination. Yet importantly, it also highlights another interesting
aspect, the negative impact these experiences have on the men’s sense of self.
Although speculative it appears that these men have internalized society’s negative
conceptualization of the ex-offender.
Pete demonstrates this when expressing how the term has an intense impact on
how he sees and feels about himself:
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‘[People] they kinda mention things that make them feel good, and to me ex-offender,
ex-prisoner does not make me feel good . . . makes me feel bad, like a bad person. So it
kinda keeps me trapped into that. So I don’t like promoting it . . . I don’t really like those
labels, so I don’t wanna be attached to those labels really’ Pete
Typically, the men in many instances reject the old offending self by distancing
themselves from their past or avoiding disclosure. In Scotty’s case, he relinquishes
responsibility for his past by attributing his destructive life to mental illness. It could
be suggested that by doing so he is preserving a positive sense of self, as his actions
were not attributable to his own doing but due to illness, and hence he is not
accountable for them:
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‘I don’t care what anybody says, but the thing is I’ve got a great, great excuse, I go
like that, I just say, well I accept all of that, but I was insane then, now that I’m OK,
you can say what you fucking want about that [his offending past] it does not bother
me’ Scotty
Importantly, Scotty states that he is unconcerned with other people’s view of him and
his past, possibly because like Mikey and Pete, his identity as a reformed offender
has had less of a detrimental impact due to the avenues he has followed. Regardless,
all the men were concerned with their status as an ex-offender, although sometimes
played down the extent of these concerns.
Conflicting selves
On one level the men exhibit a global change in their sense of self, from an offender
to a presently reformed offender. This is reinforced on a behavioural level with a shift
from criminal activity to more conventional and socially acceptable behaviours.
Considering this, it is apparent why the men have the urge to distance themselves
from the term ex-offender and avoid disclosing their past. By rejecting the old
offending self and the label ex-offender, it enables the men to connect with society.
Furthermore, by rejecting the past, it enables the men to preserve a positive sense of
self. Yet despite this, it is clear that the men experience an ongoing tension with their
sense of self. At the heart of this is their identity as an ex-offender, which by its very
nature links the past offending self to the present reformed self. For Mikey, the term
is ambiguous, incorporating a variety of discursive identities that have contradictory
meanings. He clearly dislikes the term because it implies he is still in transition and
therefore not fully reformed. Additionally, he struggles with the negative connotations attached to the term and clearly wants to disassociate himself:
‘At what point will I know I’m gonna be an ex-offender. Will there ever be a point when
I am no longer an ex-offender . . . it would be good if there was a time when there were
no longer ex-offenders, or something else, we were something more positive . . .’ Mikey
Mikey illustrates his conflict by saying that his ex-offender status is not negative and
that it is a necessary part of the self. In this respect, it is positive because his past is
important in his career working with ex-offenders:
‘I don’t see it as a negative connotation and I don’t see it as something negative in my
life. Umm, because it’s who I am, without that I wouldn’t be me . . .’ Mikey
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These conflicting views appear to be a source of tension for the men. As is clear in
Mikey’s extract above, the identity as an ex-offender has both positive and negative
implications. Subsequently, this fuels a fluid interweaving whereby the men accept or
reject their ex-offender status according to the given situation and its context. As
demonstrated previously, the men reject their ex-offender identity in certain social
situations where they anticipate disclosure will evoke a negative response. Yet in
other social situations the ex-offender identity is valued and accepted, as it is
instrumental to maintaining the men’s positive sense of self. This is apparent when
Chris is talking about the positive aspects of his past experience in relation to
working with ex-offenders. He sees himself as a source of inspiration and believes his
ex-offender identity is necessary for the work he is doing:
‘It’s a really useful, err, experience to draw on because I’ve been there [lets people know
about his past] . . . it’s useful to them, if he can do it . . .’ Chris
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Chris goes on to say how some people at work are envious of his past:
‘It feels useful and I feel grateful at that point that I’ve had the experience that I’ve had.
