Papua New Guinea’s 2022 election has only just started, but its integrity is already under attack, Henry Ivarature and
Michael Kabuni write.
General elections in Papua New Guinea (PNG) are underway, and are unfortunately already marred with reports of
controversy and electoral violence, including the shooting of a returning officer, as well as candidates’ supporters
burning the vehicles of rivals.
This is nothing new to PNG. In the 2017 election, more than 200 people died, with some describing it as the worst
election in PNG’s history.
Beyond violence, that election too was marred by controversy. 50 per cent of incumbent MPs lost their seats, no
women were elected, and several disputed results took years to resolve, with one overturned after four years.
Official observers from the Commonwealth Observer Group and The Australian National University gave a number of
recommendations in 2017 to improve the quality and integrity of future elections.
One key recommendation called on the government to release funds for voter registration in a timely manner for
the PNG Electoral Commission to update its electoral rolls. In 2017, thousands of eligible voters could not vote due
to faulty electoral rolls.
Unfortunately, 2022 is shaping up to be more of the same, as a result of the government’s failure to act on and
implement these and other electoral reforms. Crucially, a delay in funding for the election commission prevented a
major update of the electoral roll.
Updating the roll only began in January 2022 – about five months before voting was scheduled to begin. In March,
when the writs were about to be issued, one MP claimed possibly over 500,000 eligible voters were not listed. At the
time of writing, it is not clear if the update has been completed.
The lack of a national census has made effectively updating the roll even more difficult, with the most recent census
postponed to 2024. Information provided by the census, such as the age of individuals helps with the common roll
update in determining the number of eligible voters in each electorate. This is critical in election management,
particularly for the printing and distribution of ballot papers throughout the country. Without this information,
expect problems of ballot paper shortage or over-supply in many constituencies.
The government’s last-minute decision to create seven new constituencies on the eve of the last parliament’s term,
which the Opposition unsuccessfully attempted to block, likely compounds this issue further.
Notably, the government made this decision after ballot papers were already printed. Consequently, the electoral
commission was forced to delay the issue of writs, destroy the ballot papers of affected constituencies, and reprint
new ones. The matter is now before the Supreme Court, only weeks before the start of voting.
The Opposition argues that due to the lack of a recent census the redistricting is not supported by accurate and
reliable data. Redistricting is ideally based on population quotas, calculated by the average population of a district.
With the census in 2001 considered inaccurate, the Opposition says redistricting on the basis of 2001 information is
unconstitutional and invalid. If the Supreme Court determines it to be so, then the seven MPs from the new
constituencies will automatically be disqualified from parliament.
Moreover, a recent Supreme Court ruling disqualifying candidates with criminal offences after 2002 could create a
backlog for the courts and slow the democratic process.
As yet, the government has also failed to stem election violence in PNG. Despite introducing measures including the
purchasing of armoured vehicles and the passage of a new gun control law that carries high fines and tough
penalties, political violence remains widespread.
Whether this will do anything to curb the approximately 50,000 illegal firearms in circulation across the country is
yet to be seen. Policing the elections has always been difficult and the support of the Australian Defence Forces is a
welcome contribution to public safety. The PNG police force needs this support, it is chronically underfunded and
severely lacking in manpower, with only one officer for every 1,145 people – the sixth-highest number reported
globally.
In the last five years, the government has failed to address four crucial and interdependent pre-voting stages –
updating electoral laws, electoral procedures, district boundaries, and voter registration. Missing just one of these
stages affects the rest of the electoral process.
Going forward, the government must complete the national census to review the redistricting and undertake a
comprehensive update of the common roll as well as enact the necessary electoral reforms to protect democracy
and the integrity of elections.
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Papua New Guinea’s elections are often dangerous affairs. In the past, elections in the country have been
accompanied by spikes in violence between rival groups, resulting in injury and death. In some areas of the country
fraud is rife, and voters face significant intimidation. The upcoming 2022 national elections will again present
significant challenges for the country’s security forces. How are they likely to respond?
According to PNG Police Minister William Onglo, security operation plans for the election have been finalised. The
PNG Defence Force, PNG Correctional Services, and the Royal PNG Constabulary (RPNGC) are, he suggests, ready for
the July polls. Mr Onglo indicated that he is determined to ensure that the levels of election-related violence seen in
2017 do not re-occur.
However, in reality PNG’s security forces are ill-prepared for the upcoming elections. This is particularly the case for
the nation’s police force. While the RPNGC will likely be at the forefront of responding to security challenges, time
and time again they have been found to be ill-equipped to carry out their mandate to keep citizens and property
safe.
