Cantonese A Comprehensive Grammar 2nd edition Cantonese: A Comprehensive Grammar is a complete reference guide to Cantonese as spoken by native speakers in Hong Kong. It presents a fresh and accessible description of the language, concentrating on the real patterns of use in current Cantonese. This makes it the ideal reference source for all learners and users of Cantonese, irrespective of level, in schools, colleges, universities and adult classes of all types. Moreover, it will provide a lasting and reliable resource for all fluent speakers of the language. The book is organized to promote a thorough understanding of Cantonese grammar. Arranged by both syntactic categories and language functions, the Grammar provides an in-depth treatment of structures and pays special attention to idiom and speech registers, including trendy language. Explanations are full, clear and free of jargon. A glossary, extensive index and generous use of cross-references provide readers with easy access to the information they require. Features include: Stephen Matthews is Associate Professor in Linguistics at the University of Hong Kong and Virginia Yip is Professor in the Department of Linguistics and Modern Languages at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. They are Directors of the Childhood Bilingualism Research Centre and have previously co-authored: Basic Cantonese: A Grammar and Workbook (Routledge, 1999), Intermediate Cantonese: A Grammar and Workbook (Routledge, 2000) and The Bilingual Child: Early Development and Language Contact (2007). Routledge Comprehensive Grammars Comprehensive Grammars are available for the following languages: Bengali Cantonese Chinese Catalan Danish Dutch Greek Indonesian Japanese Modern Welsh Modern Written Arabic Slovene Swedish Turkish Ukrainian Cantonese A Comprehensive Grammar 2nd edition Stephen Matthews and Virginia Yip First edition published 1994 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, OX14 4RN Second edition published 2011 Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 711 Third Ave, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 1994, 2011 Stephen Matthews and Virginia Yip The right of Stephen Matthews and Virginia Yip to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Typeset in Sabon and Gill by Graphicraft Limited, Hong Kong All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN 13: 978-0-415-47130-5 (hbk) ISBN 13: 978-0-415-47131-2 (pbk) ISBN 13: 978-0-203-83501-2 (ebk) In celebration of the authors’ twentieth wedding anniversary, Stephen Matthews dedicates this work with endless love and admiration. ᐜఴृ܂ദԲԼၜڣΔ್ᇣྤאڡጐऱფ֗ᄃࠕലڼ הᐱფऱࡠ֗ٽထृᆺᗊΖ Page Intentionally Left Blank Contents Acknowledgements to the second edition Acknowledgements to the first edition List of tables List of abbreviations Introduction 1 xvii xx xxii xxiii 1 The language and its speakers The descriptive approach The fallacy of ‘correct’ pronunciation Cantonese and Mandarin Spoken and written Cantonese Cantonese characters Romanization Examples Revisions to the second edition Linguistic literature on Cantonese Dictionaries Learning Cantonese 2 3 4 6 7 9 10 13 14 15 16 16 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system 18 1.1 18 18 20 21 22 Consonants 1.1.1 Initial consonants 1.1.2 Unreleased consonants 1.1.3 Nasal and liquid consonants 1.1.4 Syllabic nasals vii 1.2 Contents 1.3 1.4 1.5 2 Tone 1.4.1 The basic tones 1.4.2 Tone change 1.4.3 Tone and intonation Variation and change in pronunciation 1.5.1 Consonants 1.5.2 Tones 27 28 29 34 35 36 37 38 2.1 Reduplication 38 2.1.2 2.1.3 39 41 Reduplication of verbs and adjectives Onomatopoeic and sound-symbolic reduplication Compounding 2.3.1 Compound nouns 2.3.2 Compound adjectives 2.3.3 Verb–object compounds 2.3.4 Subject–verb compounds Syntactic categories: parts of speech in Cantonese 3.1 viii 23 24 24 24 25 Word structure: morphology and word formation 2.3 3 Vowels 1.2.1 Vowel quality 1.2.2 Vowel length 1.2.3 Diphthongs Syllable structure 54 55 57 58 62 63 Comparability of syntactic categories 3.1.1 Verbs versus adjectives 3.1.2 Verbs and auxiliaries 65 66 68 3.1.6 3.1.7 3.1.8 73 74 75 Adverbs Verbal and sentence particles Conjunctions 4 Sentence structure: word order and topicalization 4.1 4.2 5 5.2 5.3 6 78 79 80 82 83 84 86 87 88 4.2.6 90 Topic chains 92 Personal pronouns 5.1.1 Animate, inanimate and expletive kéuih 5.1.2 Omitted pronouns Reflexive pronouns 5.2.1 jihgéi 5.2.2 [Pronoun jihgéi] 5.2.3 Syntax of reflexive pronouns Reciprocals: each other The noun phrase 6.1.2 6.1.3 6.3 77 Basic word order: subject, verb and object 4.1.1 [Subject object verb] order 4.1.2 [Verb subject] order 4.1.3 Right-dislocation Topicalization and topic prominence 4.2.1 Topicalization of the object 4.2.2 Hanging topics and double subjects 4.2.3 Secondary topicalization 4.2.4 Verb fronting Pronouns 5.1 Contents noun] phrases Demonstratives Demonstratives in apposition 92 95 97 98 98 100 101 102 104 105 107 108 Possessive constructions 6.3.1 Possessive constructions with ge 127 127 6.3.3 129 Associative constructions ix Contents 7 Prepositions and expressions of location 130 7.1 130 132 136 137 138 139 139 7.2 8 The verb phrase 144 8.1 Types of verb 8.1.1 The verb haih ‘be’ 8.1.2 Stative verbs 8.1.3 Verbs of perception 8.1.4 Verbs of cognition Objects of the verb and transitivity 8.2.1 Direct and directional objects 8.2.2 Double object verbs and indirect objects 144 144 147 149 152 153 153 154 8.2.4 Verb–object compounds 8.2.5 Adverbial objects Serial verbs 8.3.1 Directional verbs and verbs of motion 8.3.2 Serial constructions expressing actions 8.3.3 The jBung construction Passives 8.4.1 Indirect passives 8.4.2 Resultative passives Causative and resultative constructions 8.5.1 Causative constructions 8.5.2 Resultative compounds 8.5.3 Resultative and extent complements 8.5.4 Inverted resultative constructions 157 159 160 161 166 167 168 170 172 173 173 174 175 177 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison 9.1 x Location 7.1.1 Spatial location: coverbs and localizers 7.1.2 Distance and movement 7.1.3 Direction 7.1.4 Placement Non-spatial relationships 7.2.1 Coverbs Syntax of adjectives 9.1.1 Predicative adjectives 9.1.2 Attributive adjectives 178 179 179 180 9.2 9.3 9.4 10 11 Reduplication of adjectives 9.2.1 AA and AABB reduplication 9.2.2 [Adjective adjective déi] 9.2.3 ABB adjectives Comparison of adjectives 9.3.1 Degrees of comparison 9.3.2 Equal comparisons 9.3.3 Negative and interrogative comparisons 9.3.4 Excessives 9.3.5 Superlatives Complementation: complex structures with adjectives 185 185 186 187 188 191 193 193 195 196 198 9.4.2 201 Evaluative constructions Adverbial constructions 203 10.1 Adverbs modifying the verb phrase 10.1.1 dAk 10.1.2 gám 10.1.3 gam and gam jaih 10.1.4 Reduplicated adverbs 10.2 Comparison of adverbs 10.3 Sentence adverbs: modifying the sentence 10.3.1 Position of sentence adverbs 10.3.2 Adverbs of quantity 10.3.3 Adverbs of time 10.3.4 Adverbs of frequency 10.4 Adverbial phrases 10.4.1 Viewpoint adverbs 203 203 205 207 208 209 212 212 214 215 219 221 223 Aspect and verbal particles 225 11.1 11.2 226 228 228 230 231 234 235 237 239 Aspect Aspect 11.2.1 11.2.2 11.2.3 11.2.4 11.2.5 11.2.6 11.2.7 11.2.8 and the expression of time markers Syntax of aspect markers Progressive: gán, háidouh Continuous: jyuh Perfective: jó Experiential: gwo yáuh and móuh as auxiliaries Delimitative: háh Inchoative and continuative: héi-séuhng-làih and lohk-heui 11.2.9 Habitual: hDi and gwaan 240 241 Contents xi 11.3 Contents Verbal 11.3.1 11.3.2 11.3.3 particles Directional particles Resultative particles Quantifying particles chAn 12 13 Modality: possibility and probability 263 12.1 263 264 266 267 269 270 273 274 274 275 277 277 280 Modal verbs 12.1.1 Possibility and permission 12.1.2 Ability 12.1.3 Necessity 12.1.4 Obligation 12.1.5 Volition: wishes and desires 12.1.6 Preference 12.2 Modal adverbs 12.2.1 Adverbs of possibility 12.2.2 Adverbs of necessity 12.3 Syntactic constructions expressing modality 12.3.1 [Verb dAk]: expressing potential 12.3.2 [yáuh/móuh dAk verb] 12.3.3 [Verb Xh verbal particle]: expressing inability 281 Negation 283 13.1 13.2 13.3 284 286 287 294 297 298 13.5 13.6 14 Lexical negation: negative verbs and adjectives Adjectival negation Verbal negation not . . . any Double negatives Negative wh-constructions Quantification and existential sentences all, every and each xii 243 245 250 255 260 300 14.1.1 Syntax of dDu 301 301 14.1.3 14.1.4 14.1.5 só yáuh (ge) múih ‘each, every’ Any 307 308 308 14.2 14.3 15 16 17 Relative quantities: much/many, little/few 14.2.1 Comparing quantities: more and less 14.2.2 Most Existential sentences some 14.3.2 Negative none, no one, nothing 311 314 316 317 318 321 Relative and noun-modifying clauses 326 15.1 15.2 Restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses Relative clauses with ge 327 328 15.4 15.5 15.6 Resumptive pronouns Attributive clauses Free relative clauses 330 332 333 Coordination and subordinate clauses 335 16.1 Coordination 16.1.1 Coordination of words and phrases 16.1.2 Lists 16.1.3 Coordination of clauses 16.1.4 Disjunction: either . . . or 16.2 Subordinate clauses 16.2.1 Time clauses 16.2.2 Reason clauses 16.2.3 Purpose clauses 16.2.4 Concessive clauses: although 16.3 Conditional sentences 16.3.1 Explicit conditionals 16.3.2 Implicit conditionals 16.3.3 Negative conditionals: if not, unless 16.4 Cleft sentences and emphasis 16.5 Indirect speech 335 335 336 338 340 341 342 346 348 348 350 351 353 355 356 356 Questions 359 17.1.1 17.1.2 17.1.3 Particle questions A-not-A questions Copular questions: haih-mhaih Contents 359 360 361 xiii 17.1.4 17.1.5 17.1.6 17.1.7 Contents 18 363 365 366 367 17.1.9 Replies to negative questions 17.2 Alternative questions 17.3 Wh-questions 17.3.1 Who questions 17.3.2 What questions 17.3.3 Which questions 17.3.4 Where questions 17.3.5 When and time questions 17.3.6 Why questions: reason and purpose 17.3.7 How questions: manner and degree 17.3.8 How many how much 17.3.9 Fronted wh-questions 17.4 Indirect questions 17.5 Multiple questions 17.6 Exclamatory questions 371 373 373 374 375 377 378 378 379 381 383 384 385 387 387 Sentence particles and interjections 389 18.1 Role of the sentence particle 18.1.1 Pronunciation: tone and intonation 389 390 18.2.1 393 18.3 18.4 xiv Perfective questions: meih Existential questions: yáuh-móuh Tag questions Intonation and echo questions Topic particles 18.2.3 Particle combinations Functions of the particles 18.3.1 Question particles 18.3.2 Assertive particles 18.3.3 Imperative and persuasive particles 18.3.4 Evidential particles 18.3.5 Exclamatory and affective particles 18.3.6 Adverbial particles Interjections 394 397 397 401 403 404 407 408 410 18.4.2 411 Exclamations 19 20 21 Imperative sentences: commands and requests 413 19.1 19.2 19.3 19.4 19.5 414 415 416 418 420 Second person imperatives First person imperatives Third person imperatives Negative imperatives Indirect commands Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address Contents 422 20.1 Politeness conventions 20.1.1 Requests 20.1.2 Thanks 20.1.3 Apologies 20.1.4 Compliments 20.1.5 Introductions 20.2 Terms of address 20.3 Kinship terms 20.3.1 Parents and grandparents 20.3.2 Brothers, sisters and cousins 20.3.3 Relations by marriage 20.3.4 Children and grandchildren 20.3.5 Kinship dyads 20.4 Greetings 20.5 Telephone expressions 20.6 Trendy language 423 423 424 426 427 428 429 431 432 433 434 436 437 438 441 442 Numerals and times 444 21.1 Numerals 444 21.1.2 Abbreviations 21.1.3 Approximations 21.1.4 Cardinal numbers 21.1.5 Ordinal numbers 21.1.6 Fractions and percentages 21.1.7 Lucky and taboo numbers Days and months 21.2.1 Dates Times of day 447 448 449 452 453 455 456 457 458 21.2 21.3 xv Contents xvi Appendix: Romanization systems 461 Glossary of grammatical terms 464 Notes 474 References 486 Index (English and Yale romanization) 498 Index (Chinese characters) 506 Acknowledgements to the second edition This grammar had its beginning in a serendipitous encounter. On his arrival learn to speak Cantonese, which is the language of the community and time the only available Cantonese grammar was one written in Chinese by Samuel Cheung Hung-Nin (1972). Though an important landmark reading knowledge of Chinese. After a futile search for a grammar of Cantonese written in English, and frustrated by the lack of systematic coverage of grammar in language courses, he decided to write one himself. Cantonese: A Comprehensive Grammar. Thinking about, and rethinking, Cantonese grammar has been a great source of inspiration over the years. In the post-1997 era, interest in the Cantonese language has continued to grow and remain strong as learners from all walks of life and professionals across many disciplines increasingly recognize the importance of Cantonese and its grammar in serving different purposes. We have had the good fortune of working with two talented and dedicated student scholars as research assistants. Jackson Lee’s expertise in phonology and linguistic theory and avid interest in all things Cantonese are greatly appreciated. We thank him especially for his dynamism and innovative ideas for the multimedia website that supports this new edition. Alfred Jones provided keen observations as a native speaker and fan of the language. Jackson and Alfred’s superb IT skills have made all the difference in the production of this second edition. Their intuitions and colourful use of Cantonese trendy language provide us with the link to the liveliness and vivacity of young people’s use of language in xvii Acknowledgements to the second edition everyday life. Hearing it spoken by them makes us feel the pulse of the young speakers. of Hong Kong, especially Andrew Chau, Chen Ee San, Antonio Cheung, Ritty Choi, Stella Kwan, Elaine Lau, Tommi Leung, Michelle Li, Richard Centre at the Chinese University of Hong Kong who have supported our work on Cantonese grammar include Angel Chan, Uta Lam, Peggy Mok, Kelly Shum, Eunice Wong, Hinny Wong and Reace Wong. We thank our readers who have written to us from around the globe, letting us know how our grammar made a difference in their learning of the Cantonese language. Their enthusiastic responses and appreciation have provided the fuel to forge ahead with the conviction that our work adoption and use of the grammar by specialists and learners of the language has been most rewarding and gratifying to us. We would also like to express Hugh Baker, Gisela Bruche-Schulz, Marjorie Chan, Samuel Cheung Hung-Nin, Alain Peyraube and Jeroen Wiedenhof. Their constructive comments have led to many improvements. Research for this revised edition has been fully supported by a grant from the Research Grants Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, China (‘Rethinking Cantonese grammar: typology, processing and acquisition’, project reference HKU 748207H). Support for the second edition from the professional team at Routledge is hereby gratefully acknowledged. The last two decades have seen the rapid growth of scholarship in Cantonese acknowledgements, we would like to include a new generation of researchers Candice Cheung, Lawrence Cheung, Andy Chin, Kwok Bit Chee, Shin xviii tribute to each and every researcher who has enriched our understanding of how Cantonese works. Finally, we hope that just as our own appreciation of Cantonese has increased by leaps and bounds as a result of much musing on its various intriguing properties and structures, so will any native or second language speaker’s appreciation of the language. The grammar of Cantonese will no doubt continue to surprise and fascinate us, and hopefully our readers too. It is our hope that not only our own children, Timothy, Sophie and Alicia, appreciate Cantonese as part of their bilingual heritage, but children around the world who are raised to speak Cantonese also cherish their heritage and pass it on to the next generation. Acknowledgements to the second edition Hong Kong, September 2010 xix Acknowledgements to the first edition Research for this grammar was supported by a grant from the Hong Kong to Helen Kwok, a pioneer in the study of Cantonese grammar, for acting as consultant to the project; to Mimi Chan, head of the Department of English at the University of Hong Kong, for supporting the project; and to our research assistants, Betty Hung and Cream Lee, for their assistance, native encouragement and work on Cantonese have been a lasting influence, as has Bernard Comrie’s exemplary work in comparative grammar. We are deeply indebted to Thomas Lee for reading the manuscript and painstakingly providing detailed comments on each chapter. His superb standards of scholarship combining the best of East and West have inspired our work immensely. Discussions with Thomas have proved to be most stimulating. We thank Cheung Kwan-Hin and Eric Zee for their expertise and valuable comments on phonology. Cream Lee, Thomas Lee, Caesar Lun and of the manuscript. Needless to say, none of the above bears any responsibility for the remaining errors and shortcomings in this grammar. We are also grateful to numerous colleagues who have discussed Cantonese grammar with Leung Chung-Sum, Kitty Li, K.K. Luke, Owen Nancarrow, Keith Tong and students, notably Brian Chan, Alice Cheung, Patricia Man, Kitty Szeto, Raymond Tang, Tang Sze-Wing and Cathy Wong. The Linguistic Society of Hong Kong has provided a valuable forum for discussion. Thanks are also due to a number of patient informants, notably Patrick xx whose help with idiomatic Cantonese has been no less valuable. We hope that their puzzlement at some of our questions will be allayed by the Acknowledgements to the first edition We are grateful to Simon Bell, Jenny Potts and the editorial teams at Routledge for supporting the project and bringing it to completion. Finally, we thank our son Timothy, whose imminent arrival provided further incentives to complete the book, and our families for their encouragement. xxi List of tables xxii 1.1 1.2 Initial consonants Vowels 3.1 11.1 18.1 18.2 20.1 20.2 21.1 Coverbs functioning as verbs and as prepositions Aspect markers in Mandarin and Cantonese Related particles Particle combinations Terms for older relatives Terms for siblings and cousins Numerals 19 23 70 226 391 395 432 433 444 List of abbreviations ADJ ADV adjectival marker adverbial marker CONT DEG DEL EXP HAB LP NEG PFV PL POSS PROG PRT continuous aspect degree expression delimitative aspect experiential aspect habitual aspect linking particle negation marker perfective aspect plural possessive marker progressive aspect particle xxiii Page Intentionally Left Blank Introduction While a number of grammars of Mandarin Chinese are available, a substantial reference grammar of Cantonese written in English has long been lacking. Chao Yuen-Ren’s A Cantonese Primer (originally written in 1947) devotes only a brief, though valuable, chapter to grammar, while Samuel Cheung Hung-Nin’s landmark grammar A Grammar of Cantonese as Spoken in Hong Kong ଉཽᆕऄऱઔߒ (1972, revised edition 2007) is available only in Chinese. The more thorough language courses such as Parker Huang and Gerald Kok’s Speak Cantonese deal with grammar only in a sporadic fashion, and were written in the 1960s. Subsequent developments in the language, as well as in the linguistic description of Chinese, make a reference grammar all the more necessary. The first edition of this book, published in 1994, was intended to fill this long-standing gap. The general lack of attention to Cantonese grammar is remarkable in view of the vital role of Cantonese as a lingua franca in Hong Kong, Macau, Guangzhou and overseas Cantonese communities. While many Hong Kong people can communicate in English, there have always been some Westerners in Hong Kong and abroad who have attempted to learn some Cantonese. The language has acquired the reputation of being difficult for second language learners: indeed the subtly differentiated tones and consonants which seem initially awkward, in addition to unfamiliar sentence structures, present daunting challenges. This impression is unfortunate, however, since in certain other respects the language is relatively simple: there are no case forms or verb conjugations as in European languages, for example, and a minimum of inflectional forms to be learnt. It is the word order and syntactic structures that constitute the major grammatical difficulties. A number of reasons may explain why so few grammars of Cantonese are available. Cantonese is regarded as a dialect, not having the status of a full-fledged language, even by its speakers. Even linguists have tended to 1 Introduction assume that the Chinese ‘dialects’ share the same or similar grammar. Furthermore, Cantonese is essentially a spoken language. Grammars – as opposed to phrase-books – traditionally take the written form of a language as the standard to be described. To the extent that Cantonese is written down at all, it is heavily affected by standard written Chinese, which is based on Mandarin; as a result, there is no clear distinction between what is ‘Cantonese’ and what is ‘Mandarin’ (see below on the relationship between written and spoken Cantonese), rendering a grammar of written Cantonese impracticable. In the descriptive approach to linguistics on which this book is based, the spoken form of any language is taken to be primary, the written form derivative;1 we thus reject any notion of the superiority of written language and the devaluation of spoken Cantonese which all too often results from such attitudes. The present grammar is intended to meet the needs of the following kinds of readers: (a) learners using the grammar in conjunction with a language course; (b) those who use some Cantonese socially and professionally but are looking to improve their grammatical knowledge and the accuracy of their language; (c) those with some knowledge of Mandarin who are interested in Cantonese for comparative or practical reasons; (d) linguists working on aspects of Cantonese or looking for a detailed description of a variety of Chinese other than Mandarin; (e) Cantonese speakers, such as teachers of English and speech therapists, who wish to develop their metalinguistic awareness of the language; (f) teachers of English to Cantonese speakers who want to learn more about their students’ first language; (g) teachers and students of translation/interpretation to and from Cantonese. In order to make the book as accessible as possible, we have sought to use a minimum of linguistic terminology. The language and its speakers 2 Cantonese is the most widely known and influential variety of Chinese other than Mandarin. It belongs to the Yue group of dialects (Cantonese Yuhtyúh ᆕ, as in Yuhtyúh pín ᆕׂ ‘Cantonese film’ and Yuhtkehk ᆕᏣ ‘Cantonese opera’). Yue dialects are spoken primarily in the southern Chinese provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi, and in the neighbouring territories of Hong Kong and Macau.2 Cantonese as spoken in Hong Kong is generally known as GwóngdEng Wá ᐖࣟᇩ, after the province of Guangdong. Varieties of Cantonese are also used in Chinese communities in Singapore, Malaysia, North America, Australia and elsewhere as a result of emigration from the Guangdong area and from Hong Kong itself. According to the Ethnologue (Lewis 2009), native speakers of Yue dialects in all countries amount to some 55 million, ranking sixteenth in the top 100 languages by population. Having been a British colony for over 150 years, Hong Kong has recognized both Cantonese and Mandarin, alongside English, as official languages since the handover of sovereignty to China in 1997. The official language policy of Hong Kong léuhng màhn sAam yúh ֮ࠟ Կ, calls for its citizens to be ‘biliterate and trilingual’, speaking Cantonese, Putonghua and English and being literate in both English and standard written Chinese. Introduction Within China, far from being replaced by Mandarin, Cantonese enjoys growing prestige as a result of the rapid economic development of the southern coastal districts led by Guangdong province. Students around China learn Cantonese in order to do business with Hong Kong and Guangdong: Cantonese is said to be ‘heading north’ (bAk séuhng קՂ) at the same time as Mandarin progresses southwards (làahm hah তՀ: Zhan 1993). The usage described in this grammar is that of Hong Kong Cantonese. Traditionally, the speech of Guangzhou (Canton) is the standard of comparison, hence the terms GwóngjAu Wá ᐖڠᇩ and ‘Cantonese’; however, the majority of Western users of the language will have more contact with Hong Kong Cantonese. In Singapore, Malaysia and the overseas Chinese communities, there are distinctive varieties; yet the influence of Hong Kong Cantonese is strong, due in part to films, television programmes and ‘Canto-pop’. The impact and popularity of Hong Kong Cantonese in all these different forms spread through pop culture naturally contribute to its growing prestige. The descriptive approach In keeping with the goals of the Reference Grammars series, this volume aims at comprehensive coverage, providing reference for the student and scholar of the language while foregrounding the more essential aspects of sentence structure for the benefit of the learner-user. 3 Introduction As a grammar of the spoken language, the book is intended to reflect current usage. Several features of Cantonese described in earlier works are omitted because they are not representative of the Cantonese currently spoken in Hong Kong. For example, the high level and high falling tones are considered to be non-distinctive (see below on the romanization system); as a result, the tone sandhi rule changing a high falling tone to high level as described by Chao (1947) is no longer operative. In cases of doubt, the usage followed reflects that of the second author, a native Cantonese speaker born and raised in Hong Kong. The grammar adopts the descriptive approach which is the basis of modern linguistics: it aims to describe how the language is actually spoken, rather than to tell the reader how it should be spoken. For example, the pronunciation léih is adopted in place of the traditional néih ‘ ܃you’. Under this approach, there is no issue of ‘correct’, ‘good’ or ‘bad’ Cantonese (except perhaps in reference to a non-native speaker’s use of the language, where ‘good’ means ‘approximating to a native