C H A P T E R
7
Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution
Asia is the world's largest continent and, in terms of human history, arguably its most important. Asia's river valleys — the TigrisEuphrates in modern Iran and Iraq, the Indus and Ganges in India,
the Yangzi and Hoang He in China — gave rise to humankind's
first civilizations some six thousand years ago. Asian sages,
prophets, mystics, and teachers developed many of the world's
great religions and philosophical traditions — Confucianism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Islam, and Christianity. Asian peoples
created large and successful states; invented printing, gunpowder,
the compass, writing, and metallurgy; made important discoveries
in mathematics and astronomy; and had the world's wealthiest
and most sophisticated economies during much of human history.
Yet by the 1920s virtually all of Asia consisted of Western
colonies, dependencies, or, in the case of Siberia, Central Asia, and
Transcaucasia, component parts of a European-based state, the
Soviet Union. The beginnings of Asia's subservience to the West
can be traced back to the sixteenth century when in their search
for trade and converts to Christianity, the Spaniards took over
the Philippines and the Portuguese established a line of fortified
trading posts stretching from the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf to
China and Japan. In the seventeenth century the Dutch, after forcing out the Portuguese, established a commercial and political
empire in Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and the Malay Peninsula. More
significantly, in the eighteenth century the British East India Company gained control of Bengal in northeast India; from this base
the British extended their authority over the whole Indian subcontinent in the nineteenth century.
The British takeover of India was just one example of Western
expansion in Asia during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Great Britain and France turned most of Southeast Asia
into colonies, the Dutch extended their authority in the East
Indies, and the United States replaced Spain as colonial master of
the Philippines. In addition, the Western powers established
spheres of influence up and down the coast of China, forcefully
opened Japan to trade, and took over government finances and
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
much of the economy of the Ottoman Empire and Persia. Except
for Japan, which successfully industrialized in the late nineteenth
century, Asia became dependent on the West as a market for
its raw materials, a supplier of manufactured goods, and a source
of capital and technology. Finally, after World War I, Lebanon, Syria,
Palestine, Iraq, and Jordan became colonies in all but name when
the French and British took them over as parts of League of Nations mandates. In the 1920s only three major Asian states —
Turkey, Thailand, and Japan — stood outside the sphere of Western colonialism.
The high point of Western imperialism in Asia, reached after
World War I, was followed by its rapid demise after World War II.
Of the many factors that contributed to this sudden turnabout,
nationalism was the most important. Nationalism in the region
first took root in the early twentieth' century as Asians came to
resent the economic exploitation and political oppression that
accompanied colonialism. It gathered strength from the examples
of Japan and China. Japan's transformation into a Great Power, exemplified by its victory in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905,
awakened Asians to the possibility that they, not just Europeans,
were capable of industrialization and military modernization. In
addition, China's break with its imperial, Confucian past in the
Revolution of 1911 inspired hopes that meaningful political changes
also could occur elsewhere in the region.
Events outside of Asia also strengthened nationalist movements. The slaughter of World War I, the failure of the Allies to
honor wartime promises to the Arabs and Indians, and the
hypocrisy of the League of Nations mandate system undermined
the'Europeans' claims of moral superiority and further embittered Asians against their coloniaf masters. The Russian Revolution
and its communist ideology also encouraged nationalism, especially in Southeast Asia and China. The new leaders of the Soviet
Union denounced colonialism in all its forms and pledged support
for political movements and parties working to end the political
and economic exploitation of Asia by the capitalist West.
Asian nationalism between the wars meant more than anticolonialism. It also had social, economic, and cultural implications.
Painfully aware of their own societies' shortcomings, nationalist
leaders understood that political independence would be meaningless if poverty, illiteracy, and economic underdevelopment continued. Thus with the exception of Gandhi, who venerated manual
labor and India's village-based agrarian economy, nationalists were
committed to programs of economic and political modernization,
and some, such as Mao Zedong in China and Ho Chi Minh in
Vietnam, sought revolutionary social changes. As a result, many
nationalists found themselves in a dual struggle — against rule by
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 197
foreigners and also against the social and political conservatism of
some of their compatriots.
Nationalists faced other problems as well. With their urban backgrounds and Western educations, many had difficulty drawing the illiterate rural masses into their movements. They also struggled with
the concept of nationhood itself. Opposition to Dutch, French, or
English rule might bring people together in the short run, but after
independence, how would peoples divided by ethnic background,
language, and religion stay united?
Despite nationalism's growing strength, only a few colonies —
Iraq in 1932 and Egypt in 1936 — became independent between
the wars. Elsewhere, the Western powers tenaciously held on to
their colonies, and attempted to reassert or maintain their control
during and after World War II.This proved beyond their will and
capacity, however, and beginning with the independence of
Lebanon (1943),Syria (1945), Jordan and the Philippines (1946),
and India and Pakistan (1947), colonialism in Asia began to unravel.
Political a n d Religious C u r r e n t s
the Middle
in
East
The aftermath of World War I spelled political disaster for the people of the
Middle East. The Turks, a defeated ally of Germany, in 1920 were forced to
accept the humiliating Treaty of Sevres, which stripped Turkey of its Arab territories; limited the Turkish army to fifty thousand men; gave France, Britain, and
Italy control of its finances; and proposed to cede parts of Turkey itself to Italy,
Greece, and the new states of Kurdistan and Armenia. The Arabs, who in 1916
had rebelled against their Turkish overlords in the hope that France and Great
Britain would recognize an independent Arab state, soon learned that the British
and French had agreed in 1916 to divide the Arab portions of the Ottoman Empire between themselves. This is exactly what happened when, in keeping with
Article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant, Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Lebanon,
and Jordan became British or French mandates. Farther east, another major
Islamic state, Persia, under the decrepit rule of the Qajar Dynasty, was threatened by British plans to turn it into a protectorate.
Efforts to reverse the region's Jbleak postwar prospects had mixed results. Under
the leadership of Mustafa Kemal, between 1919 and 1922 the Turks rallied to drive
out Italian and Greek invaders and smash the nascent Armenian state. As a result,
in 1923 the European'powers agreed to replace the Treaty of Sevres with the Treaty
of Lausanne, which recognized Turkey's integrity and independence. In Iran, another strong military leader, Reza Khan (1878-1944), after engineering an anti-Qajar
coup in 1921, reorganized the army and established a government strong enough
to discourage the British from pursuing their plan to establish a protectorate.
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
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Arab efforts to attain independence and prevent Jewish immigration to Palestine were less successful. Of the twenty Arab states that stretched from Morocco
in the west to Iraq in the east, only relatively backward Saudi Arabia and Yemen
were truly independent in the interwar years. Egypt and Iraq attained a measure
of self-rule, but continuing British control of foreign policy and military affairs
caused resentment in both countries. The drive for independence was even more
frustrating in French-controlled Lebanon and Syria. Despite promises to the contrary, the French maintained control of Lebanon until 1943 and Syria until 1945.
Arabs also were angered by the British tolerance of Jewish migration to Palestine,
which rose dramatically in the 1930s as a result of the Nazi takeover in Germany
and immigration restrictions in the United States.
While confronting these immediate postwar problems, the peoples and leaders
of the region faced other more fundamental issues. Was the final goal of Arab
nationalism the explusion of the British and French and the stifling of Jewish immigration to Palestine? Or was it the attainment of a single united Arab state?
What was the best solution to the problem of the region's poverty and illiteracy?
How could the teachings and expectations of Islam be reconciled with the realities
and demands of modernization? Was modernization itself desirable, and if so, how
was it to be achieved? Questions such as these were not new. But in the face of the
rapid changes that swept through the region in the first half of the twentieth century, finding answers to them became more urgent and difficult.
I
S e c u l a r i s m a n d N a t i o n a l i s m in R e p u b l i c a n T u r k e y
50 • Mustafa
SPEECH
PEOPLE'S
Kemal,
TO THE
CONGRESS
REPUBLICAN
OF
THE
PARTY
The archsymbol of aggressive secularism and nationalism in the Muslim world in
the interwar years was Mustafa Kemal (1881—1938), who first achieved prominence as a Turkish military hero during World War I and went on to serve as
first president of the Republic of Turkey. Disgusted by the Ottoman sultan's
acquiescence to the punitive Treaty of Sevres and the Greek occupation of the
Turkish port of Smyrna in 1919, Kemal assumed leadership of a resistance movement against both the sultan's government and the Allies. He led his supporters
to victory over the Greeks and forced the annulment of the Sevres treaty in 1923.
One year earlier, in 1922, Kemal had convened a National Assembly, which deposed the sultan and set the stage for a decade and a half of revolutionary change.*
Exercising his broad powers as president, he sought to transform Turkey into a
modern secular nation-state. To accomplish this, he broke the power of the Islamic
establishment over education and the legal system, encouraged industrialization,
accorded women full legal rights, mandated the use of a new Turkish alphabet,
and ordered Turks to assume Western-style dress. Directing all Turks to adopt
hereditary family names, he took for himself the name Ataturk, or "Great Turk."
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 199
Having consolidated his authority, in 1927 Kemal decided to review his accomplishments and impress upon his subjects the need for continued support.
He chose as the occasion the meeting of the People's Republican Party, founded
by Ataturk and Turkey's only legal political party. Here he delivered an extraordinary speech. Having worked on it for three months (in the process exhausting
dozens of secretaries), he delivered it over a period df six days.
' In these excerpts, Kemal discusses Turkey's past and future; explains his reasons for abolishing the caliphate, the ancient office by virtue of which Turkish
sultans had been the theoretical rulers of all Muslims; and justifies his suppression of the Progressive Republican Party, which despite its name was a party of
conservatives who opposed Kemal's plans to modernize Turkey.
QUESTIONS FOR
ANALYSIS
• V. What, according to Kemal, were the "erroneous ideas" that had guided the
Ottoman state in the past?
2. Why does Kemal argue that nation-states, not empires, are the most desirable
form of political organization?
3. What is Kemal's view of the West?
4. What are his views of Islam?
5. What arguments does Kemal offer against the continuation of the caliphate?
6. How does Kemal justify his suppression of the Progressive Republicans?
What, in his view, were the positive results of this step?
[NATIONALISM A N D EMPIRE]
We turn our minds to the times when the Ottoman state in Istanbul... was master of the crown
and the throne of the East-Roman [Byzantine}
Empire. Among the Ottoman rulers there were
some who endeavored to form a gigantic empire
by seizing Germany and West-Rome [Western
Europe]. One of these rulers hoped to unite the
whole Islamic world in one body, to lead it and
govern it. For this purpose he obtained control
of Syria and Egypt and assumed the title of
Caliph.1 Another Sultan pursued the twofold
aim, on the one hand of gaining the mastery
over Europe, and on the other of subjecting the
Islamic world to his authority and government.
'The reference is to Selim I, who conquered Egypt and
Syria in 1515 and 1516; it is doubtful that he actually considered himself caliph.
The continuous counterattacks from the West,
the discontent and insurrections in the Muslim
world, as well as the dissensions between the
various elements which this policy had artificially brought together within certain limits,
had the ultimate result of burying the Ottoman
Empire, in the same way as many others, under
the pall of history. . . .
To unite different nations under one common
name, to give these different elements equal
rights, subject them to the same conditions and
thus to found a mighty State is a brilliant and
attractive political ideal; but it is a misleading
one. It is an unrealizable aim to attempt to
unite in one tribe the various races existing on
the earth, thereby abolishing all boundaries.
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
Can anyone be of the opinion that this decision of the High Assembly was intended to
hand over to us the means for the carrying on of
a dictatorship?
Gentlemen, it was necessary to abolish the
fez,6 which sat on our heads as a sign of ignorance, of fanaticism, of hatred to progress and
civilization, and to adopt in its place that hat,
the customary^ headdress of the whole civilised
world, thus showing, among other things, that
no difference existed in the manner of thought
between the Turkish nation and the whole family of civilized mankind. We did that while the
law for the Restoration of Order was still in
force. If it had not been in force we should have
done so all the same; but one can say with complete truth that the existence of this law made
the thing much easier for us. As a matter of fact
the application of the law for the Restoration of
Order prevented the morale of the nation being
poisoned to a great extent by reactionaries. . . .
Gentlemen, while the law regarding the
Restoration of Order was in force there took
place also the closing of the Tekkes, of the convents, and of the mausoleums, as well as the
abolition of all sects7 and all kinds of titles such
as Sheikh, Dervish . . . , Occultist, Magician,
Mausoleum Guard, etc.8
One will be able to imagine how necessary
the carrying through of these measures was, in
order to prove that our nation as a whole was no
primitive nation, filled with superstitions and
prejudices.
6
The fez was a brimless hat popular among Turkish men
during the nineteenth century. Its lack of a brim allowed
rhe wearer to touch hisforeheadto the ground while kneeling
during prayer without removing the hat.
7
Islamic religious orders.