I even had people sort of like err my middle management in my workplace, she kinda in
so many words said, I feel a bit jealous I’m boring, you’ve been there and you can
connect with these people you know, you understand them in a way that I don’t . . . it
then sort of feels positive’ Chris
Mikey reinforces this, showing how the men’s feelings and beliefs about their status
as an ex-offender, is constantly moving back and forth not only across situations, but
also periods of time. Here he illustrates how he uses his ex-offender identity to
engage with other ex-offenders and as a source of inspiration:
‘It’s not even so much in the negative at the moment, its actually a positive thing because
it, it helps me to engage with other ex-offenders, it helps me to inspire other exoffenders, umm, it helps in the sense of when speaking with, you know probation, or
whoever, you’re speaking, you’ve got this extra ammunition . . .’ Mikey
Clearly, the old offending self is always connected to these men, especially through
the work they do with socially excluded groups. As suggested earlier, work with a
moral element is socially appraised, enabling the men to preserve a positive sense of
self. In conjunction with this, by comparing the old offending and present reformed
selves, a positive sense self is maintained, because the self and others can
acknowledge how much has been achieved. Pete explicitly expressed this, when
talking about being involved in a project that meant his past was disclosed to his
peers at university. He was clearly overjoyed at being accepted but also surprised,
supporting the view that he was anticipating rejection. His acceptance is unsurprising as universities are more likely to house people with liberal attitudes than some
other work places, highlighting the importance of such contexts in enabling people to
change:
‘But when it came out . . . erm, people just accepted me, people just like, if that’s where
you’ve come from and that’s what you’re doing now, do you know what I mean that’s
amazing . . .’ Pete
By accepting the status ex-offender as part of the self, it is necessary to reformulate
the conceptualization of the term, to preserve a positive sense of self. Here the men
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challenge the negative stereotypical view, by pointing out that some ex-offenders
make positive contributions to society. This illustrates an alternative strategy used to
preserve a positive sense of self and illustrates how different strategies are used in
different social contexts. Furthermore, it is an implicit example of how the old
offending self is necessary for maintaining a positive sense of self, illustrating to the
self and others the comparatively positive change. This is clear in Mikey’s extract,
where he uses himself as an example to boost the profile of reformed offenders:
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‘I will give myself as an example and say there is others [reformed offenders] who have
gone on and the kind of jobs that they’ve got, you know, so that people can [change] you
know, not just look at ex-offenders always as these statistics, you know 80% of young
offenders go back to prison . . .’ Mikey
A number of strategies are used in an attempt to maintain a positive sense of self.
This is important because as suggested, the men appear to have internalized society’s
negative conceptualization of the ex-offender. The men expressed how they are
constantly reminded of their pasts and this may evoke negative feelings. Therefore, it
is likely that a number of strategies are used to avoid the frequent threat to one’s
sense of self.
Discussion
This study focused on the reformed offender’s desistance from crime (Laub &
Sampson, 2001; Maruna, 2001) by exploring the personal experience of self-change,
both generally and in terms of identity. By specifically focusing on the reformed exprisoners’ experiences of employment/career opportunities, within the context of
self-change, this investigation has filled an essential gap in the existing literature.
This study found that since self-change the men’s life had improved considerably,
with each reporting that life is more meaningful and pursuits are purposeful. A
marked shift in the men’s well-being was manifest supporting the view that these
aspects are essential to psychological well-being (Diener, Oishi, & Lucas, 2003;
Thoits, 1983). These men attributed their meaningful lives to their existing projects,
careers, achievements and connection to society. Employment/new career trajectories
are instrumental in the offender’s desistance from crime, reinforcing the view that a
commitment and attachment to these roles encourage a law-abiding life (Laub &
Sampson, 2001; Matsueda & Heimer, 1997). Additionally, the importance of
significant relationships and a change in one’s goals and aspirations are primary
elements of the desistance process supporting previous work (Maruna, 2001; Shover,
1996). This also highlights the importance of the individual’s role in desistance,
illustrating a shift in how the individual interprets their lives (Leibrich, 1993) and the
role personal agency plays in instigating and maintaining desistance (Maruna, 2001;
Vaughan, 2007).
Collectively, these aspects underlie the shift from a previously held negative sense
of self to a more positive conceptualization of the self, reinforcing the view that a
shift to a pro-social identity is important in criminal desistance (Maruna, 2001;
Vaughan, 2007) and that the basis of this, is a shift in one’s sense of self from deviant
to a law-abiding citizen (Matsueda & Heimer, 1997; Uggen et al., 2004). This study
has developed these findings and illustrated that instrumental to the shift to a lawabiding sense of self and pro-social identity is a desire to connect to, and be accepted
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by, society. This reinforces the well established view that the need to form and
maintain lasting, positive and significant relationships with others is a fundamental
human motive (Twenge & Baumeister, 2005). In terms of identity change, these
findings sit comfortably within a Social Identity theory framework (Ellemers et al.,
2002; Tajfel & Turner, 1986) illustrating that the men’s desire for positive affiliation
and self-efficacy motivated them to exit their unfulfilling group membership, i.e.
criminal, for a more desired and meaningful one, i.e. law-abiding citizen.