speaker’s usage’). The fallacy of ‘correct’ pronunciation Like many languages, Cantonese suffers from a misguided tradition of prescriptivism, whereby self-appointed ‘experts’ prescribe ‘correct’ forms. Whereas in English the focus of such prescriptions is on grammar, in Cantonese it falls on pronunciation. Certain pronunciations resulting from sound change are considered ‘sloppy’ or ‘lazy’ (láahn yAm ᡗଃ). The ‘correct pronunciation’ (إଃ) approach is a prime example of a prescriptive approach to language, in which prescriptions for ‘proper’ language use are handed out by an authority. Such an approach may be contrasted with a ‘descriptive’ one, which aims to describe facts about language objectively. It is widely acknowledged in linguistics that the prescriptive approach lacks any scientific basis (see e.g. Pinker 1994). In Cantonese, prescriptive rules largely take the form of specifying ‘correct pronunciations’. Thus néih ‘ ܃you’ is specified as ‘correct’ and léih as ‘incorrect’ or ‘lazy’. There are numerous fallacies here, including the following: 4 (a) The ‘lazy’ pronunciation léih is the result of a well-documented sound change whereby the consonant /n/ at the beginning of the word changes to /l/. This particular change has been documented in detail since the work of Chao Yuen-Ren and Wong Shek-Ling in the 1930s (when it was still in progress) to the present, when it is essentially complete. High frequency words such as néih/léih ‘you’ and nC/lC ‘this’ are typically the last to be affected by the sound change. Such sound changes are a natural feature of all languages (Aitchison 2001). (b) The selection of néih as the ‘correct’ form is entirely arbitrary. Materials from the nineteenth century show that the word was then pronounced níh, and that the diphthong [ei] developed from [i]. We have a welldocumented series of sound changes: níh néih léih. There is no basis whatsoever for selecting the historically intermediate form néih, which happens to have been the predominant pronunciation during the early twentieth century, as the ‘correct’ one. (c) There is no reason to believe that teaching and conscious correction will be able to reverse such sound changes, either in individuals or at the level of the Hong Kong speech community. An example of the futility of insisting on correct pronunciation is the word ழၴ ‘time’, usually pronounced sìhgaan but prescribed as sìhgAan with a high level tone for ၴ. The so-called correct pronunciation is never heard except in classrooms where prescriptivism is taught and examined. Whatever the justification for the prescription, this is a trivial matter when there are so many real problems facing children and learners in achieving the policy goal of biliteracy and trilingualism. Teachers facing these challenges can do without the kind of pseudo-problems created by prescriptivism. Introduction In place of the prescriptive approach, we recommend a descriptive approach to students’ native languages. In the area of pronunciation, an important goal is phonological awareness, which is known to be an important predictor of reading ability. This includes being able to isolate consonants, vowels, diphthongs and tones. Students should be able to represent pronunciations phonemically using IPA and/or a romanization system such as the Yale system or Jyutping as developed by the Linguistic Society of Hong Kong. In place of prescriptive concerns, our focus is on grammaticality – what sentences are possible in spoken Cantonese – and on what kind of language is appropriate to which kinds of context, leading to an emphasis, within the descriptive approach, on distinctions of register: styles of speech appropriate for particular kinds of context and associated with different levels of formality. In most areas of grammar there are alternative possibilities which belong primarily to one register rather than another: a construction or idiom used in polite conversation might be out of place in the street-market, and vice versa. Cantonese lacks a strong prescriptive grammatical tradition prescribing or stigmatizing certain grammatical constructions; such prescriptive ideas as there are tend to reflect the prestige of Mandarin usage, with the result that structural patterns based on Mandarin may be preferred 5 Introduction to those indigenous to Cantonese. Such structures are included with reference to their Mandarin origin and stylistic status. While informed by linguistic thinking and research, the grammar aims to avoid unnecessary terminology, sticking where possible to established and widely understood terms such as subject and object. Nevertheless, some unfamiliar terms such as serial verb and topicalization are introduced where there are no equivalents in traditional English grammar: serious learners of the language will need to come to terms with these concepts, which are fundamental to the grammar of Cantonese. The format of the grammar follows the established order of parts of speech familiar to Western readers. However, this does not imply that these categories are always appropriate for Cantonese. Some discussion is devoted to the problems of applying traditional Western grammatical categories to Chinese (see in particular ch. 3). Cantonese and Mandarin Some excellent grammars of Mandarin inevitably influence the way one describes Cantonese grammar. Chao (1968) and Li and Thompson (1981) in particular have set up a framework of categories which are widely adopted – if only as a point of departure – in discussions of Chinese grammar. The present grammar is intended to be compatible with this framework, although numerous open questions remain regarding the categories and analyses assumed. Similarly, terminology which is not part of the Western grammatical tradition is generally drawn from descriptions of Mandarin grammar such as those mentioned above. Occasionally, terms are adopted from language typology and comparative grammar, such as the term indirect passive (see 8.4.1 and the examples below). 6 For the benefit of readers with some knowledge of Mandarin, reference is made to salient similarities and contrasts. Some prior knowledge of Mandarin is an invaluable asset in the study of Cantonese. Although the two languages are not mutually intelligible, their grammatical structure is broadly similar in most major respects. Their relationship is comparable to that between languages within the Indo-European language families: thus Cantonese differs from Mandarin to much the same extent as French differs from Spanish, or Swedish from German. While no one would suggest that French and Spanish share the same grammar, this is often assumed in the case of Mandarin and Cantonese. The perception that Chinese dialects share a common grammar is increasingly seen as misguided (Yue-Hashimoto 1993). Chao’s comment that ‘one can say that there is practically one universal Chinese grammar’ (Chao 1968: 13) has been argued to be the product of wishful thinking (Matthews 1999). The perception that varieties of Chinese share the same grammar is a further reason why a Cantonese reference grammar has not been attempted thus far. Because phonology and vocabulary present the most striking contrasts, the differences in grammar, often relatively subtle, tend to be overlooked. For example, Cantonese and Mandarin appear to have very similar passive constructions. Both allow the indirect passive construction in which the passive verb retains an object: Introduction Mandarin ݺ Wn I ‘I’ve ʻԳʼ ೢԱ ߫ bèi (rén) tdu-le chbzi by (person) steal-PFV car had my car stolen.’ Cantonese ݺ ନ Գ ೢ䦹 ਮ ߫ Ngóh béi yàhn tau-jó ga chb I by person steal-PFV CL car ‘I’ve had my car stolen.’ However, in Cantonese the noun representing the agent of the action (yàhn Գ if its identity is unknown) must be present, while in Mandarin (as in English) the agent can be omitted. It is just these subtle grammatical differences which are of interest to the linguist and important to the language learner; particular attention is therefore paid to these distinctive features of Cantonese grammar. Spoken and written Cantonese Traditionally, Cantonese has been regarded as one of the many Chinese dialects. It does not have a standardized written form on a par with standard written Chinese.3 No form of written Cantonese is taught in schools or used in academic settings in any Cantonese-speaking community. When it comes to the written form, it is standard written Chinese that is taught and learnt. For educated Cantonese speakers, standard written Chinese is the written form they use in most contexts. However, in colloquial genres such as novels, popular magazines, newspaper gossip columns, informal personal 7 Introduction communications such as email, text and instant messaging, written Cantonese is widely used. When the written Cantonese contains too many exclusively Cantonese words and expressions, non-Cantonese speakers may find it totally unintelligible. Another characteristic of written Cantonese is the inclusion of English words and code-switching between Cantonese and English as seen in magazines and books for middle-class readers. Relatively little attention has been paid to written Cantonese, but useful sources include Bauer (1988) and Snow (2004). If written Cantonese is to be used systematically, as in the present book, several problems arise. Many colloquial Cantonese words lack a standard written form (see L.-Y. Cheung 1983 for examples). For example, the verb sèuh ‘slide’ as in sèuh waahttAi ‘slide down a slide’ does not have a standard character, nor does a cognate exist in standard written Chinese. Still other Cantonese words are replaced in writing by the corresponding characters in standard written Chinese. What is known as written Cantonese inevitably uses a greater or lesser number of standard written Chinese characters; if a Cantonese speaker reads such a text aloud, the result is neither Mandarin nor Cantonese but a hybrid variety. Naturally, this influence also extends to the grammar, with the result that many features of spoken Cantonese are not found in writing; indeed the grammar used is essentially that of Mandarin. The relationship between spoken and written forms of Cantonese is thus extremely complex. For these reasons, no attempt is made in this book to deal with written forms of the language. Reference is, however, made to the literary nature of certain grammatical features which are found in formal registers of speech as well as in writing. For example, in news broadcasting the passive may be used without an agent: ڶ Yáuh have ‘Four ټ قृ ؚ႞ sei mìhng sih-wai-jé beih dá-sbung four CL demonstrator be hit-injured demonstrators were injured.’ As illustrated above, this ‘agentless passive’ construction is a feature of Mandarin rather than Cantonese syntax (see 8.4). 8 Compared to other Chinese dialects, Cantonese has a substantial literature, both oral and written, although relatively little of this has been translated. The written literature includes poetry such as the nineteenth-century love songs edited and translated by Morris (1992). Oral literature includes children’s songs, of which a selection are transcribed with commentary in Chan & Kwok (1990). Popular works such as the cartoon series featuring the pig characters McMug ຽ⤉ and McDull ຽ೧ are written in highly colloquial Cantonese. These texts include many Cantonese words and expressions which are not normally considered acceptable in standard written Chinese. They are also marked by the use of English words to represent code-mixing and even to represent some Cantonese words, for example the letter D to represent the comparative dC 䢅 as in pèhng dC ؓ䢅 ‘cheaper’. Due to the low status of written Cantonese this new literature is frowned upon in traditional Chinese cultural circles but, like the use of Cantonese in pop songs, it appears to be generally accepted by speakers of the younger generation. This vernacular style is also increasingly found in Hong Kong newspapers (Snow 2004). Introduction Cantonese characters In response to requests from many users, this second edition incorporates Cantonese characters for example sentences. This serves two main purposes: (a) it enhances readability for those with reading knowledge of Chinese. This advantage extends to speakers of Japanese and Korean. Indeed, the Japanese edition of this book by Chishima and Kataoka (2000) which includes Chinese characters has proved very useful to readers. (b) it provides an opportunity for advanced or adventurous learners, as well for speakers of other varieties of Chinese, to develop a reading knowledge of Cantonese. For a number of Cantonese words, there is no standard character available, or competing characters exist. For example, jEngyi ‘like’ is variably represented as რ or խრ, while juhng ‘still’ may be written as ٘ or ૹ. In such cases, two main approaches are possible: (a) seek etymologically correct characters. The Cantonese word may be cognate with a word no longer used in standard Chinese, for which a known character exists. The drawback of this approach is that Cantonese speakers are often unfamiliar with the prescribed characters. For example, duhng dEk siu ‘stand-up comedy’ is typically written རᗱూ, in which the first character ར means ‘pillar’, but the etymologically correct character for duhng is said to be ό. The phrase dAam gDu go tàuh ‘lift up one’s head’ is generally written ᖜଡᙰ; the etymologically correct character identified for the first word is ▽ which is totally unfamiliar to speakers and seldom used in practice. (b) follow the usage of local media, such as magazines, newspapers and advertisements. 9 Introduction In choosing characters we have largely followed Cheung and Bauer (2002). In cases of doubt, the second approach is used. Our choice should not be taken as definitive or as stating that the character used is the only correct one. Characters are included here as an aid to reading (for Chinese readers) and learning (for non-native users) and not as a step towards standardization. There is a residue of words for which no character could be found. In particular, onomatopoeic syllables are represented by a square shape ϭʿ which conventionally means that no character is available. Romanization A bewildering range of romanization systems has been used for Cantonese since missionaries first began to represent the spoken language in writing in the nineteenth century. Representing Cantonese in alphabetic form is an intrinsically challenging problem, and none of the current systems is ideal. In response to the proliferation of new systems, the Linguistic Society of Hong Kong developed the system Jyutping ᆕ (Yue pinyin: Tang et al. 2002), which is increasingly used for linguistic research and a broad range of applications. The Appendix gives a conversion table listing the symbols used in the Yale International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) and Linguistic Society of Hong Kong’s Jyutping systems. In this book, the Yale system developed by Parker Huang and Gerald Kok is adopted, with certain modifications. This is the system used in Huang and Kok’s Speak Cantonese courses and other materials produced at Yale University, in Bourgerie, Tong and James’ Colloquial Cantonese (2010) and several other textbooks. Our two titles in the Routledge Grammars and Workbooks series, Basic Cantonese (2000) and Intermediate Cantonese (2001), also use the Yale system. In Hong Kong, it is used at the major universities and by the New Asia – Yale-in-China Chinese Language Centre of the Chinese University for its Cantonese–English and English–Cantonese dictionaries, which will complement this book. It is also used in the Cantonese Ping Yam Bible: A Chinese New Testament with Cantonese Phonetics produced by the Cantonese Bible Project Team (2007). 10 Apart from being the most widely used system, the Yale transcription offers several advantages for learners of the language. First, many of its conventions resemble those of the Pinyin romanization used for Mandarin, which facilitates adaptation from Mandarin to Cantonese: for example, the sound [j] is represented by y in both the Pinyin and Yale systems. Second, its notation of tones is relatively economical and iconic: rising and falling tones are shown by rising and falling accents, which many learners find easier to read and remember than the more or less arbitrary numbers as used in systems such as that of Sidney Lau and Jyutping:4 Introduction ⴤ lám (Yale) vs. lam2 (Sidney Lau) vs. lam2 ( Jyutping) ‘think’ The Yale system uses no tonal indication for the mid level tone 3, which is appropriate since this is the most neutral of the tones: sei (Yale) vs. sei3 (Sidney Lau) vs, sei3 ( Jyutping) ‘four’ The one arbitrary feature of tonal marking in the Yale system is the h inserted after the vowel/diphthong for low-register tones, i.e. low rising, low level and low falling tones: ್ máh ‘horse’ (low rising) màh ‘linen’ (low falling) ᒼ mah ‘scold’ (low level) This is an economizing device, meaning that only four lexical tones need be indicated by diacritics, the mid and low level tones being unmarked. There is little danger of the silent ‘h’ after vowels being pronounced [h], and as the only arbitrary feature of the system, it does not present the kind of burden on the learner that the numerical systems do. The seven basic tones are represented in the standard Yale system as follows: Cantonese tones in the Yale system High Mid Low Rising Level Falling á a a ah (à) áh àh The standard Yale system distinguishes between the high level tone and the high falling tone (shown in parentheses in the table). However, since these two tones are no longer distinctive for most Hong Kong Cantonese speakers (see below and 1.4), both are represented as high level in this book. Thus in our system, Cantonese has only six basic tones (but note that the distinction is retained in current dictionaries using the Yale system). The long vowels and diphthongs are represented, as in most systems, by double letters: aa (long a) vs. a (short a), aai vs. ai, e.g. gAai ‘street’ vs. gAi ‘chicken’. 11 Introduction Note that the romanization system used by the Hong Kong government for street names, place names and personal names as found in telephone directories, birth certificates, etc. do not match the Yale system, in particular with regard to the initial consonants. For example, the surname ᎓ generally written as Chiu is Jiuh in the Yale system. This discrepancy is due to the lack of a standardized romanization system, as may be seen from the alternative spellings of the same surname, such as Tse or Cheah for the name which is spelt as Jeh in the Yale system (see Kataoka and Lee 2008). Place names and personal names Place names Personal names Government romanization Yale romanization Government romanization Yale romanization Kowloon Tsimshatsui Canton (province) Sheung Wan Shatin Gáulùhng Jcmsajéui Gwóngdeng Seuhng Wàahn Satìhn Tang Tsui Chiu Kwok Tse Dahng Chèuih Jiuh Gwok/Gok Jeh This grammar introduces certain modifications to alleviate some of the difficulties and deficiencies in the Yale system as used in previous works. These modifications are designed primarily to make the system easier to use, and should not be difficult for users of the Yale system to get used to. 12 (a) The high level and high falling tones, being no longer distinctive (see 1.4), are both written as high level; for example, standard Yale bòng ᚥ ‘help’ is written as bDng, and tìn ֚ ‘sky’ as tCn. The sentence particles tìm and sìn ٣ are exceptions, as they are pronounced with a clear falling tone (see 18.3.6). (b) Hyphenation is used to show divisions within words: for reduplicated structures, including A-not-A questions (heui-Xh-heui? ‘go or not?’); compounds such as verb–object compounds (cheung-gD ‘sing-song’); and complex numbers (sAamsahp-luhk ‘thirty-six’). Hyphenation also serves to avoid ambiguity in the divisions between syllables: pCngin ‘prejudice’ is written as pCn-gin to prevent faulty segmentation as pCng-in (the ambiguity arises because the sequence ng is used to represent velar nasal [9] as well as an n at the end of a syllable followed by a g at the beginning of the next syllable). (c) The negative marker Xh as in Ngóh Xh heui ݺ‘ װI’m not going’ is distinguished from the prefix m- as in msyEfuhk ငࣚ ‘uncomfortable, unwell’ (see 2.1.1, 13.1). (d) Words are written separately unless there is strong reason to regard them as compounds. For example, classifiers are written separately from the noun because they may occur separately: Introduction Կਮ߫ saam ga chb ‘three cars’ ਮ߫ڶړী Ga chb hóu yáuh-yìhng ‘The car is very stylish.’ Similarly, verbal particles are written as separate words because they may occur separated from the verb: ݺᚥ܃ଙ Ngóh bdng léih xh dóu ‘I can’t help you.’ (e) Apostrophes are introduced to represent reduced forms, such as sei’ahyih, a contraction of seisahp-yih ‘forty-two’. (f) Initial n- is shown as l-, as in léih ‘ ܃you’ (see 1.5). Examples Grammatical points are exemplified in the following format: Characters: Romanization: Gloss: Translation: ݺ ړᣄ ⛕ ଙ ʻʼ Ngóh hóu làahn wán dóu kéuih I very hard find succeed (her) ‘I have difficulty finding (her).’ Elements in parentheses are optional, i.e. they may be omitted given a suitable context. The literal gloss is intended to facilitate parsing of the Cantonese sentence and to enable the translation to be idiomatic English. The translations are based on British English as spoken by the first author, but are intended to be compatible with American usage where possible. For teachers of English to Cantonesespeaking students, the glosses may also reveal the source of typical errors: the gloss in the above example shows the source of the error type I am difficult to find with the intended meaning ‘it is difficult for me to find (something)’, which is very common in Chinese students’ English (Yip 1995). Many points which relate to discourse beyond the sentence level are illustrated with a miniature dialogue, usually shown as an exchange between A and B. This format is used, for example, to illustrate the appropriate reply to a negative question: 13 Introduction A: ܃վֲ ࠌ १ ՠ 嘅 Λ faan geng ge mb? Léih gamyaht msái you today no-need return work SFP SFP ‘Don’t you need to go to work today?’ B: এ ܴ Haih a yes SFP ‘No, I don’t.’ The Cantonese haih shows agreement with the premise of the question (‘you’re right, I don’t’) while English uses a negative reply (see 17.1.9). Where possible, example sentences and dialogues are taken from samples of Cantonese as spoken in Hong Kong. Such examples are followed by an indication of the source type, as follows: (conv.) conversation (film) film (radio) radio broadcast (tel.) telephone conversation (TV) television broadcast (ad.) advertisement More detailed indications of context are given where appropriate, in particular where they illustrate aspects of Cantonese culture in addition to points of grammar and usage. Example sentences not attributed to any of these sources have been constructed in consultation with other native speakers, or are recorded examples which have been modified for the purpose of exposition. English words, although widely used by many speakers in their Cantonese speech, are not generally used in the examples for practical reasons: as the pronunciation of English words varies on a continuum from pure English to pure Cantonese, it is not clear how to represent them in romanization. Moreover, it is difficult to draw the line between speaking Cantonese with English words and code-mixing or code-switching between the two languages. On these topics, see Gibbons (1979, 1987), Chan and Kwok (1984), Kwok and Chan (1985), Li (2000) and B. Chan (2003). Revisions to the second edition The main changes in this second edition are as follows: 14 Following requests from many readers, Cantonese characters have been added to the example sentences. Example sentences which have become outdated in language or content have been removed so as to save space, or replaced by updated ones reflecting current usage. Some sections (such as those on serial verbs and relative clauses) have been reorganized to take account of recent research. Numerous corrections and improvements have been made in response to reviews of the first edition (Chan 1998, Baker 1997, Bruche-Schulz 1996, Cheung 1996, Peyraube 1996, Wiedenhof 1996). Their constructive criticisms and comments have been helpful and inspiring. Introduction The book also reflects changes in our understanding of Cantonese grammar. In particular, in our recent work we have sought to combine insights from language typology, language processing and language acquisition. Our work on Cantonese–English bilingual acquisition (Yip and Matthews 2007a, 2007b), for example, has led us to rethink the description of relative clauses and noun-modifying clauses. Our studies on sentence processing have shed new light on topicalization (Matthews and Yeung 2001) and serial verbs (Francis and Matthews 2006). By combining these approaches, we aim to achieve convergence of perspectives on our conceptualization and analysis of Cantonese grammar. Due to the additional space taken up by the characters, this new edition is unable to incorporate much of the large volume of work that has come out since the first edition. The last twenty years have seen the rapid growth of the field of Cantonese linguistics with an International Conference on Cantonese and Yue Dialects held regularly in Hong Kong, Macau or mainland China. Apart from Mandarin, Cantonese is generally perceived to be a most prestigious variety that has attracted researchers’ attention and students’ interest. To do justice to this research would require (and indeed justify) a whole new book. A multimedia website is available to provide supplementary materials and references: http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/lin/cbrc/CantoneseGrammar In the course of revision, the chapters tended to grow to the point where they exceeded the page limit. To resolve this dilemma, it was decided to post on the website some of the materials that were cut. Linguistic literature on Cantonese A number of useful studies of aspects of Cantonese grammar have been published in English, though few of these are widely available. Major studies in English are Kao (1971) on syllable structure; Yue-Hashimoto (1972) and Bauer and Benedict (1997) on phonology; Kwok (1972) on the verb phrase; Killingley (1982a, 1982b, 1983, 1993) on aspects of Malaysian Cantonese grammar; and Kwok (1984) and Luke (1990) on sentence-final particles. Chao (1947) includes chapters on pronunciation and grammar. 