8
A dervish, or darvhh, was a member of an Islamic sect
famousforits whirling dances that symbolized the movement of the heavenly spheres. An Occultist was a Sufi who
ill
Could a civilized nation tolerate a mass of
people who let themselves be led by the nose by
a herd of Sheikhs, Dedes, Seids, Tschelebis,
Babas and Emirs;9 who entrusted their destiny
and their lives to chiromancers,10 magicians,
dice-throwers and amulet sellers? Ought one to
conserve in the Turkish State, in the Turkish
Republic, elements and institutions such as
those which had for centuries given the nation
the appearance of being other than it really
was? Would one not therewith have committed
the greatest, most irreparable error to the cause
of progress and reawakening?
If we made use of the law for the Restoration
of Order in this manner, it was in, order to avoid
such a historic error; to show the nation's brow
pure and luminous, as it is; to prove that our
people think neither in a fanatical nor a reactionary manner.
Gentlemen, at the same time the new laws
were worked out and decreed which promise the
most fruitful results for the nation on the social
and economic plane, and in general in all the
forms of the expression of human activity . . . the
Citizens' Legal Code which ensures the liberty of
women and stabilizes the existence of the family.
Accordingly we made use of all circumstances
only from one point of view, which consisted
therein: to raise the nation on to that step on
which it is justified in standing in the civilized
world, to stabilize the Turkish Republic more
and more on steadfast foundations . . . and in addition to destroy the spirit of despotism for ever.
achieved a state of withdrawal from the world. A mausoleum
guard
guarded the tomb of a saint or holy person.
9
'A deck was the head of a Sufi order. Seids, or sayyids, were descendants of the propher Muhammad through his daughter
Fatima. Baba was a popular surname among Sufi preachers.
In
this context, emir is an honorary Turkish title.
l0
People who told the futute by reading palms.
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 203
iiji
11
The Meaning o f Zionism
51 • Hayyim
SPEECH
HEBREW
Nahman
AT
THE
Bialik,
INAUGURATION
UNIVERSITY
OF
OF
THE
JERUSALEM
After their exile from Palestine by Roman authorities in 70 C.E., Jews resettled
in other parts of the Middle East, North Africa, Europe, and years later the
Americas. Wherever they went, they were a tiny minority in predominantly
Muslim or Christian societies and were often victims of persecution. In all these
years, they retained a strong attachment to the "Land of Canaan" in Palestine,
which, according to their scriptures, God had given them as their promised land
after they had become God's "chosen people." Only in the late nineteenth
century, however, in the face of mounting antisemitism in Europe, especially in
Russia, where a majority of Europe's Jews lived, did some Jewish intellectuals
and religious leaders conclude that Jews could escape persecution and preserve
their traditions only if they had their own homeland in Palestine. This Jewish
nationalist movement came to be known as Zionism, derived from Mount Zion,
one of the two major hills overlooking Jerusalem, the capital of the ancient
Jewish kingdom and the site of the temple destroyed by the Romans in 70 C.E.
Although the first advocates of Jewish resettlement in Palestine were Russian
Jews reacting to anti-Jewish pogroms in the 1880s, political Zionis'm, which
specifically advocates the foundation of a Jewish state, dates from 1896, when
the Vienna-based journalist Theodor Herzl published his book Derjudenstaat
(The Jewish State), and 1897, when he convened the first international Zionist
Congress in Basel, Switzerland. Despite the indifference and outright opposition
to Zionism on the part of many assimilated Jews in Western Europe, and despite
bitter disputes among Zionists themselves over their visions of a future Jewish
state, on the eve of World War I approximately ninety thousand Jews lived in
Palestine, almost half of whom were recent immigrants from Europe.
Prospects for Jewish migration to Palestine improved when the British took
control of Palestine as a League of Nations mandate after World War I. During
the war, Britain's foreign minister, Arthur Balfour, in what came to be known as
the Balfour Declaration, committed his government to facilitating "the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people." This was a wartime
promise the British kept. Under the British mandate, the number of Jews in
Palestine increased, especially after the Nazis took control of Germany in 1933.
Between 1919 and 1939, the percentage of Jews in Palestine's population grew
from slightly under 10 percent to slightly more than 30 percent. These Jews
purchased land, established industries, and provided a basis for the growth of
Jewish culture in the area through the founding of the Hebrew University
of Jerusalem and a technical institute in Haifa in 1925. Despite the opposition of
Palestinian Arabs, the Zionists' dreams were becoming a reality. In 1947 the
independent state of Israel was born.
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
The Zionists' hopes and expectations are captured in the following speech
delivered by Hayyim Nahman Bialik at the opening of the Hebrew University
of Jerusalem in 1925. Born in 1873 in Ukraine, Bialik, after receiving a traditional Jewish education and working briefly as a businessman and as a Hebrew
language teacher, became one of the most prominent modern poets and short
story writers in Hebrew and Yiddish. In his work he explores the tensions
between the Jews' historical experience, especially their persecution, and the
modern world. A strong supporter of Zionism, he received permission to leave
the Soviet Union in 1921 and settled in Palestine in 1924. He died in 1934 in
Vienna, where he had gone for medical treatment, and was buried in Tel Aviv.
In his 1925 speech he describes the Jewish resettlement of Palestine as a historic turning point — not just for the Jews but potentially for all humanity.
QUESTIONS
FOR
ANALYSIS
1. According to Bialik, why have education and study played such an important
role in Jewish history?
2. Why does Bialik feel so strongly about the need of the Jews to have their
own state?
3. What in particular does he deplore about the Jews' experience during the
diaspora?
4. How does Bialik view the Jews' historic contributions to human culture?
5. What kind of vision does Bialik have for an independent Jewish state? Is his
vision shaped primarily by religious or secular concerns?
The solemnity and exaltation of this moment
can only be desecrated by any sort of exaggeration. . . . I am sure that the eyes of tens of thousands of Israel that are lifted from all parts of
the Diaspora to this hill are shining with hope
and comfort; their hearts and their flesh are
singing a blessing of thanksgiving unto the
Living God Who hath preserved us and sustained us and let us live to see this hour. They
all realize that at this moment Israel has kindled
. . . the first candle of the renaissance of her intellectual life. . . .
For let people say what they may: This peculiar people called Israel has, despite all the vicissitudes which for two thousand years have daily,
yea hourly, attempted to expel it from its own
'Hebrew for exile.
milieu and uproot it from its spiritual climate
— this people, I assert, has"accepted upon its
body and soul the burden of eternal allegiance
to the Kingdom of the Spirit. Within that
Kingdom it recognizes itself as a creative citizen and in that eternal soil it has planted its
feet with all its might for all time. All the sordidness of the accursed Galut 1 and all the pain
of our people's poverty did not disfigure its fundamental nature. . . . Within the boundaries of
the realm of the Spirit the Jewish nation fashioned the bases of its national heritage and its
principal national institutions. These preserved
it through millennia of wandering, safeguarded
its inner freedom amid outward bondage
and have led up to this joyful event. . . . The
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era ofNationalism and Revolution 205
national school in all its forms — the heder, the create a culture; it is not enough merely to
yeshivah, the betmidrash2 — these have been our make use of a culture — a people must create
securest strongholds throughout our long, hard its own, with its own hands and its own implestruggle for existence, and for the right to exist, ments and materials, and impress it with its
in the world as a separate and distinct people own seal. Of course our people in its "diasporas"
among the peoples. In times of tempest and is creating culture. . . . But as whatever the Jew
wrath we took refuge within the walls of these creates in the Diaspora is always absorbed in the
-fortresses, where we polished the only weapon culture- of others, it loses its identity and is
we had left — the Jewish mind — lest it be- never accounted to the credit of the Jew. . . .
come rusty. . . .
The Jewish people is therefore in a painfully
Ladies and Gentlemen! You all know what false position: Whereas its true function culhas become of our old spiritual strongholds in turally is that of a proletariat •— i.e., it produces
the Diaspora in recent times and I need not with the materials and implements of others for
dwell upon this theme now. For all their inner others — it is regarded by others, and at times
strength, and for all the energy the nation had even by itself, as a cultural parasite, possessing
expended upon creating and preserving these nothing of its own. A self-respecting people
centers, they stood not firm on the day of wrath; will never become reconciled to such a lot; it is
by the decree of history they are crumbled and bound to arise one day and resolve: No more.
razed to the foundations and our people is left Better a little that is undisputedly my own than
standing empty-handed upon their ruins.3 This much that is not definitely either mine or
is the very curse of the Galut, that our under- somebody else's. Better a dry crust in my own
takings do not, indeed cannot, prosper. In every home and on my own table than a stall-fed ox
land and in every age we have been sowing a in the home of others and on the table of others.
bushel and reaping less than a peck. The winds Better one little university but entirely my
and hurricanes of history always begin by at- own, entirely my handiwork from foundations
4
tacking the creating of Israel and, in a moment, to coping stones, than thousands of temples of
uproot and utterly destroy that which hands learning from which I derive benefit but in
and minds have produced over a period of gen- which I have no recognized share. Let my food
erations. Through cruel and bitter trials and be little and bitter as the olive, if I may but taste
tribulations, through blasted hopes and despair in it the delicious flavor of a gift from myself.
of the soul, through innumerable humiliations,
It was in this frame of mind that we took
we have slowly arrived at the realization that refuge in this land. We are not come here to
without a tangible homeland, without private seek wealth, or dominion, or greatness. How
national premises that are entirely ours, we can much of these can this poor little country give
have no sort of a life, either material or spiritual. us? We wish to find here only a domain of our
Without Eretz Israel — Eretz means land, liter- own for our physical and intellectual labor. . . .
ally land — there is no hope for the rehabilita- Already at this early hour we experience cultural
tion of Israel anywhere, ever. . . .
needs that cannot be postponed and must be satWe have come to the conclusion that a
people that aspires to a dignified existence must
2
isfied at once. Besides, we are burdened with
heavy cares for the cultural fate of our people in
These are schools in the traditional Jewish educational 'The reference is to the destruction of Jewish schools dursystem. Heder is an elementary school; yeshiva is a higher
ing
pogroms.
4
academy of religious studies; betmidrash is a house of learnStones having special shapesforuse in capping the exing in which advanced students can pursue studies of sacred posed top of a wall.
>
literature.
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
the Diaspora. Nations born only yesterday fool- the Earth. And it was they who in the end proishly imagine that through intellectual parch- vided the foundation for the religious and moral
ing,5 by means of a numerus clausus,^ they can do culture of the world. . . . After the proclamation
to death an old nation with a past of four thou- of Cyrus,8 some tens of thousands of exiles ralsand years of Torah.7 We must therefore hasten lied again to this poor, waste country and again
to light here the first lamp of learning and formed a poor small community, even pooret
science and of every sort of intellectual activity and smaller than the first. After only some three
in Israel, ere the last lamp grows dark for us in hundred years, there arose again in this landi'a
foreign lands. . . .
man of Israel, the son of an Israelite carpenter,^
Ladies and Gentlemen! Thousands of our who conveyed the gospel of salvation to the
youth, obeying the call of their hearts, are pagan world and cleared the way for the days of
streaming from the four corners of the earth to the Messiah. Since then two thousand years
this land for the purpose of redeeming it from have elapsed, and we are all witnesses this day
desolation and ruin. They are prepared to pour that idols have not yet disappeared from the
all their aspirations and longings and to empty face of the earth; the place of the old has been
all the strength of their youth into the bosom of taken by new ones, no better than the former.
this wasteland in order to revive it. They are And then came the Balfour Declaration. Israel
plowing rocks, draining swamps, and building is assembling in Eretz Israel for a third time.
roads amid singing and rejoicing. These young Why should not the miracle be repeated again
people.know how to raise simple and crude this time? . . .
labor — physical labor — to the level of highest
Who knows but that the task in which great
sanctity, to the level of religion. . . . Let those nations have failed amid the tumult of wealth
youths build the Earthly Jerusalem with fire and may be achieved by a poor people in its small
let them who work within these walls build the country? Who knows but in the end of days
Heavenly Jerusalem with fire, and between them this doctrine of responsibility for the fate of hulet them build and establish our House of Life.
manity may go forth from its house of learning
Four thousand years ago there gathered in this and spread to all the people? Surely not for
land . . . some groups of wandering shepherds nothing has the hand of God led this people for
divided into a number of tribes. They became in four thousand years through the pangs of hell
time, in consequence of .events of apparently no and now brought it back unto its land for the
great importance, a people small and poor in its third time.
day — the people Israel. Few and unhappy were
The Books of Chronicles,10 the last of the
the days of this people on its land as "a people Scriptures, are not the last in this history of
dwelling apart, not counted among the nations." Israel. To its two small parts there will be added
But this people produced men . . . like their a third, perhaps more important than the first
brethren — who carried the tempest of the two. And . . . the third will undoubtedly begin
spirit of God in their hearts and His earthquakes with the Proclamation of Balfour and end with
and thunders in their mouths. Those men . . . a new gospel, the gospel of redemption to the
dared to turn to eternity, to the Heavens and to whole of humanity.
''Parch means "to dry up or shrivel."