The men expressed a general fear (and hence an expectation) of being victim to
prejudice and discrimination, to varying degrees. This is attributable to their ‘exoffender’ status and the stigma attached to the ‘label’. The negative impact of exoffender stigmatization is well documented, demonstrating that ex-offenders are
systematically devalued and excluded from a vast range of social domains and
relationships (Pager & Quillian, 2005; Uggen, 2000). This anticipated fear can also
be attributed to their more recent experiences of prejudice and discrimination, but is
likely to have deeper roots, stemming from the men’s early experiences of social
exclusion. It was clear that self-change brought about new opportunities and
experiences, aspects unavailable to them in their former offending lives.
Relative to this, the men implied that they were from a disadvantaged or low
socio-economic background, lacked opportunities and achievements. These aspects
are often identified as factors contributing to criminality (Social Exclusion Unit,
2002). Early experiences of social exclusion have a negative impact on the individual.
First, it influences deviant behaviour, promoting further exclusion and thus creating
a negative cycle which is difficult to break (Twenge & Baumeister, 2005). Second, it is
linked with a variety of negative emotions (Baumeister & Tice, 1990) and can result
in the internalization of other people’s dislike, so that the victim feels dislike for
themselves (Twenge & Baumeister, 2005). Clearly underlying these fears and
expectations of prejudice and discrimination were the desire to be accepted and
belong.
Consistent with the current literature, the men experienced some form of
prejudice and discrimination due to their criminal past, such as being denied
employment or career opportunities (e.g. Pager & Quillian, 2005; Uggen, 2000).
Despite some divergence across the experiences, all reported that they met some
societal prejudice and discrimination, reinforcing the well documented view that exoffender stigmatization has a number of negative implications (Rasmusen, 1996;
Uggen et al., 2004). One of these implications appears to be a threat to the
individual’s sense of self.
According to Social Identity theory perspective (Tajfel & Turner, 1986), the need
to maintain a positive view of the self and the groups one belongs to is a primary
motive of the individual. In line with this, the men employ a variety of strategies to
preserve a positive sense of self when anticipating stigmatization, for example
distancing themselves from the main stigma targeted cohort (ex-offenders) and
enhancing the desirability of their cohort, i.e. reformed ex-offenders.
The distinction between reformed offenders and ex-offenders (who potentially
may re-offend) in general, was common across accounts. In line with this, individuals
with low group identification do not perceive prejudice against the group as a threat
to the self (McCoy & Major, 2003). An alternative strategy used to preserve a
positive sense of self involved de-personalizing society’s negative conceptualization
of the ex-offender, attributing these negative attitudes to the group, rather than
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internalizing them. The men also avoid disclosing their past if possible, especially
when initially meeting others or when less familiar with them. These strategies are
commonly used by stigmatized cohorts to protect the self from threat (Major &
Eccleston, 2005; McCoy & Major, 2003) and reinforces a recent review by LeBel
(2008) which highlighted the universal applicability of these coping strategies, by a
number of stigmatized cohorts including ex-offenders.
Yet despite these attempts to preserve a positive sense of self, it was clear that the
men, to varying degrees, internalized the stigma attached to the ex-offender status.
They clearly expressed their disdain for the ‘label’ ex-offender and all exhibited a
desire to challenge the stereotypical view of the ex-offender. Some overtly expressed
the negative effect the label had on their sense of self. This appears to support the
view that negative attitudes towards one group can have an adverse effect on one’s
psychological well-being and self-esteem (Major & O’Brien, 2005; Tajfel & Turner,
1986).