15 Introduction Of works in Chinese, Samuel Cheung Hung Nin’s (1972) ground-breaking study on the grammar of Hong Kong Cantonese was the first book-length study of Cantonese grammar. This important work is available in a revised and expanded edition, making it the authoritative grammar written in Chinese (Cheung 2007). Gao (1980) on Guangzhou Cantonese is available in simplified Chinese. A number of theses and dissertations have also made valuable contributions. Those which have helped to shape our view of Cantonese include Au Yeung (2006) on classifiers; Chui (1988) and Yeung (2006) on complementizers; Chan (1992) and Leung (2001) on code-mixing; A. Chan (2003), Cheung (2006), Gu (2007) and Chin (2009) on dative constructions; L. Cheung (1997) on right-dislocation; Law (1990) and Fung (2000) on sentence particles; Kwan (2005) on prepositional phrases; Lee (2004) on verbal particles; and Yiu (2005) on directional verbs. Dictionaries Two dictionaries which complement the grammar have been published by the New Asia – Yale-in-China Chinese Language Centre at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. The English–Cantonese volume (Kwan et al. 1991) provides romanized forms only, while the Chinese–English volume (Chik and Ng-Lam 1989) also provides characters. Sidney Lau’s Cantonese– English dictionary (1977) remains useful, especially for the large number of compound words and collocations listed, and has the advantage of being arranged alphabetically. Huang (1970) is a two-way dictionary, currently out of print. Hutton and Bolton’s (2005) dictionary of Cantonese slang complements these by including street slang. For Cantonese characters, Cheung and Bauer (2002) is an authoritative reference work. Learning Cantonese 16 Several courses are available which could be used in conjunction with this grammar, including Colloquial Cantonese (Bourgerie, Tong and James 2010), in the Routledge Colloquial series, and our own Basic Cantonese and Intermediate Cantonese in the Routledge Grammars and Workbooks series (Yip and Matthews 2000, 2001). A number of user-friendly textbooks for learners of Cantonese are available, including Street Cantonese (Hung 2005), Wedding Bells by Lee and Kataoka (2001), A Short Cut to Cantonese (Lee 2002), A Cantonese Book (Chan and Hung 2005) and Cantonese for Everyone (Chow 2007). Introduction Of earlier materials, the Hong Kong government course by Sidney Lau is particularly thorough, consisting of six volumes plus glossaries and a dictionary; however, much of the dialogue already sounds stilted, dating as it does from the late 1950s and 1960s. Also thorough, though barely more up to date, is Parker Huang and Gerald Kok’s Speak Cantonese in three volumes; containing substantial texts, it is particularly useful for learners without ready access to spoken Cantonese. The US Foreign Service Institute course (Boyle 1970) is relatively thorough and accurate in its treatment of grammatical points. 17 Chapter 1 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system The sound system of Cantonese is unfamiliar to speakers of European languages in several respects. Cantonese is a tone language in which the pitch or pitch pattern with which a syllable is pronounced is crucial to the identity of the word or syllable (1.4). The system of tones, with six distinctive pitch patterns, is also more complex than that of Mandarin. As in Mandarin, however, the possible combinations of sounds into syllables in Cantonese are restricted by comparison with European languages (1.3). This chapter is intended to provide sufficient background information for the grammar to be used effectively, rather than to provide a phonological analysis of the Cantonese sound system. For fuller descriptions, see Chao (1947), Yue-Hashimoto (1972), K.-H. Cheung (1986) and Bauer and Benedict (1997). In this chapter, sounds are represented using the Yale romanization system and when necessary using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA, shown in square brackets). See Appendix for the full listing of sounds in the Yale, IPA and Jyutping romanization systems. 1.1 Consonants 1.1.1 Initial consonants There are sixteen initial consonants, i.e. those which may occur at the beginning of a word. These are shown in Table 1.1, according to their phonetic features. 18 The Cantonese stops and affricates pose considerable difficulty for the English speaker, because their distinctive features are different from those Table 1.1 Initial consonants Bilabial Dental/alveolar Velar/glottal Labiovelar Alveolar Affricates Consonants Unaspirated Aspirated Fricative Nasal/liquid b [p] d [t] g [k] gw [kw ] j [ts] p [ph] t [th ] k [kh ] kw [kwh ] ch [tsh ] f [f ] s [s] h [h] m [m] n/l [n]/[l] ng [9] of English. Whereas English stops such as p and b are distinguished by the contrast in voicing, p being voiceless and b voiced, no Cantonese stops are distinctively voiced. Rather, the contrast is one of aspiration – whether or not a burst of air is emitted immediately after oral release in the process of articulation. In English, this feature is also present in that initial p is normally aspirated and b not; however, this contrast is not a distinctive one. The result is that Cantonese b as in béi ‘give’ may be perceived by an English speaker either as p (because of the lack of voicing) or as b (because of the lack of aspiration). This combination of features – voiceless and unaspirated – in initial position is unknown in English, making the Cantonese series b/d/g difficult to recognize. Many romanization systems add to the difficulty by representing them as p/t/k respectively; this includes the romanization used in place names, so that Kowloon, for example, is pronounced by English speakers with an aspirated k [kh].1 In the Yale system it would be Gáulùhng, where the initial g represents an unaspirated voiceless velar stop [k]. The labiovelar consonants gw [kw] and kw [kwh] are coarticulated stops, i.e. the velar sound g or k is articulated simultaneously with the bilabial w, as in gwa ‘hang’ and kwàhn ‘skirt’. However, there is a tendency to simplify gw and kw to g and k respectively where they are followed by o or u, e.g. gwok ‘country’ is pronounced gok, sounding identical to gok ‘feel’. Similarly: ᐖ ڠGwóngjau Góngjau ‘Canton’ ۷ gwú gú ‘guess’ ߆ kwòhng kòhng ‘crazy’ ᖮ⩊ jeuhng-gan-kwe jeuhng-gan-ke ‘rubber band’ The simplified forms are used especially by younger speakers and in less formal speech (see 1.5). Note that the difference in pronunciation between kwu and ku, gwu and gu is a very slight one, as the lips are rounded similarly for the sounds w and u. 19 1 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system The alveolar affricates j and ch pose particular problems for learners and for romanization systems. Phonetically, j is [ts] which sounds similar to the final consonants at the end of the English word ads, but like the Cantonese stop d, it is pronounced without voicing. Its aspirated counterpart is ch [tsh] as in chàh ‘tea’, with strong aspiration, sounding similar to the ts in English tests. Both j and ch are pronounced with lips spread, rather than rounded as in English. The pronunciation of initial j, ch and s may be affected by the following vowel. In particular, for some speakers, the high front rounded vowel yu [y] tends to cause palatalization of j and ch to [ò] and [ò h] respectively: ۰ jyuh ‘live’ [òy—] (compare jaahn ‘earn’: [tsa—n]) ٤ chyùhn ‘whole’ [ò hyn] (compare ಁ chàh ‘tea’: [tsha—]) A similar palatalization affects s, which may become [ /] before yu: sye ‘book’ [ /y—] (compare ᇣ sc ‘poem’: [si—]) The mid rounded vowel eu may also cause partial palatalization of these consonants, as in cheung ‘sing’, jeui ‘most’, séung ‘want’.2 The sounds resulting from this palatalization sound similar to the corresponding English affricates, as in church and judge. This pronunciation should not be used for j and ch throughout, however, as the palatalized variants will be very un-native-like if used before other vowels, as in jouh ‘do’ or chàh ‘tea’; such mispronunciations are in fact characteristic of English-speaking learners of Cantonese. There are two semivowels which occur as initials: y [j] as in Գ yàhn ‘person’ w [w] as in ۯwái ‘place, position’ y should be distinguished from the digraph yu as in syut ‘snow’ which represents the high rounded vowel. Similarly, initial w is distinct from the [w] sound which is part of the labiovelar consonants gw and kw: as noted above, these are coarticulated stops, in which the g/k and w sounds are formed simultaneously. 1.1.2 20 Unreleased consonants In final position, i.e. at the end of a syllable, stops are unreleased. For example, in faat ‘law’, the -t is formed by the tongue touching the alveolar ridge behind the upper teeth but without air being released. In ngaap ‘duck’, the lips are closed as for p but not opened again, similar to the casual pronunciation of English yep. Since unreleased consonants cannot be aspirated, the contrast between aspirated and unaspirated consonants is neutralized in this position. Also, the labiovelars kw and gw are not found in final position. Consequently, there are only three such unreleased stops: -p [p>], -t [t>] and -k [k>]. These can be difficult to distinguish, all three tending to sound like a glottal stop to an English speaker. They are nevertheless distinctive, as in the following set: ᛘ sap ‘wet’ ؈ sat ‘lost’ Consonants Ⴞ sak ‘jammed’ Some speakers do not distinguish between unreleased -t or -k in words such as the following:3 Զ baat ‘eight’ קbak ‘north’ ۍbaak ‘hundred’ bat ‘pen’ These word pairs are often pronounced with the same final unreleased consonants, usually both as -t. The change from -k to -t is parallel to the change from -ng to -n (1.1.3): both cases involve the realization of a velar as an alveolar consonant (K.-H. Cheung 1986). Hence baat baak ‘800’ is often pronounced baat baat. 1.1.3 Nasal and liquid consonants The three nasals, m, n and ng, are straightforward to pronounce; it is their distribution which raises problems. Variation and ongoing change also complicate the picture. Initial ng [9] presents some difficulty for English speakers: although the sound is essentially that in English sing, pronouncing it in word-initial position as in ngóh ‘I’ takes practice. Moreover, there is variation between ng and zero initial: ngàuh/àuh ‘cow’, ngAam/Aam ‘correct’, ngaap/aap ‘duck’, etc. Currently, many Cantonese speakers of the younger generation do not pronounce ng in casual speech, as in óh for ngóh ‘I/me’, often using an initial glottal stop; conversely, those conscious of the ‘correctness’ of initial ng in words such as ngóh use hypercorrect forms such as ngDn-chyùhn for Dnchyùhn ‘safe’ (see 1.5).4 The initial n [n] is typically pronounced as l [l] by younger speakers, and by older speakers in less formal speech registers. Thus néih ‘you’ is 21 1 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system pronounced as léih, nìhn ‘year’ as lìhn. This change to l is still corrected as an ‘error’ by some older language teachers. The n pronunciation is still used in highly formal registers and in some traditional forms of singing (contemporary Canto-pop, however, often uses l). Initial n- is preserved in the demonstrative form nC ‘this’ for many speakers, but also variously pronounced by other speakers as yC, lC or lBi: ࡋଡ nc go ‘this’ lc go, lbi go, yc go ࡋ䢅 nc dc ‘these’ lc dc, lbi dc, yc dc ࡋ৫ ncdouh ‘here’ lcdouh, lbidouh, ycdouh All three nasals are found in final position. However, the distinction between n and ng is merged in certain contexts for some speakers, e.g. sAan ‘mountain’ vs. sAang ‘alive, produce’ are both pronounced as [sa—n] (see 1.5). For some speakers, this occurs only before alveolar consonants, as in sAan(g) jái ‘give birth’, while for others it is independent of the context, e.g. hohksAang ‘student’ is pronounced as hohksAan. 1.1.4 Syllabic nasals A few syllables consist of a nasal consonant alone, m [-] or ng [;]. These are known as syllabic nasals. The main examples are the negative marker Xh ‘not’, the numeral nUh ‘five’, the surnames ܦNVh and ٔ NUh, and the verb/noun ngh-wuih ‘misunderstand’. The pronunciation of these items is affected by ongoing sound changes. The syllable nUh is widely pronounced as bilabial Wh, especially by those speakers who do not use initial ng (see above and 1.5). The surname NVh, with a low falling tone, then sounds the same as the negative marker Xh, whereas the numeral Wh ‘five’ can still be distinguished by its low rising tone. 1.2 Vowels Table 1.2 shows the eight vowels used in the Yale system, including both long and short a (see 1.2.2). Following the Yale system, the table does not distinguish between the variant pronunciations (allophones) of i, u and eu, which are distinguished in IPA and some romanization systems. 22 Table 1.2 Vowels Vowels Front Central Unrounded Rounded High Mid Low i [i] e [+] yu [y] eu [œ] 1.2.1 Vowel quality a [$] aa [a—] Back u [u] o ['] Native speakers of English should note that all these vowels have a consistent quality throughout, rather than being diphthongized as their equivalents often are in English. For Cantonese diphthongs, see 1.2.3. i as in sin ‘string’ is similar to English [i] in seen but the tongue position is slightly higher. Before the velar consonants k and ng, as in lihk ‘strength’ and lCng ‘carry’, it is a more open sound, sometimes transcribed as [e]. e is a mid front vowel [+], more open than i, as in lBk ‘clever’ and leng ‘pretty, nice’. yu is a high rounded vowel [y], similar to French u or German ü but pronounced further forward in the mouth, as in syE ‘book’ and dyún ‘thin’. In British English the closest sound is u after t, as in tube. eu is a mid rounded vowel, with two pronunciations according to the following consonants: (a) before the velar consonants k and ng, the sound is [œ] as in jeuk ‘wear’ and cheung ‘sing’. [œ] is also used in the few words ending in -eu, such as the verb sèuh ‘slide’ and the classifier déu (yAt déu fA ‘a flower’). (b) before t and n, as in seun ‘believe’, the sound is ["], similar to French eu, or not unlike the vowel in British English her but with rounded lips. This sound is also heard in the diphthong eui ["y], as in séui ‘water’. o is a mid back vowel ['], similar to the vowel in British English hot, pronounced with slightly rounded lips, as in chóh ‘sit’ and lohk ‘go down’. u is a high back vowel [u], as in gú ‘ancient’. It resembles the vowel of English food but is pronounced with the tongue further back in the mouth, with slightly rounded lips. Before the velar consonants k and ng it is lower [)], as in suhk ‘familiar’, and can be difficult to distinguish from the still lower o, e.g. duhk ‘study’ vs. dohk ‘measure’, hEng ‘empty’ vs. hDng ‘healthy’. 23 1 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system a is a low central vowel [$], as in sAn ‘new’. It resembles the vowel of English sun or German hat. aa as in sAan ‘hill’ is [a—], lower and longer than a as in sAn (see 1.2.2) and also more open. It resembles the long a in British English father. 1.2.2 Vowel length Long and short a are distinctive in closed syllables, e.g. sAn ‘new’ vs. sAan ‘hill’. The actual difference in length depends on the syllable: in a closed syllable such as haak ‘client’, the long vowel in Cantonese may be no longer than a short one in English. The two vowels also differ in quality: short a is similar to the vowel of English cut, while long aa is more open, like that in father. The distinction applies equally to diphthongs containing a sounds: thus, gAi ‘chicken’ with a short diphthong contrasts with gAai ‘street’ with a long diphthong (and the same tone), and mAu ‘squat’ versus mAau ‘cat’. There is also a slight difference in vowel quality, corresponding to the distinction between short a and long aa as described above. Note that Yale romanization does not distinguish between a and aa at the end of a syllable, e.g. the classifier bá and particles such as lA are pronounced with a long vowel, but written with a, as the length difference is not distinctive in this position.5 The length of vowels other than a and aa varies according to the phonological environment, but the difference is not distinctive. In particular, vowels are shortened in ‘checked’ syllables ending in -p, -t, or -k: Long Short ᇣ sc ‘poem’ ڍdd ‘much’ ֛ fe ‘master’ ᢝ sck ‘know’ ৫ dohk ‘measure’ 壂 fek ‘blessing’ 1.2.3 Diphthongs The following diphthongs (combinations of two vowel sounds) occur:6 24 ai au iu [$i] [$u] [iu] ۫ sai ജ gau ሂ tiu ‘west’ ‘enough’ ‘jump’ aai [a—i] 䨀 saai ‘waste’ aau [a—u] ඒ gaau ‘teach’ ui [uy] ᄎ wúi ‘meeting’ oi ['y] လ choi ei [ei] sei ew [+u] ൾ dewh ‘vegetable’ ‘four’ ‘throw’ ou eui [ou] ["y] ړhóu ֽ séui ‘good’ ‘water’ Syllable structure Note that the long diphthongs aai [a—i] and aau [a—u] are distinct from ai [$i] and au [$u], just as aa is distinct from a, i.e. in vowel quality as well as length (1.2.1 and 1.2.2). The diphthongs eui, oi and ui, which begin with a rounded vowel, remain rounded throughout, ending with [y] rather than [i]. There are no triphthongs: note that eu as in seun ‘letter’ is a simple vowel, and eui as in chBui ‘blow’ is therefore a diphthong, with a trajectory from ["] to [y]. The diphthong ew occurs in a very few colloquial words, such as bewh ‘brush someone aside using one’s elbow’. We write it as ew (or ewh in words with the low level tone) because the symbol eu is already in use to denote the mid front rounded vowel. This marginal diphthong also occurs in some loan-words, such as jBw ‘gel’ as in jBw-tàuh ‘gel one’s hair’. 1.3 Syllable structure Like Mandarin, Cantonese has a relatively simple syllable structure: the possible combinations of sounds are severely restricted. No consonant clusters (consecutive consonants) occur,7 hence syllables typically have the form (C)V(V)(C): (consonant) vowel (vowel) (consonant). Moreover, only two sets of consonants can appear at the end of a syllable: (a) nasals: -m, -n, -ng (b) unreleased consonants: -p, -t, -k 1.3.1 Initials and finals Traditional descriptions of Chinese divide the syllable not into individual sounds (phonemes) but into units of sound which form the beginning and end of syllables, termed initials and finals respectively. The initials are the consonants discussed in 1.1, while the finals are the vowels or combinations of [vowel consonant] which may occur at the end of a syllable. The significance of this classification is that only a certain number of the logically possible combinations actually occur in established morphemes. For example, -ip and -yun occur regularly as finals, but *-eup and *-yum 25 1 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system Table 1.3 Cantonese finals Vowel: i V V V V V V V V iu im in ing ip it ik i u m n ng p t k e yu ei (ew) eu (a) aa o u eui ai au am an ang ap at ak aai aau aam aan aang aap aat aak oi ou ui on ong un ung ot ok ut uk (en) eng yun eun eung (et) ek yut eut euk do not. Others such as -ot as in got ‘cut’ are very rare. These gaps, and the possible combinations, appear in Table 1.3. Note that all the simple vowels (i, e, yu, etc.) occur as finals, with the exception that a does not contrast with aa in final position (see 1.2.2). While this represents the conventional picture for standard morphemes (essentially those for which established characters exist), additional finals occur in colloquial speech, for example: (a) in onomatopoeic sounds, e.g. -em in lém-lém-leih ‘lick one’s lips’ (b) in loan-words, e.g. -et, -en: װϭ heui wbt (verb) ‘go out and have fun’ ړϭ hóu fbn (adjective) ‘friends with’ These marginal finals are shown in parentheses in Table 1.3. They show that the range of possible syllables is extendable (Bauer 1985, Bauer and Benedict 1997). There are additional restrictions on which tones can occur on which finals. For example, the finals ending in unreleased consonants all have level basic tones: ԫ yat ‘one’ (high level) ߡ gok ‘corner’ (mid level) ֲ yaht ‘day’ (low level) Syllables ending in unreleased consonants do not generally have rising or falling basic tones (e.g. there are no words such as *yàht), but a rising tone may occur as a result of tone change (see 1.4.2): ֲ yaht ‘day’ 26 ࣁ paak ‘hit’ ֲړhóu-yát ‘good-day lucky day’ ᖗֲ jaahk-yát ‘pick-day pick a lucky day’ ࣁࣁ páak-paak ‘hit a little’ In such cases, the syllable is lengthened in order to carry the rising tone contour (Yu 2003, 2004). Some of these changed tone forms have become the default spoken forms of words, e.g. díp ‘disc’ (CD, DVD, etc.) and wùh-díp ‘butterfly’. 1.4 Tone Tone The tonal system of Cantonese is considerably more complex than that of Mandarin, which uncontroversially has four distinct tones. Exactly how many tones there are in Cantonese depends on how the system is analysed, as well as on variation and ongoing change (1.5.2). According to the traditional classification, whereby the checked syllables are considered as belonging to categories to be contrasted with other tonal categories, Cantonese has nine distinct tones. However, the three ‘checked’ level tones which occur before unreleased consonants may be seen as abbreviated counterparts of the three level tones which occur in other contexts. Only six tones are clearly distinctive in Hong Kong Cantonese; an example in which the whole range of tones is distinguished is the syllable yau: High level: High rising: Mid level: Low falling: Low rising: Low level: ᐡ ई ؔ ई ڶ Ծ yau ‘worry’; ‘rest’ (in compounds) yáu ‘paint’ (noun) yau ‘thin’ yàuh ‘oil’ yáuh ‘have’ yauh ‘again’ Note that in many cases, two or more words (homophones) exist with the same tone. These are distinguished by (a) the different parts of speech to which they belong, and (b) compound expressions in which they occur. The system of six tones given above assumes that the high level and high falling tones are not distinctive, a point which is agreed by most recent authors (see K.-H. Cheung 1986, Bauer and Benedict 1997). There is currently considerable variation in the realization of these tones. Many speakers use them interchangeably, as in sAn or sàn ‘new’, hEnghei or hùnghei ‘air.’ These words are most commonly pronounced with a high level tone, especially by younger speakers in Hong Kong.8 Consequently, both tones are normally shown in this book with a high level tone, whereas dictionaries using the Yale system show some with high level and others with high falling tones. A high falling tone is, however, distinctively heard on certain sentence-final particles, such as sìn and tìm, (see 18.3.6) and 27 1 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system sometimes also in contracted forms such as sà’a-yih ‘thirty-two’ (see 21.1.2); these are the only words shown with high falling tones in the text. Over the years the Cantonese tone system has received increasing attention from theoretical linguists who treat the Cantonese tones as an independent system very different from that of Mandarin. Theoretical analyses of the Cantonese tone system include M. Yip (1990, 2002) and Yu (2004, 2007a). 1.4.1 The basic tones Linguists generally distinguish the basic or lexical tones, heard when the word is pronounced in isolation, from the changed or sandhi tones which occur only when a word occurs in particular phonological and morphological contexts (1.4.2). The Cantonese tone system involves three pitch levels: high, mid and low. These three tones exist individually as level tones, which are relatively easy to pronounce and serve as points of reference for the other three tones which fall or rise from one level to another. This gives a system of six tones, discounting as a variant the high falling tone (see 1.4). In Chinese linguistics it is customary to divide the pitch range into five levels and characterize tones in terms of their starting and ending pitch levels, with 5 being the highest level and 1 the lowest:9 High level: 55 Mid level: 33 Low level: 22 High rising: 25 Low rising: 23 Low falling: 21/11 Note that some tones have alternative representations in different systems, e.g. the high rising tone is sometimes represented as 35 and sometimes 25. Similarly, 23 and 13 are both used for the low rising tone. There is no ‘correct’ answer, since the five levels represent arbitrary points on a continuous pitch scale. The low falling tone has a 21 contour when pronounced in isolation, but a level variant 11 also occurs. 28 The high rising (25) and low rising (23) tones in fact begin at around the same pitch level,10 and are distinguished by the pitch level to which they rise: the high rising tone is marked by a very steep pitch gradient, and hence easily recognized, while the low rising tone rises only to the pitch of the mid level tone, and its 23 contour is easily confused with the mid level tone (33). The name ‘high rising tone’ is therefore potentially misleading: the pitch rises to the high level, rather than beginning high and rising further. Some linguists prefer the term ‘mid rising tone’. The low falling tone begins at the pitch of the low level tone (level 2 on the pitch scale from 1 to 5) and drops further (to level 1), sometimes ending with a ‘creaky’ voice quality, especially for male speakers, as the bottom of the speaker’s pitch range is reached. The relatively slight fall in pitch makes this tone difficult to distinguish from the low level tone for many learners. Furthermore, the low falling tone is sometimes pronounced at an even pitch: 11, below that of the low level tone. As with the two rising tones, therefore, it is the ending rather than the starting pitch which is distinctive.11 Tone Note that the neutral tone assigned to many grammatical words in Mandarin does not exist in Cantonese: although many grammatical words have the mid level tone (a distinct tone), such as the possessive/linking particle ge and the experiential aspect marker gwo, others have high-register tones, such as the adverbial dAk and the progressive aspect marker gán. Traditional descriptions further distinguish the entering tones (high, level and low) which occur before the unreleased consonants -p, -t, -k. As pointed out by Chao (1947), these are phonetically equivalent to short instantiations of the high, mid and low level tones. For example, siht ‘lose (money)’ and sih ‘matter’ share the same low level tone, differing only in length. Some transcription systems continue to distinguish these tones, unnecessarily complicating the system with a total of nine or even ten numbered tones. 