^The reference is to the quota system adopted by universities
in Europe to limit Jewish enrollment.
7
The body of wisdom and law contained in Jewish Scripture,
other sacred literature, and oral tradition.
8
Cyrus the Great, king of Persia (599-530 B.C.E.), aftet
conquering Babylonia in 539 B.C.E., freed the Jewish
1, I l
it,
captives in Babylonia and allowed them to return to
Jetusalem. He also approved the tebuilding of the Jewish
temple.
9
A teference to Jesus.
10
The two Books of Chronicles, part of the Jewish Bible,
recount history from Adam to the time of Cyrus the Great.
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 207
A C a l l f o r Islamic Social a n d Political A c t i o n
52 + The Muslim
Brotherhood,
TOWARD
THE
LIGHT
Although the commitment to modernization advocated by Mustafa Kemal* had
many supporters throughout the Middle East, it also had staunch opponents. Many
Muslims — from all classes of society and across all educational levels — were
troubled by the prospect of a secularized, Westernized future and sought instead
to establish a true Islamic society guided by the Quran and Islamic law. In the interwar years their hopes were best represented by the Muslim Brotherhood, an organization founded in 1929 by an Egyptian schoolteacher, Hasan al-Banna (1906-1949).
Born in a small town in the Nile Delta, Hasan al-Banna as a student in Cairo
after World War I was troubled by the factionalism, social conflict, poverty, and
religious indifference he observed in Egypt. He concluded that British colonialism and the widespread acceptance of Western values had caused these ills and
that a return to fundamental Islamic teachings would cure them. In 1927 he became a schoolteacher in the Sinai town of Ismailia, where he organized religious
study groups and committed himself to Islamic renewal. In 1929 he founded the
Muslim Brotherhood, an organization dedicated to the realization of Islamic
states in Egypt and other Muslim lands.
In the 1930s the Brotherhood grew into a tightly knit, disciplined organization
with approximately a million members. It built mosques, schools, and small hospitals; sponsored youth programs, social clubs, and handicraft industries; and
promoted its religious message through preaching, books, and pamphlets. In the
1940s, the organization's increasing political activism led to clashes with British
authorities and the Egyptian government itself. Linked to the assassination of
several officials, the Brotherhood was outlawed by the Egyptian government in
1949, the same year Hasan al-Banna was assassinated by Egyptian agents.
The Brotherhood was legalized in Egypt in 1950, and since then it has continued
to be an important religious and political force in the Arab world. It has branches
in Sudan, Syria, and other Arab states; vast financial resources; and an estimated
membership of two million. It has accomplished this despite attempts by the
Egyptian government to suppress the organization on two occasions in the 1950s
and 1960s after members of the Brotherhood were implicated in attempted assassinations and antigovernment conspiracies. The organization also faced internal divisions between militants and moderates. In Egypt, the Brotherhood officially
rejected violence in the 1980s and sought to advance its program by winning
elected offices and increasing its commitment to social service activities. This official endorsement of moderation caused defections to more militant groups. Islamic
Jihad and Hamas, organizations committed to Palestinian liberation and opposed
to any compromise with Israel, are both offshoots of the Muslim Brotherhood.
The following excerpt is drawn from a pamphlet issued by the Brotherhood in
1936 and directed to King Faruq of Egypt and other Arab leaders. It summarizes
the major goals of the Brotherhood in its first decade of existence.
"1
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
QUESTIONS
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ANALYSIS
1. How would you characterize the views of the Brotherhood concerning the
purpose and goals of government?
2. According to this document, what is the Brotherhood's conception of the
ideal government official?
3. What does the document reveal about the attitude of the Brotherhood
toward the West? Are there aspects of Western culture the Brotherhood
finds acceptable?
4. What role does the Brotherhood envision for women in Islamic society?
5. According to the Brotherhood, what should be the content and goals of education?
6. What policies does the Brotherhood support to help the poor?
7. What is there in the statement that helps account for the widespread support
of the Brotherhood within Middle Eastern Islamic societies?
h
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FOR
After having studied the ideals which ought to
inspire a renascent nation on the spiritual level,
we wish to offer, in conclusion, some practical
suggestions. We will list here only the chapter
headings because we know very well that each
suggestion will require profound study as well
as the special attentionvof experts; we know also
that the needs of the nation are enormous; we
do not believe that the fulfilling of the needs
and the aspirations of the country will be an
easy thing; what is more, we do not think that
these goals can be reached in one journey or
two. We realize the obstacles which these problems must overcome. The task will require a
great deal of patience, a great deal of ability,
and a willing tenacity.
But one thing is certain: resolve will lead to
success. A dedicated nation, working to accomplish the right, will certainly reach, with God's
help, the goals toward which it strives.
The following are the chapter headings for a
reform based upon the true spirit of Islam:
I.
In the political, judicial, and administrative fields:
1st.
To prohibit political parties and to
direct the forces of the nation toward the formation of a united front;
'The office of caliph, the successor of Muhammad and head
of the Muslim community, had been held by the Ottoman
sultans but was abolished by Mustafa Kemal in 1924.
2nd. To reform the law in such a way that
it will be entirely in accordance with
Islamic legal practice;
3rd. To build up the army, to increase the
number of youth groups; to instill in
youth the spirit of holy struggle, faith,
and.self-sacrifice;
4th. To strengthen the ties among Islamic
countries and more particularly among
Arab countries which is a necessary
step toward serious examination of the
question of the defunct Caliphate,1
5th. To propagate an Islamic spirit within
the civil administration so that all
officials will understand the need for
applying the teachings of Islam;
6th. To supervise the personal conduct of
officials because the private life and
the administrative life of these officials forms an indivisible whole;
7th. To advance the hours of work in summer and in winter so that the accom• plishment of religious obligations
will be eased and to prevent all useless staying up late at night;
8th. To condemn corruption and influence
peddling; to reward only competence
and merit;
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 209
9th.
Government will act in conformity
to the law and to Islamic principles;
the carrying out of ceremonies, receptions, and official meetings, as
well as the administration of prisons
and hospitals should not be contrary
to Islamic teachings. The scheduling
of government services ought to take
account of the hours set aside for
prayer.
10th. To train and to use Azharis, that is to
say, the graduates of Al-Azhar University,2 for military and civil roles;
7th.
8th.
9th.
10th.
II. In the fields of social and everyday practical
life:
1st.
2nd.
3rd.
4th.
5 th.
6th.
2
The people should respect public
mores: this ought to be the object of
special attention — to strongly condemn attacks upon public mores and
morality;
To find a solution for the problems
of women, a solution that will allow
her to progress and which will protect her while conforming to Islamic
principles. This very important social question should not be ignored
because it has become the subject of
polemics and of more or less unsupported and exaggerated opinion;
To root out clandestine or public
prostitution and to consider fornication as a reprehensible crime the authors of which should be punished;
To prohibit all games of chance
(gaming, lotteries, races, golf);
To stop the use of alcohol and intoxicants — these obliterate the painful
consequences of people's evil deeds;
To stop attacks on modesty, to educate w6men, to provide quality education for female teachers, school
pupils, students, and doctors;
An educational institution in Cairo specializing in Islamic
studies.
11th.
12th.
13th.
14th.
15th.
16th.
17th.
18th.
To prepare instructional programs
for girls; to develop-an educational
program for girls different than the
one for boys;
Male students should not be mixed
with female students — any relationship between unmarried men
and women is considered to be
wrong until it is approved;
To encourage marriage and procreation — to develop legislation to
safeguard the family and to solve
marriage problems;
To close dance halls; to forbid
dancing;
To censor theater productions and
films; to be severe in approving
films;
To supervise and approve music;
To approve programs, songs, and
subjects before they are released, to
use radio to encourage national
education;
To confiscate malicious articles and
books as well as magazines displaying a grotesque character or spreading frivolity;
To carefully' organize vacation
centers;
To change the hours when public
cafes are opened or closed, to watch
the activities of those who habituate
them — to direct these people towards wholesome pursuits, to prevent people from spending too much
time in these cafes;
To use the cafes as centers to teach
reading and writing to illiterates, to
seek help in this task from primary
school teachers and students;
To combat the bad practices which
are prejudicial to the economy and
to the morale of the nation, to direct
the people toward good customs and
•
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
19th.
20th.
21st.
22nd
23rd.
24th.
.praiseworthy projects such as marriage, orphanages, births, and festivals; the government should provide
the example for this;
To bring to trial those who break the
laws of Islam, who do not fast, who
do not pray, and who insult religion;
To transfer village primary schools
to the mosque and to carry on all
beneficial activities there (selecting
officers, matters of health, interested
support for young children learning
their religious duties, introducing
the old to science);
Religious teaching should constitute
the essential subject matter to be
taught in all educational establishments and faculties;
To memorize the Quran in state
schools — this condition will be essential in order to obtain diplomas
with a religious or philosophical
specialty — in every school students
should learn part of the Quran;
To develop a policy designed to raise
the level of teaching, to unify the
different teaching specialties, to
bring together the different branches
of culture — emphasis should be put
upon teaching morality and physics;
Interested support for teaching the
Arabic language in all grades — absolute priority to be given to Arabic
over foreign languages (primary
teaching);
25 th. To study the history of Islam, the
nation, and Muslim civilization;
26th. To study the best way to allow people
to dress progressively and in an identical manner;
27th. To combat foreign customs (in the
realm of vocabulary, customs, dress,
3
As
4
opposed to Western studies.
Afixedshare of income or property that all Muslims must
pay as a tax or as charity for the welfare of the needy.
nursing) and to Egyptianize all of
these (one finds these customs among
the well-to-do members of society);
28th. To orient journalism toward wholesome things, to encourage writers
and authors, who should study specifically Muslim and Oriental3 subjects;
29th. To safeguard public health through
every kind of publicity — increasing
the number of hospitals, doctors,
and out-patient clinics;
30th. To call particular attention to the
problems of village life (administration, hygiene, water supply, education, recreation, morality).
III. The economic field:
Organization of the zakat .tax4 according to Islamic precepts, using
zakat proceeds for welfare projects
such as aiding the indigent, the poor,
orphans; the zakat should also be
used to strengthen the army;
2nd. To prevent the practice of usury, to
direct banks to implement this policy; the government should provide
an example by giving up the interest
fixed by banks for servicing a personal loan or an industrial loan, etc.;
To
facilitate and to increase the
3rd.
number of economic enterprises and
to employ the jobless there, to employ for the nation's benefit the
skills possessed by the foreigners in
these enterprises;
4th. To protect workers against monopoly
companies, to require these companies to obey the law, the public
should share in all profits;
5 th. Aid for low-ranking employees and
enlargement of their pay, lowering the
income of high-ranking employees;...
1st.
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 211
7th.
8th.
To encourage agricultural and industrial works, to improve the situation
of the peasants and industrial workers;
To give special attention to the technical and social needs of the workers,
to raise their level of life and aid
their class;' •
9th.
Utilization of certain natural resources (unworked land, neglected
•mines; etc.);
10th. To give priority to projects whose
accomplishment is vital to the
country.
A n t i c o l o n i a l i s m in I n d i a a n d S o u t h e a s t A s i a
During the late nineteenth century, at a time when many Indians were already
debating their colonial relationship with Great Britain and some were demanding
independence, Southeast Asians were just beginning to experience the full effects
of direct European rule. Nevertheless, developments in both areas between the
two world wars showed some marked similarities. In India and Southeast Asia
alike, nationalism became a potent force, shaking the foundations of Europe's
colonial empires.
Indian nationalism in the 1920s and 1930s under the leadership of Mohandas
Gandhi was transformed from an ideology of the educated elite into a mass movement. Despite differences in religion, education, and caste status, millions of
Indians marched, demonstrated, boycotted British goods, and refused to obey
British-imposed laws in an effort to force the British to "quit India" and to
achieve Indian self-rule. The British responded with minor concessions but
mostly with delaying tactics and armed repression.
Nationalist movements also intensified in Southeast Asia between the wars, but
their strength, priorities, and tactics varied widely across a region marked by
many ethnic, cultural, and political differences and by dissimilar styles of Western
rule. Nationalism was weakest in areas such as the British-controlled Malay States
and the French protectorates in Laos and Cambodia, where traditional rulers were
retained and little economic modernization or urbanization occurred. Nationalism was strongest in the Dutch East Indies, Burma, and Vietnam, where Western
economic penetration and direct rule disrupted traditional economic, political,
and social relationships.
Drawing strength and inspiration from both Western ideologies and their own
religious and cultural traditions, nationalist leaders formed political parties and
attempted to broaden nationalism's appeal by using newspapers, magazines, and
the radio. Without exception, however, armed rebellions failed. Communistinspired uprisings in Indonesia in 1926 and 1927 were crushed by the Dutch; so
too was the anti-French mutiny led by the Vietnamese Nationalist Party in 1930.
These failures resulted in part from the colonial powers' superior military
strength and in part from divisions within the nationalist movements. Westerneducated intellectuals and politicians argued among themselves over political doctrine, and founded a plethora of political parties to represent different ideologies.