Recent analysis has found that the police face a recurrent funding gap of K126 million per annum, and require an
additional one-off injection of around K3.9 billion to ensure the RPNGC can deliver its service mandate. Such funding
constraints and lack of personnel have been common problems for the country’s security forces, and will likely affect
their level of performance during the election period.
In addition, the PNG Correctional Services Commissioner Stephen Pokanis has indicated that his department’s
budget of K11.6 million is not enough to buy the required amount of firearms and body armour for officers engaged
in the elections.
In the 2017 elections, observers noted that guns and bush knives were prevalent in many Highlands polling stations.
Gun violence was directly observed in Hela and Chimbu provinces. Indeed, an election observation report compiled
by the Australian National University (ANU) Department of Pacific Affairs, found firearms were more prevalent in
2017 than the previous two national elections.
In response to concerns about gun violence, in the May parliamentary sitting the Prime Minister James Marape
tabled the Firearms Amendment Bill 2022, which was unanimously supported by all MPs. Under the legislation,
those found to be in unlawful possession of or manufacturing firearms face a maximum penalty of life imprisonment.
Marape reminded candidates and their supporters to be mindful of the penalties of the tougher firearm laws and
urged them not to repeat the gun-related violence that marred the 2017 elections. Marape has also directed police
to monitor 18 security ‘hotspots’ that are at high risk of violence using illegal firearms.
Police Commissioner David Manning welcomed the amendments and said they are necessary to address the
country’s long-standing problems with gun violence.
While these are steps in the right direction, it is uncertain how much of a difference these developments will make
to the threat guns will pose to this election. Legislation passed in 2018 introducing penalties for the use of illegal or
misuse of legal weapons arguably did little to curb gun violence. This is because of the sheer number of guns already
in the country and the difficulties involved in reducing their number. It is believed that there are over 50,000 illegal
firearms in PNG, either manufactured, smuggled, or traded by gangs or tribal groups. The recent gun-related
violence and killings in parts of PNG suggests that, like the previous elections, firearms still pose a threat to free, fair
and safe elections.
There are also growing concerns about the politicisation of the nation’s security forces. For example, in 2021 lawyer
Laken Lepatu Aigilo accused Governor Peter Ipatas of directing the police to assault, kidnap and threaten to kill him.
Politicians in other areas of the country have expressed concerns about the impartiality of the police. Such
accusations are likely to spike during this election. In 2017, more than half of all ANU observer teams reported that
police harassed scrutineers, local observers, counting officials and the public.
With elections a few weeks away, Police Commissioner David Manning has again called on the security forces to
remain neutral and not favour candidates or politicians. This will be difficult to achieve.
The 2022 elections will likely be tougher for security forces because of new security problems presented by COVID19. PNG’s vaccination rates are extremely low – around 3% of the population are fully vaccinated. During elections
people will likely gather for political rallies; they will also congregate at polling stations with little regard for COVID19 protocols, which could increase the local transmission of COVID-19 across the country. Recent by-elections in
Goroka and Moresby North-West have shown the difficulties involved in enforcing COVID-19 safety regulations. As
frontline workers, security forces themselves are likely to catch the virus and have to take time off to recover. This
would deplete PNG’s security forces even more.
On top of all this, security forces will have to deal with the uncertainties involved with overseeing voting across
seven newly created electorates.
In conclusion, PNG’s security forces face significant challenges in trying to secure the 2022 election. While security
failures are magnified during elections, we need ongoing efforts to improve security in PNG, not just for election
security operations, but beyond the election cycle. This includes better equipping and funding of security forces,
effectively enforcing new laws to reduce gun-related violence, and mitigating political interference in PNG’s security
forces. It might also mean the state’s security forces partnering and better engaging with private security companies.
Many of PNG’s brave and dedicated security men and women will do their best to secure the 2022 elections. And
there have been some efforts to learn from past security failures. However, given the magnitude of the challenges,
when it comes to the 2022 election, it might be a case of too little too late.
This week, Papua New Guineans began the process of electing their new prime minister. Amid concerns of violence
and corruption, local issues have dominated.
On Monday, 4 July, Papua New Guineans began heading to the polls to elect their new Prime Minister. Over the next
three weeks, more than five million people will decide who will lead their country for the next five years. After three
weeks of polling, it will then be another several weeks until we know who the next prime minister of Papua New
Guinea (PNG) will be.