1.4.2 Tone change In many varieties of Chinese, the basic tones change in particular environments. Tone sandhi is the change in the tone brought about regularly by the effects of adjacent tones, as the Mandarin third (dipping) tone becomes a rising tone when it is followed by another third tone. Cantonese does not have tone sandhi of this kind; instead, it has a process of tone change which is not conditioned by the phonological context, but occurs due to a number of morphological and semantic factors. For these reasons, the Cantonese case is generally referred to as tone change rather than tone sandhi. The functions of this tone change are rather complex. The main tonal change occurs in compounds and reduplicated expressions, in which a mid/high rising tone results. It occurs primarily where the second syllable of a compound or reduplicated word has a non-high tone: 29 1 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system ؐ ׳jó yauh ‘left-right’ jó-yáu ‘about, approximately’ ֜֜ taai-taai taai-táai ‘wife’ Whereas the lexical tone of yauh ‘right’ is low level, it changes to a rising tone in such compound expressions. Similarly, the mid level tone of taai changes to táai in the second syllable of the reduplicated form. For most speakers, the resulting rising tone is indistinguishable from the high rising tone, although there may be slight differences in the actual tone contour depending on the original tone of the syllable (Yu 2007a). In the Yale system it is conventionally represented by the high rising tone. The tone change only applies to low and mid basic tones. Syllables with the high level tone remain unchanged, as do those with the high rising tone since the effect of the tone change will be indistinguishable in this case. 1.4.2.1 Tone change due to contraction A subset of cases of tone change result from contraction of two syllables. In one form of reduplication of verbs and adjectives involving yAt ‘one’, the first syllable takes the changed tone, due to contraction of yAt (see 2.1.2): ᇢԫᇢ ംԫം ؓԫؓ กԫก si yat si sí-si ‘have a try’ mahn yat mahn mán-mahn ‘try to ask’ pèhng yat pèhng péng-pèhng ‘very cheap’ tìhm yat tìhm tím-tìhm ‘very sweet’ Tone change involving contraction of yAt ‘one’ also occurs in enumerative constructions where the sequence [yAt classifier] is reduplicated (see Whitaker 1956): when the second yAt ‘one’ is contracted, tone change occurs in the preceding classifier, resulting in a high rising tone: ԫԫ yat geui yat geui a time’ ԫ䨒ԫ䨒 yat gauh yat gauh ԫԫ yat dihp yat dihp the other’ 30 ԫ yat géui-geui ‘one sentence at ԫ䨒䨒 yat gáu-gauh ‘all in lumps’ ԫ yat díp-dihp ‘one dish after In such cases of tone change, the affected syllable is lengthened in order to carry the rising tone, particularly for checked syllables (as in díp above). While most speakers change tone regularly in these cases, the process is not necessarily obligatory for all speakers. The change of tone often adds a touch of colour and liveliness to the utterance. Some words may occur with either a basic or a changed tone, whether or not they are reduplicated or part of a compound. In these cases, the changed tone forms tend to be more colloquial, as in gauh-jahn-sìh/gauh-jahn-sí ‘in the old days’. Tone Another case of tone change involving contraction results from contraction of the aspect marker -jó in rapid speech: ଇ䦹堩 آ ܴ˒ Sihk-jó-faahn meih a? eat-PFV-rice not-have SFP ‘Have you eaten?’ ଇ堩 آ ܴ˒ Sík-faahn meih a? eat-PFV-rice not-have SFP The resulting verb with high rising tone incorporates the aspectual meaning of -jó (see 11.2.4). 1.4.2.2 Tone change in reduplicated forms The changed tone appears in various types of reduplication (see 2.1). In reduplicated adjectives and stative verbs with the suffix -déi and in onomatopoeic reduplication, the second syllable regularly takes the changed tone: ॅॅ䞢 ࣔࣔ䞢 ዠዠᜢ ޥޥᜢ fèih-fèih-déi fèih-féi-déi ‘rather fat, chubby’ mìhng-mìhng-déi mìhng-míng-déi ‘understand roughly’ dihk-dihk-sbng dihk-dík-sbng ‘ticking sound’ (of clock, watch) sàh-sàh-sbng sàh-sá-sbng ‘sloshing sound’ (as in raining) In reduplicated adjectives with the AAB pattern, the tone of the second element often undergoes the tone change: ᖛᖛॹ kàhm-kàhm-chbng kàhm-kám-chbng ‘in a mad rush’ مم႖ lahp-lahp-lyuhn lahp-láp-lyuhn ‘messy, disorganized’ In cases where the noun is used as a container classifier (6.2.2), the original tone is retained, whereas the same word functioning as a noun takes the changed tone: Basic tone Changed tone ԫ ฏ ײڹԺ yat hahp jyegelck ‘a box of chocolates’ ࡋ ଡ ฏ lc go háp ‘this box’ ԫ လ yat dihp choi ‘a dish of vegetables’ 䢇 ೋ gó jek díp ‘that dish’ or ‘that disc’ 31 1 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system Many instances of changed tone are associated with familiarity or intimacy. Chao (1947) notes that tone change has ‘a morphological meaning, namely, “that familiar thing (or person, less frequently action) one often speaks of” ’. Thus tone change applies to surnames given the familiar prefix a- or the epithet lóuh ‘old’ (20.2) and titles of familiar people: ຫ Chàhn ॳຫ A-Chán, ۔ຫ lóuh-Chán ‘old (Mr.) Chan’ Jeh ॳ A-Jé, ۔ lóuh-Jé ‘old (Mr.) Tse’ ࠃᙰ sih-tàuh sih-táu ‘boss’ Names of familiar objects in people’s daily lives take on the changed tone (see Y.-S. Cheung (1969) for more examples): ৵॰ ֚ ณᢴ ईය ູ᤹ hauh mùhn hauh-mún ‘back door’ tcn tòih tcn-tói ‘balcony on rooftop’ ngáahn geng ngáahn-géng ‘glasses’ yàuh tìuh yàuh tíu ‘Chinese doughnut’ hàahm yùh hàahm-yú ‘salted fish’ (also slang, ‘dead body’) When English names are referred to in spoken Cantonese, they typically end in a high rising tone: Fanny Fbn-ní Nellie Nb-lí Many loan-words also take a high rising tone on the final syllable: cheese order jcsí ddá As can be seen, tone change involves alternations between a mid- or lowregister tone and the high rising tone. Below are some examples of tone change which are not as regular and predictable as the ones shown above: Mid level: ઌׂ seung-pín ‘photograph’ vs. ᐙઌ yíng-séung ‘take photos’ Low rising: ֖ࣛ pàhng-yáuh ‘friend’ vs. ࿇ᗈ֖ faat-scu-yáu ‘fanatic’ Low level: ᄎᤜ wuih-yíh ‘conference’ vs. ၲᄎ hdi-wúi ‘hold a meeting’ Low falling: ׄई ngàuh-yàuh ‘butter’ vs. ףई ga-yáu ‘fill up with fuel’ An important function of this tone change is to indicate that the word forms a compound expression with the preceding word. This alternation may be compared to the difference in stress between bláck bírd and bláckbird in English, the single stress on blackbird indicating that the combination is a single compound noun. For example: 32 Գ yàhn ‘person’ ߊԳ làahmyán ‘man’, ՖԳ léuihyán ‘woman’ Note that the tone change is not automatic; it is a sign that the combination is lexicalized, i.e. a fixed combination, often with a specialized meaning which cannot be predicted from that of the two parts: Tone ߨ jáu ‘walk, run’ ሁ louh ‘road’ ߨሁ jáu-lóu ‘run away’ ୱ࡙ scu yeh scu-yé ‘have a late night snack’ ֲ jouh yaht jouh-yát ‘work day shifts’ (contrast the idiom yaht jouh yeh jouh ‘work day and night’ with low level tones.) Some cases appear quite unpredictable (M. Wong 1982): ᝑՕᇩ góng daaih wah ‘tell lies’ but ᝑూᇩ góng siu wá ‘tell jokes’ Ꭼ۩ ngàhn-hòhng ‘bank’ but ྶ۩ kàhm-hóng ‘piano shop’ Another contrast is that between the adverb gam meaning ‘as, so’ (9.1.3) and the form gám with the demonstrative meaning ‘like this/that’ (10.1.2). Bearing different tones, they serve different grammatical functions. Much less common is the change to a high level tone. The most common examples are in kinship terms: ࡦࡦ jé-jé ga-jb ‘elder sister’ าࡢ sai múi sai mei ‘younger sister’ (vocative) A few cases of change to a low falling tone occur, notably in reduplicated kinship terms: टट აა ୂୂ ࡦࡦ ݬݬ ࡢࡢ גג ᪨᪨ ba-ba bàh-ba ‘father’ ma-ma màh-ma ‘mother’ gd-gd gòh-gd ‘elder brother’ jé-jé jèh-jb ‘elder sister’ daih-daih dàih-dái ‘younger brother’ muih-muih mùih-múi ‘younger sister’ jái-jái jàih-jái/jàih-jai ‘little boy’ léui-léui lèuih-léui/lèuih-lbui ‘little girl’ In these kinship terms, the first syllable typically changes to low falling tone and the second to high rising or high level, or remains unchanged if it is a high tone already. The effect is one of dissimilation, with a low falling tone followed by a high level or high rising tone. These terms of address obligatorily take on the changed tones in daily spoken Cantonese, but remain unchanged when they appear in written texts to be read aloud with Cantonese pronunciation. 33 1 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system 1.4.3 Tone and intonation The actual realization of tones varies according to their phonetic environment and their interaction with intonation. One relevant factor is declination: the natural tendency for the pitch level of a syllable to decline during an utterance. Given a number of consecutive syllables containing a high tone, the actual pitch level will not be identical, but will be pronounced slightly lower each time (see K. Wu 1989, Flynn 2003). For example: ֆ ᆖ 嘅 ՠԳ gengsc gcngléih ge gengyàhn company manager LP maid ‘the company manager’s maid’ Although having the same high tones, gEng in gEngyàhn will be pronounced at a lower pitch than gEng in gEngsC due to declination. This does not affect the recognition of the tones, which is relative to the surrounding tones rather than absolute (Yuen 2007). Similarly, a woman’s low tone may be pronounced at the same pitch as a man’s high tone, or indeed higher (as shown in Fok 1974). As Cantonese is a tonal language where pitch is used to differentiate words, intonation at the level of the sentence is restricted, at least by comparison with English. The lack of sentence intonation patterns is of crucial importance to the pronunciation of Cantonese tones. If an English intonation pattern is superimposed on a Cantonese sentence, the tone of individual words may be obscured or even changed completely, resulting in incomprehensibility. For example, the following question has a falling tone both on the penultimate syllable yàhn and the final particle àh, which will be lost if it is pronounced with a rising question intonation: ܃এ ભഏ Գ ܴ˒ Léih haih Méihgwok yàhn àh? you are America person SFP ‘You’re American?’ Despite the constraints imposed by tone, some patterns of intonation can be discerned, especially in the case of questions and sentence particles, which may be pronounced with a variety of intonation patterns (18.1.1). These patterns are not well understood; among the few sources to discuss them are Kwok and Luke (1986), K.-H. Cheung (1986), Flynn (2003) and Fox, Luke and Nancarrow (2008). 34 One characteristic intonation pattern is the sharp rise found in echo questions (see 17.1.7 for the relevant discussion). Another distinctive pattern is an emphatic response to a question which often involves pitch change within a word: A: ܃ ᙔᙔ ܃ ა ܴ˒ Léih sek xh sek léih mamìh a? you love not love your mummy SFP ‘Do you love your mummy?’ Variation and change in pronunciation B: ᙔΧ Se-ek! love ‘Sure I do!’ This rising-falling intonation pattern on sek is clearly distinct from both the high rising tone and the changed tone. Its exact pattern depends on the basic tone of the syllable on which it is superimposed; on a mid level tone such as sek, it rises strongly before levelling out at the end. Note that the vowel is lengthened considerably in order to carry this pattern. This pattern is typically used in providing assurances: A: ݺ ନ 䢅 䞧 ܃ ܴ˒ B: Χ Ngóh béi dc yéh léih jouh dak-xh-dak a? I give CL thing you do okay not ‘I’m giving you something to do, okay? A: ܃ ᄎᄎ १ 䓰 ܴ˒ Da-ak! okay ‘Sure!’ B: ᄎΧ Léih wúih-xh-wúih faan làih a? you will-not-will return come SFP ‘Will you be coming back?’ Wú-úih! will ‘I certainly will!’ Another pattern, with a lengthened vowel and rising intonation, may be applied in question words such as dím, where the rising tone is exaggerated (17.6): រ ጩ ܴ˒ Di-ím syun a? how do SFP ‘What shall I do?’ 1.5 រ ᇞ ܴ˒ Di-ím gáai a? how explain SFP ‘Why?’ Variation and change in pronunciation As mentioned in many of the above sections, there is variation between individual speakers, social groups and age groups in many aspects of pronunciation. Such variation is a fact of all languages, but is particularly striking in Cantonese, partly due to the lack of a widely recognized standard form of the language, in particular of a phonetically based written form, to limit the variation. There is often said to be ‘confusion’ of sounds, as indicated by alternative forms such as ngDnchyùhn for Dnchyùhn ‘safe’ 35 1 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system and NgAujAu for FujAu ‘Europe’, which are ‘incorrect’ in the sense that these words originally did not have the initial ng (see note 4). Some of these forms are the result of hypercorrection, as they typically result from speakers using what they perceive to be ‘correct’ or prestige pronunciation. While the younger generation of speakers (relative to the time of writing) has generally lost the initial ng across the board, many speakers still retain it and may have free variation or their use of one or the other may be determined by the relevant registers, e.g. use ng in formal registers and careful speech and zero initial in informal registers and casual speech. Many speakers have strong views about ‘correct’ pronunciation, and some words such as léih may be corrected to néih by some teachers. Recent studies (S. Yeung 1980, Bauer 1982, Bourgerie 1990) have shown that this variation is quite systematic, following variables such as age, class and gender. This distribution in many cases clearly indicates sound change in process. For example, at the time of writing, very few speakers of the younger generation use néih for ‘you’; assuming that these speakers will not switch from léih to néih as they grow older, it is likely that the next stage of sound change will occur whereby all speakers will use léih. To this extent, to correct the pronunciation léih is attempting to reverse an inevitable change. Note that these sound changes often appear to be random and unsystematic, as they affect individual words differently. For example, many speakers will pronounce the second person pronoun as léih but use n in nCdouh ‘here’. Such a pattern is in fact characteristic of sound change in progress: rather than affecting all the words concerned at one fell swoop, it affects one word at a time, eventually affecting the whole vocabulary and completing the sound change.12 1.5.1 Consonants The main changes and sources of variation are as follows: 36 (a) nl-, as in nám lám ‘think’: this change is so advanced that the words concerned are generally shown as l in this book. Initial n is heard primarily in formal registers such as singing and reading of written texts. The n/l alternation was first discussed in S.-L. Wong (1941) and the change has been in progress for several decades (see 1.1.3). (b) gwogo-, as in gwok gok ‘country’: this change is also very widespread. However, it is subject to considerable stylistic variation, with many (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) speakers using gw in formal or careful style and g elsewhere. One consequence of this change is that the syllable gwo, with its many grammatical functions, becomes homophonous with the classifier go (see 1.1.1). kwoko-, as in kwòhng kòhng ‘crazy’ is a parallel change (see 1.1.1). baat ‘hundred’ and bAk bAt ‘north’ (see 1.1.2). -k -t, as in baak k h, in the pronoun kéuih (see 5.1). ngØ, as in ngóh óh ‘I’, ngáahn áahn ‘eye’: many younger speakers do not pronounce this initial in casual speech, typically replacing it with a glottal stop. For other speakers, there is free variation between the two, e.g. ngAam-ngAam or Aam-Aam ‘just now’, ngEk or Ek ‘house’ and the tendency to use hypercorrect forms with initial ng for words which do not have it originally for sociolinguistic reasons (see 1.1.3). Wh ‘five’ (distinguished by its low rising tone ng m, as in nUh from the negative Xh ‘not’). This change appears to predominate among speakers who do not use initial ng- (see 1.1.4). -ng -n, as in sAang sAan ‘produce’: this change is widespread especially when preceded by the long vowel aa. It occurs more sporadically after short a and other vowels, e.g. sAng-mihng ‘life’ may be pronounced as sAn-mihng. This change causes many words to become homonyms, e.g. sAang ‘alive’ sounds identical to sAan ‘hill’ and sAn sAngmihng ‘new life’ would be pronounced as sAn sAn-mihng (see 1.1.3). Variation and change in pronunciation Note that the last three changes (f–h) all involve replacement of the velar nasal ng. If brought to completion, they would eventually lead to the loss of this sound from the language. 1.5.2 Tones The low rising tone is especially vulnerable to change, tending to merge with either the mid level tone or the high rising tone. The tone contours of the low rising tone (23) and mid level tones (33) are very close, and these tones have merged in some varieties, such as Malayan Cantonese (Killingley 1993). Some Hong Kong speakers also show this pattern, pronouncing the third-person pronoun kéuih as keui. Other speakers may merge the low rising (23) and high rising (25) tones. Each of these mergers results in a five-tone system, but as many as three or four different five-tone systems coexist in the Hong Kong speech community (Bauer et al. 2003). 37 Chapter 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation Morphology is concerned with the internal structure of words – their form and composition. Cantonese is described typologically as an isolating language, following a tradition developed in the nineteenth century and popularized by Sapir (1921), whereby languages are classified as inflectional, agglutinating or isolating in their word structure. Chinese in general, as Sapir noted, is one of the best examples of the isolating type: there is little, if any, inflection, and almost every syllable is a meaningful form (morpheme) in its own right. None the less, the paucity or simplicity of morphology in Chinese has often been exaggerated, partly as a result of comparison with European languages and partly through the perception that each written character represents an independent word. The idea that words are single syllables has been termed the ‘Monosyllabic Myth’ by de Francis (1984). While there are few inflections or derivational affixes, reduplication and compounding are complex and productive morphological processes. There are three main means by which complex words are formed in Cantonese: (a) reduplication (doubling of words or syllables: 2.1) (b) affixation (adding prefixes and suffixes: 2.2) (c) compounding (combination of independent forms to form a complex word: 2.3) 2.1 38 Reduplication Reduplication, the doubling of a word or syllable, is a characteristic and productive feature of Cantonese. It is particularly prominent in the modification of adjectives (9.2), but many word classes can be reduplicated. As the following examples show, the functions of reduplication are heterogeneous. In the case of adjectives, reduplication either intensifies or attenuates the meaning, while reduplication of classifiers denotes quantification. Reduplication In Chinese linguistics reduplication is conventionally represented by formulae such as ‘AAB’ meaning a word composed of a repeated syllable A and a single syllable B, as in gáau-gáau-jan ‘make trouble’. The same formula is used to describe the form of reduplication which occurs in ‘A-not-A’ questions (17.1.2). 2.1.1 Reduplication of nouns and classifiers As in other varieties of Chinese, a limited number of nouns may be reduplicated to produce forms with the meaning ‘every’: Գ yàhn ‘person’ ԳԳ yàhn-yàhn ‘everyone’ ཛ jcu ‘morning’ ཛཛ jcu-jcu ‘every morning’ ֲ yaht ‘day’ ֲֲ yaht-yaht ‘every day’ More productive, and more distinctively Cantonese, is the reduplication of classifiers to give the meaning ‘all’ or ‘every’ (6.2.1, 14.1.2): ೋೋ ʻᘷʼ ຟ ⶕ Jek-jek (maau) ddu leng CL-CL (cat) all pretty ‘They (the cats) are all pretty.’ 2.1.2 Reduplication of verbs and adjectives Verbs may be reduplicated with the suffix -háh: (11.2.7). ۩ hàahng ‘walk’ ۩۩㣐 hàahng-hàahng-háh ‘walk around’ Another type of reduplicated form results from contraction of a verb with yAt ‘one’ (see 1.4.2, 11.2.7): ᒓԫᒓ bohng yat bohng ᒓᒓ bóng-bohng ‘weigh’ ༼ԫ༼ tàih yat tàih ༼༼ tái-tàih ‘mention briefly’ ᑇԫᑇ sóu-yat-sóu ᑇᑇ sóu-sóu ‘have a count’ Similarly, in the construction [adjective yAt adjective] the contraction of yAt causes the first adjective to change tone: ࡙ԫ࡙ yeh yat yeh ࡙࡙ yé-yeh ‘very late at night’ 39 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation ଡ Ֆ ࡙࡙ ຟ آ १ ৢٞ Go léui yé-yeh ddu meih faan ekkéi CL daughter late-late still not-yet back home ‘My daughter still hasn’t come home though it’s so late at night.’ ⶕԫⶕ leng yat leng ⶕⶕ léng-leng ‘very beautiful’ ٣ ࣆࣁ װ ފؚ ࠩ ⶕⶕ Kéuih dá-baahn dou léng-leng scn heui paak-td s/he make-up till pretty-pretty then go date ‘She makes herself up beautifully before going on a date.’ Directional verbs are reduplicated in the form AABB (9.2.1): Ղᆵ séuhng-lohk ‘rise-fall’ ࡋ ඈ Lc pàaih these days ‘These days ՂՂᆵᆵ séuhng-séuhng-lohk-lohk 䢅 ैป ՂՂᆵᆵ dc gúpiu séuhng-séuhng-lohk-lohk CL share rise-rise-fall-fall shares are going up and down.’ An adjective consisting of two syllables may be reduplicated in the form AABB, giving a sense of vividness: 堚ᄑ chcng-chó ‘clear’ gdnjehng ‘clean’ clean’ 堚堚ᄑᄑ chcng-chcng-chó-chó ‘nice and clear’ gdn-gdn-jehng-jehng ‘nice and Certain adjectives may be reduplicated in either AAB or AABB form: ᛘᅷ sapseui ‘sundry’ ᛘᛘᅷ sap-sap-seui ‘trivial’ or ᛘᛘᅷᅷ sap-sap-seui-seui ‘miscellaneous’ Compare the following: ԫ ଡ ִ ۍ ಈ ᛘᛘᅷ Yat go yuht sei baak man sap-sap-seui la one CL month four hundred dollar trivial SFP ‘$400 per month is peanuts.’ ݺ ڍ ړ ڶ ᛘᛘᅷᅷ 嘅 䞧 Ngóh yáuh hóu dd sap-sap-seui-seui ge yéh I have very many miscellaneous LP stuff ‘I have a lot of odd stuff.’ 40 Adjectives (9.2) as well as stative verbs (8.1.2) may be reduplicated in combination with the suffix -déi. The reduplicated forms take the changed tone on the second reduplicated syllable, with the exception of those with the high level tone, which remain unchanged (see 1.4.2): ႟ ᄉ ॅ ฉ ᧫ ᢝ Reduplication sòh ‘silly’ ႟႟䞢 sòh-só-déi ‘rather silly’ wàhn ‘dizzy’ ᄉᄉ䞢 wàhn-wán-déi ‘a little dizzy’ fèih ‘fat’ ॅॅ䞢 fèih-féi-déi ‘rather fat’ hàhn ‘itchy’ ฉฉ䞢 hàhn-hán-déi ‘a little itchy’ gbng ‘scared’ ᧫᧫䞢 gbng-gbng-déi ‘a bit scared’ sck ‘know’ ᢝᢝ䞢 sck-sck-déi ‘know a little’ 2.1.3 Onomatopoeic and sound-symbolic reduplication Reduplication also appears in onomatopoeic expressions, which are formed with the noun sBng ‘sound’, often with tone change of the second syllable (see 1.4.2): ngàhng-ngáng-sbng ‘(make) a mumbling noise’ gohk-gók-sbng ‘(make) a knocking sound’ kàh-ká-sbng ‘(make) a chuckling sound’ These expressions with sBng form a very productive pattern and may function syntactically as verbs, nouns or adverbs, etc.: ܃ ᩅ 䢆৫ ϭϭᜢ ܴ˒ Léih jouh mat háidouh ngàhng-ngáng-sbng a? you do what here mumble-mumble-noise SFP ‘What are you mumbling for?’ ݺ ࡙ඡ ᦫ ଙ 䢅 ϭϭᜢ Ngóh yehmáahn tbng dóu dc gohk-gók-sbng I evening hear PRT some knock-knock-sound ‘I heard a knocking sound at night.’ ϭϭᜢ ۩ Ե 䓰 Kéuih ngàhng-ngáng-sbng gám hàahng yahp làih s/he mumble-mumble-noise so walk in come ‘He came in making a mumbling noise.’ ଡ ˕˕ ూ ࠩ ϭϭᜢ Go bìhbc siu dou kàh-ká-sbng CL baby laugh till chuckle-chuckle-sound ‘The baby is chuckling away.’ 41 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation 2.1.3.1 ABB forms These complex adjectives are made up of a monosyllabic adjective (A) and a reduplicated syllable (B). They are unusual in that the reduplicated modifying syllable follows the adjective (whereas modifiers in Chinese generally precede what they modify): ػຳຳ baahk-syet-syet ‘white-snow-snow snow-white’ ଯ٧٧ dung-bcng-bcng ‘cold-ice-ice ice cold’ Another peculiarity of this type is that the ‘B’ syllable is often not a word which exists independently. Consequently, many of the forms lack standard characters: ᄶϭϭ waaht-lyet-lyet ‘smooth as a baby’s bottom’ ౬ഽഽ chau-bang-bang ‘smelly’ Rather than being meaningless, however, these reduplicated syllables are sound-symbolic: the characteristics of the syllable lyEt with its liquid onset and high rounded vowel seem to match the meaning of softness, while the nasal rhyme in bAng is appropriate to the olfactory meaning. On the use of these forms, see 9.2.3. Further types of reduplication occur in baby-talk register, the language addressed to and used by small children. In particular, the object of verb– object compounds may be reduplicated to give an ABB pattern: װဩဩ heui gaai-gaai go street-street ‘go out’ 堬؊؊ yám laai-laai drink milk-milk ‘drink milk’ ٗೳೳ buhk lbi-lbi crouch hide-hide ‘play hide and seek’ 不ᤚᤚ ʻᓼʼ fan-gàauh-gaau or gàauh-gaau-jye sleep nap-nap ‘sleep’ Children also reduplicate common nouns (wDu-wDu-gáu ‘doggie’) and kinship terms, as in yC-yC ‘auntie’, yèhyé ‘grandpa’, etc. An idiomatic type of reduplication involves the pattern [verb gwái verb máh] or [adjective gwái adjective máh] which is quite productive in colloquial Cantonese for rhetorical purposes: 42 ଇଇ್ ˒ ຑ ԫ ಈ ຟ ᩒ Sihk-gwái-sihk-máh mb? Lìhn yat man ddu móuh eat-devil-eat-horse SFP even one dollar also not-have ‘How can (I) eat when (I) haven’t got a dime?’ Prefixes and suffixes A: ڶᩒ ؓ 䢅 ନ ˒ܴ ܃ Kéuih yáuh móuh pèhng dc béi léih a? s/he have-not-have cheap bit give you SFP ‘Did she give (it) to you at a cheaper price?’ B: ್ؓؓΔ ٘ ၆䦹 ʴ Pèhng-gwái-pèhng-máh, juhng gwai-jó tìm! cheap-devil-cheap-horses still expensive-PFV SFP ‘Not only no cheaper, but even more expensive.’ 2.2 Prefixes and suffixes Prefixes and suffixes are usually bound forms, that is, they cannot occur independently but have to attach to another morpheme. Prefixes are attached to the beginnings of morphemes and suffixes to the ends of morphemes. However, what we consider as prefixes and suffixes in Cantonese may sometimes appear as independent forms. Thus they are quite versatile compared with affixes in other languages. Cantonese has relatively few prefixes and suffixes used to derive related words from stems. These are listed and illustrated in alphabetical order below. 