212
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
Conflicting regional loyalties and disagreements between secularized, Europeanized leaders and those with traditional religious views also weakened nationalist
movements. Even Gandhi was unable to prevent the splintering of Indian nationalism into antagonistic Muslim and Hindu camps on the eve of World War II.
Interwar nationalist movements in India and Southeast Asia prepared the
groundwork for independence after World War II. They also foretold the conflicts
and divisions that would plague the new states of the region once independence
had been achieved.
Gandhi's H o p e s f o r India
53 • Mohandas
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kill
Gandhi,
INDIAN
HOME
RULE
Mohandas Gandhi, the outstanding figure in modern Indian history, was born
in 1869 in a village north of Bombay on the Arabian Sea. His father was a
prominent government official who presided over an extended family devoted
to strict Hindu practices. Gandhi studied law in England and, after failing to
establish a law practice in Bombay, moved to South Africa in 1893 to serve theIndian population.
In South Africa he became incensed over discriminatory laws against Indian
settlers, most of whom were indentured servants, laborers, or small merchants. In
his efforts to improve the lot of South Africa's Indians, Gandhi developed his doctrine of satyagraha, usually translated as "soul force." Satyagraha sought socjal
justice not through violence but through love, noncompliance to unjust laws, a
willingness to suffer, and conversion of the oppressor. Central to its strategy was
nonviolent resistance: Gandhi's followers disobeyed unjust laws and accepted the
consequences — even beatings and imprisonment — to reach the hearts of the
British and change their thinking.
In 1915 Gandhi at the age of forty-five returned to India, where he spent his
• remaining thirty-three years. By 1920, he was the dominant figure in the Congress
Party, which under his leadership launched a noncooperation campaign against
British rule between 1920 and 1922. When in 1922 villagers attacked and killed
twenty-one policemen and rural watchmen, Gandhi called off the noncooperation
campaign, but he continued the tactic of civil disobedience, organizing boycotts
of British goods and leading protest marches against unpopular British measures
such as the salt tax in 1930. Living a life of self-imposed chastity and poverty, he
wrote letters, pamphlets, and books and delivered speeches in every corner of
India denouncing British rule and urging Indians to address their own society's
ills, especially the treatment of women and untouchables. During the 1930s and
the war years, his attacks on British rule intensified, and along with other Congress leaders he spent months in jail. As independence approached, he struggled
to preserve Hindu-Muslim cooperation and prevent the partition of the nation
into a predominantly Muslim Pakistan and a predominantly Hindu India. On January 30, 1948, just over four months after Indian and Pakistani independence,
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 213
Gandhi was shot and killed by a Hindu zealot who resented Gandhi's commitment to Hindu-Muslim harmony.
The following selection is taken from Hind Swaraj (Indian Home .Rule),
a pamphlet Gandhi wrote in 1908 after meeting with a group of Indian nationalists in England who urged the use of force to oust the British from India.
Although written early in his political career and well before he emerged as
India's inspirational leader, it contains ideas and principles that guided Gandhi
throughout his life. Composed in the form of a dialogue between a reader and an
editor (Gandhi), Indian Home Rule appeared in hundreds of editions and remains his most widely read work.
QUESTIONS FOR
,
ANALYSIS
1. What does Gandhi see as the major deficiencies of modern civilization?
2. How, according to Gandhi, has modern civilization affected women?
3. What is the basis for Gandhi's faith that Hindus and Muslims will be able to
live together in peace in India?
4. What, according to Gandhi, is true civilization, and what is India's role in
preserving it?
'
5. What leads Gandhi to conclude that love is stronger than force?
6. In your view, why did Gandhi's attack on civilization win him support
among India's masses?
CIVILIZATION
READER: NOW you will have to explain what
you mean by civilization. . . .
EDITOR: Let us first consider what state of
things is described by the word "civilization."
Its true test lies in the fact that people living in
it make bodily welfare the object of life. We
will take some examples: The people of Europe
today live in better-built houses than they did
a hundred years ago. This is considered an emblem of civilization, and this is also a matter to
oromote bodily happiness. Formerly, they wore
skins, and used as their weapons spears. Now,
they wear long trousers, and for embellishing
their bodies they wear a variety of clothing,
and, instead of spears, they carry with them revolvers containing five or more chambers. If
people of a certain country, who have hitherto
not been in the habit of wearing much clothing, boots, etc., adopt European clothing, they
are supposed to have become civilized out of
savagery. Formerly, in Europe, people plowed
their lands mainly by manual labor. Now, one
man can plow a vast tract by means of steamengines, and can thus amass great wealth. This
is called a sign of civilization. Formerly, the
fewest men wrote books, that were most valuable. Now, anybody writes and prints anything
he likes and poisons people's minds. Formerly,
men traveled in wagons; now they fly through
the air, in trains at the rate of four hundred and
more miles per day. This is considered the
height of civilization. It has been stated that, as
men progress, they shall be able to travel in
airships and reach any part of the world in a
few hours. Men will not need the use of their
hands and feet. They will press a button, and
they will have their clothing by their side.
They will press another button, and they will
have their newspaper. A third, and a motor-car
will be in waiting for them. They will have a
variety of delicately dished up food. Everything
will be done by machinery. Formerly, when
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
people wanted to fight with one another, they
measured between them their bodily strength;
now it is possible to take away thousands of
lives by one man working behind a gun from a
hill. This is civilization. Formerly, men worked
in the open air only so much as they liked.
Now, thousands of workmen meet together and
for the sake of maintenance work in factories
or mines. Their condition is worse than that of
beasts. They are obliged to work, at the risk of
their lives, at most dangerous occupations, for
the sake of millionaires. Formerly, men were
made slaves under physical compulsion, now
they are enslaved by temptation of money and
of the luxuries that money can buy. There are
now diseases of which people never dreamed
before, and an army of doctors is engaged in
finding out their cures, and so hospitals have
increased. This is a test of civilization. Formerly,
special messengers were required and much
expense was incurred in order to send letters;
today, anyone can abuse his fellow by means of a
letter for one penny. True, at the same cost, one
can send one's thanks also. Formerly, people had
two or three meals consisting of homemade
bread and vegetables; now, they require something to eat every two hours, so that they have
hardly leisure for anything else. What more
need I say? . . .
This civilization is irreligion, and it has taken
such a hold on the people in Europe that those
who are in it appear to be half mad. They lack
real physical strength or courage. They keep up
their energy by intoxication. They can hardly
be happy in solitude. Women, who should be
the queens of households, wander in the streets,
or they slave away in factories. For the sake of a
pittance, half a million women in England
alone are laboring under trying circumstances
in factories or similar institutions. This awful
fact is one of the causes of the daily growing
suffragette movement.
'Disciples of the Zoroastrian religion in India who descended from Persian refugees of the seventh and eighth
centuries.
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This civilization is such that one has only to
be patient and it will be destroyed.
T H E C O N D I T I O N OF I N D I A .
(CONTINUED)
The Hindus and the Muslims
READER: But I am impatient to hear your
answer to my question. Has the introduction of
Islam not unmade the nation?
EDITOR: India cannot cease to be one nation
because people belonging to different religions
live in it. The introduction of foreigners does not
necessarily destroy the nation, they merge in it.
A-country is one nation only when such a condition obtains in it. That country must have a faculty for assimilation. India has ever been such a
country. In reality, there are as many religions as
there are individuals, but those who are conscious of the spirit of nationality do not interfere
with one another's religion. If they do, they are
not fit to be considered a nation. If the Hindus
believe that India should be peopled only by Hindus, they are living in dreamland. The Hindus,
the Muslims, the Parsees1 and the Christians
who have made India their country are fellowcountrymen, and they will have to live in unity if
only for their own interest. In no part of the
world are one nationality and one religion synonymous terms; nor has it ever been so in India.
READER: But what about the inborn enmity
between Hindus and Muslims?
EDITOR: That phrase has been invented by our
mutual enemy.2 When the Hindus and Muslims
fought against one another, they certainly spoke
in that strain. They have long since ceased to
fight. How, then, can there be any inborn enmity? Pray remember this too, that we did not
cease to fight only after British occupation. The
Hindus flourished under Muslim sovereigns and
Muslims under the Hindu. Each party recognized that mutual fighting was suicidal, and
2
The Brirish.
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 215
that neither party would abandon its religion by
force of arms. Both parties, therefore, decided to
live in peace. With the English advent the quarrels recommenced. . . .
Hindus and Muslims own the same ancestors,
and the same blood runs through their veins. Do
people become enemies because they change
their religion? Is the God of the Muslim different from the God of the Hindu? Religions are
different roads converging to the same point.
What does it matter that we take different
roads, so long as we reach the same goal? . . .
PASSIVE RESISTANCE
READER: Is there any historical evidence as to
the success of what you have called soul-force or
truth-force? No instance seems to have happened of any nation having risen through soulforce. I still think that the evil-doers will not
cease doing evil without physical punishment.
EDITOR: . . . The force of love is the same as
the force of the soul or truth. We have evidence
of its working at every step. The universe would
disappear without the existence of that force....
Thousands, indeed, tens of thousands, depend for their existence on a very active workWHAT IS T R U E CIVILIZATION?
ing of this force. Little quarrels of millions of
READER: YOU have denounced railways, lawyers families in their daily lives disappear before the
and doctors. I can see that you will discard all exercise of this force. Hundreds of nations live
in peace. History does not and cannot take note
machinery. What, then, is civilization?
EDITOR: The answer to that question is not dif- of this fact. History is really a record of every
ficult. I believe that the civilization India has interruption of the even working of the force of
evolved is not to be beaten in the world. Nothing love or of the soul. . . . Soul-force, being natucan equal the seeds sown by our ancestors. Rome ral, is not noted in history.
went, Greece shared'the same fate, the might of
READER: According to what you say, it is plain
the Pharaohs was broken, Japan has become west- that instances of the kind of passive resistance
ernized, of China nothing can be said, but India are not to be found in history. It is necessary to
is still, somehow or other, sound at the founda- understand this passive resistance more fully. It
tion. . . . India'remains immovable, and that is will be better, therefore, if you enlarge upon it.
her glory. It is a charge against India that her
EDITOR: Passive resistance is a method of sepeople are so uncivilized, ignorant, and stolid, curing rights by personal suffering; it is the
that it is not possible to induce them to adopt reverse of resistance by arms. When I refuse to do
any changes. It is a charge really against our a thing that is repugnant to my conscience, I use
merit. What we have tested and found true on soul-force. For instance, the government of the
the anvil of experience, we dare not change. . . .
day has passed a law which is applicable to me: I
Civilization is that mode of conduct which do not like it; if, by using violence, I force the
points out to man the path of duty. Performance government to repeal the law, I am employing
of duty and observance of morality are convert- what may be termed body-force. If I do not obey
ible terms. To observe morality is to attain mas- the law and accept the penalty for its breach, I
tery over our mind and our passions. So doing, use soul-force. It involves sacrifice of self.
we know ourselves. The GujaratP equivalent for
Everybody admits that sacrifice of self is inficivilization means "good conduct."
nitely superior to sacrifice of others. Moreover,
If this definition be correct, then India, as so if this kind of force is used in a cause that is unmany writers have shown, has nothing to learn just, only the person using it suffers. He does
not make others suffer for his mistakes. . . .
from anybody else, and this is as it should be.
3
An Indian dialect spoken in Gujarat, in norrhwest India.
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
READER: From what you say, I deduce that
passive resistance is a splendid weapon of the
weak but that, when they are strong, they may
take up arms.
EDITOR: This is gross ignorance. Passive resistance, that is, soul-force, is matchless. It is superior to the force of arms. How, then, can it be
considered only a weapon of the weak? Physicalforce men are strangers to the courage that is
requisite in a passive resister. . . .
What do you think? Wherein is courage required — in blowing others to pieces from behind a cannon or with a smiling face to approach
a cannon and to be blown to pieces? Who is the
true warrior — he who keeps death always as a
bosom-friend or he who controls the death of
others? Believe me that a man devoid of courage
and manhood can never be a passive resister.
This, however, I will admit: that even a man,
weak in body, is capable of offering this resistance. One man can offer it just as well as millions. Both men and women can indulge in it.
It does not require the training of an army; it
needs no Jiu-jitsu. Control over the mind is
alone necessary, and, when that is attained, man.
is free like the king of the forest, and his very
glance withers the enemy.