One of the most significant findings was of conflicting selves. As illustrated, the
status ex-offender poses a dilemma for the self, as it has negative implications for the
self, yet it is also important for maintaining a positive sense of self and pro-social
identity. By engaging in activities that have a strong moral or generative element
(working with socially excluded groups) the men are able to re-conceptualize the self,
by reconstructing one’s life narrative and reinterpreting past life events to suit future
aspirations (Maruna, 2001; Vaughan, 2007). This was clear as the men explicitly
expressed that their offending pasts were necessary for their present work. According
to Maruna (2001) the ‘professional ex’ appears to be a popular path for those who
desist from crime, as it provides meaning and purpose, a sense of empowerment and
a sense of achievement. Therefore, at least in this sample of men, the defining feature
underlying their desistance from crime was the narrative reconstruction of their life
story. This is clearly in keeping with Maruna’s (2001) theoretical position advocating
narrative reconstruction as a key determinant to the desistance process.
In keeping with this, the men also employed neutralization techniques (Maruna
& Copes, 2005; Maruna, 2001) which enabled them to maintain a positive sense of
self, by strategically using their past self narratives for purposes of professional and
public engagement. For example, despite the men accepting some responsibility for
their criminal pasts, they neutralized the offence by attributing their actions to social
circumstances, e.g. peer or family influence, addiction, social disadvantage and social
exclusion. Furthermore, four of the men explicitly stated how their past criminal
trajectories were a necessary part of their development and instrumental for their
current projects, i.e. working with the socially excluded. This supports the notion
that neutralization techniques are equally important in the processes of criminal
persistence and desistance (Maruna & Copes, 2005).
Relative to this, by engaging in generative work the men are able to enhance their
self-image as these types of pro-social roles are valued and appraised by society. This
is in keeping with the psychological concepts of self enhancement (desire for positive
feedback about the self) and self improvement (desire to bring oneself closer to the
‘ideal self’) (Banaji & Prentice, 1994). Furthermore, it illustrates the multifaceted,
dynamic and contextual nature of identity (Ellemers et al., 2002, 1999) and the
different perceptions of the self (and others) that emerge depending on which
identity is most salient in the given situation (Crisp & Hewstone, 2001).
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It is clear that to protect their sense of self, the men engage in a dynamic
interchange whereby their ex-offender identity is rejected or accepted in accordance
with the given social context. This is in keeping with a Social Identity framework
(Ellemers, Barreto, & Spears, 1999; Ellemers et al., 2002) illustrating how social
contextual factors can either enhance or diminish the meaningfulness of personal
and social identities. Clearly, the same group membership, i.e. ex-offender, can be
seen as identity enhancing or as jeopardizing a positive sense of self depending
on the context of the situation. Importantly, most of the men reported that
society’s negative conceptualization of the ex-offender is reinforced by institutional
prejudices, e.g. media/research, and questioned the lack of a positive conceptualization of the ex-offender. This highlights the lack of available social discourses to
construct the ex-offender’s identity and the power of discourse in structuring power
relations.
This provides further support for the Social Identity perspective (Ellemers et al.,
2002), which argues that perceived exclusion or rejection by the valued group, i.e.
law-abiding society, will result in negative affect and attempts to gain acceptance by
conforming to the group’s conventions. For these men, this was clear not only in their
commitment to society’s values, belief systems and conventions, but also through
their hyper-moral generative work.
This study specifically focused on a sub-population of ex-offenders using a small
homogeneous sample, enabling the richness and complexities of these men’s
experiences to be explored and thus developing our understanding of criminal
desistance and self-change. Although there were similarities in experience across
accounts, some clear differences were apparent. This was attributable to a variety of
aspects. For example, Mikey appeared to be the most positive man in the sample and
the least affected by the stigmatization of his cohort (ex-offenders). This may be
because his career involves working with ex-offenders at a managerial level. Because
of this, his identity and experiences as an ex-offender were generally quite positive.
Furthermore, his strong connection to the ‘church’ also contributed to his positive
attitude. Other aspects potentially impacting on the men’s experience may have been
the length of time the men had been out of prison, the amount of time they had spent
in prison and the type of careers they followed. For example, Jack and Mikey
appeared to be more settled and adjusted and had developed their careers, whereas
the others were still in academia as students or just securing employment and had
not yet ‘properly’ experienced the ‘job market’. Length of time in prison and type of
crime may have had an impact on how others treated participants. For example, Jack
stated that he was only called to some job interviews because the potential employer
wanted to see what an armed robber and someone that did 20 years in prison looked
like.