2.2.1 Prefixes a- is a prefix used with names and kinship terms, denoting familiarity (20.3): ॳᕟ a-Lái ‘Mr Lai’ (familiar: note changed tone of the surname Làih) ॳ a-Ycng (familiar form of names such as Méih-YCng) ॳୂ a-gd ‘elder brother’ ॳ a-yc ‘aunt’ (also used generically by children for adult female friends) fAan- ‘re-’ forms verbs: च faan-cháau ‘re-use’ (verb) 𠝹 faan-gaai ‘resume chasing (an ex-girlfriend)’ (slang) ᄅ faan-san ‘re-model, renovate (a house)’ 43 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation fáan- ‘anti-’, ‘counter-’ forms verbs, adjectives and nouns: ֘ᚰ fáan-gck ‘counter-attack’ (verb) ֘૿ fáan-mín ‘change countenance, turn against someone’ (verb) ֘ fáan-gwat ‘disloyal, treacherous’ (adjective) ֘ধ fáan-buhn ‘rebellious’ (adjective) ֘৬ᤜ fáan-ginyíh ‘counter-proposal’ (noun) ֘ய࣠ fáan-haauhgwó ‘counter-effect’ (noun) hó- ‘-able’ forms adjectives: ױᐧ hó-lìhn ‘pitiable’ ױ༞ hó-wu ‘detestable’ ױფ hó-oi ‘lovable, cute’ ױ౨ hó-làhng ‘possible’ ױᔾ hó-kaau ‘reliable’ ࢢױhó-pa ‘dreadful’ hóu ‘good’ and làahn- ‘difficult’ with verbs of perception form adjectives with positive and negative connotations respectively: ┊ړhóu-tái ‘good to look at/see’ ᦫړhóu-tbng ‘good to hear’ ړଇ hóu-sihk ‘good to eat’ ᣄ┊ làahn-tái ‘ugly’ ᣄᦫ làahn-tbng ‘bad-sounding’ ᣄଇ làahn-sihk ‘bad-tasting’ làahn- also forms negative adjectives meaning ‘un . . . able’: ᣄྒྷ làahn-chak ‘unpredictable’ ᣄ ݱlàahn-mòhng ‘unforgettable’ ᣄື làahn-díng ‘unbearable’ ᣄ⛕ làahn-wán ‘hard to find’ yih- ‘easy’ forms adjectives with the opposite meaning of làahn: ࣐⛕ yih-wán ‘easy to find’ ࣐┊ yih-tái ‘easy to read, readable’ lóuh- means ‘old’ literally but when used as a familiar term of address (20.2), the literal meaning is lost: ۔ច lóuh-báan ‘boss’ ۔ֆ lóuh-geng ‘husband, hubby’ ֖۔lóuh-yáuh ‘mate, buddy’ ۔ധ lóuh-pòh ‘wife, honey’ The negative prefix m- is added to adjectives and verbs: ငࣚ m-syefuhk ‘uncomfortable, sick’ ಖ m-geidak ‘forget’ (lit. ‘not remember’) ٽ m-hahpgaak ‘not qualified’ ߠ m-gin ‘lose’ (lit. ‘not see’) 44 The prefix m- is distinct from the negative Xh marking sentence negation, although the distinction may be difficult to make in individual cases (see 13.1). For example, verbs prefixed with m- may take the aspect marker jó which is incompatible with Xh (11.2.4): ݺ Ngóh I ‘I lost 2.2.2 ߠ䦹 ೋ द mgin-jó jek gáu lose-PFV CL dog my dog.’ ܃ಖ䦹 ܴ˒ Léih mgeidak-jó àh? you forget-PFV SFP ‘Have you forgotten?’ Prefixes and suffixes Suffixes The major suffixes are listed according to their word class. 2.2.2.1 Noun suffixes -deih is the plural suffix forming pronouns, but is not used with nouns, with the exception of yàhn (see 5.1): ݺ䞢 ngóh-deih ‘we/us’ ܃䞢 léih-deih ‘you (plural)’ 䞢 kéuih-deih ‘they’ Գ䞢 yàhn-deih ‘(other) people’ -douh means ‘degree’ forming abstract nouns denoting measurements when attached to adjectives: ৫ gdu-douh ‘height’ ९৫ chèuhng-douh ‘length’ वټ৫ jc-mìhng-douh ‘name recognition’ ᣄ৫ làahn-douh ‘level of difficulty’ douh ‘degree’ also occurs as a separate word, notably with géi (dD) ‘how many’ as in questioning the measurements of vision and temperature: ܃༓ ڍ ৫ २ီ ܴ˒ a? Léih géi dd douh gahnsih you how many degrees shortsighted SFP ‘How short-sighted are you?’ վֲ ᄵ ༓ ڍ ৫ ܴ˒ Gamyaht heiwan géi dd douh a? today temperature how many degrees SFP ‘What’s today’s temperature?’ -faat, which as a noun means ‘law’, serves as a suffix meaning ‘way, method’: ᝑऄ góng-faat ‘way of speaking’ ⴤऄ lám-faat ‘way of thinking’ ┊ऄ tái-faat ‘point of view’ 45 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation ऄ jouh-faat ‘way of doing things’ ᙄऄ baahn-faat ‘solution, way out’ شऄ yuhng-faat ‘usage, way of using’ faat also appears in a discontinuous sequence with dím (yéung) ‘how’ and gám (yéung) ‘this way’ in describing or questioning a state of being or the way an action is performed. ݺ ړ უ Ngóh hóu séung I much want ‘I very much want ┊ 㣐 រ ⶕ ऄ tái háh kéuih dím leng faat see DEL her how pretty way to see how beautiful she really is.’ រ ᖞ᧡ ܃ऄ ܴ˒ Kéuih dcm jínggú léih faat a? s/he how trick you way SFP ‘In what way did he trick you?’ -gA ‘-ist’ is a personal suffix, denoting a specialist in a field: റ୮ jyen-ga ‘specialist, expert’ ᑇᖂ୮ sou-hohk-ga ‘mathematician’ ୮ wá-ga ‘painter’ ଃᑗ୮ yamngohk-ga ‘musician’ ߢᖂ୮ yúhyìhn-hohk-ga ‘linguist’ ՛ᎅ୮ síusyut-ga ‘novelist’ The suffix -gA suggests a certain distinction, so these terms are not applied lightly; wá-gA, for example, suggests a professional artist rather than an amateur. JyEn-gA may be preceded by the field of expertise, e.g. síusou màhnjuhk yúhyìhn jyEn-gA ‘expert in minority languages’. -gaau ‘-ism’ forms names of religions (contrast -jyúyi ‘-ism’, which forms different ideologies): ۵ඒ Faht-gaau ‘Buddhism’ ֞ඒ Húng-gaau ‘Confucianism’ ഗᅮඒ Gbidek-gaau ‘Christianity’ ሐඒ Douh-gaau ‘Taoism’ -hohk forms names of fields of study: षᄎᖂ séhwúi-hohk ‘sociology’ ୃᖂ jit-hohk ‘philosophy’ ᑇᖂ sou-hohk ‘mathematics’ ֨ᖂ samléih-hohk ‘psychology’ ढᖂ mahtléih-hohk ‘physics’ ߢᖂ yúhyìhn-hohk ‘linguistics’ -jái is a diminutive suffix, X-jái meaning ‘little X’: 46 ˕˕ גbìhbc-jái ‘baby’ גsye-jái ‘booklet’ ᘷ גmaau-jái ‘kitten’ 㬿 גtói-jái ‘little table’ ۔ധ גlóuhpòh-jái ‘little wife’ (also slang for ‘girlfriend’) ۔ֆ גlóuhgeng-jái ‘husband, hubby’ (also slang for ‘boyfriend’) Prefixes and suffixes -jái is also suffixed to names, typically suggesting intimacy or familiarity as with the names of children and teen idols: ࿇ גFaat-jái (the film star Chow Yun-Faat) ဎ גWah-jái ‘Andy Boy’ (the singer Andy Lau Dak Wah) -jé is an agentive suffix also used in Mandarin (-zhe ृ), indicating a person who performs an action: ދᇷृ tàuhjc-jé ‘investor’ ᖂृ hohk-jé ‘scholar’ قृ sihwai-jé ‘demonstrator’ ပृ daai-kwán-jé ‘carrier (of a disease)’ -jí is the Cantonese cognate of Mandarin -zi , but is not used as widely as -zi is in Mandarin, which serves primarily to give a word two syllables: Cantonese Mandarin 㬿 tói 䔉 dang ᕀ hàaih ᥤ maht Ꮧ(ୂ) beih(-gd) ோ 䔉 ᕀ ᥤ Ꮧ zhud-zi dèng-zi xié-zi wà-zi bí-zi ‘table’ ‘stool’ ‘shoe’ ‘sock’ ‘nose’ -jí appears obligatorily in a small number of words: ொ ጟ ᓊ ૈ leuht-jí ‘chestnut’ júng-jí ‘seed’ lìhn-jí ‘lotus-seed’ ké-jí ‘eggplant’ ᗊ ᅐ ᆎ yin-jí ‘swallow’ sc-jí ‘lion’ faai-jí ‘chopstick’ daai-jí ‘scallop’ With another group of words, -jí is optional: Կශ() saam hòuh-(jí) ‘three dimes’ ࠏ() laih-(jí) ‘example’ ᩒ૿ móuh-mihn-jí or ᩒ૿ móuh-mín ‘no face’ (note the tone change) -jyúyi forms names of ideologies or principles: ᖲᄎᆠ Ֆᦞᆠ ࠆᑗᆠ ݙભᆠ gbiwuih-jyúyi ‘opportunism’ léuihkyùhn-jyúyi ‘feminism’ héung-lohk-jyúyi ‘lit. enjoy-pleasure-ism yùhnméih-jyúyi ‘perfectionism’ hedonism’ 47 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation -léui is the female counterpart of -jái for human terms: ˕˕ Ֆ bìhbc-léui ‘baby girl’ าሁՖ sailouh-léui ‘girls’ (children) क़Ֆ fa-léui ‘lit. flower-girl bridesmaid’ -lóu is a colloquial suffix for males, combining with nouns or adjectives: ࠍ gwái-lóu ‘(Western) foreigner’ ڶᙒࠍ yáuh-chín-lóu ‘rich guy’ Օศࠍ daaih-lap-lóu ‘big shot’ ଅֽࠍ feng-séui-lóu ‘lit. wind-water-guy geomancer’ ⶕࠍ leng-lóu ‘good-looking older guy’ (by analogy with ⶕ גleng-jái: used by the media to refer to the actor Tom Cruise) -pòh is the female counterpart of -lóu: ധ gwái-pòh ‘foreign (Western) woman’ Գധ mùih-yàhn-pòh ‘matchmaker’ Օߚധ daaih-tóuh-pó ‘lit. big-stomach-woman pregnant woman’ (note tone change: pòh pó) Զധ baat-pòh (vulgar) ‘nosy woman, gossip’ (cf. Զ࠳ baat-gwa ‘nosy’) -séh denotes an organization: נठष chbut-báan-séh ‘publisher’ ள۩ष léuih-hàhng-séh ‘travel agency’ -sC denotes a master of a skill or profession: ᐓஃ chyùh-sc ‘chef’ ඒஃ gaau-sc ‘teacher’ ૠஃ chitgai-sc ‘designer’ ᠻஃ kèh-sc ‘jockey’ ଆᖲஃ fbigbi-sc ‘pilot’ ᄎૠஃ wuihgai-sc ‘accountant’ sing as an independent word means ‘nature’ or ‘sex’; it combines with different parts of speech to form abstract nouns denoting the nature or state of being of the stem: -sing attached to adjectives: ٲᙠ ngàih-hím ‘dangerous’ ٲᙠࢤ ngàih-hím-sing ‘danger’ ૹ juhng-yiu ‘important’ ૹࢤ juhng-yiu-sing ‘importance’ ᣤૹ yìhm-juhng ‘serious’ ᣤૹࢤ yìhm-juhng-sing ‘seriousness’ -sing attached to verbs: 48 ಖ gei-dak ()ړಖࢤ (hóu) gei-sing ‘(good) memory’ ᐘ daahn ᐘࢤ daahn-sing ‘bounciness’ -sing attached to nouns: Prefixes and suffixes ئmóuh ‘mother’ ࢤئmóuh-sing ‘motherly nature’ Գ yàhn ‘person’ Գࢤ yàhn-sing ‘human nature’ ᡬ sau ‘beast’ ᡬࢤ sau-sing ‘beastly (animal) nature’ -sing also forms adjectives in other cases (see adjectival suffixes). -tàuh corresponds to Mandarin -tou ᙰ, being related to tàuh ‘head’ and applying to various head-shaped items. As with the suffix -jí above, the distribution in Cantonese and Mandarin does not always coincide. In many words which in Mandarin require the suffix -tou ᙰ, the Cantonese -tàuh is optional; in others, both Mandarin and Cantonese require the suffix: Cantonese Mandarin (ᙰ) gwat (-tàuh) ֵ(ᙰ) muhk (-tàuh) (فᙰ) sehk (-tàuh) ᤪ(ᙰ) jeng (-tàuh) 塿ᙰ maahn-tàuh ߞᙰ wuh-táu (note tone change) ᙰ ֵᙰ فᙰ ᤪᙰ 塿ᙰ ߞᙰ gútou mùtou shítou zhdngtou mántou yùtou ‘bone’ ‘wood’ ‘stone’ ‘hour’ ‘steamed bread’ ‘taro’ (root vegetable) -tàuh is also used to form place expressions and localizers, as an alternative to mihn/bihn (7.1): ࡋᙰ lc-tàuh ‘this end, here’ ছᙰ chìhn-tàuh ‘in front’ 䢇ᙰ gó-tàuh ‘that end, there’ 㠪ᙰ léuih-tàuh ‘inside’ Many words with -tàuh combine with yáuh to form adjectives: ┊ ڶᙰ yáuh tái-tàuh have see-head ‘presentable’ ⴤ ڶᙰ yáuh lám-tàuh have think-head ‘full of (good) ideas’ ڶᙰ yáuh paai-tàuh have style-head ‘stylish, classy’ ࠐ ڶᙰ yáuh lòih-tàuh have come-head ‘having a fancy background’ The fact that Cantonese makes less extensive use of the suffixes -jí and -tàuh than Mandarin does of -zi and -tou ᙰ is thought to be related to contrasts between the two languages in tones and final consonants. Mandarin has lost the final consonants -m, -p, -t and -k which are preserved 49 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation in Cantonese, and has four tones as opposed to six in Cantonese. Hence, the problem of homophony (identical-sounding words) is more severe in Mandarin, and the addition of suffixes compensates for this (Li and Thompson 1981: 44). 2.2.2.2 Adjectival suffixes -déi is a suffix used with reduplicated adjectives and stative verbs. The resulting form has a diminutive meaning similar to ‘-ish’ or ‘a little’: દદ䞢 ॾॾ䞢 वव䞢 ᢝᢝ䞢 hùhng-húng-déi ‘reddish’ seun-séun-déi ‘believe a bit’ jc-jc-déi ‘know a bit’ (about a subject or fact) sck-sck-déi ‘know a bit’ (about a person) Note the tone change of the second reduplicated element, except when the original tone is high level (1.4.2). Reduplicated forms with the suffix -dèi may also be used as adverbs (10.1.4): ړړ ܃䞢 不 ʴ Léih hóu-hóu-déi fan la! You good-good-ish sleep SFP ‘Sleep well.’ ݺ 䞢 რ ࡋ ଈ ዚ 唧 Ngóh màh-má-déi jengyi lc sáu gd jbk I so-so-ish like this CL song SFP ‘I’m not too keen on this song.’ -sing combines with different stems to form adjectives functioning like English -y in lucky and -al as in seasonal (see also -sing forming abstract nouns under ‘Noun suffixes’): -sing attached to adjectives: ༞ ngok ‘malignant’ ༞ࢤᒆ ngok-sing láu ‘malignant tumour’ ኬ maahn ‘slow’ ኬࢤఐ maahn-sing behng ‘chronic disease’ ༞ࢤ༛ᛩ ngok-sing chèuhnwàahn ‘vicious cycle’ ٤ࢤٲᖲ chyùhn-kàuh-sing ngàihgbi ‘global crisis’ ݾࢤ(嘅)ംᠲ geihseuht-sing (ge) mahntài ‘technical problems’ 50 Prefixes and suffixes Verbal suffixes -fa ‘-ize, -ify’ is a causative suffix forming verbs from nouns and adjectives: -fa with nouns: ሽᆰ֏ dihnlóuh-fa ‘computerize’ ᚭᏣ֏ heikehk-fa ‘dramatize’ ֏־fó-fa ‘incinerate, cremate’ ຏ֏ kateng-fa ‘cartoonize’ -fa with adjectives: ֏זyihndoih-fa ‘modernize’ ጸ֏ luhk-fa ‘make green’ ભ֏ méih-fa ‘beautify’ ᝲ֏ cháu-fa ‘make ugly’ These compounds are used especially in formal registers such as broadcasting, often with the jBung construction (comparable to Mandarin bK ނ: 8.3.3):1 Օᖂ ഏᎾ֏ ீ९ ല Haauhjéung yiu jbung daaihhok gwokjai-fa principal want put university international-ize ‘The vice chancellor wants to internationalize the university.’ រᇞ ല ٙ ࠃ ᓤᠧ֏˒ Dímgáai jbung gihn sih fekjaahp-fa? why put CL matter complicate ‘Why complicate the matter?’ Verb forms with the suffix -fa can also function as nouns, corresponding to nominalizations in English: խഏ嘅 ֏זJenggwok ge yihndoih-fa ‘China’s modernization’ ދᇷ嘅ڍց֏ tàuhjc ge ddyùhn-fa ‘pluralization of investments’ In addition, the aspect markers gán, jyuh, jó, gwo, hDi (see ch. 11) behave as suffixes in most respects. In particular, they are bound forms (i.e. they may not occur without a verb) and may not be separated from the verb. Verbal particles (11.3), by contrast, do not behave consistently as suffixes: although typically occurring directly after the verb which they modify, they may be separated from it by the negative Xh or the modal dAk: ݺ ᚥ ଙ ܃ Ngóh bdng xh dóu léih I help not PRT you ‘I can’t help you.’ ݺ ᚥ ʻʼ ଙ ܃ Ngóh bdng (dak) dóu léih I help able PRT you ‘I can help you.’ 51 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation A few verb–particle combinations always appear separated in this way since they are only used together with Xh or dAk, e.g. . . . héi ‘afford’ and díng . . . seuhn ‘tolerate’: 䞢 ᙁ ದ Kéuihdeih sye dak héi they lose able up ‘They can afford to lose.’ ݺ ື ႉ 䢇 ா ࠺ Ngóh díng xh seun gó jahm meih I bear not PRT that CL smell ‘I can’t stand that smell.’ The verbal particles described in 11.3 are thus clearly not suffixes, although they are sometimes written as such in the Yale system. 2.2.3 Infixes In colloquial Cantonese certain words may be infixed inside a morpheme (stem). The expletive gwái ‘devil, ghost’, used to emphasize adjectives (9.1.2), may be infixed into not only single morphemes but also compound words and phrases2: -gwái with a single morpheme: ᓵጐ leuhnjeuhn ‘clumsy’ ᓵጐ leuhn-gwái-jeuhn ‘downright clumsy’ ࡰ༃ gehòhn ‘mean, stingy’ ࡰ༃ ge-gwái-hòhn ‘downright stingy’ ۚᎨ yuhksyen ‘ugly’ ۚᎨ yuhk-gwái-syen ‘downright ugly’ -gwái between a stem (e.g. verb) and another affix (e.g. aspect marker): ڽ䦹 ړર ໞ Kéuih séi-gwái-jó hóu loih la s/he die-devil-PFV very long SFP ‘He died a long time ago.’ (Didn’t you know?) 52 䢅 ᤺ ନ ଇ ஸ Dc mihn béi kéuih sihk gwái saai CL noodles by him eat devil all ‘The noodles have been eaten up by ໞ la SFP him.’ (Too bad, none left for you.) -gwái can also be inserted inside compound words: ڍ塒 dd-yùh much-extra ‘superfluous’ ڍ塒 dd-gwái-yùh much-devil-extra ‘a damn waste of time’ ᩅ䞧 mat-yéh what-stuff ‘what’ ᩅ䞧䓰㗎˒ mat-gwái-yéh lèihga? what-devil-stuff SFP ‘what on earth is this?’ ᢰ৫ bcn-douh which-place ‘where’ ᢰ৫˒ bcn-gwái-douh? which-devil-place ‘where on earth?’ Prefixes and suffixes Other expletive words, many more offensive than the relatively mild gwái, may be infixed similarly.3 Gwái is very versatile and can be used in many other contexts such as negative wh-questions and rhetorical questions: व ˒ Gwái jc mb? Devil know SFP ‘Only the devil knows.’ (i.e. I don’t know.) Gwái Devil ‘Only xh not the व ܴ˒ jc àh? know SFP devil doesn’t know.’ (i.e. Everybody knows.) Gwái Devil ‘Only ٵ װ ܃ʴ tùhng léih heui! with you go the devil will go with you.’ (i.e. I won’t go with you) mAtyéh ‘what’ (17.3.2) may be inserted into compound words, especially verb–object compounds, with the meaning ‘What do you mean?’ or ‘What’s the point?’ to achieve a certain rhetorical effect: ೣ֨ pcn-sam ‘biased’ ೣᩅ䞧ܴ֨? Pcn-matyéh-sam a? ‘What do you mean, biased?’ ᦰ duhk-sye ‘study’ ᦰᩅ䞧ܴ? Duhk-matyéh-sye a? ‘What’s the point in studying?’ matyéh (often shortened to mB or mAt) can also be followed by gwái; alternatively, the whole complex infix mAt-gwái-yéh, whereby gwái is 53 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation between mAt- and -yéh, can be infixed productively. The following orders illustrate the different possibilities: ഀᩅʻ䞧ʼዚ˒ Cheung-mat(yéh)-gwái-gd? sing-what-devil-song ‘What do you mean, singing?’ ഀᩅ䞧ዚ˒ Cheung-mat-gwái-yéh-gd? sing-what-devil-stuff-song ೣᩅʻ䞧ʼܴ֨˒ Pcn-mat(yéh)-gwái-sam-a? incline-what-devil-heart-SFP ‘What do you mean, biased?’ ೣᩅ䞧ܴ֨˒ Pcn-mat-gwái-yéh-sam-a? incline-what-devil-stuff-heart-SFP In some other rhetorical expressions, gwái can be substituted for mAtyéh with a change of sentence-final particle: ᣂ ܃ᩅ䞧 ࠃ ܴ˒ Gwaan léih matyéh sih a? concern you what business SFP or: ᣂ ܃ ࠃ ܴ˒ Gwaan léih gwái sih àh? concern you what business SFP 2.3 ‘It’s none of your business.’ Compounding Broadly defined, compounding is the combination of two or more independent morphemes to form a single new word, the meaning of which is not always predictable. In Cantonese, as in English, compounding is a very productive means of forming nouns, adjectives and verbs. Below we discuss the properties of compounds according to their parts of speech. Nouns (2.3.1): ཚ ga-kèih leave-period ‘holiday’ ຳ឵ syut-gwaih snow-cupboard ‘refrigerator’ Adjectives (2.3.2): 54 Օ gdu-daaih tall-large ‘tall and sturdy’ ႕ػ hak-baahk black-white ‘black-and-white’ Verbs (2.3.3): ۷ૠ gú-gai guess-calculate ‘estimate’ Compounding ܂ٽ hahp-jok unite-work ‘cooperate’ In addition, verb–object compounds such as diu-yú ‘catch-fish fishing’ are highly productive (see 2.3.3, 8.2.4). For example, chEng-lèuhng ‘washcool shower’ and sihk-yCn ‘consume-smoke smoke cigarettes’ are compounds because they refer to single events and behave like single words in the ways described below. In contrast, chEng chàh ‘make tea’ and sihk yeuhk ‘take medicine’ are not considered compounds, but rather phrases consisting of a verb and a direct object. Whatever criteria one invokes, it is not easy to differentiate compounds from non-compounds; some of the linguistic issues related to compounding in Mandarin are discussed in Li and Thompson (1981) and Packard (2000). 2.3.1 Compound nouns In compound nouns the head noun (of which the compound denotes a type) may appear in either initial or final position. The following examples have their head in the final position: ࢋ jáu-dim wine-shop ‘hotel’ ᑔ jáu-làuh wine-flat ‘restaurant’ ԳԺ yàhn-lihk person-strength ‘man-power’ ढԺ maht-lihk material-strength ‘resources’ ଉֽ hbung-séui fragrant-water ‘perfume’ ଉׂ hbung-pín fragrant-leaf ‘jasmine (tea)’ ௧ཽ hói-góng sea-harbour ‘harbour’ ௧ན hói-gíng sea-view ‘sea-view’ 55 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation Some compounds combine three words: ੑ۪ᖲ sái-yc-gbi ‘lit. wash-clothes-machine washing machine’ گଃᖲ sau-yam-gbi ‘lit. receive-sound-machine radio’ A small number of compound nouns involving food and animal terms have their head nouns in the initial positions (see Y.-S. Cheung 1969, Matthews 2006b): ູس yùh-saang fish-raw ‘raw fish’ ᓼۚ jye-yuhk-gdn pig-meat-dry ‘pork jerky’ လ choi-gdn vegetable-dry ‘dry vegetable’ ᠪֆ ᠪ䢾 ᓼֆ gai-geng gai-lá jye-geng chicken-male chicken-female pig-male ‘rooster’ ‘chicken’ ‘male pig’ ׄۚ ngàuh-yuhk-gdn cow-meat-dry ‘beef jerky’ ᓼ䢾 jye-lá pig-female ‘female pig’ Note that the Mandarin counterparts of the animal nouns have the reverse order, e.g.: ֆᠪ gdng-jc male-chicken ‘rooster’ ئᠪ mo-jc female-chicken ‘chicken’ Other examples with the head in the initial position include: ֫ݿ fùh-sáu rest-hand ‘handrail, armrest’ Ցپ háu-hek mouth-eat ‘stuttering’ A common feature of compound nouns is the change of tone, whereby if the second element of a compound originally has a low-register or mid level tone, it changes to the mid/high rising tone (see 1.4.2): ᇷ jc ‘resource’ ற liuh ‘material’ ᇷற jc-líu ‘data, information’ mùih ‘medium’ Գ yàhn ‘person’ Գ mùih-yán ‘match-maker’ Compound nouns may also be formed by taking one syllable (not necessarily the first) from each of two bisyllabic nouns: 56 ଉཽ՛ࡦ Hbunggóng Síujé ཽࡦ Góng-jé ‘Miss Hong Kong’ ࠅ՛ࡦ Ajau Síujé ࠅࡦ A-jé ‘Miss Asia’ ଉཽՕᖂ Hbunggóng Daaihhohk University’ խ֮Օᖂ Jengmàhn Daaihhohk University of Hong Kong’ ཽՕ Góng-daaih ‘Hong Kong Compounding խՕ Jeng-daaih ‘The Chinese This is primarily a device of written Chinese, much used in political contexts: խഏ Jenggwok ‘China’ ଉཽ Hbunggóng ‘Hong Kong’ խཽംᠲ Jeng-Góng mahntàih ‘the China–Hong Kong question’ 2.3.2 Compound adjectives Adjectives are formed from various combinations: (a) adjective noun 㝌֨ chc-sam crazy-heart ‘infatuated’ adjective: ႕֨ hak-sam black-heart ‘malicious’ ՛֨ síu-sam small-heart ‘careful’ क़֨ fa-sam varying-heart ‘philandering’ The noun sCk ‘style’ forms compound adjectives used to describe cooking, furniture, etc.: խ ڤJeng-sck ‘Chinese-style’ ۫ ڤsai-sck ‘Western-style’ ڤTaai-sck ‘Thai-style’ ۞ ڤܗjihjoh-sck ‘buffet style’ sCk ‘colour’ is used with colour terms when they actually denote colours: ႕ ۥhak-sck ‘black’ ៴ ۥlàahm-sck ‘blue’ દ ۥhùhng-sck ‘red’ ጸ ۥluhk-sck ‘green’ These compound forms with sCk are not used in the numerous metaphorical and idiomatic uses of colour words, such as hAk meaning ‘dark, secret’ as in hAk síh ‘black market’ and hùhng ‘hot, fashionable’ as in daaih hùhng yàhn, literally ‘big red person’, i.e. ‘star’ (in entertainment circles, politics, etc.). (b) adjective adjective: two adjectives may be juxtaposed to form an adjective expressing a combination of characteristics: gdu-sam high-deep ‘profound’ Ꭸʻྏʼ syen-laaht (tdng) sour-hot (soup) ‘hot-and-sour (soup)’ ۫ק sai-bak west-north ‘northwest’ ࣟত deng-làahm east-south ‘southeast’ 57 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation Note the order of the points of the compass, with east/west coming before north/south. (c) noun adjective: ۞ߏ jih-sc self-private ‘selfish’ (d) verb ۞Օ jih-daaih self-big ‘arrogant’ noun: yáuh noun, literally ‘having [a property, attribute]’ is a very productive means of forming adjectives: ڶᙒ yáuh-chín ‘rich’ ֚ڶٝ yáuh-tcn-fahn ‘talented, gifted’ ڶற yáuh-líu ‘substantial’ ڶᖂം yáuh-hohkmahn ‘learned, cultured’ ڶী yáuh-yìhng ‘stylish’ ڶᕖԺ yáuh-meih-lihk ‘charming’ All these forms can take degree modifiers such as hóu ‘very’, géi ‘quite’, etc.: ڶ ړᙒ hóu yáuh-chín very have-money ‘very rich’ ༓ ֚ڶٝ géi yáuh-tcn-fahn quite have-heaven-portion ‘quite talented, gifted’ móuh, the negative from of yáuh (14.3.2), forms adjectives similarly: ᩒ شmóuh-yuhng ‘useless’ 2.3.3 ᩒறࠩ móuh-líu-dou ‘vacuous’ Verb–object compounds The process of incorporation of the object of a verb (see 8.2.4) in effect creates compound verbs, known as verb–object compounds. The resulting meaning often does not fully reflect that of the object, corresponding to an intransitive verb in English: ᦰ duhk-sye study-book ‘study’ 58 ┊ tái-sye look-book ‘read’ ᒋઍᙰ jau-mèihtàuh wrinkle-eyebrow ‘frown’ ۩ሁ hàahng-louh walk-road ‘walk’ ࿇က faat-pèihhei produce-temper ‘get angry’ ཾֽ yàuh-séui swim-water ‘swim’ In other cases the combination has an idiomatic meaning, which is not predictable from the two parts: ࡁᔩ 堬ಁ ߨഘ נᘷ ၲԸ Compounding haap-chou ‘lit. sip-vinegar jealous’ yám-chàh ‘lit. drink-tea have dim sum’ jáu-tòhng ‘lit. leave-lesson skip classes’ chbut-maau ‘lit. out-cat cheat’ (in examinations, etc.) hdi-ddu ‘lit. open-knife carry out an operation’ Numerous slang expressions are formed from a Cantonese verb and an English (or even Japanese) noun: ഀ ˞ cheung-kbi ‘sing karaoke’ ˞ sok-kbi ‘lit. sniff-ketamine take ketamine’ ֒ࡋ scng-lb ‘lit. rise-level upgrade’ SCng-lB is a combination of the Cantonese sCng ‘rise’ and the first syllable of English level, pronounced lB with a high level tone reflecting the stress on the first syllable. The phrase, representative of chìuhyúh ᑪ ‘trendy language’ (see 20.6), has its origin in the language of video games in which the player progresses from one level to the next on reaching a certain level of performance. The resulting expression resembles a verb–object compound. Despite the close relationship between verb and object suggested by their meanings, these compounds may be separated in various contexts: (a) aspect markers and verbal particles (11.2, 11.3) come between the verb and object: ᦰጹ duhk-gán-sye study-PROG-book ‘(be) studying’ ᦰݙ duhk-yùhn-sye study-finish-book ‘finish studying’ ཾ㣐ֽ yàuh-háh-séui swim-DEL-water ‘have a swim’ ཾֽ yàuh-faan-séui swim-again-water ‘go swimming again’ (b) certain modifiers to the noun may be inserted: ཾ ֽڰyàuh-jóu-séui ‘lit. swim-early-water go for a morning swim’ 堬Հ֑ಁ yám-hah-nuh-chàh ‘lit. drink-afternoon-tea have afternoon tea’ ࡙װဩ heui-yeh-gaai ‘lit. go-evening-street go for an evening walk’ ଇຌ堩 sihk-yúhn-faahn ‘lit. eat-soft-rice live off a woman’ 59 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation ଇመ࡙ sihk-gwo yeh-jek ‘lit. have eaten late-night congee’ (idiom: meaning to have served one’s apprenticeship in a martial art) ཾֽ yàuh-gdn-séui ‘lit. swim-dry-water play mahjong’ (idiom: referring to motion of mixing tiles) (c) an expression of duration of frequency may intervene (8.2.5): ᦰ ࠟ ଡ ᤪᙰ duhk léuhng go jengtàuh sye book study two CL hour ‘study for two hours’ ߨ ༓ ڻഘ jáu géi chi tòhng leave a-few time class ‘skip classes a few times’ (d) certain idiomatic verb–object compounds may take a personal object between the verb and noun: ࿇ ݺက faat ngóh pèihhei produce me anger ‘get angry at me’ ▏מ dahn kéuih deng-ge simmer him mushroom ‘demote him’ (employee) (e) the compounds may be split up by topicalizing the object (see 4.2), e.g. duhk-syE ‘study’: ԫࡳ ᦰ ړ Sye yatdihng yiu duhk dak hóu book definitely need study ADV well ‘You must study well.’ Based on yìh-màhn ‘emigrate’: ᙒ ࠌ ڍΔ ا ༉ ԫࡳ Chín msái jaahn gam dd, màhn jauh yatdihng money no-need earn so much emigrate then definitely 60 ฝ yiu yìh need emigrate ‘Never mind earning money, we have to emigrate.’ (film) Based on fan-gaau ‘sleep’: Compounding ༈ඡ ྤ ᤚ ړ不 Chàhm-máahn móuh gaau hóu fan last-night not-have sleep good sleep ‘I didn’t sleep well last night.’ Verb–object compounds should be distinguished from compound verbs such as the following, which are not separable in any of the above ways: ᖜ֨ ᣂ֨ ދᇷ ⛕ଇ daam-sam gwaan-sam tàuh-jc wán-sihk burden-heart care-heart throw-resources seek-eat ‘worry’ ‘concerned (about)’ ‘invest’ ‘make a living’ These compounds may not be separated, except by the infixed mAtyéh ‘what’ (2.1.3): ᖜᩅ䞧ܴ֨ Daam-matyéh-sam a? ‘Why worry?’ ދᩅ䞧ᇷ Tàuh-matyéh-gwái-jc? ‘Why on earth invest?’ Certain compound verbs are variable, e.g. teui-yAu ‘retire’ and yìhmàhn ‘emigrate’ which may be separated or not: ಯ䦹ٖ teui-jó-yau or ಯٖ䦹 teui-yau-jó ‘has retired’ ฝ䦹 اyìh-jó-màhn or ฝا䦹 yìh-màhn-jó ‘has emigrated’ It should be noted that verb–object compounds can function not only as intransitive verbs but also as noun phrases. They can occur as subject and object of the sentence, for example: נᘷ ٲ ړᙠ 㗎 Chbut-maau hóu ngàihhím ga out-cat very dangerous SFP ‘Cheating is very dangerous.’ When a verb–object compound is separated by a classifier or measure phrase, the idiomatic meanings are often lost: ݺ䞢 堬䦹 ڍ ړ ࣦ ಁ Ngóhdeih yám-jó hóu dd bei chàh we drink-PFV very many CL tea ‘We drank many cups of tea.’ ଇ䦹 ࠟ ᅹ 堩 Kéuih sihk-jó léuhng wún faahn s/he eat-PFV two bowl rice ‘She ate two bowls of rice.’ 61 2 Word structure: morphology and word formation While yám-chàh as a verb–object compound means having dim sum idiomatically, yám géi bEi chàh refers specifically to drinking tea. Similarly, sihk-faahn as a verb–object compound denotes having a meal, sihk géi wún faahn refers specifically to eating rice. 2.3.4 Subject–verb compounds A small set of compound verbs are made up of a subject and an intransitive verb. As with verb–object compounds, the subject may be said to be incorporated in the verb. These compounds are much less numerous and productive than the verb–object type, and mostly denote bodily feelings: ᙰ࿀ tàuh-tung head-hurt ‘have a headache’ ณಝ ngáahn-fan eye-sleep ‘feel sleepy’ ߚ塍 tóuh-ngoh stomach-hunger ‘hungry’ Ցྐ˂᙭ྐ háu-hot/géng-hot mouth-thirst/neck-thirst ‘thirsty’ Grammatically, these compounds function as stative verbs (see 8.1.2). They are often modified by hóu (like adjectives) but can also be used with meih ‘not yet’ (like verbs): ړณಝܴ Hóu ngáahn-fan a! ‘(I’m) so sleepy!’ ߚ܃塍 آLéih tóuh-ngoh meih? ‘Are you hungry yet?’ 62 Chapter 3 Syntactic categories: parts of speech in Cantonese This grammar is arranged primarily by grammatical categories (parts of speech, such as nouns and verbs) and secondarily by functional and notional categories (action and motion, comparison, etc.). This grammatical organization is largely for the convenience of Western readers accustomed to these categories, and some explanation of the categories used is called for here. Like the monosyllabic character of the language (see ch. 1), the difficulty of distinguishing parts of speech in Chinese has often been exaggerated, sometimes even to the point of denying that Chinese has distinct parts of speech in the Western sense. Cantonese is not so different from English in this respect. The dual status of coverbs (3.1.3) as verbs and prepositions has parallels in English: words such as after function both as prepositions (as in after the party) and as conjunctions (as in after we left).1 Similarly, the use of adjectives as verbs as in fèih-jó ‘has become fatter’ may be compared to the fact that English verbs such as run and cut may be used as nouns, or that box and shell may be used as verbs. Both English and Cantonese allow limited conversion of one part of speech to another. However, the two languages differ with respect to the range of possibilities of conversion. For example, while verbs in English generally take on affixes if they are to appear in these positions (swim swimming; criticize criticism), any verb in Cantonese can appear in subject and object positions without change in form: ཾֽ ኙ ܃ Yàuh-séui deui léih swim-water for your ‘Swimming is good for ߪ᧯ ړ santái hóu body good your health.’ ൷࠹ ܃嘅 ޅေ Kéuih jipsauh léih ge paipìhng s/he accept you LP criticism ‘She accepts your criticism.’ 63 3 Syntactic categories: parts of speech in Cantonese An extreme case of conversion in Cantonese involves adjective–noun compounds such as the following: leng ‘good-looking’ jái ‘boy’ ⶕ גlengjái ‘handsome boy’ yìhng ‘stylish’ jái ‘boy’ ী גyìhngjái ‘stylish boy’ Ֆ lbkléui ‘clever girl’ lbk ‘clever, smart’ léui ‘girl’ The resulting nouns may be used as adjectives: ܃ଡ ג༓ ⶕג ⎲ʴ Léih go jái géi lengjái wo! your CL son quite good-looking SFP ‘Your son’s pretty good-looking!’ ړীג 䨂ʴ Kéuih hóu yìhngjái bo! he very stylish SFP ‘He’s really got style.’ The compound adjectives may also be used as verbs to denote change of state: ર ᩒ ߠΔⶕג䦹 ⎲ʴ Gam loih móuh gin, lengjái-jó wo! so long not-have see handsome-PFV SFP ‘It’s been a while since I saw you, you’ve become quite good-looking!’ ګ ܃ ଡ Ֆ䦹 ⎲ʴ Léih sèhng go lbkléui-jó wo! you whole CL clever-girl-PFV SFP ‘You’ve turned into quite a smart little girl!’ (TV ad.) Such cases of conversion represent one reason why the parts of speech are difficult to pin down, forming a controversial area in Chinese linguistics. On the other hand, the use of proper nouns as predicative adjectives in Cantonese does have parallels in English: ଡ Գ ॳ ړˤ 㗎ʴ Kéuih go yàhn hóu a-Kcu ga! s/he CL person very ah-Q SFP ‘She is very ah-Q!’ (Ah-Q is a character in a novel by Lo Xùn who only cares for spiritual satisfaction despite being regarded by others as stupid.) 64 Syntactically, hóu a-KCu is comparable to hóu lengjái and a-KCu can take any degree modifiers that an adjective can take. In English, with respect to style or art, brand names and proper names, for example, can occur in the same predicative positions, as in That suit is really YSL! In these creative usages the proper nouns stand for characteristic properties with which they are conventionally associated. 3.1 Comparability of syntactic categories Comparability of syntactic categories The extent to which Chinese possesses the same range of parts of speech (syntactic categories) as the Indo-European languages has been the subject of much discussion in linguistics. The Chinese grammatical tradition recognizes a rather different set of categories. However, for English speakers it is useful to describe the language in terms of the familiar categories of European languages. Chao (1947: 41) makes some relevant remarks on this question: While Chinese grammar proper should deal only with the grammatical features which are found in the Chinese itself, an English-speaking student cannot help being concerned about how English grammatical categories will be translated in Chinese. This is a perfectly healthy state of mind, provided the student remembers the fact that every grammatical feature of one language does not necessarily correspond to some familiar feature of another language. Thus, while the chapter and section headings of this book are designed to help the reader to find ways of expressing what is expressed by the relevant English parts of speech, they are not intended as a claim that these categories exist in Cantonese; indeed, there are several cases where the equivalence is questionable. Thus, when we speak of ‘adjectives’ we refer to the words which are expressed by adjectives in English and which may be thought of as adjectives in learning Cantonese; the use of the familiar term does not, however, entail that they should be regarded as a distinct category in analysing Cantonese on its own terms. In modern linguistics the issue is still debated, with Francis and Matthews (2005) arguing that property words (corresponding to adjectives in English) are verbs in Cantonese and cannot be distinguished from stative verbs. The following sections review the most important of these questions of correspondence. It will be seen that there are alternative views, which occasion some controversy within specific models and theories of grammar. The discussion involves complex linguistic arguments and hence becomes relatively technical at times; readers not concerned with general linguistics 65 3 Syntactic categories: parts of speech in Cantonese may prefer to pass over these questions and use the familiar parts of speech merely as convenient labels. 3.1.1 Verbs versus adjectives The distinction between verb and adjective is not clearly drawn in Chinese. It can be argued that both belong to a single category of predicates and, indeed, in traditional Chinese grammar, adjectives are treated as stative verbs. Alternatively, verbs and adjectives are sometimes treated as separate categories; stative verbs are then intermediate between the two, sharing properties with both categories. In many respects verbs and adjectives behave alike. Both can take aspect markers and verbal particles (see ch. 11): ନ䦹 béi-jó pay/give-PFV ‘has paid/given’ ᒇ䦹 sau-jó thin-PFV ‘has become thinner’ ┊መ tái-gwo see-EXP ‘have seen before’ ⶕመ leng-gwo pretty-EXP ‘used to be pretty’ ᝫ wàahn faan return back ‘return (something)’ ၲ֨ hdisam faan happy back ‘be happy again’ ଇ sihk eat ‘eat up’ ۆᜊ ஸ wejdu saai dirty PRT ‘all dirty’ ஸ saai PRT The distinction between adjectives and stative verbs is particularly difficult to draw. Words which might seem to be adjectives, such as suhk or suhksCk ‘familiar’ and gánjBung ‘worried’, can take objects just like transitive verbs: 66 ݺ এ ړᑵ Ngóh mhaih hóu suhk kéuih I not-be very familiar him ‘I don’t know him very well.’ ړጹ് 䢅 Ֆ Kéuih hóu gánjbung dc léui s/he very nervous CL daughters ‘She’s very concerned about her daughters.’ Comparability of syntactic categories Adjectives used as predicates are normally modified by an adverb such as hóu (see 9.1.2). However, this criterion does not distinguish adjectives from stative verbs, such as jEngyi ‘like’ and tùhngyi ‘agree’, which may also be modified with hóu providing that they represent gradable concepts: ړრ hóu jengyi very like ‘very much like’ ٵ ړრ hóu tùhngyi very agree ‘very much agree’ Further, reduplication of adjectives with -déi (9.2.2) also applies to some stative verbs: Adjectives Stative verbs ႟႟䞢 sòh-só-déi ‘a little silly’ 㝌㝌䞢(ᒵ) chc-chc-déi(-sin) ‘a bit crazy’ ᢝᢝ䞢 sck-sck-déi, वव䞢 jc-jc-déi ‘know a little’ ࣔࣔ䞢 mìhng-míng-déi ‘understand a little’ Comparative constructions such as the excessive form with dAkjaih (9.3.4) can be used with stative verbs such as jEngyi ‘like’ as well as adjectives, provided that the object is displaced so as to allow dAkjaih to follow the verb directly: A: Գ䞢 რ ٣˒ Yàhndeih jeng-xh-jengyi kéuih sìn? people like-not-like him SFP ‘But does she like him?’ B: რ Jengyi like ‘A bit ዩ ʴ dakjaih tìm a-bit much too too much, in fact.’ Constructions such as questions with extent complements sèhng or sìhng (17.3.7) occur with either verbs or adjectives: ┊㣐 ੑ ګ រ Tái-háh sái sèhng dím see-DEL wash extent how ‘Let’s see how well it’s washed.’ ┊㣐 ⶕ ګ រ Tái-háh kéuih leng sèhng dím see-DEL s/he pretty extent how ‘Let’s see how pretty she is.’ 67 3 Syntactic categories: parts of speech in Cantonese To summarize, if verbs and adjectives are treated as distinct categories, as they are in this book largely for the convenience of learners, then it must be acknowledged that: (a) Adjectives and verbs share many common characteristics and may appear in many of the same constructions. (b) In particular, adjectives denoting states may be used as verbs denoting change of state. (c) Stative verbs, in the narrow sense used here (see 8.1.2), are intermediate between verbs and adjectives in their grammatical properties. 3.1.2 Verbs and auxiliaries Whereas English auxiliary verbs such as can and will are distinguished by morphological and syntactic properties, their Cantonese counterparts behave for the most part like other verbs.2 Functionally, we can distinguish modal auxiliary verbs such as wúih ‘will, would’, hóyíh ‘can’ (12.1) as well as the aspectual auxiliary yáuh ‘have’ and its negative counterpart móuh (11.2.6). Unlike other verbs, these auxiliaries do not take aspect markers or verbal particles, and must be followed by a main verb to form a complete sentence. Auxiliaries are used alone only when a main verb is clearly given in the context: A: ᢰଡ Bcngo who ‘Who ᄎ wúih would would რ ࡋ ጟ Գ 嘅 唧˒ jengyi lc júng yàhn ge jbk? like this kind person SFP SFP like a person like that?’ B: ༉ ᄎ 䄆 Kéuih jauh wúih laak s/he then would SFP ‘She would.’ A: ॳ᧵ รʻԲʼழ ኔ ࿇ሒ A-Léun daih-(yih)-sìh saht faat-daaht Ah-Leun another-time sure make-money ‘Ah Leun is sure to make money in the future.’ 68 B: ༉ এ უ Kéuih jauh gánghaih séung la he then of-course wish SFP ‘He’d like to, of course.’ 3.1.3 Comparability of syntactic categories Coverbs/prepositions The status of prepositions in Chinese is also an open question. Functionally, the role of prepositions in expressing relationships between noun phrases is played by two different types of word: coverbs and localizers (see 3.1.4). Coverbs are so called because they typically occur together with another verb, the coverb and its object serving to modify the following verb: ٵ ࣁጹࣆ ݺ Ngóh tùhng kéuih paak-gán-td I with him date-PROG ‘I’m going out with him.’ 䢆 䢇৫ ᐙઌ Kéuih hái gódouh yíng-séung s/he at there take-photo ‘She’s over there taking a photo.’ Although the coverb functions like a prepositional phrase in English, this pattern resembles the serial verb construction which is a basic feature of Chinese syntax (8.3). The question thus arises whether the coverbs are functioning as prepositions, or as verbs in a serial verb construction. The main Cantonese coverbs at issue are shown in Table 3.1. Even in those contexts where they correspond to prepositions in English, these words behave like verbs in many respects. Most may readily occur without a following verb: ್ س ۖ୮ 䢆 ᖂீ Máh Saang yìhga hái hohkhaauh Ma Mr now at school ‘Mr Ma is at school now.’ ଡ ֲګ ג ຟ ᇿ۰ ߤ۔ Go jái sèhngyaht ddu ganjyuh kéuih lóuh-dauh CL son always all follow his old-dad ‘The son always goes around with his dad.’ The coverbs may take aspect markers such as gán and gwo (11.1): ݺ ٵጹ ᝑ 䞧 Ngóh tùhng-gán kéuih góng yéh I with-PROG her talk things ܃䢆መ ৢ ݺٞ 不 ˒آ Léih hái-gwo ngóh ekkéi fan meih? You at-EXP my house sleep not-yet ‘Have you ever slept in my house?’ ‘I’m talking to her.’ 69 3 Syntactic categories: parts of speech in Cantonese Table 3.1 Coverbs functioning as verbs and as prepositions Coverb As verb As preposition ନ béi ᚥ bdng شyuhng ⛕ wán ኙ deui ٻheung ᇿʻ۰ʼ gan(jyuh) ᆖ gcng 䢆 hái ஹ héung ٵtùhng طyàuh ʻ䦹ʼ waih(-jó) ‘give’ ‘help’ ‘use’ ‘seek’ ‘face’ ‘face’ ‘follow’ ‘pass by’ ‘be at’ ‘be at’ ‘be with’ — — ‘to, for’ ‘for’ (helping) ‘with’ (instrumental) ‘with, using’ ‘to, towards’ ‘towards’ (direction) ‘with, following’ ‘via’ (itinerary) ‘at’ (location) ‘at’ (location) ‘with’ (together with) ‘from’ ‘for the sake of’ ᇿၲ 䞧 ݺ Ngóh gan-hdi kéuih jouh-yéh I with-HAB her do-work ‘I’m used to working with her.’ Similarly, a coverb may be followed by a verbal particle such as dóu (11.3): ݺ ٵ ଙ װ ܃ Ngóh tùhng xh dóu léih heui I with not PRT you go ‘I can’t go with you.’ ݺ 䢅 ג䢆 ஸ ؆ഏ Ngóh dc jái hái saai ngoihgwok my CL boy at all foreign-country ‘All my sons are abroad.’ ܃ᇿ ୖ װ ݺ Léih gan màaih ngóh heui la you with PRT me go SFP ‘Come along with me.’ They may also be reduplicated in an A-not-A question, like verbs and adjectives: 70 ܃ Léih you ‘Are ٵٵ ˒ܴ װ ݺ tùhng-xh-tùhng ngóh heui a? with-not-with me go SFP you going with me?’ The potential construction with dAk (12.3.2) may occur with coverbs: ݺ ٵ ܃ദ Ngóh xh tùhng dak léih git-fan I not with able you marry ‘I can’t marry you.’ (film) Comparability of syntactic categories ݺ 䢆 ଉཽ ९ ۰ Ngóh xh hái dak Hbunggóng chèuhng jyuh I not at able Hong Kong long live ‘I can’t live in Hong Kong for very long.’ The use of reduplicated adjectives as adverbs (10.1.4) also occurs modifying coverbs: ࠁࠁ ܃䞢 䢆 ৢٞ Léih gwaai-gwaai-déi hái ekkéi la You good-good-ish at home SFP ‘Be good and stay home.’ ړړ ܃䞢 ኙ ࡢ ݺ Léih hóu-hóu-déi deui ngóh múi la you good-good-ish towards my sister SFP ‘Be good to my [younger] sister.’ (film) All these properties are typical of verbs rather than prepositions. What they suggest is that coverbs are a subclass of verbs which may be used as prepositions. Alternatively, the coverbs may be regarded as verbs in all their manifestations, in which case their characteristic use as ‘coverbs’ invariably involves a serial verb construction (see McCawley 1992 with respect to Mandarin, Francis and Matthews 2006 for Cantonese). 3.1.4 Localizers/postpositions The words known in Chinese linguistics as localizers are expressions of location which may, and in some cases must, be accompanied by the morphemes mihn ‘face’ or bihn ‘side’ (apart from deuimihn, bihn or mihn are used interchangeably): Ղঁ ছ૿ Եঁ 㠪૿ seuhngbihn ‘above’ chìhnmihn ‘in front (of )’ yahp-bihn ‘inside’ léuih-mihn ‘within, among’ Հঁ ৵ঁ ঁנ ኙ૿ hahbihn ‘under’ hauhbihn ‘behind’ chbut-bihn ‘outside’ deui-mihn ‘opposite’ 71 3 Syntactic categories: parts of speech in Cantonese These expressions serve two main functions: (a) as adverbs of location (7.1): 䢆 Եঁ 䢅 क़ Dc fa hái yahpbihn CL flowers at inside Եঁ Yahpbihn inside ‘There are ‘The flowers are inside.’ ڍ ړ ڶ क़ yáuh hóu dd fa have very many flowers lots of flowers inside.’ (b) following a noun phrase, like postpositions. In this function, they are typically used in conjunction with the locative coverb hái (3.1.3). Thus the basic expression of location is [coverb noun localizer]: 䢆 ܃৵ঁ hái léih hauhbihn at you behind ‘behind you’ 䢆 ᖂீ ኙ૿ hái hohkhaauh deuimihn at school opposite ‘opposite the school’ Since mihn can be used independently as a noun meaning ‘face’, the localizers which contain them can be argued to be nouns (see Y.-H. A. Li 1990). The typical locative structure illustrated above may therefore be analysed as [preposition noun postposition], [verb noun postposition], [preposition noun noun] or [verb noun noun]. The use of these constructions is discussed in chapter 7. 3.1.5 Classifiers An important part of speech absent in English are the noun classifiers, also known as measure words. In English, measures such as pound and foot are clearly nouns and are used only with uncountable (mass) nouns, as in a pound of flesh and a foot of cloth. Cantonese classifiers are a distinct category of words which are used not only to express quantities of mass nouns but also in counting and referring to countable nouns: ࠟᒓׄۚ léuhng bohng ngàuh-yuhk ‘two pounds of beef’ Կೋद saam jek gáu ‘three dogs’ 72 Moreover, in the case of countable nouns, the choice of classifier is determined by the noun: for example, the classifier jek goes with nouns denoting animals such as gáu ‘dog’. In addition to these counting and quantifying functions, classifiers are grammatically required in certain contexts such as following demonstratives (6.2.1): Comparability of syntactic categories ࡋଡംᠲ lc go mahntàih ‘this problem’ 䢇ఄᖂ سgó baan hohksaang ‘those students’ Classifiers also have more specialized grammatical functions, such as in possessive constructions (6.3), relative clauses (15.2) and in the expression of quantification (14.1.2). 3.1.6 Adverbs Cantonese uses a number of constructions to express adverbial modification; there is no single means of forming adverbs comparable to -ly in English. The closest Cantonese comes to forming adverbs from adjectives is the use of reduplicated adjectives, with or without the suffix -déi (9.2.2), as adverbs (10.1.4): ኬኬ ۩ maahn-máan hàahng slow-slow walk ‘go slowly’ ړړ䞢 不 hóu-hóu-déi fan good-good-ish sleep ‘sleep well’ However, since such reduplicated forms are also used as adjectives, reduplication cannot be termed categorically as a means of forming adverbs. Adverbial modification of verbs is also expressed by adjectives in specific constructions: (a) the construction [verb dAk adjective] (10.1.1): ଡ ᖲ 㺳 ֜ ݶ Go scgbi ja dak taai faai CL driver drive ADV too fast ‘The driver’s going too fast.’ (b) [adjective gám verb] (10.1.2): ଡ าሁ ړ גՕᜢ ᝑ䞧 Go sailouhjái hóu daaih-sbng gám góng-yéh CL kid very big-voice so speak-things ‘The kid spoke very loudly.’ Adverbs which modify the sentence (as opposed to the verb phrase alone) may be divided into two groups according to their placement in the 73 3 Syntactic categories: parts of speech in Cantonese sentence. Adverbs of quantity such as juhng ‘still’ and dDu ‘also’ must come directly before the verb: ܃ Léih you ‘You ٘ א ᩒ ࠃ ܴ˒ juhng yíhwàih móuh sih àh? still think not-have matter SFP still think there’s nothing wrong, do you?’ Time words reduplicated to form adverbs of frequency, e.g. lìhn-lìhn ‘every year’ (10.3.4) also come before the verb. A second group of sentence adverbs, such as yìhgA ‘now’ and waahkjé ‘perhaps’, are sometimes known as movable adverbs, since they may come either immediately before the verb or at the beginning of the sentence: ۖ୮ १ ᖂீ ໞ ݺ Ngóh yìhga faan hohkhaauh la I now return school SFP ‘I’m going to school now.’ ۖ୮ 䢅 Ֆ ג။ 䓰 ။ ᙈ ദ Yìhga dc léuihjái yuht làih yuht chi git-fan now CL girls more come more late marry ‘Nowadays girls are getting married later and later.’ 3.1.7 Verbal and sentence particles There are two sets of items in Cantonese which are treated here as particles: (a) verbal particles: [verb dóu, yùhn, saai, etc.], as in sAu dóu ‘receive’, sihk yùhn ‘finish eating’ (11.3); (b) sentence-final particles: a, lA, mB, etc. (ch. 18). 74 The Mandarin words corresponding to the verbal particles (a) are also termed resultative verbal complements in C. Li and Thompson (1981) and some linguistic studies. These particles resemble those found in English phrasal verbs such as fill up and put off. Since most of the Cantonese particles concerned also exist as verbs, e.g. dou ‘arrive’ and fAan ‘return’, it might be argued that they do not constitute a distinct syntactic category. However, several particles are not used as verbs, for example hDi meaning ‘away’ and dóu denoting accomplishment. In this respect, the status of these items is comparable to the particles of English phrasal verbs: many, such as up and off, are also used as prepositions, but others such as away and out (in British English) are not.3 The rich set of particles (b) which occur primarily at the end of a sentence are one of the most distinctive features of Cantonese. They serve to indicate speech-act types such as questions and requests, attitudinal factors and emotional colouring (see ch. 18). These have no direct counterpart in English, although comparable in function to question tags such as right? and do you? Within some theoretical frameworks it has been argued that the particles belong to the category COMP (complementizer; see, e.g., Law 1990, Sybesma and Li 2007). 3.1.8 Comparability of syntactic categories Conjunctions Spoken Cantonese does not readily conjoin phrases as English does with and (many conjunctions used in written Chinese do not occur in speech). Conjunction is typically expressed by juxtaposition of phrases, without explicit marking of their relationship. In these cases, the connection between the conjoined items must be inferred from the content of the phrases and the context. A juxtaposition of two nouns or verbs may be read as conjunction or disjunction: ܃䢆 ഏ ڶᩒ Léih hái Ycnggwok yáuh-móuh You in England have-not-have ‘Do you have relatives or friends ᘣ൯ ֖ࣛ ܴ˒ chanchck pàhngyáuh a? relatives friends SFP in England?’ Such juxtaposition is especially typical of fixed expressions, such as the following phrases used of share prices: ၇ ᔄ Ꮭ máaih maaih ga buy sell price ‘buying and selling prices’ ᩒ ದ ၓ móuh héi dit not-have rise fall ‘no rise or fall’ Similarly, a sentence consisting of two juxtaposed clauses may be interpreted as a conditional sentence (see 16.3): ܃ უ ຟ װ嘅 ໞ Léih xh séung ddu yiu heui ge la you not want also need go SFP SFP ‘Even if you don’t want to go, you still have to.’ There is no general-purpose conjunction corresponding to ‘that’, although wah ‘say’ may be used to introduce indirect speech (see 16.5). There are more specific conjunctions such as yAnwaih ‘because’ and sBuiyìhn ‘although’. 75 3 Syntactic categories: parts of speech in Cantonese These, however, differ substantially from their English counterparts in that they require a matching conjunction in the following main clause: ڂ ឈྥ ࣠ڕ ༉ጩ yanwaih . . . ࢬ אsóyíh ‘because . . . so’ sbuiyìhn . . . ܀এ daahnhaih ‘although . . . but’ yùhgwó . . . ༉ jauh ‘if . . . then’ jauhsyun . . . ຟ ddu ‘even if . . . still’ These pairs are sometimes known as double conjunctions; similar constructions, such as although . . . but, are a common feature of Chinese speakers’ English. These sentence types and the usage of conjunctions are discussed in chapter 16. 76 Chapter 4 Sentence structure: word order and topicalization As a language with little grammatical morphology, Cantonese relies heavily on word order to express grammatical relations such as subject and object. As a result, word order is fairly rigid, as it is in English for similar reasons. Like other isolating languages, Cantonese has the basic word order [subject verb object], or is said to be an SVO language (4.1). The main sources of deviation from this rigid order are: (a) [subject object verb] order (4.1.1); (b) [verb subject] order or subject–verb inversion (4.1.2); (c) right-dislocation, which involves putting an element last or adding it separately from the rest of the sentence (4.1.3); (d) topicalization: the possibility of making various elements of a sentence the sentence topic by placing them first (4.2). Another typological feature of Cantonese is known as topic-prominence. The distinction between subject-prominent and topic-prominent languages was introduced by C. Li and Thompson (1976), who consider Mandarin Chinese as a prime example of a topic-prominent language. This distinction is an elaboration of an insight expressed by Chao (1968), who noted that the basic Chinese sentence structure consists not of subject–predicate, but of topic–comment. The topic is a phrase which the comment says something about: ጸس ۥΔ ܃អᚨ䦹 ˒آ Luhksck sang-wuht, léih héungying-jó meih? green life-style SFP responded-PFV not-yet ‘Green living – have you responded yet?’ (TV ad.) The topic need not be the subject of the sentence, and indeed need not bear any grammatical relation to the comment: 77 4 Sentence structure: word order and topicalization መ ௧ ܴΔچᥳ ່ ݶ Gwo hói àh, deihtit jeui faai cross sea SFP underground most fast ‘For crossing the harbour, the underground is fastest.’ The relationship between gwo hói ‘crossing the harbour’ and the underground being fast is a semantic one of association: this is a typical topic–comment relationship in Cantonese. The topic is typically separated from the comment by a slight pause and/or a topic particle such as àh in the above example (see 18.2.1). It is the ubiquity of such sentences that makes Cantonese a topic-prominent language. The value of this classification is that it relates several other grammatical features to the role of the topic in the structure of the sentence, including the omission of subject and object pronouns where these refer back to a topic already mentioned or understood (4.2.6) and the constraint that subjects must be definite (see 4.2.5) as well as topicalization constructions themselves (4.2). 