Passive resistance is an all-sided sword; it can
be used anyhow; it blesses him who uses it and
him against whom it is used. Without drawing
a drop of blood! it produces far-reaching results.
tl'H
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A M u s l i m ' s V i e w o f India's F u t u r e
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Muhammad
SPEECH
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Alijinnah,
TO THE
MUSLIM
LEAGUE,
1940
Muhammad Alijinnah (1876-1948), the leader of India's Muslims between the
wars and the founder of the state of Pakistan, was raised in Lahore in modern
Pakistan, where his father was a successful businessman. A brilliant and prosperous lawyer who had studied in London and dressed like an English gentleman, Jinnah joined the Indian National Congress in 1906 and the Muslim
League in 1913. For several years he served as a liaison between the two organizations, but in 1920 he resigned from the Congress because of his opposition to
Gandhi's civil disobedience campaign and Gandhi's refusal to support the concept of weighted voting rights for India's Muslim minority. Nonetheless, during
the 1920s and early 193,0s Jinnah continued to work for cooperation between
Hindus and Muslims to further the cause of Indian independence.
In the late 1930s, however, chronic disagreements between Hindus and Muslims and mounting communal violence convinced Jinnah that Muslims had no
future in an independent India. He lent his support to the founding of an independent Muslim state, Pakistan, meaning "land of the pure." In 1947 his efforts
were rewarded when, with the end of British rule in South Asia, not one new
state, but two, India and Pakistan, were born. Jinnah served as Pakistan's first
governor-general, a post he held for only a year before his death in 1948.
The following selection is from one of this most famous speeches, delivered to a
meeting of the Muslim League in Lahore in 1940. On this occasion Jinnah expressed his support for the establishment of independent states in the northwestern and eastern parts of India where Muslims were the majority of the population.
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 217
QUESTIONS FOR
ANALYSIS
1. What is the basis of Jinnah's objection to the statement he quotes from the
London Times?
2. Why does Jinnah have so little hope that Hindus and Muslims will ever be
able to live together peacefully in a united India?
3. What is the basis of Jinnah's assertion that Islam and Hinduism are "not
religions in the strict sense of the word"?
4. How do Jinnah's views of Hindu-Muslim relations differ from those of
Gandhi?
5. What is the basis of Jinnah's assertion that Muslims in India are "a nation
according to any definition of a nation"?
A leading journal like the London Times, commenting on the Government of India Act of
1935, wrote: "Undoubtedly the differences between the Hindus and Muslims are not of religion in the strict sense of the word but also a
law and culture, that they may be said, indeed,
to represent two entirely distinct and separate
civilizations. However, in the course of time,
the superstition will die out and India will be
molded into a single nation." So, according
to the London Times, the only difficulties are
superstitions. . . . But surely it is a flagrant disregard of the past history of the subcontinent of
India as well as the fundamental Islamic conception of society vis-a-vis that of Hinduism to
characterize them as mere "superstitions." Notwithstanding a thousand years of close contact,
nationalities, which are as divergent today as
ever, cannot at any time be expected to transform themselves into one nation merely by
means of subjecting them to a democratic constitution and holding them forcibly together by
unnatutal and artificial methods of British parliamentary statute. What the unitary government of India for one hundred fifty years had
failed to achieve cannot be realized by the imposition of a central federal government. . . .
. . . If the British government are really in
earnest and sincere to secure [the] peace and
happiness of the people of this subcontinent, the
only course open to us all is to allow the major
nations separate homelands by dividing India
into "autonomous national states." There is no
,
reason why these states should be antagonistic to
each other. On the other hand, the rivalry and
the natural desire and efforts on the part of one
to dominate the social order and establish political supremacy over the other in the government
of the country will disappear. It will lead more
towards natural good will by international pacts
between them, and they can live in complete
harmony with their neighbors. . . .
It is extremely difficult to appreciate why our
Hindu friends fail to understand the real nature
of Islam and Hinduism. They are not religions
in the strict sense of the word, but are, in fact,
different and distinct social orders, and it is a
dream that the Hindus and Muslims can ever
evolve a common nationality, and this misconception of one Indian nation has gone far beyond the limits and is the cause of most of [our]
troubles and will lead India to destruction if we
fail to revise our notions in time. The Hindus
and Muslims belong to two different religious
philosophies, social customs, literatures. They
neither intermarry nor interdine together and,
indeed, they belong to two different civilizations which are based mainly on conflicting
ideas and conceptions. . . .*To yoke together two
such nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority,
must lead to growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be so built up
for the government of such a state.
. . . History has also shown us many geographical tracts, much smaller than the subcontinent
i ''
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1
14
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II*
II
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218
Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
of India, which otherwise might have been
called one country, but which have been divided
into as many states as there are nations inhabiting them. [The] Balkan Peninsula comprises as
many as seven or eight sovereign states. Likewise, the Portuguese and the Spanish stand divided in the Iberian Peninsula. Whereas under
the plea of the unity of India and one nation,
which does not exist, it is sought to pursue here
the line of one central government, we know
that the history of the last twelve hundred years
has failed to achieve unity and has witnessed,
during the ages, India always divided into
Hindu India and Muslim India. The present
artificial unity of India dates back only to the
British conquest and is maintained by the
British bayonet, but termination of the British
regime, which is implicit in the recent declaration of His Majesty's government, will be the
herald of the entire break-up with worse disaster than has ever taken place during the last one
thousand years under Muslims. . . .
Muslim India cannot accept any constitution
which must necessarily result in a Hindu majority government. Hindus and Muslims brought
together under a democratic system forced upon
the minorities can only mean Hindu raj [rule].
Democracy of the kind with which the Congress
High Command is enamored would mean the
complete destruction of what is most precious in
Islam. We have had ample experience of the
working of the provincial constitutions during
the last two and a half years and any repetition
of such a government must lead to civil war and
raising of private armies. . . .
Mussalmans [Muslims] are a nation according to any definition of a nation, and they must
have their homelands, their territory, and their
state. We wish to live in peace and harmony
with our neighbors as a free and independent
people. We wish our people to develop to the
fullest our spiritual, cultural, economic, social,
and political life in a way that we think best
and in consonance with our own ideals and according to the genius of our people. Honesty
demands and the vital interests of millions of
our people impose a sacred duty upon us to
find an honorable and peaceful solution, which
would be just and fair to all. But at the same
time we cannot be moved or diverted from our
purpose and objective by threats or intimidations. We must be prepared to face all difficulties and consequences, make all the sacrifices
that may be required of us to achieve the goal
we have set in front of us.
w""i
R e v o l u t i o n a n d O p p r e s s i o n in V i e t n a m
55 • Nguyen
LETTER
Thai
Hoc,
TO THE
OF DEPUTIES,
FRENCH
CHAMBER
1930
Having seized Vietnam's three southernmost provinces, the region known as
Cochin China, in 1862, the French extended their authority over Tongking
(northern Vietnam) and Annam (central Vietnam) in the 1880s. Convinced of
their civilizing mission, they sought to undermine Vietnam's Confucian culture
by creating a French-trained Vietnamese elite willing to cooperate with the colonial regime. Although some members of Vietnam's upper class resisted French
rule (including the young emperor Duy-tan, whose plot to overthrow the French
was uncovered in 1916), most at first sought some sort of compromise between
Western and Vietnamese culture and accepted French rule.
a.'
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 219
Accommodation and compromise gave way to revolutionary nationalism in
the 1920s as a result of Vietnamese anger over continued economic exploitation
and political oppression, despite the ninety thousand Vietnamese troops and
laborers who had served in Europe during World War I. The leading nationalist
organization was the Viet Nam Qoc Dan Dang (Vietnamese Nationalist Party, or
VNQDD), founded in 1927 by Nguyen Thai Hoc, a teacher from Hanoi. At first
he had moderate goals of more economic and educational opportunities for the
Vietnamese, but he soon became disillusioned with French rule and turned to
revolution. The VNQDD was modeled on Sun Yat-sen's Chinese Nationalist
Party, or Guomindang, and was dedicated to achieving an independent and
democratic-socialist Vietnam. In 1929, with its membership at about fifteen
hundred and its leaders convinced that the general populace was ready for revolution, the VNQDD plotted an anti-French insurrection. The revolt, known as
the Yen Bay uprising, was crushed by the French in 1930, and the VNQDD
leaders were arrested and executed.
While awaiting execution, Nguyen Thai Hoc wrote the following letter to
France's parliament, the Chamber of Deputies. A defense of his actions and a
denunciation of French colonialism, the letter was also released to the Vietnamese public.
QUESTIONS FOR
ANALYSIS
1. In Nguyen Thai Hoe's view, what are French intentions in Vietnam and what
has been the effect of French occupation?
2. How and why did Nguyen Thai Hoc evolve from a moderate reformer to a
revolutionary?
3. If they had been implemented, how would his suggestions to Governor
General Varenne have improved the lot of the Vietnamese people?
4. What does the French response to the Yen Bay uprising reveal about the
nature of French colonial rule?
5. What do you suppose Nguyen Thai Hoc hoped to accomplish by writing this
letter?
Gentlemen: . . .
According to the tenets of justice, everyone
has the right to defend his own country when it
is invaded by foreigners, and according to the
principles of humanity, everyone has the duty to
save his compatriots when they are in difficulty
or in danger. As for myself, I have assessed the
fact that my country has been annexed by you
French for more than sixty years. I realize that
under your dictatorial yoke, my compatriots
have experienced a very hard life, and my people
will without doubt be completely annihilated,
by the naked principle of natural selection.
Therefore, my right and my duty have compelled me to seek every way to defend my country which has been invaded and occupied, and
to save my people who are in great danger.
At the beginning, I had thought to cooperate
with the French in Indochina in order to serve
my compatriots, my country and my people,
particularly in the areas of cultural and economic development. As regards economic development, in 1925 I sent a memorandum to
220
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
Governor General Varenne,1 describing to him * labor ranging from two to twenty years. Alall our aspirations concerning the protection of though many have been detained and many
local industry and commerce in Indochina. I others unjustly condemned, my party has not
urged strongly in the same letter the creation of ceased its activity. Under my guidance, the
a Superior School of Industrial Development in Party continues to operate and progress towards
Tongking. In 1926 I again addressed another its aim.
letter to the then Governor General of Indochina
During the Yen Bay uprising someone sucin which I included some explicit suggestions to ceeded in killing some French officers. The aurelieve the hardships of our poor people. In 1927, thorities accused my party of having organized
for a third time, I sent a letter to the Resident and perpetrated this revolt. They have accused
Superieur2 in Tongking, requesting permis- me of having given the orders for the massacre.
sion to publish a weekly magazine with the aim In truth, I have never given such orders, and I
of safeguarding and encouraging local industry have presented before the Penal Court of Yen
and commerce. With regard to the cultural do- Bay all the evidence showing the inanity of this
main, I sent a letter to the Governor General in accusation. Even so, some of the members of my
1927, requesting (1) the privilege of opening party completely ignorant of that event have
tuition-free schools for the children of the lower been accused of participating in it. The French
classes, particularly children of workers and Indochinese government burned and destroyed
peasants; (2) freedom to open popular publish- their houses. They sent French troops to occupy
ing houses and libraries in industrial centers.
their villages and stole their rice to divide it
It is absolutely ridiculous that every sugges- among the soldiers. Not just members of my
tion has been rejected. My letters were without party have been suffering from this injustice —
answer; my plans have not been considered; my we should rather call this cruelty than injustice
requests have been ignored; even the articles — but also many simple peasants, interested
that I sent to newspapers have been censored and only in their daily work in the rice fields, living
rejected. From the experience of these rejections, miserable lives like buffaloes and horses, have
I have come to the conclusion that the French been compromised in this reprisal. At the preshave no sincere intention of helping my country ent time, in various areas there are tens of thouor my people. I also concluded that we have to sands of men, women, and children,3 persons of
expel France. For this reason, in 1927,1 began all ages, who have been massacred. They died
to organize a revolutionary party, which I named either of hunger or exposure because the French
the Vietnamese Nationalist Party, with the aim Indochinese government burned their homes.
of overthrowing the dictatorial and oppressive I therefore beseech you in tears to redress this
administration in our country. We aspire to injustice which otherwise will annihilate my
create a Republic of Vietnam, composed of per- people, which will stain French honor, and
sons sincerely concerned with the happiness of which will belittle all human values.
the people. My party is a clandestine organizaI have the honor to inform you that I am retion, and in February 1929, it was uncovered by sponsible for all events happening in my country
the security police. Among the members of my under the leadership of my party from 1927
party, a great number have been arrested. Fifty- until the present. You only need to execute me. I
two persons have been condemned to forced beg your indulgence for all the others who at the
Alexandre Varenne was governor-general of Indochina 3 A substantial number of civilian deaths did occur as a
from 1925 to 1929result of French actions following the revolt, but Nguyen
2
In the Ftench colonial hierarchy, the re'sident-supe'rieurThai
of Hoe's estimate of tens of thousand of deaths is an
Tongking was the chief administrator of northern Vietnam. exaggeration.
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 221
present time are imprisoned in various jails. I am
the only culprit, all the others are innocent. They
are innocent because most of them are indeed
members of my party, and have joined it only
because I have succeeded in convincing them of
their duties as citizens of this country, and of the
humiliations of a slave with a lost country. Some
of them are not even party members. . . . I have
the honor to repeat once again that you need
execute only me. If you are not satisfied with
killing one man, I advise you to kill also the
members of my family, but I strongly beg your
indulgence towards those who are innocent.