More than 3600 nominees are contesting 118 electorates, which include 22 provincial seats – the winners of which
also serve as the provincial governor. The remaining 96 seats are “open” electorates, dispersed evenly throughout
the country. There are around 50 parties competing for seats, which means a majority government is almost
impossible. Instead, political leaders are required to form large coalitions, which are often a product of intense
negotiation, with politicians sometimes changing parties.
Of the over 3500 nominees, only 167 are women, and there are currently no women MPs in parliament, which last
went to the polls in 2017. Indeed, since PNG’s independence from Australia in 1975, only seven women have served
in the National Parliament. There have been attempts to establish reserved seats for women, but these have been
defeated in parliament. One step being taken in 2022 to make the electoral process more accessible to women are
“women-only” voting lines. These have been instituted to prevent women voters from being intimidated by men and
can be presented as a step towards making PNG politics more inclusive towards women.
The Campaign
Over the course of a six-week campaign period, the nominees held rallies to convince voters that they were the best
candidate. The campaign period got off to a tragic start, when Deputy Prime Minister Sam Basil died in a car accident
in May, just before the issuing of writs. In what has become an unfortunate feature of PNG elections, an estimated
30 people have died in campaign-related accidents and violence in this election cycle. Nevertheless, most observers
claim this has been a relatively peaceful campaign. There have also been accusations of corruption and theft,
including concerns over the actions of Prime Minister James Marape’s son and the transporting of PNG K1.065
million (around $440,000 AUD).
The two frontrunners are current Prime Minister James Marape of the Pangu Pati and his predecessor, Peter O’Neill,
of the People’s National Congress. Given the disparate nature of Papua New Guinean politics, several other parties
are also vying for the top spot, such as the National Alliance Party, United Resource Party, and PeopleFirst. As the
incumbent, Marape has access to significant resources that put him in a strong position, however, O’Neill has been
able to raise large amounts of money for the campaign.
Local issues form the basis of PNG electoral politics. University of Papua New Guinea lecturer Maholopa Laveil
describes the political system as “clientelistic,” as significant proportions of the PNG population choose their vote on
a transactional basis. If an MP can demonstrate to their electorate that they have provided sufficient development
to a district, then they can feel confident of re-election. This transactional attitude has been pronounced in the
current election campaign, with many Papua New Guineans calling for improved infrastructure, including access to
water and better health services. This has been particularly evident during the COVID-19 pandemic, with only around
3.5 percent of Papua New Guineans vaccinated against the virus.
Prime Minister Marape has campaigned on the slogan of “Take Back PNG,” as he claims to continue reforms that
were initiated after his motion of no confidence removed Peter O’Neill in 2019. Marape hopes to continue his
reforms, which are aimed at overcoming the claims of economic mismanagement under his predecessor.
Accompanying this policy has been Marape’s stated aim of making PNG “the richest black Christian nation on earth.”
In contrast, Peter O’Neill has travelled the country seeking to convince Papua New Guineans that Marape has failed
in his economic reforms, and that his 2019 overthrow was unjust and ultimately bad for PNG.
In the several days since polls have opened, the main issue involves outdated electoral lists. Voters whose names are
not on the rolls have caused disruptions to the polling, and some have attacked electoral officials in frustration, after
waiting in line for several hours. These kinds of issues point to the challenges in running a general election in PNG,
which has a poorly resourced electoral commission and electorates that feature extremely difficult terrain. It
remains to be seen if the relatively peaceful polling process maintains over the next two weeks.
Broader considerations
While local political considerations dominate the electoral campaign, there has been some attention given to
broader national and even foreign policy issues. A visit by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi during the electoral
campaign was awkwardly timed and led to some questions regarding a shift in PNG’s foreign policy. Foreign policy is
not a partisan issue in PNG, and there is large acceptance of the need to maintain close relations with Australia and
the United States, while also acknowledging the importance of Chinese trade ties.
In keeping with Australia’s historical relationship with PNG, remembering PNG was an Australian colony until 1975,
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese will be the first foreign leader to visit the new government in
September. Regardless of who wins the election, maintaining close relations with Australia will be a central aim of
the new government. Indeed, Australia is assisting with the elections through the provision of 130 Australian
Defence Force personnel and through the allocation of economic assistance.
Until then, it will be a process of waiting, and seeing the polls’ results and then watching the coalition negotiations
proceed. This will take many weeks, and it will be at least August until we know exactly who the new Prime Minister
will be.
Dr Nicholas Ferns is a research fellow in History at Monash University. He is a historian of Australian foreign aid and
Australia’s colonial rule in Papua New Guinea. His first book, titled Australia in the Age of Development, 1945-1975,
was published in 2020.
This article is published under a Creative Commons Licence and may be republished with attribution.