These aspects highlight the complexities of the issue of self-change and the
definitional and measurement issues associated with the study of desistance (Laub &
Sampson, 2001). Although the authors acknowledge that alternative interpretations
of the data are possible, special care was taken to ensure the validity of this research.
This reinforces the view that when attempting to understand the complexities of
particular domains, representative samples in qualitative research are not always
necessary (Smith, 2003). Therefore the findings from this study provide a conceptual
framework for future explorations.
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A. Aresti et al.
Implications for future research and policy
This study has taken the work of desistance further by not only illustrating, in a tight
homogeneous sample, how important a shift to a pro-social identity is for desistance
(Maruna, 2001; Matsueda & Heimer, 1997) but importantly it develops these
findings. It demonstrates that an ex-offender identity is a fluid entity that can have a
contradictory influence on the reformed offender’s sense of self. Future investigations now need to focus on how reformed offenders experience, negotiate and
understand their ex-offender status in terms of its contradictory nature. Specific
attention should be directed to the reformed offender’s strategic use of past self
narratives for purposes of professional and public engagement; and how the
reformed offender experiences stigma across specific situational contexts, and the
implications this has for his sense of self.
In policy terms, the current findings reinforce the existing literature on exoffender stigmatization by highlighting the negative effects of the label ‘ex-offender’
(Uggen et al., 2004). This raises the question about the value of the Rehabilitation of
Offenders Act (1974) and Enhanced Disclosures Act (1996) which do not at present
help reformed offenders, as labelling continues, regardless. Consideration of a
‘redemption policy’ might be the way forward, whereby after a certain period of
time, following an exemplary track record, the slate is wiped clean.
Note
1. The term ex-offender is used to describe someone who has previous criminal convictions,
although it does not particularly distinguish between ex-offenders who will continue to
offend and those that have changed. A term recently introduced to the discourse describing
those that have changed is the term ‘reformed offender’ (UNLOCK, National Association
for Reformed Offenders).
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Appendix I: table of themes
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Superordinate theme: A new world
Sub-theme 1: A meaningful life
Pete: ‘today, I am studying I’m kinda like living the dream’
Scotty: ‘these are great things . . .’
Mikey: ‘my whole outlook on life, everything has just totally changed . . .’
Jack: ‘doing different art things . . . I wouldn’t of done any of that’
Chris: ‘see myself as quite successful, that I’m a success, what I’ve achieved’
(39.30)
(27.13)
(7.2)
(28.4)
(40.16)
Sub-theme 2: Fearing a lack of connection
Pete: ‘Just fear, fear of being rejected . . .’
(24.25)
Scotty: ‘mark on your book . . . as long as you’re . . . on this fucking planet mate’ (29.4)
Mikey: ‘felt like overcome . . . thought I’ve actually done the impossible’
(28.16)
Jack: ‘I know people are gonna make a judgement . . .’
(43.7)
Chris: ‘fearful maybe of being judged’
(36.20)
Sub-theme 3: Living with the label
Pete: ‘felt self-defeatist . . . what’s the point trying to change’
Scotty: ‘I’ve got a great, great excuse . . . I was insane then, now that I’m OK’
Mikey: ‘Ex-offender . . . stays with you for the rest of your life . . .’
Jack: ‘wanted to see what an armed robber . . . looks like’
Chris: ‘it was upsetting, I felt quite upset about it . . .’
(22.19)
(28.11)
(40.18)
(15.12)
(28.14)
Sub-theme 4: Conflicting selves
Pete: ‘I don’t like those terms . . . it keeps me trapped . . . can’t go nowhere . . .’
Contrast with . . . ‘no qualms . . . speaking on behalf of prisoners . . .’
Scotty: ‘[stigma] will remain with me for the rest of my life . . .’
Contrasts with . . . ‘[ex-offender identity] adds a bit of mystery’
Mikey: ‘would be good if . . . there were no longer ex-offenders’
Contrasts with . . . ‘I don’t see it as a negative connotation’
Jack: ‘I don’t like it, that’s why I don’t want people to know that part of me . . .’
Contrasts with . . . ‘I was very good for the job [offenders] can relate to me . . .’
Chris: ‘I’ve got this label whether I like it or not’
Contrasts with . . . ‘it’s a really useful err, experience to draw on . . .’
(36.3)
(35.8)
(29.23)
(34.8)
(42.3)
(45.2)
(37.27)
(31.3)
(34.20)
(34.7)
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