Finally, I would like to declare in conclusion:
if France wants to stay in peace in Indochina, if
France does not want to have increasing troubles
with revolutionary movements, she should immediately modify the cruel and inhuman policy
now practiced in Indochina. The French should
behave like friends to the Vietnamese, instead
of being cruel and oppressive masters. They
should be attentive to the intellectual and material sufferings of the Vietnamese people, instead of being harsh and tough.
Please, Gentlemen, receive my gratitude.
Intellectual F e r m e n t a n d
in
Revolution
China
The overthrow of the Qing Dynasty in 1911 resulted not in China's long-awaited
national revival, but instead in four decades of invasion, civil war, and immense
suffering for the Chinese people. In the aftermath of the revolution, Sun Yat-sen
and his dreams of a democratic China were pushed aside by General Yuan
Shikai, who ruled the Chinese "republic" as a dictator between 1912 and 1916,
and was planning to have himself declared emperor when he died in 1916. After
his death, China was carved up by dozens of generally unscrupulous and irresponsible warlords, military men whose local authority was based on their control of private armies and whose grip on China was not completely broken until
the Communists took power in 1949- With a weak national government, the
Chinese endured continuing Western domination of their coastal cities, and
offered only feeble resistance when the Japanese conquered Manchuria in 1931
and invaded China itself in 1937. Massive flooding of the Yellow River and widespread famine in north China in the 1920s compounded the people's misery.
The chaos of the 1920s and 1930s prompted an intense debate about China's
future. The 1920s in particular were years of intellectual experimentation and
inquiry, in which journalists, poets, writers of fiction, academics, and university
students scrutinized what it meant to be Chinese and debated what would save
China from catastrophe. Most of these intellectuals rejected traditional Chinese
values, customs, and philosophical traditions, arguing that only a radical break
from the past would allow China to become an equal of Japan and the West.
Most turned to the West for inspiration, although they disagreed about what
aspects of Western thought and values should be borrowed.
In politics, Chinese who grieved over warlord depredation, Western imperialism, and Japanese aggression had two options. Two revolutionary parties, — the
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
Nationalist Party, or Guomindang (GMD), and the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) — emerged, each of which sought to unify and govern China. The Guomindang, founded in 1912 by Sun Yat-sen, was theoretically dedicated to Sun's
"three principles of the people" — democracy, nationalism, and livelihood —
and came to be identified with the educated, Western-oriented bourgeoisie of
China's coastal cities. In practice, under General Chiang Kai-shek (1887-1975)
the Guomindang showed little enthusiasm for either social reform or democracy
and concentrated mainly on fighting the warlords in the 1920s and the Communists in the 1930s. The Chinese Communist Party, founded in 1921, was dedicated to Marxism-Leninism, with its leadership provided by intellectuals and its
major support eventually coming from the rural masses.
Aided by agents of the Soviet Union, the Guomindang and Communists
formed a coalition in 1923 to rid China of its warlords. With their forces combined into the National Revolutionary Army, the Guomindang and their less
numerous Communist allies launched the Northern Expedition against the warlords in 1926. The alliance lasted only until 1927, when Chiang Kai-shek, buoyed
by early victories and generous financial support from Chinese businessmen,
purged the Communists from the alliance and ordered his troops to kill Communist leaders who were gathered in Shanghai. Communist troops and their
commanders fled to the countryside, where under the leadership of Mao Zedong
(1893-1975), they rebuilt the party into a formidable military and political force.
After a long struggle against the Guomindang and the Japanese, the Communists
gained control of China in 1949.
T h e N e w Culture Movement and the W e s t
56 + Hu
OUR
,i
,.,.
I
11
Shi,
ATTITUDE
CIVILIZATION,OF
TOWARD
THE
MODERN
WEST
,
The New Culture Movement, an outburst of literary activity and intellectual
inquiry into China's past and future in the 1920s, is traditionally dated from
May 4, 1919, when students from thirteen area colleges and universities met in
Beijing and demonstrated against provisions of the Paris peace settlement that
granted the former German concession in Shandong province to Japan. The
events of May 4, however, only served to intensify and accelerate intellectual and
literary developments that had begun several years earlier at Beijing University,
where a number of young professors had begun to explore new intellectual and
cultural paths for China after it jettisoned its Confucian past.
All intellectuals connected with the New Culture Movement looked to the
West for guidance and inspiration, but none more so than Hu Shi (1891-1962), a
professor of philosophy at Beijing University and one of the movement's leading
figures. Born in Shanghai and raised by his mother in poverty after his father, a
government official, died when he was four, Hu had an education that included
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 223
the Confucian classics, English, and Western science. At the age of nineteen he
received a scholarship to study at Cornell University, where he earned a bachelor's
degree in philosophy, and later at Columbia University, where he worked toward
his doctorate. On his return to China in 1917, he joined the Beijing University
faculty. In his writings on philosophy, literature, and politics, he espoused Western pragmatism and science, and called on intellectuals to use vernacular Chinese
rather than classical Chinese as a written language. After serving as ambassador to
the United States between 1938 and 1943, he returned to China in 1946 to serve
as chancellor of Beijing University. He fled China after the Communist victory in
1949, and lived in semiretirement in New York City until his death in 1962.
The following excerpt is taken from an essay written in 1926. In it, Hu answers
his critics who had argued that traditional Chinese values were more humane and
less materialistic than those of the West, and hence more beneficial to humankind's spiritual development.
QUESTIONS FOR
ANALYSIS
1. How does Hu explain the attraction of condemning Western civilization for
its materialism while praising Eastern civilization for its "spirituality"?
2. On what basis does Hu reject this argument?
3. What does Hu see as the major accomplishments of Western civilization?
4. What does Hu mean when he refers to the "new religion" developing in
Western civilization?
5. In what ways do Hu's attitudes toward the West differ from those of
Gandhi? How might one explain these differences?
[THE "MATERIALISM" OF .
WESTERN SOCIETIES]
One of the most baseless, most harmful statements has to do with the condemnation of
Western civilization as "materialistic" and the
praise of Oriental civilization as "spiritual." . . .
In the past it was used to provide some kind of
psychological lift, or self-congratulatory consolation, when we, the Oriental people, were
cruelly oppressed and badly humiliated by the
Occidentals. During the past few years when
the Westerners themselves, in reaction to the
disastrous World War I, became increasingly
disillusioned with a modern civilization based
upon the advance of science and technology, we
have often heard from their scholars the praise
of the so-called spiritual civilization of the East.
Though this praise results from an abnormal,
though understandable, mentality of a temporary nature, it is more than welcome to the culturally chauvinistic Orientals. It strengthens the
bias about the alleged superiority of Oriental
civilization. . . .
. . . While a man in an ocean liner should not
look down upon another man sailing a junk, it
is ridiculous for the latter to brag about his
spiritual superiority simply because his junk is
more primitive and less convenient than the
ocean liner. Technological backwardness is not
synonymous with spiritual advancement. . . .
. . . Throughout history the greatest tragedy
has always been man's inability to ward off
hunger and cold despite his hard labor. How
can we in good conscience lecture a man about
to be starved to death on the virtue of contentment, fate, and self-satisfaction? A man who
condemns material comfort for no other reason
Mill
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
than its unavailability to him can be compared
to the fox in a Western fable who announces
proudly that it does not like sour grapes when
the grapes, ripe and sweet, are too high for it to
reach. Poverty is not something to be proud of:
those who state otherwise are either indulging
in self-deception or too lazy to do something
about it. More pathetic still are those who fast,
mutilate their bodies, or commit suicide by fire,
all in the name of "spiritual civilization." All
these people — the self-congratulators, the selfdeceivers, the self-mutilators, and the suicides
— are mentally ill, really, since their attitude
toward life is that of a dying man. . . .
Unlike its Oriental counterpart, the modern
civilization of the West takes into full consideration the importance of material enjoyment. It
has as its foundation two basic concepts. First,
the purpose of life is the pursuit of happiness.
Second, poverty is a sin; so is physical weakness
or illness. The second concept, logically, is a derivative of the first. The goal of this civilization
is, in short, the enrichment of life. As poverty is
a sin, the Westerners devote their energy to the
opening up of natural resources, the promotion
of industry, the improvement of manufactured
products, and the expansion of commerce. As
physical weakness or illness is also a sin, they
spare no effort in the study and improvement of
medical care, the promotion of sanitation, hygiene, physical fitness and sports, the prevention
of contagious disease, and the improvement of
heredity. Since the pursuit of happiness is the
purpose of life, they busy themselves with the
enhancement of comfort in their living quarters,
the improvement of transportation and communication, the beautification of their cities, the
promotion of the arts, the assurance of safety in
their streets, and finally, the security of incorruptibility in government and among government officials. To be sure, Western civilization
contains in it certain elements that sometimes
prompt its adherents to commit aggression, pillage, or even mass murder, which has to be condemned, of course. Neither can it be denied that
it has brought benefit to those who embrace it.
T H E N E W RELIGION
Though modern civilization of the West has not
yet dissociated itself from the religion of the past
[Christianity], one nevertheless senses that a new
religion has been slowly developing. . . . Not
surprisingly, the first characteristic of the new
religion is its logic and rationality. As modern
science enables man to discover new knowledge,
to conquer nature for his own benefit, and to do
a multitude of things that historically have been
regarded as unattainable or even inconceivable,
man's confidence in himself has increased enormously, and he believes, for the first time, that
he can shape the future in accordance with his
own wishes. Not surprisingly, the second characteristic of the new religion is its humanism. The
acquisition of more and more knowledge not
only enhances man's ability to cope with his environment but also broadens his social perspective, thus increasing his empathy with his fellow
men. Not surprisingly, the third characteristic of
the new religion is its social ethics. '
. . . All the old religions stress salvation on an
individual basis, and all the old ethics centers on
the civilization of moral worth, again of a personal nature. The adherents of old religions do
occasionally speak of the necessity of "saving"
others, but they are more than satisfied if they
can somehow save themselves. Forever looking
inward and, as a result, becoming more and
more involved with no one except themselves,
they lose contact with the outside world. They
do not understand worldly problems, let alone
resolve them. . . . What is the use of this socalled self-cultivation of virtues if the net result
is a mummy-like parasite, totally ignorant of
practical matters and insensitive to the suffering
of others? . . .
OCCIDENTAL A N D ORIENTAL
CIVILIZATIONS COMPARED
As "discontent" characterizes the modern
civilization of the West, "content" characterizes
the traditional civilization of the East. Being
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 225
content, we Orientals do not strive for the improvement of our living'standard, do not pay
much attention to new discoveries and new inventions, and do not, even remotely, contemplate upon such "strange" ideas as the conquest
of nature. We relish our ignorance, find satisfac-
tion with the status quo, however unpleasant,
and speak resignedly about our "fate." We are
not even reformers, let alone revolutionaries.
We are, in fact, the obedient servants of our
rulers, whomever they happen to be.
BasicTenets o f Chinese C o m m u n i s m
5 7 • Mao
Zedong,
REPORT
PEASANT
ON AN
INVESTIGATION
MOVEMENT
and STRATEGIC
REVOLUTIONARY
IN
PROBLEMS
OF
THE
HUNAN
OF
CHINA'S
WAR
Mao Zedong (1893-1975) was born into a well-to-do peasant family in Hunan
province and as a university student participated in the anti-Qing revolution of
1911. During the next several years, while serving as a library assistant at Beijing
University, he embraced Marxism and helped organize the Chinese Communist
Party, which was officially founded in 1921. Originally given the task of working
with urban labor unions, Mao gradually came to believe that peasants, whose
capacity for class revolution was discounted by orthodox Marxist-Leninists,
would lead China to socialism.
After the break with the Guomindang in 1927, the Communists took their
small army to the remote and hilly region on the Hunan-Jiangxi border, where in
1931 they proclaimed the Chinese Soviet Republic. In 1934 Chiang Kai-shek's
troops surrounded the Communists' forces, but as they moved in for the kill,
more than one hundred thousand Communist troops and officials escaped and
embarked on what came to be known as the Long March. This legendary trek
lasted more than a year and covered more that six thousand miles before the survivors found safety in the remote mountains around Yan'an in Shaanxi province.
Mao, now the party's recognized leader, rebuilt his army and readied himself and
his followers for what would be fourteen more years of struggle against the
Japanese and Guomindang.
Mao was a prolific writer who from the 1920s until his death in 1976 produced
many hundreds of treatises, essays, and even works of poetry. The following
excerpts are from two of his most important writings. The first, his Report on an
Investigation of the 'Peasant Movement in Hunan, was written in 1927 after he
visited Hunan province to study the activities of peasant associations, groups of
peasants who with the help of Communist organizers had seized land, humiliated
and killed landlords, and taken control of their villages. In it Mao expresses' his
faith in the poor peasantry as the source of revolution in China. The second
excerpt is taken from his Strategic Problems of China's Revolutionary War, which
• J\\
226
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval,'and Revolution, 1914—1939
r
was based on a series of lectures presented to the Red Army College in late 1936.
In it Mao assesses China's military situation and outlines his strategy for victory
through guerrilla warfare.
QUESTIONS FOR
ANALYSIS
1. What specific developments in Hunan reinforced Mao's convictions about
the peasantry's potential as a revolutionary force?
2. What criticisms have been made of the Hunan peasant movement, and how
does Mao attempt to counter these criticisms?
3. What can be learned from these two writings about MaO's view of the role of
the Communist Party in China's revolutionary struggle?
4. According to Mao, what have been the sources of oppression for the Chinese
people? Once these sources of oppression have been removed, what will
China be like?
5. What, according to Mao, are the four unique characteristics of China's revolutionary war, and how do they affect his military strategy?
6. What are the characteristics of Mao's "active defense" as opposed to "passive
defense"?
!!'
§»'$
criticizing? Or to stand in their way and oppose
them? Every Chinese is free to choose, but events
will force you to make the choice quickly. . . .
"Yes, peasant associations are necessary, but
. . . All talk directed against the peasant move- they are going rather too far." This is the opinment must be speedily set right. All the wrong ion of the middle-of-the-roaders. But what is the
measures taken by the revolutionary authorities actual situation? True, the peasants are in a sense
concerning the peasant movement must be "unruly" in the countryside. Supreme in authorspeedily changed. Only thus can the future of ity, the peasant association allows the landlord
the revolution be benefited. For the present up- no say and sweeps'away his prestige. This
surge of the peasant movement is a colossal amounts to striking the landlord down to the
event. In a very short time, in China's central, dust and keeping him there. . . . .People swarm
southern and northern provinces, several hun- into the houses of local tyrants and evil gentry
dred million peasants will rise like a mighty who are against the peasant association, slaughstorm, like a hurricane, a force so swift and tering their pigs and consuming their grain. They
violent that no powet, however great, will be even loll for a minute or two on the ivory-inlaid
able to hold it back. They will smash all the beds belonging to the young ladies in the housetrammels that' bind them and rush forward holds of the local tyrants and evil gentry. At the
along the road to liberation. They will sweep all slightest provocation they make arrests, crown
the imperialists, warlords, corrupt officials, the arrested with tall paper-hats, and parade
local tyrants and evil gentry into their graves. them through the villages, saying, "You dirty
Every revolutionary party and every revolu- landlords, now you know who we are!" . . . This
tionary comrade will be put to the test, to be ac- 'is what some people call "going too far," or "excepted or rejected as they decide. There are three ceeding the proper limits in righting a wrong,"
alternatives. To march at their head and lead or "really too much." Such talk may seem
them? To trail behind them, gesticulating and plausible, but in fact it is wrong. First, the local
REPORT O N A N INVESTIGATION
OF T H E PEASANT M O V E M E N T
IN H U N A N
'?
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Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 227
tyrants, evil gentry and lawless landlords have
themselves driven the peasants to this.-For ages
they have used their power to tyrannize over the
peasants and trample them underfoot; that is
why the peasants have reacted so strongly. . . .
Secondly, a revolution is not a dinner party, or
writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing
embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely
and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an
insurrection, an act of violence by which one
class overthrows another. A rural revolution is a
revolution by which the peasantry overthrows
the power of the feudal landlord class. Without
using the greatest force, the peasants cannot possibly overthrow the deep-rooted authority of the
landlords which has lasted for thousands of years.
. . . To put it bluntly, it is necessary to create
terror for a while in every rural area, or otherwise
it would be impossible to suppress the activities
of the counter-revolutionaries in the countryside
or overthrow the authority of the gentry.
A man in China is usually subjected to the domination of three systems of authority: (1) the state
system, . . . ranging from the national, provincial and county government down to that of the
township; (2) the clan system, . . . ranging from
the central ancestral temple and its branch
temples down to the head of the household; and
(3) the supernatural system (religious authority),
ranging from the King of Hell down to the
town and village gods belonging to the nether
world, and from the Emperor of Heaven down
to all the various gods and spirits belonging to
the celestial world. As for women, in addition to
being dominated by these three systems of authority, they are also dominated by the men (the
authority of the husband). These four authorities
— political, clan, religious and masculine — are
the embodiment of the whole feudal-patriarchal
system and ideology, and are the four thick ropes
binding the Chinese people, particularly the
peasants....
The political authority of the landlords is the
backbone of all the other systems of authority.
With that overturned, the clan authority, the
religious authority and the authority of the husband all begin to totter. . . . In many places the
peasant associations have taken over the temples
of the gods as their offices. Everywhere they
advocate the appropriation of temple property in
order to start peasant schools and to defray the
expenses of the associations, calling it "public
revenue from superstition." In Liling County,
prohibiting superstitious practices and smashing
idols have become quite the vogue. . . .
In places where the power of the peasants is
predominant, only the older peasants and the
women still believe in the gods, the younger
peasants no longer doing so. Since the latter
control the associations, the overthrow of religious authority and the eradication of superstition are going on everywhere. As to the
authority of the husband, this has always been
weaker among the poor peasants because, out of
economic necessity, their womenfolk have to do
more manual labor than the women of the
richer classes and therefore have more say and
greater power of decision-in family matters.
With the increasing bankruptcy of the rural
economy in recent years, the basis for men's
domination over women has already been weakened. With the rise of the peasant movement,
the women in many places have now begun to
organize rural women's associations; the opportunity has come for them to lift up their heads,
and the authority of the husband is getting
shakier every day. In a word, the whole feudalpatriarchal system and ideology is tottering
with the growth of the peasants' power.
STRATEGIC PROBLEMS OF
CHINA'S REVOLUTIONARY W A R
What then are the characteristics of China's revolutionary war?
I think there are four.
The first is that China is a vast semi-colonial
country which is unevenly developed both politically and economically. . . .
The unevenness of political and economic development in China — the coexistence of a frail
lit
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
capitalist economy and a preponderant semifeudal economy; the coexistence of a few modern
industrial and commercial cities and the boundless expanses of stagnant rural districts; the coexistence of several millions of industrial workers
on the one hand and, on the other, hundreds of
millions of peasants and handicraftsmen under
the old regime; the coexistence of big warlords
controlling the Central government and small
warlords controlling the provinces; the coexistence of two kinds of reactionary armies,
i.e., the so-called Central army under Chiang
Kai-shek and the troops of miscellaneous brands
under the warlords' in the provinces; and the
coexistence of a few railway and steamship lines
and motor roads on the one hand and, on the
other, the vast number of wheel-barrow paths
and trails for pedestrians only, many of which
are even difficult for them to negotiate. . . .
This characteristic is the inevitable result of
the first one. It gives rise to the following two
features. On the one hand, China's revolutionary
war, though taking place in a period of reaction
in China and throughout the capitalist world,
can yet be victorious because it is led by the
Communist Party and supported by the peasantry. Because we have secured the support of
the peasantry, our base areas, though small, possess great political power and stand firmly opposed to the political power of the Guomindang
which encompasses a vast area; in a military sense
this creates colossal difficulties for the attacking
Guomindang troops. The Red Army, though
small, has great fighting capacity, because its
men under the leadership of the Communist
Party have sprung from the agrarian revolution
and are fighting for their own interests, and because officers and men are politically united.
The second characteristic is the great strength
of the enemy.
What is the situation of the Guomindang,
the enemy of the Red Army? It is a party that
has seized political power and has relatively stabilized it. It has gained the support of the principal counter-revolutionary countries in the
world. It has remodeled its army, which has
thus become different from any other army in
Chinese history and on the whole similar to the
armies of the modern states in the world; its
army is supplied much more abundantly with
arms and other equipment than the Red Army,
and is greater in numerical strength than any
army in Chinese history, even than the standing
army of any country in the world. . . .
The third characteristic is that the Red Army
is weak and small
Our political power is dispersed and isolated
in mountainous or remote regions, and is deprived of any outside help. In economic and
cultural conditions the revolutionary base areas
are more backward than the Guomindang areas.
The revolutionary bases embrace only rural districts and small towns. . . .
The fourth characteristic is the Communist
Party's leadership and the agrarian revolution.
On the other hand, our situation contrasts
sharply with that of the Guomindang. Opposed
to the agrarian revolution, the Guomindang is
deprived of the support of the peasantry. Despite
the great size of its army it cannot arouse the
bulk of the soldiers or many of the lower-rank
officers, who used to be small producers, to risk
their lives voluntarily for its sake. Officers and
men are politically disunited and this reduces
its fighting capacity. . . .
Military experts of new and rapidly developing imperialist countries like Germany and
Japan positively boast of the advantages of
strategic offensive and condemn strategic defensive. Such an idea is fundamentally unsuitable
for China's revolutionary war. Such military experts point out that the great shortcoming of defense lies in the fact that, instead of gingering
up {enlivening} the people, it demoralizes them.
. . . Our case is different. Under the slogan of
safeguarding the revolutionary base areas and
safeguarding China, we can rally the greatest
majority of the people to fight single-mindedly,
because we are the victims of oppression and
aggression. . . .
In military terms, our warfare consists in the
alternate adoption of the defensive and the
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 229
offensive. It makes no difference to us whether
our offensive is regarded as following the defensive or preceding it, because the turning-point
comes when we smash the campaigns of "encirclement and annihilation." Ie remains a defensive until a campaign of "encirclement and
annihilation" is smashed, and then it immediately begins as an offensive; they are but two
phases of the same thing, as one campaign of
"encirclement and annihilation" of the enemy is
closely followed by another. Of the two phases,
the defensive phase is more complicated and
more important than the offensive phase. It involves numerous problems of how to smash the
campaign of "encirclement and annihilation."
The basic principle is for active defense and
against passive defense.
In the civil war, when the Red Army surpasses the- enemy in strength, there will no
longer be any use for strategic defensive in general. Then our only directive will be strategic
offensive. Such a change-depends on an overall
change in the relative strength of the enemy
and ourselves.
N a t i o n a l i s m a n d M i l i t a r i s m in J a p a n
As the experience of modern Japan reveals, nationalism can inspire great
achievements, but it can also cause great disasters. In the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries, cultural pride and a stubborn refusal to succumb to
the West united the Japanese behind the Meiji reformers. A national effort that
included peasants, business leaders, aristocrats, government officials, soldiers,
and workers transformed Japan from an isolated, feudal society into a major industrial and military power within decades. In the 1920s and 1930s nationalism
continued to be a major force in Japan. This time, however, it led to a crushing
military defeat in World War II.
Japanese nationalism between the wars became increasingly xenophobic, militaristic, and authoritarian. It appealed to generals, right-wing politicians, and
millions of peasants who were dissatisfied with parliamentary government,
socialism, the Westernization of Japanese culture, and the influence of the
zaibatsu, or large business conglomerates, on Japanese politics. Nationalists
praised Japanese virtues of duty and harmony, sought absolute obedience to the
emperor, and idealized warrior values. They demanded military expansion,
claiming that only a Japanese empire in Asia would prevent the nation's
economic ruin. Nationalists supported the conquest of Manchuria in 1931, the
invasion of China in 1937, and the bombing of the U.S. fleet at Pearl Harbor in
1941. They set Japan on a course that ended in August 1945 with nuclear attacks
on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, total defeat, and unconditional surrender.
In the 1920s the political balance had shifted from the armed forces and bureaucracy, both subject only to the emperor, to the political parties, whose power
base was the elected Diet and whose leaders had close ties with big business.
This shift translated into solid gains for democracy, liberalism, social reform, and
a foreign policy of international cooperation. But party government lost its
appeal once the Great Depression struck Japan in the 1930s. Japanese exports
dropped in value by 50 percent between 1929 and 1931, workers' incomes fell,
230
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
and unemployment reached three million. As a result of the rice crop failure in
1931 in northern Japan, families were reduced to begging, eating bark and roots,
and selling daughters to brothel keepers.
The economic crisis broadened support for Japanese ultranationalism, and
persuaded its advocates in the military to take bold steps. In 1931 army officers
arranged an explosion on the tracks of a Japanese-controlled railroad in Manchuria and, without the approval of the civilian government, used this as an
excuse to capture the important cities in the region and establish the puppet
state of Manchukuo. In Japan itself, right-wing extremists assassinated business
and political leaders, and plotted to overthrow the government. In February
1936 officers and troops of the First Division attacked and briefly occupied government offices in downtown Tokyo. The government suppressed the rebellion
and executed its leaders, but to many Japanese the rebels were heroes, not
traitors. Constitutional government survived on paper, but when Japanese and
Chinese troops clashed outside Beijing in the summer of 1937, the ensuing war
between China and Japan put political authority firmly in the hands of militarists
and nationalists.
Nationalism continued to inspire the Japanese during World War II. Citizens
accepted privation, soldiers fought with fanatical determination, and young
pilots sacrificed their lives by crashing their planes into U.S. warships. But this
time nationalism was not enough, and defeat came in August 1945.
II
mm
T h e Agenda o f Ultranationalism
|i|
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I•
58 • The Black
Dragon
ANNIVERSARY
Society,
STATEMENT,
1930
In 1881, a group of former samurai (warrior-aristocrats) founded the Genyosha, a
secret society dedicated to Japanese expansion in Asia, the preservation of traditional Japanese culture, and absolute dedication to the emperor. In 1901, several
of its members broke away and founded the Black Dragon Society, which promoted war with Russia as a means of expanding Japan's influence on the Asian
mainland. In the early twentieth century, the Society continued to advocate an
aggressive foreign policy to enable Japan to become the dominant force in Asia. It
.also denounced democracy, capitalism, Americanization, socialism, party politics,
and big business, all of which it viewed as threats to Japanese culture or to their
plans for Japanese expansionism. Although the membership of the Black Dragon
Society and similar organizations was small, their self-promotion, assassinations,
and strong-arm tactics kept alive their brand of extreme nationalism, allowing it
to flourish in the troubled atmosphere of the 1930s.
In 1930 the Black Dragon Society published the two-volume Secret History of
the Annexation of Korea, in which it claimed a key role in inspiring early Japanese
expansionism. The second volume concluded with the following statement.
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 231
QUESTIONS FOR
ANALYSIS
1. What is there in the Black Dragon Society's philosophy that explains its
interventions in Korea, China, and the Philippines?
2. In what ways, according to the authors of the document, has Japanese
foreign policy been thwarted in the years since World War I?
3. According to the Society, how has Japan's domestic situation deteriorated?
4. According to the Society, what is the root of Japan's problems, and what
solutions does it offer?
5. What might explain the appeal of such ideas to the Japanese populace?
From the first, we members of the Amur
[Black Dragon] Society have worked in accordance with the imperial mission for overseas
expansion to solve our overpopulation; at the
same time, we have sought to give support and
encouragement to the peoples of East Asia.
Thus we have sought the spread of humanity
and righteousness throughout the world by
having the imperial purpose extend to neighboring nations.
Earlier, in order to achieve these principles,
we organized the Heavenly Blessing Heroes in
Korea in 1894 and helped the Tong Hak rebellion there in order to speed the settlement of
the dispute between Japan and China.1 In 18,99
we helped Aguinaldo in his struggle for independence for the Philippines. 2 In 1900 we
worked with other comrades in helping Sun
Yat-sen start the fires of revolution in South
China. In 1901 we organized this Society and
became exponents of the punishment of Russia,
and thereafter we devoted ourselves to the
:
annexation of Korea while continuing to support the revolutionary movement of China. . . .
During this period we have seen the fulfillment of our national power in the decisive victories in the two major wars against China and
Russia,^ in the annexation of Korea, the acquisition of Formosa [Taiwan] and Sakhalin, and
the expulsion of Germany from the Shandong
peninsula.4 Japan's status among the empires of
the world has risen until today she ranks as one
of the three great powers, and from this eminence she can support other Asiatic nations. . . .
However, in viewing recent international
affairs it would seem that the foundation established by the great Meiji emperor is undergoing
rapid deterioration. The disposition of the gains
of the war with Germany was left to foreign
powers, and the government, disregarding the
needs of national defense, submitted to unfair
demands to limit our naval power.5 Moreover, the failure of our China policy6 made the
Chinese more and more contemptuous of us, so
The Tonghak, or Eastern Learning, movement was a late- ^Victory over China in the Sino-Japanese War and over
nineteenth-century religious movement that drew on Daoist 4Russia in rhe Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905).
(Taoist), Buddhist, Confucian, and Catholic traditions. In Japan received Taiwan (Formosa) after the Sino-Japanese
1894 members of the movement rebelled against the War. Its authority over Korea and its claim to the southern
China-oriented government of Korea because of its corrup- half of Sakhalin Island were recognized after the Russotion and indifference to the plight of the poor. Japanese and Japanese War. Japan was granted former German concesin China's Shandong province after World War I.
Chinese troops intervened, leading to the Sino-Japanese sions
War of 1894-1895. The result was the recognition of 5The Washington Conference of 1921 set Japan's naval
strength at 60 percent of that of the United States and that
Korea'
s independence by China.
2
Great Britain.
Emilio Aguinaldo (1869-1964) led an insurrection against of
the Spaniards in 1898 and established the Philippine Re- 6The Twenty-One Demands, submitted by Japan to China
public in Januaty 1899. Following the Spanish American in 1915, would have established extensive Japanese influence
War, he resisted the U.S. takeover, but was defeated and over the Chinese government. These demands were successretired from politics.
fully resisted by China.
232
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
much so that they have been brought to demand the surrender of our essential defense
lines in Manchuria and Mongolia. Furthermore,
in countries like the United States and Australia our immigrants have been deprived of
rights which were acquired only after long years
of struggle, and we now face a highhanded antiJapanese expulsion movement which knows no
bounds.7 Men of purpose and of humanity who
are at all concerned for their country cannot fail
to be upset by the situation.
When we turn our attention to domestic
affairs, we feel more than deep concern. There
is a great slackening of discipline and order.
Men's hearts are becoming corrupt. Look about
you! Are not the various government measures
and establishments a conglomeration of all
sorts of evils and abuses? The laws are confusing, and evil grows apace. The people are overwhelmed by heavy taxes, the confusion in the
business world complicates the livelihood of
the people, the growth of dangerous thought
threatens social order, and our national polity,
which has endured for three thousand years, is
in danger. This is a critical time for our national destiny; was there ever a more crucial
day? What else can we call this time if it is not
termed decisive?
we will give unselfish criticism of internal politics and of social problems, and we will seek to
guide public opinion into proper channels. . . .
We . . . are resolved to reform the moral corruption of the people, restore social discipline, and
ease the insecurity of the people's livelihood by
relieving the crises in the financial world, restore
national confidence, and increase the national
strength, in order to carry out the imperial mission to awaken the countries of Asia. In order to
clarify these principles, we here set forth our
platform to all our fellow patriots:
And yet, in spite of this our government, instead of pursuing a farsighted policy, casts
about for temporary measures. The opposition
party simply struggles for political power
without any notion of saving our country from
this crisis. And even the press, which should
devote itself to its duty of guiding and leading
society, is the same. For the most part it swims
with the current, bows to vulgar opinions, and
is chiefly engrossed in money making. Alas!
Our empire moves ever closer to rocks which
lie before us. . . .
. . . Therefore we of the Amur Society have
determined to widen the scope of our activity.
Hereafter, besides our interest in foreign affairs,
Platform
1. Developing the great plan of the
founders of the country, we will widen the
great Way [Dao] of Eastern culture, work out
a harmony of Eastern and Western cultures,
and take the lead among Asian peoples.
2. We will bring to an end many evils,
such as formalistic legalism; it restricts the
freedom of the people, hampers common sense
solutions, prevents efficiency in public and
private affairs, and destroys the true meaning
of constitutional government. Thereby we
will show forth again the essence of the
imperial principles.
3. We shall rebuild the present administrative systems. We will develop overseas expansion through the activation of our diplomacy,
further the prosperity of the people by reforms
in internal government, and solve problems of
labor and management by the establishment
of new social policies. Thereby we will
strengthen the foundations of the empire.
4. We shall carry out the spirit of the
Imperial Rescript8 to Soldiers and Sailors and
stimulate a martial spirit by working toward
the goal of a nation in arms. Thereby we look
toward the perfection of national defense.
5. We plan a fundamental reform of the
present educational system, which is copied
7
Both Austtalia and the United States severely restricted
Japanese
(and Chinese) immigration in the 1920s.
8
Issued by the emperor in 1882, the rescript stated that
supreme command of the armedforcesrested in the hands
of the emperor alone, thus strengthening the military's independence from civilian control.
Chapter 7 Asia in an Era of Nationalism and Revolution 233
from those of Europe and America; we shall
set up a basic study of a national education
originating in our national polity. Thereby
we anticipate the further development and
heightening of the wisdom and virtue of the
Yamato race.?
'According to tradition, Japan's imperial line can be traced
back to the statefoundedby a descendant of the sun goddess on the Yamato plain around 660 B.C.E.
F o r e i g n Policy P r i o r i t i e s o n t h e Eve o f t h e C h i n a W a r
59 • FUNDAMENTAL
POLICY,
PRINCIPLES
OF NATIONAL
•
1936
Despite the failure of the takeover of central Tokyo by nationalist s'oldiers and
officers of the First Division in early 1936, the military retained a strong voice in
government. Many politicians bent over backward in support of the military and
its right-wing agenda in order to prevent renewed violence. The cabinet of Hirota
Koti, in power from March 1936 to February 1937, increased military spending
and passed stricter laws against communists and socialists.
In August 1936 the Hirota cabinet approved the following policy statement on
foreign and domestic policy. It is an effort to strike a balance between the army's
traditional focus on north China and Manchuria as a means of countering the
Soviet Union's strength and the navy's new southward policy and its concerns with
U.S. naval strength. It also shows the degree to which militarism and expansionism had become the bedrock of Japanese politics on the eve of the war with China.
?
rli
QUESTIONS FOR
ANALYSIS
1. What view of Japan's role in Asian affairs is expressed in this statement?
2. What views of the Soviet Union and the Western powers does the document
express?
3. According to the authors of the document, what steps must be taken to
prepare Japan for the foreign policy challenges it will meet?
4. What specific statements in the document reveal the militarist priorities of
the Hirota government?
,
5. How do the ideas expressed in this document compare to those of the Black
Dragon Society's 1930 anniversary statement?
(1) Japan must strive to eradicate the aggressive policies of the great powers, and share with
East Asia the joy which is based on the true
principle of co-existence and co-prosperity. This
is the realization of the spirit of the Imperial
Way which must be accepted as the consistent
guiding principle in Japan's policy of foreign
expansion.
(2) Japan must complete her national defense
and armament to protect her national security
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Decades of War, Economic Upheaval, and Revolution, 1914—1939
and development. In this way, the position of
the Empire as the stabilizing force in East Asia
can be secured both in name and in fact.
(3) The policy toward the continent must be
based on the following factors: in order to promote Manchukuo's1 healthy development and
to stabilize Japan-Manchukuo national defense,
the threat from the north, the Soviet Union,
must be eliminated;2 in order to promote our
economic development, we must prepare against
Great Britain and the United States and bring
about close collaboration between Japan, Manchukuo, and China. In the execution of this policy, Japan must pay due attention to friendly
relations with other powers.
(4) Japan plans to promote her racial and
economic development in the South Seas, especially in the outerlying South Seas3 areas. She
plans to extend her strength by moderate and
peaceful means and without rousing other
powers. In this way, concurrently with the firm
establishment of Manchukuo, Japan may expect
full development and strengthening of her national power.
B. Utilizing the above fundamental principles as the axis, we must unify and coordinate
our foreign and domestic policies, and reform
our administration thoroughly to reflect the
current conditions. The following are the basic
outlines.
(1) Japan's national defense and armament
must be completed in the following manner:
a. The Army's arms preparations must have
as their goal, the ability to withstand the forces
which can be deployed by the Soviet Union in
the Far East. The Army must expand its Kwantung 4 and Chosen (Korean) forces to the extent
that they can deliver the first decisive blow
against the Soviet Far Eastern Army at the outbreak of war.
b. The Navy's arms preparations must have as
their goal, creation of forces sufficient to with-
stand an attack-from the U.S. Navy to secure
the control of the Western Pacific for Japan.
(2) Our foreign policy must be based on the
principle of the smooth execution of the fundamental national policies. It must therefore be
coordinated and reformed. In order to facilitate
the smooth functioning of activities of diplomatic bureaus, the military must endeavor to
give behind-the-scenes assistance, and must
avoid overt activities.
(3) In order to conform to the above basic
national policies, in effecting reform and improvement in political and administrative organizations, in establishing financial and economic
policies, and in administering other agencies,
appropriate actions must be taken on the following matters:
a. The domestic public opinion must be led
and unified, so as to strengthen the nation's
resolve in coping with the present national
emergency.
b. Appropriate reforms in administrative
agencies and economic organizations must be
effected to bring about improvement in industries and important foreign trade necessary for
executing national policies.
c. Appropriate measures must be taken to ensure stabilization of national life, strengthening
of physical fitness, and development of sound
national thought.
d. Appropriate plans must be undertaken to
promote rapid growth in aviation and maritime
transportation industries. *
e. We must promote the establishment of a
policy of self-sufficiency with regard to important natural resources and materials required for
national defense and industries.
f. Concurrently with the reform of diplomatic
bureaus, information and propaganda organizations must be well established to enhance vigorously diplomatic functions and cultural activities
overseas.
'The southern Pacific.
The Japanese name for the puppet government of
Manchuria
established after the 1931 conquest.
3
In the mid-1930s the Soviet Union had approximately
4
2
240,000 troops in its fat eastetn provinces, compared to
160,000 Japanese troops in Manchuria.
The Kwantungforceswere Japan's army in Manchuria;
the Chosen army was in Korea.