4.1 Basic word order: subject, verb and object One respect in which Cantonese grammar resembles English is the word order of the simple sentence, which is generally [subject verb object] (SVO). Since there are no distinctions of case, even in pronouns, the word order alone indicates these grammatical relations: ݺ ფ Ngóh oi kéuih I love him/her ‘I love her.’ ფ ݺ Kéuih oi ngóh s/he love me ‘She loves me.’ At the same time, the freedom of word order is rather greater than in English. In particular, several regular patterns deviate from the SVO form, as discussed in the following sections. As in English, the subject may be separated from the verb by adverbs and other adverbial phrases: 78 ֲګ ຟ ᝑ ూ 嘅 Kéuih sèhngyaht ddu góng siu ge s/he always all speak joke SFP ‘He’s always making jokes.’ ݺ Հ ଡ ਣཚ ࣋ Ngóh hah go scngkèih fong-ga I next CL week take-leave ‘I’m going on leave next week.’ Basic word order: subject, verb and object By contrast, the object (unless topicalized or dislocated) must follow the verb immediately; the only items which may intervene are aspect markers, verbal particles and expressions of duration or frequency: ݺ ࿇䦹 ԫ ଡ ఽയ Ngóh faatyihn-jó yat go beimaht I discover-PFV one CL secret ‘I’ve discovered a secret.’ ( jó aspect marker) բᆖ Kéuih yíhgcng s/he already ‘She’s finished ᦰ ݙ duhk yùhn sye study finish book her studies.’ (yùhn verbal particle) ݺ ᖂ䦹 Զ ڣ ֮ Ngóh hohk-jó baat lìhn Ycngmán I learn-PFV eight years English ‘I’ve been learning English for eight years.’ (baat lìhn duration phrase) ݺ䞢 ߠመ ༓ ڻ ૿ Ngóhdeih gin-gwo géi chi mihn we see-EXP a-few times face ‘We’ve met a few times.’ (géi chi frequency phrase) 4.1.1 [Subject The order [subject object object verb] order verb] occurs regularly in two constructions: (a) secondary topicalization (4.2.3), where the topic is placed in second position: ݺ ഏ آ װመ Ngóh Ycnggwok meih heui-gwo I England not-yet go-EXP ‘I haven’t been to England.’ (b) in constructions with dDu (8.2.3, 14.1) where the object is quantified: ݺ ༏༏ ຟ უ ၇ Ngóh fek-fek wá ddu séung máaih I CL-CL picture all want buy ‘I want to buy every picture.’ 79 4 Sentence structure: word order and topicalization 4.1.2 [Verb subject] order With certain types of intransitive verbs, what appears to be the subject may come after the verb: 1 with verbs of motion: վֲ 䓰䦹 ڍ ړ Օศࠍ hóu dd daaihlap-lóu Gamyaht làih-jó today come-PFV very many big shot-guys ‘A lot of big shots came today.’ אছ ၓመ Yíhchìhn dit-gwo before fall-EXP ‘In the past quite ༓ géi a-few a few ຝ ֫ᖲ bouh sáugbi CL mobile mobiles have ᆵ ဩ lohk gaai down street fallen down onto the street.’ 2 with weather verbs: ۖ୮ ᆵጹ ॸ Yìhga lohk-gán yúh now fall-PROG rain ‘It’s raining now.’ ॸ ᆵ ړՕ Yúh lohk dak hóu daaih rain fall ADV very big ‘It’s raining hard.’ The noun phrase involved in the action may come either before or after the verb, as in the following pair of sentences: 䈺ֲ Kàhmyaht yesterday ‘Yesterday ؚՕ ଅ נ ࠩ ဩ dá daaih feng chbut xh dóu gaai blow big wind out not PRT street it was so windy that we couldn’t go out.’ ؆૿ ଅ ؚ ړՕ Ngoihmihn feng dá dak hóu daaih outside wind blow ADV very big ‘The wind is blowing strongly outside.’ 3 with verbs of appearance/disappearance and occurrence: 80 վֲ נ䦹 ԫ ය ᡂູ Gamyaht chbutyihn-jó yat tìuh sayùh today appear-PFV one CL shark ‘A shark appeared today.’ վ ཛ ࿇س䦹 ԫ ٙ ࢡ ࠃ Gam jcu faatsang-jó yat gihn gwaai sih this morning happen-PFV one CL strange matter ‘Something strange happened this morning.’ Basic word order: subject, verb and object 4 with the verb séi ‘die’: ՟ چᔼ Seichyen deihjan Szechuan earthquake ‘Many people died in ڽ䦹 ړ séi-jó hóu die-PFV very the Szechuan ڍ Գ dd yàhn many people earthquake.’ The inverted order is also used when séi is used as an emphatic verbal particle (11.3.2): 塍 ڽ ໞʴ Ngoh séi kéuih la! hunger die her SFP ‘She’s starving!’ ూ ڽԳ ໞʴ Siu séi yàhn la! laugh die people SFP ‘It’s hilarious!’ The above sentence types (1–4) are clearly related: all involve verbs which denote a change of state (as in ‘die’) or change of location (as in ‘fall’). The noun phrase which undergoes the change of state is invariably expressed as the subject in English, but in Cantonese it may appear either after the main verb (as in example (a) below) or before the verb (introduced by yáuh since it is indefinite: see 4.2.5), as in (b) below: (a) վֲ ࿇س䦹 ԫ ٙ ࢡ ࠃ Gamyaht faatsang-jó yat gihn gwaai sih today happen-PFV one CL strange matter ‘Something strange happened today.’ (b) վֲ ڶԫ Gamyaht yáuh yat today have one ‘Something strange ٙ ࢡ ࠃ ࿇س䦹 gihn gwaai sih faatsang-jó CL strange matter happen-PFV happened today.’ The verbs involved in (1–4) above are known as ergative or unaccusative verbs. According to many linguistic analyses, the noun phrase following the verb is not in fact the subject. Bearing the role of theme or patient undergoing the event, it is the underlying object of the predicate, hence its occurrence after the verb (see Y.-H. A. Li 1990 for Mandarin, Y. Gu and Yip 2004 for Cantonese). 81 4 Sentence structure: word order and topicalization 4.1.3 Right-dislocation Another departure from the typical SVO word order in colloquial speech is right-dislocation. Typically, a noun or pronoun which is the subject of a clause appears at the end of a sentence in a so-called dislocated position: ړ ⎲Δ܃ʴ Hóu lbk wo, léih! very smart SFP you ‘You’re so smart!’ ༓ ⶕ ⎲Δ䢅 Géi leng wo, dc saam quite nice SFP CL clothes ‘Not bad, those clothes.’ ᩒறࠩ 嘅Δ ء Móuh-líu-dou gé, bún sye no-substance SFP CL book ‘Pretty vacuous, that book.’ As the examples suggest, this word order is commonly used in exclamations, when the predicate is placed first for emphasis and the subject added to complete the sentence. The same position may also be used for objects: ڶᩒ ၇ Yáuh-móuh máaih have-not-have buy ‘Did you buy it, that ܴΔਮ ߫˒ a, ga chb? SFP CL car car?’ Note that the dislocated subject or object follows even the sentence particle, which would normally come at the end of the sentence or clause (18.2). This is also a common position for modal verbs and adverbs (see 12.1, 12.2), which are often added as afterthoughts (Bourgerie 1998): 䞤䞤 խ䦹 ᙰᑻΔ ኔ ၇ ၴ Kéuih ngaam-ngaam jung-jó tàuh-jéung, saht máaih gaan s/he just-just win-PFV first-prize sure buy CL Օ ৢ Δᄎ daaih ek la, wúih big house SFP will ‘She just won the first prize; she will surely buy a big house.’ (TV) 82 A: ୂୂ ܃ 䢆 ᢰ ܴ˒ Léih gòhgd hái bcn a? your brother is where SFP ‘Where’s your brother?’ B: १䦹 ৢٞΔڍᑇ Faan-jó ekkéi, ddsou return-PFV home probably ‘Gone home, probably.’ There are also considerably more complex cases in which more than a single constituent of the sentence is dislocated: Topicalization Basic word order: and subject, topic prominence verb and object ֲګ ം 䢅 ࡛ࢡ ംᠲΔ ᄎ Sìhngjaht mahn dc kèihgwaai mahntàih, kéuih wúih always ask CL strange question s/he will ‘Always asks strange questions, he does.’ ᩒ ᩅ ֨ᖲ ᦫΔ ݺ ࠡኔ ຟ Móuh mat samgbi tbng-sye, ngóh kéihsaht ddu not-have what motivation listen-book I actually also ‘I don’t really feel like listening to the lecture, actually.’ Note that each of these sentences can be ‘reconstructed’ using the normal SVO word order, as follows: ᄎ ֲګ ം 䢅 ࡛ࢡ ംᠲ Kéuih wúih sìhngjaht mahn dc kèihgwaai mahntàih s/he will always ask CL strange question ‘Always asks strange questions, he does.’ ݺ ࠡኔ ຟ ᩒ ᩅ ֨ᖲ ᦫ Ngóh kéihsaht ddu móuh mat samgbi tbng-sye I actually also not-have what motivation listen-book ‘I don’t really feel like listening to the lecture, actually.’ The syntax of right-dislocation is examined in L. Cheung (2009a), who argues that, rather than the dislocated element being shifted to the right, the construction involves fronting the predicate to the left to make it the focus of the sentence. Cases with multiple constituents following the particle can then be explained as remnants of the original sentence. 4.2 Topicalization and topic prominence Chao (1968) and C. Li and Thompson (1976, 1981) pointed out an important contrast between Chinese and English in the status of subjects and topics. In English, it is a grammatical requirement that every sentence must have a subject. Hence, a subject does not always represent the performer of an action (agent) or what the sentence is about (topic); when there is no such notional subject present, the expletive or ‘dummy’ subject it is used, as in It is forbidden to smoke. In Chinese, there is no pronoun corresponding to it in this sense, and many sentences lack an overt subject.1 83 4 Sentence structure: word order and topicalization The role of sentence topic, however, is central to Chinese grammar. The notion of sentence topic with reference to Chinese is a grammatical notion, referring to a position in the sentence with particular properties (normally the initial position; an exception is secondary topicalization: see 4.2.3). It should be distinguished from the notion of discourse topic, which refers to the overall topic of a text or conversation in the everyday sense and is equally applicable to all languages. A sentence topic is not necessarily what the sentence is ‘about’, although this is typically the case. A more general definition states that ‘the topic sets the spatial, temporal or other framework in which the predication holds’ (Chafe 1976). That is, the topic specifies the time, place or circumstances to which the rest of the sentence applies. As Chao (1968) points out, the notion topic–comment includes that of subject–predicate: within Chinese grammar, the subject–predicate construction is a special case of topic–comment. Hence, if no other element is topicalized, the subject becomes the topic by default. In a simple sentence with the order subject–verb–object, such as ngóh oi kéuih illustrated in 4.1, the subject ngóh serves simultaneously as the topic. 4.2.1 Topicalization of the object Topicalization in general refers to the placement of a word or phrase at the beginning of a sentence or clause, making it the sentence topic. The most common and straightforward form of topicalization is that in which the object of the verb is displaced at the beginning of the sentence: ࡋ 䢅 䞧 ᩒ Գ ᢝ 嘅 ge Lc dc yéh móuh yàhn sck this CL stuff no person knows SFP ‘No one knows this stuff.’ ് ࣋ ܃䢆 ᢰ ܴ˒ Jbung jí léih fong hái bcn a? CL paper you put at where SFP ‘Where did you put the piece of paper?’ Topicalization of an object is also widely used without a subject, where the implicit subject is unknown or generic: 84 Gám such ‘One ᑌ 嘅 yéung ge type LP shouldn’t 䞧 ᚨᇠ ᝑ 嘅 yéh xh ycnggdi góng ge thing not should say SFP say such things.’ ਮ ߫ ᖞ ړໞ Ga chb jíng hóu la CL car make good SFP ‘The car’s been repaired.’ Topicalization Basic word order: and subject, topic prominence verb and object Note that English typically uses the passive to make the object the subject (and thereby topic) of the sentence, whereas Cantonese simply topicalizes the object. Such topicalizations thus often correspond to passives in English. C. Li and Thompson (1976) note that the relatively restricted use of the passive is a further characteristic of topic-prominent languages; it should be noted, however, that Cantonese also has some passive constructions which are not possible in English (8.4.1). One of the main communicative functions of topicalization, in Cantonese as in English, is to contrast the topicalized word or phrase with another which is mentioned or implied in the context: င܄ ֲګ ݺ ᦫ ༉ ֟䢅 ໞ 嘅Δင Syebaakdahk ngóh sèhngyaht tbng ge, Syemaahn jauh síu dc la Schubert I always listen SFP, Schumann then little-er SFP ‘Schubert I listen to a lot, Schumann rather less.’ ཽՕ ݺ䈺ֲ װመΔ խՕ ༉ Góngdaaih ngóh kàhmyaht heui-gwo, Jengdaaih jauh HK-University I yesterday go-EXP Chinese-University then آ װመ meih heui-gwo not-yet go-EXP ‘I went to HKU yesterday, but I haven’t been to CUHK yet.’ (Note the formation of Góngdaaih from HBunggóng Daaihhohk ‘Hong Kong University’: see 2.3.1.) Another function of topicalization is to avoid clumsy sentences such as the following in which the object is modified by a relative clause:2 ܃ᄷໂ ֲᦫ ړ ᝑ 䢇 䢅 䞧 ˒آ Léih jéunbeih hóu tcngyaht góng gó dc yéh meih? you prepare finish tomorrow talk that CL stuff not-yet ‘Have you finished preparing the stuff you’re talking about tomorrow?’ Although this sentence is perfectly possible, speakers prefer to place the long object in initial position as the sentence topic: 85 4 Sentence structure: word order and topicalization ᦫֲ ᝑ 䢇 䢅 䞧 ܃ᄷໂ ړ ˒آ Tcngyaht góng gó dc yéh léih jéunbeih hóu meih? tomorrow talk that CL stuff you prepare finish not-yet ‘Have you finished preparing the stuff you’re talking about tomorrow?’ 4.2.2 Hanging topics and double subjects One of the more striking topic-prominent features of Cantonese is the possibility of sentence topics having no grammatical relation to the predicate: ۖ୮ 嘅 ֚ ່ ࣐ ႞ଅ Yìhga ge tcnhei jeui yih sbung-feng Now LP weather most easy catch-cold ‘It’s easy to catch a cold in this weather.’ (TV ad.) The topic yìhgA ge tCnhei is not the subject of any action, but indicates the circumstances (‘in this weather’) to which the predicate ‘It’s easy to catch a cold’ applies. The effect is similar to that of the English construction as for or as far as . . . is concerned: ᙒ Chín money ‘As far ݺᚥ ngóh bdng I help as money’s ܃ ࠩ 䄆 léih xh dóu laak you not PRT SFP concerned I can’t help you.’ (film) In discussions of Chinese syntax, sentences with topicalized elements are often glossed in this way, although it often does not result in an idiomatic English translation. A subtype of such sentences is sometimes known as double subject constructions, as they appear to have two subjects: ଉཽ ᑔᏝ ၆ ࠩ ڽ Hbunggóng làuhga gwai dou séi Hong Kong flat-price expensive until die ‘Flat prices in Hong Kong are ridiculous.’ 86 Here, HBunggóng serves as the topic, setting the frame in which the sentence is to be understood and làuhga as the subject. Such topics are not the subject or object of a verb, but have a looser connection to the predicate which follows, such as a part–whole relationship: ᑪڠᇩ ݺԫ ຟ Chìuhjau-wá ngóh yat geui ddu xh Chiuchow-ese I one phrase also not ‘I don’t know a single word of Chiuchow ᢝ 㗎 sck ga know SFP (dialect).’ (radio) Topicalization Basic word order: and subject, topic prominence verb and object Here the topic ChìuhjAu-wá and the object yAt geui are related by a part– whole relationship. Similarly, there is a part–whole relationship between the topic nUh jC mùihgwaifA ‘five roses’ and géi dD ‘how many’ in the following example: ն ࣤ फጇक़ ၇ ༓ ڍ Nuh jc mùihgwaifa máaih géi dd five CL rose buy how many ‘Of the five roses, how many shall we ନ ა ܴ˒ béi Mamìh a? for Mummy SFP buy for Mummy?’ In the following example, a type–token relationship holds between bBjáu ‘beer’ and bCn jek ‘which kind’: അ ່ ܃რ 堬 ᢰ ೋ ܴ˒ Bbjáu léih jeui jengyi yám bcn jek a? beer you most like drink which CL SFP ‘Which kind of beer do you prefer?’ 4.2.3 Secondary topicalization In another form of topicalization, the topic comes after the subject: ଉཽ এ ᢝ ᚊ Kéuih Hbunggóng jihnghaih sck Gáulùhng s/he Hong Kong only know Kowloon ‘As far as Hong Kong is concerned, she only knows Kowloon.’ Note that the secondary topic HBunggóng does not have a grammatical relation to the verb sCk, but has a part–whole relation with the object Gáulùhng, very much as in the topic structures illustrated in 4.2.2. Similarly: ݺ ᚊ এ ༓ ᢝ Ngóh Gáulùhng mhaih géi sck I Kowloon not-be quite know ‘I don’t know the roads too well in ሁ louh road Kowloon.’ This construction is commonly used with a verb phrase (here jyú faahn ‘cook’) as the topic: 87 4 Sentence structure: word order and topicalization ྦ 堩 ່ এ ፣ Kéuih jyú faahn jeui lbk haih jcng s/he cook food most clever is steam ‘As far as cooking is concerned she’s best ູ yú fish at steamed fish.’ By virtue of its position, a secondary topic has lesser prominence than an initial topic, but has essentially the same function of setting the range in which the predicate is to be understood. 4.2.4 Verb fronting In this construction, a verb is first used as the topic or focus of the sentence, then repeated in its usual position in the clause (Matthews 2003). Topicalization of the verb is typically used in response to a previous utterance, as in the following responses from speaker ‘B’: A: ܃䢅 Ֆ Δ ኔ ەଙ Léih dc léui gam lbk, saht háau dóu your CL daughter so smart sure pass PRT ‘Your daughters are so smart, they’re sure to Ե Օᖂ yahp daaihhohk la enter university SFP get into university.’ B: ඨ ༉ ʻএʼ ඨ Mohng jauh (haih) gám mohng la hope then (is) so hope SFP ‘Well, that’s what we hope.’ Like topicalization in general (4.2.1), this construction is used especially to place two verbs in contrast: A: ܃ཊཊ ┊ எࢠ ׂ ܴ˒ Léih gám-xh-gám tái húngbou pín a? you dare-not-dare see horror film SFP ‘Do you dare watch horror films?’ B: ཊ ༉ Gám jauh dare then ‘I dare, but ཊΔ უ ༉ უ 䄆 gám, séung jauh xh séung laak dare want then not want SFP I don’t want to.’ The copula haih may take the place of the repeated verb: 88 A: ܃ Léih you ‘You ᢝ sck know know ڍ ړ խ֮ 䨂˒ hóu dd Jengmán bo? very much Chinese SFP a lot of Chinese, right?’ B: ᝑ ༉ এΔ ┊ ༉ এ Góng jauh haih, tái jauh mhaih speak then yes read then no ‘Yes, as far as speaking is concerned, not reading.’ Topicalization Basic word order: and subject, topic prominence verb and object The same construction applies to adjectives (this being a further piece of evidence that adjectives share the syntax of verbs, see 3.1.1): ⶕ ༉ ⶕΔ լመ ༉ ၆䦹 䢅 Leng jauh leng, batgwo jauh gwai-jó dc nice then nice but then expensive-PFV a-bit ‘It does look nice, but it’s just a bit expensive.’ A: ܃ജജ ᙒ ش ܴ˒ Léih gau-xh-gau chín yuhng a? you enough-not-enough money use SFP ‘Do you have enough money?’ B: ജ ༉ এ ༓ ജ Gau jauh mhaih géi gau enough then not-be quite enough ‘Well, it’s not quite enough . . . ’ A similar repetition of the verb occurs in verb focusing. In this construction, dDu ‘even’ is used in place of jauh ‘then’, with the focus of the sentence falling on the repeated verb: ┊ Kéuih tái s/he look ‘He bought 4.2.5 ຟ ᩒ ┊ ༉ ၇䦹 ddu móuh tái jauh máaih-jó also not-have look then buy-PFV it even without looking at it.’ Definite subjects and existential sentences Another property related to topicalization is the constraint that subjects must be definite in Chinese. Rather than introducing an indefinite noun phrase directly as the subject as in a man came in, the existential marker yáuh is added to introduce a new topic (see 14.3): ᙰ٣ ڶʻԫʼ ଡ Գ Ե䦹 䓰 Tàuhscn yáuh (yat) go yàhn yahp-jó làih just-now have (one) CL person enter-PFV come ‘Someone came in just now.’ 89 4 Sentence structure: word order and topicalization Not all topics are definite in the sense of the English definite article, however. Generic noun phrases are also treated as definite and hence as possible sentence topics: ᘷ ړ რ ଇ ູ 嘅 Maau hóu jengyi sihk yú ge cat much like eat fish SFP ‘Cats like to eat fish.’ അ ᩒ 墿 嘅 Bbjáu móuh yck ge beer not-have nutrition SFP ‘Beer is not good for you.’ The words mAau ‘cat’ and bBjáu ‘beer’ used without a classifier (6.2.1) are understood generically, i.e. as referring to cats and beer in general. Moreover, a classifier with a noun in subject/pre-verbal position also assumes definiteness (see also 6.1 for discussion of the distinction between definite and indefinite noun phrases): ೋ ᘷ ߨ䦹 Ե䓰 Jek maau jáu-jó yahp-làih. CL cat walk-PFV enter-come ‘The cat came in.’ The same combination in object/post-verbal position, however (see 4.1.2) can take either definite or indefinite reference: ߨ䦹 ೋ ᘷ Ե䓰 Jáu-jó jek maau yahp-làih walk-PFV CL cat enter-come ‘A/the cat came in.’ Why subjects should be required to be definite in Cantonese invites comment, and has been much debated in Chinese linguistics (see Xu 1997). The definiteness constraint is one which naturally applies to topics (since a topic for discussion must be an identifiable entity and hence definite), rather than to subjects. A useful way to think of the phenomenon is that in a Chinese sentence there should normally be a topic; if there is no other topicalized element present (such as an object or adverbial phrase), the subject becomes the topic by default. Hence, the constraint that topics should be definite extends also to subjects. 4.2.6 90 Topic chains The notion of a topic chain refers to a series of connected sentences or clauses sharing the same topic.3 The topic of the first clause may serve as the subject or object of several following clauses: ٙ ⶕ ړ ܴΔ ݺრ ࠩ ᅤ Gihn saam hóu leng a, ngóh jengyi dou bei CL blouse very pretty SFP I like until paralysed ܃၇၇ léih máaih-xh-máaih you buy-not-buy ‘That blouse is really Topicalization Basic word order: and subject, topic prominence verb and object ନ ݺ唧˒ béi ngóh jbk? for me SFP to die for. Will you buy (it) for me?’ The topic gihn sAam ‘the blouse’ serves not only as the subject of hóu leng ‘very pretty’ but also as the object of jEngyi ‘like’ and of máaih ‘buy’. The topic of a chain is often introduced as a sentence topic, as in the above example. Alternatively it may be introduced as the object of yáuh using an existential sentence (see 4.2.5 above and 14.3): ڶଡ ᖂس ړᙌ ം 䞧Δ 嘅Δֲګ Yáuh go hohksaang hóu síng ge, sèhngyaht mahn yéh, have CL Student very bright SFP always ask things ڻڻ ەᇢ ຟ ᦗ ړ ։ 嘅 chi-chi háau-síh ddu ló hóu gdu fan ge time-time take-exam also get very high mark SFP ‘There’s a student who’s really bright, always asking questions, (she) gets high marks every time (she) takes an exam.’ Here, the indefinite noun phrase go hohksAang ‘the student’ is introduced by the existential verb yáuh ‘have’ (see 14.3) and becomes the topic of the following chain of clauses, functioning as the subject of mahn yéh ‘ask things’, háau-síh ‘take an exam’ and ló hóu gDu fAn ‘get high marks’. 91 Chapter 5 Pronouns 5.1 Personal pronouns Personal pronouns are the only items in Cantonese with distinct plural forms, regularly formed by adding the suffix -deih: Singular Plural ݺngóh ‘I’ ܃léih ‘you’ kéuih ‘he/she/it’ ݺ䞢 ngóhdeih ‘we’ ܃䞢 léihdeih ‘you’ 䞢 kéuihdeih ‘they’ There is no gender distinction between he, she and it in either spoken or written Cantonese (whereas in written Mandarin, male and female tA are written as הand ڔrespectively, with different radicals). Although kéuih is primarily used to refer to people, it may refer to inanimate objects in some restricted contexts (see 5.1.1). There is no distinction between formal and informal ‘you’, but the distinction between singular (léih) and plural ‘you’ (léihdeih) must be made. In addition to these basic pronouns, the word yàhn ‘person’ can take -deih to mean ‘people’ (cf. Mandarin rénjiA Գ୮).1 Despite the suffix -deih, yàhndeih may have singular or plural reference depending on the context. It is typically used in the following ways: (a) ‘other people’, referring to people other than the speaker: ݈ᙒ ಬ 䞧 ନ ܃ Գ䞢 Yàhndeih gaap-chín sung yéh béi léih people pool-money send stuff give you ‘People are pitching in to buy you a gift.’ 92 ܃ Léih you ‘You yiu need need ᐊॾ ڍ Գ䞢 sé-seun ddjeh yàhndeih write-letter thank people to write to thank these people.’ Personal pronouns រ ᇞ ܃ Գ䞢 ᥔ੪ ˒ڍ Dím gáai léih waih yàhndeih hbisang gam dd? how come you for people sacrifice so much ‘Why do you sacrifice so much for others?’ (b) ironically or coyly, to refer to oneself or to a third person: A: ܃រ ᇞ Léih dím gáai you how come ‘Why don’t you נ ᜢ ܴ˒ xh chbut sbng a? not speak out SFP say something?’ B: Գ䞢 ࢢᝲ 㣌ቪ Yàhndeih pacháu ama people shy SFP ‘Well, some people are shy.’ (i.e. I am shy) រ ᇞ ᓮ Գ䞢 Ե 䓰 ݄ ܴ˒ Dím gáai xh chéng yàhndeih yahp làih chóh a? how come not invite people enter come sit SFP ‘Why don’t you invite the guest in?’ (referring to a boy/girlfriend outside) -deih cannot be added to other nouns, whereas the Mandarin plural form -men ଚ can be added to bisyllabic words, e.g. tóngxué-men ٵᖂଚ ‘fellow students’ is possible, but not *hohksAang-deih. The Mandarin suffix -men ଚ, read in Cantonese as mùhn, may be used in formal register, e.g. in a speech one can refer to tùhnghohk-mùhn ‘fellow students’. Pronunciation note: ongoing sound changes lead to variation in the pronunciation of all three pronouns: (a) Many Cantonese speakers do not pronounce the initial consonant ng- (1.5). The first person pronoun ngóh is therefore often heard as óh, usually with a glottal stop before the vowel. (b) léih ‘you’ is still pronounced as néih by some older speakers and in formal registers. The current pronunciation léih is still frowned upon by some language teachers, though clearly part of an ongoing sound change from initial n- to l- (see 1.5). 93 5 Pronouns (c) kéuih is often pronounced as héuih, with initial h substituted for the aspirated [kh]. This pronunciation is currently common among younger speakers, and may indicate an incipient sound change (Bourgerie 1990). The pronouns have a single form for subject and object. The first person singular ngóh therefore corresponds to ‘I’ or ‘me’: ݺ ߨ ໞ Ngóh jáu la I leave SFP ‘I’m going.’ (ngóh subject) ړᚕ ݺʴ Mhóu haak ngóh la! don’t scare me SFP ‘Don’t frighten me!’ (ngóh ಬ䦹 ֲس ៖ढ Kéuih sung-jó saang-yaht láihmaht s/he send-PFV birth-day gift ‘She gave me a birthday gift.’ (ngóh object) ନ ݺ béi ngóh to me indirect object) There are no separate forms for the genitive (possessive) pronouns corresponding to the English my/mine, your/yours, their/theirs, etc. To express the genitive/possessive relation as in my hair, one of two possessive constructions is used (see 6.3): (a) the linking particle ge may be used between the pronoun and the possessed entity: ݺ嘅 ᙰᕓ ngóh ge tàuhfaat I LP head-hair ‘my hair’ ܃嘅 ൈ Léih ge gihnhdng you LP health ‘your health’ (b) the pronoun is followed directly by the classifier: ݺೋ ֫ਐ ngóh jek sáují I CL finger ‘my finger’ ݺଡ ג ngóh go jái I CL son ‘my son’ To express the possessive pronoun as in English mine, ngóh ge is used, with the copula haih being optional: ࡋ ਮ ߫ ʻএʼ ݺ嘅 Lc ga chb (haih) ngóh-ge this CL car (is) mine ‘This car is mine.’ 94 Similarly for yours, his, hers, its and theirs, the corresponding [pronoun ge] is used: léih ge ‘(It’s) yours’, kéuihdeih ge ‘(It’s) theirs’, etc. 5.1.1 Personal pronouns Animate, inanimate and expletive kéuih As there are no gender distinctions in Cantonese grammar, the third person pronoun kéuih may mean ‘he’, ‘she’ or even ‘it’. kéuih normally refers to animate (human or animal) nouns, as in the above examples, but may also refer to inanimate objects and abstract entities: এ ٵ ݺᖂ 䓰㗎 Kéuih haih ngóh tùhnghohk lèihga s/he is my classmate SFP ‘He’s my classmate.’ ݺ უ ┊ ஸ ٣ ᝫ Ngóh séung tái saai kéuih scn wàahn I want read all it first return ‘I want to finish reading it before I return it.’ (kéuih A: ݺ უ ᇢ㣐 ଇ ࡋ ೋ Ngóh séung si-háh sihk lc jek I want try-DEL eat this CL ‘I want to try taking this brand of ྇ॅ gáamfèih slimming slimming B: ݺ ຟ এ ଇጹ 㗎 Ngóh ddu haih sihk-gán kéuih ga I also am eat-PROG it SFP ‘I’ve been taking that one too.’ (kéuih the book) ᢐ yeuhk pill pill.’ the same brand) Kéuih refers to abstract entities in the following: ࡋ ଡ ᖲᄎ ֜ ړໞΔ ܃ ੴ൦ ܴ Lc go gbiwuih taai hóu la, léih yiu jansck kéuih a this CL opportunity too good SFP you must treasure it SFP ‘This is a very good opportunity. You have to treasure it.’ (kéuih opportunity) Note that kéuih referring to inanimate things and abstract entities is found primarily in object, rather than subject, position. An idiomatic use of kéuih is with the perfective aspect marker jó or another verbal marker indicating completion: ܃ Léih you ‘You ԫࡳ ᔄ䦹 yatdihng yiu maaih-jó kéuih definitely need sell-PFV it really have to sell it.’ (kéuih the car) 95 5 Pronouns This usage is especially common in imperatives: ଇ ஸ ݶݶ ᔊᔊ Faai-faai cheui-cheui sihk saai quick-quick crisp-crisp eat up ‘Hurry up and finish it up.’ (kéuih ݺჶ ⇉ Dáng ngóh gáau dihm let me manage PRT ‘Let me handle it.’ (kéuih ʴ kéuih la! it SFP the food) ʴ kéuih la! it SFP the task) In colloquial speech, kéuih referring to objects is also used pleonastically to reinforce a noun: ܃ଇ ୖ ය ູ Léih sihk màaih tìuh yú kéuih la you eat up CL fish it SFP ‘Eat up the fish.’ ॳ Giu A-Ycng ask Ah-Ying ‘Ask Ah Ying ੑ ஸ 䢅 sái saai dc saam kéuih la wash all CL clothes it SFP to wash all the clothes.’ ᇠ ዃཋ ് ֥ ಈ 㣌 Mgdi cheung-sáan jbung yah man jí kéuih a please change CL twenty dollar note it SFP ‘Please change this $20 note into smaller notes.’ A further use of kéuih with inanimate antecedents is in sentences with jBung (Y. Wu and Matthews 2010, see also 8.3.3). Pronouns which occur in the relativized positions in relative clauses are known as resumptive pronouns (see 15.3). In a number of idiomatic expressions kéuih is used as an expletive, without referring to any particular antecedent: Օ୮ 堬 ʴ Daaihga yám-sing kéuih la! everyone drink-cheer it SFP 96 ‘Cheers, everyone!’ ݺ լڽ ڕ䦹 ړመ ໞ Ngóh batyùh séi-jó-kéuih hóu gwo la I rather die-PFV-it good than SFP ‘I’d rather die.’ Օ႟ ݶ 䢅 ڽ䦹 ᒽ Giu Daaih-Sòh faai dc séi-jó-kéuih bá la ask big fool quick bit die-PFV-it SFP SFP ‘Tell Big-Fool to go to hell quickly.’ (film) Personal pronouns A name followed by kéuihdeih ‘they’ forms a collective expression: ˣ˴̈˿ 䞢 ᓮ ݺ䞢 堬ಁ Paul kéuihdeih chéng ngóhdeih yám-chàh Paul they invite us drink-tea ‘Paul and his family have invited us for dim sum.’ The meaning of this expression is flexible: it could be ‘Paul and his family’, ‘Paul and his friends’, ‘Paul and his colleagues’, etc. It may be contracted, as in Bóulòh-deih (using Bóulòh as a Cantonese pronunciation of Paul). 5.1.2 Omitted pronouns As illustrated in chapter 4 in connection with topic chains (4.2.6), the subject or object of the sentence can readily be omitted where it is already established as the topic of the discourse. Subject and object pronouns may be omitted in Cantonese under either of two main conditions: (a) The omitted subject or object has been the topic of a previous sentence, question or dialogue: ॳ վڣ ฅᄐ ⛕ ՠ 嘅 Δۖ୮ ჻ࡎ A-Ycng gam-lín batyihp ge la, Yìhga bok-mehng wán geng Ah-Ying this year graduate SFP SFP now strive find job ‘Ah Ying’s graduating this year. (She)’s looking hard for a job now.’ A: ܃რ ଇ ᑪڠ လ ܴ˒ Léih jeng-xh-jengyi sihk Chìuhjau choi a? you like-not-like eat Chiuchow food SFP ‘Do you like Chiuchow food?’ B: এ რ Gánghaih jengyi of-course like ‘Yes, of course I ʴ lai! SFP do.’ (b) The reference is clear from the context. This applies especially to first and second person subjects, and also to third person entities which are present at the time of speaking: 97 5 ফܴ ᩒ ֨ᖲ ᦫ ܴʴ fiya, móuh samgbi tbng-sye a! INT not-have heart hear-book SFP ‘I don’t feel like listening to lectures!’ (expressing the speaker’s feelings) Pronouns नጹ ᩅ ܴ˒ Wáan-gán mat a? play-PROG what SFP ‘What are you playing (with)?’ (addressing a child at play) រ ᇞ ᄎ 㗎˒ Dím gáai wúih gám ga? how come would so SFP ‘Why is it like this?’ (referring to a situation) 5.2 Reflexive pronouns 5.2.1 jihgéi The reflexive pronoun jihgéi is invariable in form, serving all persons (‘myself, yourself, itself, ourselves’, etc.); it must have an antecedent in its own clause or in the main clause if it is in an embedded clause: ݺ ၲࡨ Աᇞ ۞ա Ngóh hdichí líuhgáai jihgéi I begin understand self ‘I’m beginning to understand myself.’ (film) าሁג Sailouhjái children ‘Children ᢝ অᥨ ۞ա xh sck bóuwuh jihgéi not know protect self don’t know how to protect themselves.’ ॳ䪔 ᇩ ࣔג ᢝ ᅃ ۞ա A-Màh wah Mìhng-jái xh sck jiugu jihgéi grandma say Ming-boy not know take-care self ‘Grandma says Ming doesn’t know how to take care of himself’ or ‘Grandma says Ming doesn’t know how to take care of her.’ 98 Note that in this last example jihgéi may take as antecedent either the embedded clause subject Mìhng-jái ‘Ming’ or the main clause subject a-Màh ‘grandma’; the latter usage is known as long-distance coreference (see below). Reflexive pronouns We may distinguish two functions of jihgéi: the true reflexive pronoun, as in the above examples, and an emphatic function, where it reinforces a pronoun or noun phrase (C.-C. J. Tang 1989). As a reflexive, jihgéi is subject-oriented, i.e. it tends to pick a subject as its antecedent: ݺ ٵ Ngóh tùhng I with ‘I told him I ᝑ䦹 ᇩ ۞ա װ kéuih gong-jó wah jihgéi heui him tell-PFV say self go would go myself.’ This sentence would not mean ‘I told him to go himself’ because kéuih here is the object of the coverb tùhng and jihgéi refers back to a subject. In its emphatic function, jihgéi reinforces a noun phrase; it can occur in almost any position where a noun phrase can occur: ॳࣔ ۞ա ᄎ ⴤ ૠΔ ࠌ ܃ᖜ֨ A-Mìhng jihgéi wúih lám gái, msái leih daam-sam Ah-Ming self will think solution no need you worry ‘Ah Ming himself will think of a solution, you don’t need to worry.’ ܃რ ဎג ۞ա Léih jengyi Wàh-jái jihgéi you like Wah self ‘Do you like Wah himself ࡳ 䢅 ᙒ ܴ˒ dihng kéuih dc chin a? or his CL money SFP or his money?’ Another common function of jihgéi is to indicate ‘by oneself’ or ‘alone’: ⴤ ܃۰ ۞ա ˒ܴ װ Léih lám-jyuh jihgéi heui àh? you think-CONT self go SFP ‘You’re planning to go on your own?’ ۞ ݺա ჶ⇉ Dáng ngóh jihgéi gáau-dihm la let me self manage SFP Idiom: the pattern [jihgéi expressions: verb ܃۞ ړա ܥ ۞ա ໞ Léih mhóu jihgéi ngaak jihgéi la you don’t self cheat self SFP ‘Let me manage by myself.’ jihgéi] appears in various set ‘Don’t deceive yourself.’ 99 5 Pronouns ۞ա व ۞ա ࠃ Jihgéi jc jihgéi sih self know self affair 5.2.2 [Pronoun ‘Only you know about your own affairs.’ jihgéi] jihgéi is also used together with the personal pronouns, with an emphatic meaning very much like the English; however, the construction [pronoun jihgéi] prefers to appear in subject position: ݺ ۞ա ༉ ᩒ ࢬᘯΔ լመ ۔ ݺധ Ngóh jihgéi jauh móuh sówaih, batgwo ngóh lóuhpòh I self then not-have objection but my wife ࠫ ⎲ xh jai wo not willing SFP ‘I don’t mind at all myself, but my wife is not willing.’ ۞ա ՛֨ ᐳ䦹߫Δ ᚨᇠ ᘸ Գ䞢 Kéuih jihgéi msíu-sam johng-jó-chb, xh ycnggdi laaih yàhndeih s/he self not careful bump-PFV-car not should blame others ‘He crashed his car due to his own carelessness and shouldn’t blame others.’ This emphatic usage can also appear in serial verb constructions, i.e. between two verbs: ݺ ش ݺ ۞ա ʻ䓰ʼ ኔ᧭ Ngóh yuhng ngóh jihgéi (làih) jouh sahtyihm I use I self (come) do experiment ‘I do experiments with myself (as a guinea pig).’ Dáng kéuih Let her/him ‘Let her think ۞ա ⴤ ᙄऄ ʴ jihgéi lám baahnfaat la! self think solution SFP of a solution herself.’ Both jihgéi and [pronoun structions: 100 jihgéi] can appear in genitive/possessive con- ݺ ᐊ䦹 ءᣂ࣍ ۞ա 嘅 Ngóh sé-jó bún gwaanye jihgéi ge sye I write-PFV CL about self LP book ‘I’ve written a book about myself.’ ࡋ 䢅 এ Lc dc haih this CL is ‘This is your 5.2.3 ܃ léih you own ۞ա 嘅 ࠃ jihgéi ge sih self LP matter business.’ Reflexive pronouns Syntax of reflexive pronouns The syntax of the Cantonese reflexives differs substantially from the English. A reflexive pronoun may be the subject of an embedded clause: ݺ Ngóh I ‘I feel ᤚ ۞ա ˴˸˻ ړ gokdak jihgéi hóu he feel self very leisurely pretty much at leisure.’ (slang) Moreover, a reflexive can refer back to a subject outside the clause in which it appears: ॳੳ ࿇ ኄ ဎג რ ۞ա A-Lìhng faat muhng Wah-jái jengyi jihgéi Ah-Ling have dream Wah-boy like self ‘Ah Ling dreamed that Wah liked her.’ In these examples, it is clear that the antecedent of jihgéi is the subject of the main clause (a-Lìhng), rather than of the subordinate clause. These are known as long-distance reflexives; note that English uses a personal pronoun rather than a reflexive here. Some sentences are potentially ambiguous, as the reflexive may refer either to the local (nearest) or to the long-distance antecedent: ॳ˦˼̅ ᇩ 䢅 ᖂس ኙ ۞ա ᩒ ॾ֨ A-sèuh wah dc hohksaang deui jihgéi móuh seunsam Ah-sir say CL student towards self not-have confidence ‘The teacher says students lack confidence in him’ or ‘The teacher says students lack confidence in themselves.’ ˦˴˿˿̌ Sally Sally ‘Sally ˠ˴̅̌ १ ۞ա ၴ ࢪ daai Mary faan jihgéi gaan fóng bring Mary return self CL room brought Mary back to her [Sally’s or Mary’s] room.’ (Note that this example is ambiguous in English too: her could refer to Sally or Mary.2) In the following sentence, however, jihgéi cannot refer to the indirect object but only to the higher- and lower-clause subjects: 101 5 Pronouns ॳੴ ᇩ ॳੱ A-Jan wah a-Saan Ah-Jan say ah-Saan ‘Ah Jan says that Ah ନ䦹 ॳࣤ ԫ ۞ ءա 嘅 ֲಖ béi-jó a-Jc yat bún jihgéi ge yahtgei give-PFV ah-Ji one CL self LP diary Saan gave Ah Ji a diary about her/herself.’ In this Cantonese sentence, the reflexive jihgéi can only refer to either a-JAn or a-SAan but not a-JC, the indirect object. However, kéuih jihgéi in place of jihgéi in the same position could refer to any of the three antecedents. This contrast shows that while jihgéi is subject-oriented, [pronoun jihgéi] does not exhibit subject-orientation. V. Yip and Tang (1998) investigated the judgements of 225 native speakers of Cantonese and the results showed that jihgéi can refer to the long-distance subject of a two-clause sentence or the subject of the lower clause. While jihgéi shows strong subject orientation, kéuih jihgéi does not. 5.3 Reciprocals: each other There is no reciprocal pronoun corresponding to each other. In colloquial speech, a reciprocal construction is formed by repeating the clause with the subject and object reversed: ݺ ନ૿ ନ૿ ݺ Ngóh béi-mín kéuih kéuih béi-mín ngóh I give-face him he give-face me ‘He and I respect each other.’ Alternatively, daaihgA ‘everyone’ (14.1.1) may be used as both subject and object: Օ୮ ନ૿ Օ୮ Daaihga béi-mín daaihga Everyone give-face everyone ‘We show respect to one another.’ When both participants are in the third person, the pronouns I and you are introduced in order to express the reciprocal relationship: ଡଡ ݄ ஸ 䢆৫Δ ܃ඨ ݺΔ ݺඨ ܃ Go-go chóh saai háidouh, léih mohng ngóh, ngóh mohng léih CL-CL sit all here you stare me I stare you ‘Everyone is sitting around staring at each other.’ 102 Note that despite the use of ngóh and léih, the speaker and addressee need not be involved in the event described. A second reciprocal construction uses the reciprocal adverbs wuhsBung and béichí, ‘mutually’. These, especially béichí, are literary expressions used in formal contexts: ࠟֆധ ᚨᇠ յઌ Léuhng-geng-pó ycnggdi wuhsbung two-husband-wife should mutually ‘Couples should accommodate each Reciprocals: each other ᔢ༉ chcnjauh accommodate other.’ ᆣᆖ ᇩ ڼ ઌფ Sing-Gcng wah yiu béichí sbung-ngoi Holy-Bible say need mutually each-other-love ‘The Bible says we should love one another.’ 103 Chapter 6 The noun phrase The noun phrase consists of a noun and those items which accompany or modify it. The order of the elements of the noun phrase is as follows: [demonstrative numeral classifier adjective (ge) noun] The linking particle ge (glossed as LP in the examples), which occurs in several types of noun phrase, comes between the modifying expressions and the noun itself (it may be omitted in certain cases: see 6.3): 䢇 Կ ೋ ړრ 嘅 ್㕡ג gó saam jek hóu dakyi ge máhláu-jái that three CL very cute LP monkey-baby ‘those three cute baby monkeys’ ࡋ ࠟ ጟ መழ 嘅 ⴤऄ lc léuhng júng gwo-sìh ge lám-faat this two kind past-time LP think-way ‘these two outdated ways of thinking’ The ordering of elements in a simple noun phrase is thus similar to the English, with the difference that a noun classifier is required in many contexts (see 6.2). Note that the noun itself (the head of the phrase) always comes last.1 These characteristics are also seen in the following more complex types of noun phrase: Possessive constructions (6.3): 104 䢇 Կ ଡ าሁ ג嘅 ئ׀ gó saam go sailouhjái ge fuhmóuh those three CL children LP parents ‘those three children’s parents’ or ‘the parents of those three children’ ༓ ଡ ڶᙒࠍ 嘅 géi go yáuh-chín-lóu ge few CL have-money-guy LP ‘a few rich guys’ net worth’ ߪ୮ san-ga net worth or ‘the net worth of a few rich guys’ Definiteness and demonstratives Relative clauses (see chapter 15): 㺳߫ ja-chb drive-car ‘students १ ᖂ 嘅 ᖂس faan hohk ge hohksaang return school LP student who drive to school’ ݺᓮ 嘅 ՠԳ ngóh chéng ge gengyàhn I hire LP maid 6.1 ‘the maid I hire’ Definiteness and demonstratives Cantonese has no articles equivalent to a or the. The word yAt ‘one’ may be used like an indefinite article, referring to an indefinite object or person: ڶʻԫʼ ਮ ߫ ॴ۰ ଡ נՑ Yáuh (yat) ga chb jó-jyuh go chbut-háu have (one) CL car block-CONT CL exit-mouth ‘There’s a car blocking the exit.’ ॳ ⛕ ʻԫʼ ଡ ৳ஃ A-Ycng yiu wán (yat) go leuhtsc Ah-Ying need find (one) CL lawyer ‘Ah Ying has to find a lawyer.’ However, the numeral yAt ‘one’ is optional: ga chB or go leuhtsC would be sufficient here. To a large extent, the classifiers (6.2) perform the functions of the English articles in individuating entities. 6.1.1 [Classifier noun] phrases A distinctive feature of Cantonese grammars is the use of noun phrases consisting solely of [classifier noun]. These are sometimes termed ‘bare classifier’ phrases due to the absence of a demonstrative or numeral which would be required in Mandarin and most other varieties of Chinese (Cheng and Sybesma 1999, 2005). The interpretation of such 105 6 The noun phrase a phrase depends on where it occurs and, in particular, on whether it precedes or follows the verb. When the noun phrase comes before the verb, as a subject or a topicalized object (see 4.2.1), the presence of a classifier denotes a definite person or object: ਮ ߫ Ga chb CL car ‘The car ॴ۰ ଡ נՑ jó-jyuh go chbut-háu block-CONT CL exit-mouth is blocking the exit.’ (not ‘A car is blocking the exit’) ଡ ৳ஃ ړ Go leuhtsc yiu hóu CL lawyer need very ‘The lawyer had better ٣ lbk scn dak smart only-okay be pretty smart.’ (not ‘a lawyer’) By contrast, the [classifier indefinite: ଡ ڶᙒ Գ ga go yáuhchín yàhn marry CL rich man noun] object following the verb may be ‘to marry a rich man’ (title of film) Here, the [classifier noun] object go yáuhchín yàhn ‘a rich man’ is indefinite. In the following examples, the object may be understood as indefinite or definite: ݺ ᦫֲ Ngóh tcngyaht I tomorrow ‘I’ll contact a/the ᄎ ⛕ ଡ ৳ஃ wúih wán go leuhtsc will contact CL lawyer lawyer tomorrow.’ ݺ ݶ䢅 ၇ ၴ ৢ Ngóh yiu faai dc máaih faan gaan ek I need fast-ish buy PRT CL house ‘I want to hurry up and buy a/the house.’ A classifier with a head noun without a demonstrative in the subject position may be used with a demonstrative force: ය ູ ༓ ᄅធ ⎲ Tìuh yú géi sanscn wo CL fish quite fresh SFP 106 ‘This fish is quite fresh.’ This is also true of the classifier dC, which applies to plural or uncountable items (6.2.2): 䢅 Գ ᩅ ት ܴ˒ Dc yàhn jouh mat gam chòuh a? CL people do what so noisy SFP ‘Why are those people so noisy?’ Definiteness and demonstratives A noun phrase with dC can also be understood generically (Au Yeung 2007): 䢅 ᖂس ڍ ړ ڶ Dc hohksaang yáuh hóu dd CL student have very many ‘Students produce a lot of lazy 6.1.2 ᡗ ଃ láahn yam lazy pronunciation pronunciations.’ Demonstratives The demonstratives lC ‘this’ and gó ‘that’ are used for deictic functions such as pointing or referring back to noun phrases. They must be accompanied by the appropriate classifier (see 6.2): ࡋଡఐԳ lc go behngyàhn ‘this patient’ 䢇്ឺ gó jbung tói ‘that table’ ࡋၴᖂீ lc gaan hohkhaauh ‘this school’ 䢇ኙ֛ഡ gó deui fefúh ‘that couple’ The linking particle ge is sometimes pleonastically following the demonstrative and classifier, as in lC go ge jitmuhk ‘this programme’, gó júng ge gámgok ‘that kind of feeling’. This usage generalizes the function of ge in marking prenominal modification, as seen with attributive adjectives (9.1.2), possessives (6.3) and relative clauses (15.2). Note: lC ‘this’ may also be pronounced as nC by older speakers and/or in formal contexts, though we represent it as lC in accordance with the general change from initial n- to l- (1.5). Other common alternative forms are lBi as in lBi dC ‘these’ and yC as in yCdouh ‘here’. lC and gó can also occur with time expressions pointing to or referring back to a specific period in time: ࡋඈ lc pàaih/páai ‘these days’ 䢇ඈ gó pàaih/páai ‘those days’ 䢇ೄ(ழ) gó jahn(sìh)/䢇ೄ gó ján ‘those days’ (*lc jahn/ján does not occur) In addition, gAm վ and gám have a demonstrative value in expressions of time and manner respectively: 107 6 The noun phrase վ ڻgam chi ‘this time’ վ ڣgam-lìhn ‘this year’ 6.1.3 ᑌ gám yéung ‘this way’ ʻᑌʼ嘅ࠃ gám (yéung) ge sih ‘such matters’ Demonstratives in apposition A demonstrative noun phrase is often used in apposition to a noun, or a time or place expression. The types of phrases that can have an apposition relation with a demonstrative noun phrase are quite diverse: ՛ᐝ ࡋ ଡ ټ ۿړ ړᑵ Síu Waih lc go méng hóuchíh hóu suhk gám Siu Wai this CL name seem very familiar so ‘The name Siu Wai seems familiar.’ 䢆 ଉཽ ࡋ ଡ षᄎΔ ᢝ Գ ړጹ Hái Hbunggóng lc go séhwúi, sck yàhn hóu gányiu in Hong Kong this CL society know people very important ‘In Hong Kong society, connections matter a lot.’ Compare the use of demonstratives with place names as in Gáulùhng góbihn ‘over in Kowloon’ (7.1). A verb–object compound (2.3.3) used in a generic sense may also be followed by such a demonstrative phrase: ᖂ ߢ ࡋ ٙ ࠃ ړᓤᠧ 嘅 Hohk yúhyìhn lc gihn sih hóu fekjaahp ge learn language this CL matter very complicated SFP ‘Learning languages is a complicated matter.’ ݺ ኙ ሂፘ ࡋ ᑌ 䞧 ᩒ ᘋᔊ Ngóh deui tiu-móuh lc yeuhng yéh móuh hingcheui I towards dancing this CL thing not-have interest ‘I have no interest in (this) dancing (business).’ Reduplicated adjectives often occur with a demonstrative phrase: ࠡࠡޣޣ ࡋ ጟ ኪ৫ រ 㗎˒ Kàuh-kàuh-kèih-kèih lc júng taaidouh dím dak ga? sloppy-sloppy this kind attitude how can SFP ‘How can one accept this kind of sloppy attitude?’ 108 Finally, a demonstrative phrase in apposition can be used to nominalize a clause, which can then serve as the subject of a sentence: ࡋ ଡ ࠃኔ ړᣄ ൷࠹ Kéuih chìhjck lc go sihsaht hóu làahn jipsauh s/he resign this CL fact very hard accept ‘The fact that he resigned is hard to accept.’ 6.2 Noun classifiers Noun classifiers Classifiers (also called measure words in works on Chinese) are an important element in the syntax of nouns. Each noun is assigned a particular classifier, much as nouns are assigned genders in many European languages. While gender is loosely based on sex, classifiers are based on distinctive features of shape, natural kind and function. In addition to ‘classifying’ things in the world, the classifiers are used to indicate definite and indefinite reference (6.1.1, 6.2.1). There are over sixty different classifiers,2 and the choice of classifier is often not predictable from the meaning of a noun: hence, dictionaries typically provide the appropriate classifier(s) in the entry for the noun. There are often two or more alternative classifiers for the same noun (6.2.4). The nearest equivalent to classifiers in English are words used in counting which are specific to certain classes of nouns: fifty head of cattle, two pairs of shoes, a brace of pheasants. In Cantonese too, a major function of classifiers is in counting or enumerating, as in baat léung gAm ‘eight taels of gold’ and léuhng jek dáan ‘two eggs’. However, they are also used more generally in individuating nouns, as in lC jek dáan ‘this egg’ (see 6.2.1). It is useful to distinguish two types of classifier:3 (a) measure or mensural classifiers, which denote quantities of an item, such as dC denoting plurality or uncountable substances, or the collective bAan referring to a group of people (6.2.2); (b) type or sortal classifiers which belong with the noun and classify it in terms of some intrinsic feature, e.g. tìuh denoting long, thin objects such as fish (6.2.3).4 In general, measure classifiers are used with uncountable nouns denoting substances or collectively, to refer to quantities of objects; sortal classifiers are used with countable nouns referring to individual objects. However, this distinction is not absolute, and some nouns can be used in 109 6 The noun phrase either countable or uncountable senses. Thus bou ‘cloth’ as a countable noun may take the sortal classifier faai denoting a flat surface as in lC faai bou ‘this cloth’, while as an uncountable noun referring to the material ‘cloth’, it can either take a measure classifier such as chek ‘foot’ or be left without a classifier: ܃ ༓ ڍ ֡ ؒ ܴ˒ Léih yiu géi dd chek bou a? you need how many feet cloth SFP ‘How many feet of cloth do you need?’ ࡋ Jouh lc make this ‘It takes a 6.2.1 ٙ ش ړ gihn saam yiu yuhng hóu CL dress need use very lot of material to make this ڍ ؒ dd bou much cloth dress.’ Syntax and usage of classifiers A classifier accompanies the noun obligatorily in many contexts. In general, whenever a noun phrase refers to a specific object, it is accompanied by the classifier (Matthews and Pacioni 1997). Unlike in Mandarin, the classifier and noun may be used without any demonstrative, adjective or numeral: ֭ ړ ړᐊ Jc bat hóu hóu sé CL pen good good write ‘This/that pen is good to write with.’ In this usage, the presence of the classifier indicates a specific object: without it, the noun bAt would be understood generically, i.e. referring to pens in general: ش ᐊ ړ䢅 Yuhng bat sé hóu dc use pen write good a-bit ‘It’s better to write with a pen’. The following contexts require a classifier: (a) following the demonstratives lC and gó: 110 ࡋ ଡ Գ lc go yàhn this CL person ‘this person’ 䢇 ༏ gó fek wá that CL picture ‘that picture’ (b) with bCn ‘which’ or bCn . . . dDu ‘any’: ᢰ ᚭ Bcn tou hei? which CL film ‘Which film?’ Noun classifiers ᢰ ၴ ʻᑔʼ ຟ Bcn gaan (jáulàuh) ddu dak which CL (restaurant) also okay ‘Any (restaurant) will do.’ (c) following a numeral or quantifier: ࠟ ೋ द léuhng jek gáu two CL dog ‘two dogs’ ޢ múih each ‘each ਮ ߫ ga chb CL car car’ With the relative quantifiers dD ‘many, much’, síu ‘few, little’, daaih dD sou ‘the majority (of)’, dD/síu gwo yAtbun ‘more/less than half’, etc. (see chapter 14), the classifier is optional, especially with more abstract types of nouns: ڶ ܃༓ ڍ ʻଡʼ ᖂ˒ۯ Léih yáuh géi dd (go) hohkwái? you have quite many (CL) degree ‘How many degrees do you have?’ ڍ ړ ʻጟʼ ߢ hóu dd (júng) yúhyìhn very many (CL) language ‘many languages’ ֟ ړԳ hóu síu yàhn very few people ‘very few people’ (here the classifier go for yàhn ‘people’ is always left out) ݺ ڍ ړ ڶ ʻ֭ʼ Ngóh yáuh hóu dd (jc) bat I have very many (CL) pen ‘I have many pens.’ The classifier is used when the exact quantity is at issue, for example: ܃ ༓ ڍ ֭ ܴ˒ Léih yiu géi dd jc bat a? you need how many CL pen SFP ‘How many pens do you need?’ 111 6 The noun phrase Note that the classifier is not needed for uncountable entities: ڶ ܃༓ ڍ ᙒ 䢆 Léih yáuh géi dd chín hái you have how much money be-at ‘How much money do you have in ଡ ৫ ܴ˒ go dói douh a? CL pocket there SFP your pocket?’ 䈺ඡ 堬 ֟ ړ Kéuih kàhmmáahn yám hóu síu jáu s/he last night drink very little wine ‘He drank very little wine last night.’ Certain categories of noun do not take specific (i.e. sortal) classifiers: (a) time expressions such as yaht ‘day’, lìhn ‘year’: 䢇ֲ gó yaht ‘that day’ (but: 䢇ଡ៖ਈ gó go láihbaai ‘that week’) ڣޢmúih lìhn ‘each year’ (but: ޢଡִ múih go yuht ‘each month’) (b) abstract entities such as màhnjyú ‘democracy’: ا ኙ ݺ䞢 ່ ጹ 嘅 Màhnjyú deui ngóhdeih jeui gányiu ge democracy to us most important SFP ‘Democracy is most important to us.’ The only classifiers used with such nouns are generic classifiers, as in lC júng màhnjyú ‘this kind of democracy’. Idiom: with the adjectives daaih ‘big’ and sai ‘small’, classifiers are used predicatively: ࡋ ၴ ࢪ ړՕ ၴ Lc gaan fóng hóu daaih gaan this CL room very big CL ‘This room is a big one.’ Ᏸʴ า ೋʴ Wa! Gam sai jek! wow so small CL ‘What a tiny one!’ (of an animal) Note that the noun itself need not be expressed where its identity is clear from the context. The construction may also be used attributively or with a head noun: 112 ݺ Օ ଡ Ֆ ຟ آ ࣁመࣆ Ngóh gam daaih go léui ddu meih paak-gwo-td I so big CL girl still not-yet date-EXP ‘I’ve never been on a date, even at my age.’ This construction occurs with any of the classifiers, but not with adjectives other than daaih and sai. The phrases sai lAp and daaih jek are used idiomatically to describe people’s size or physique (note the unusual use of these classifiers referring to people): Noun classifiers ࡢࡢ ړา ศ 嘅 Kéuih mùihmúi hóu sai lap ge s/he sister very small CL SFP ‘Her [younger] sister is very small.’ ೋ 嘅 ݺ ୂୂ ړՕ Ngóh gòhgd hóu daaih jek ge my brother very big CL SFP ‘My [elder] brother’s pretty well-built.’ An important function of classifiers is to serve as a substitute for a noun, like the English pronoun one:5 ݺ ړ რ ࡋ ଡ Ngóh hóu jengyi lc go I much like this one ‘I like this one a lot.’ 䢇 ೋ ༓ Gó jek géi that one how ‘How much is ڍ ᙒ ܴ˒ dd chín a? much money SFP that one?’ Similarly, where classifiers are reduplicated with the meaning ‘every one’ (14.1.2), the noun itself may be omitted, the classifier serving to identify it in context: ଡଡ ʻԳʼ Go-go (yàhn) CL-CL (people) ‘Everyone wants ຟ უ ၇ ᑔ ddu séung máaih láu all want buy flat to buy a flat.’ এ ೋೋ ʻैปʼ ຟ ᄎ ֒ 嘅 Mhaih jek-jek (gúpiu) ddu wúih scng ge not-be CL-CL (share) all will rise SFP ‘Not all (shares) are going to rise.’ Classifiers are also used in possessive constructions (6.3.2) and relative clauses (15.3). 113 6 The noun phrase 6.2.2 Measure (quantity) classifiers These classifiers denote quantities or amounts of items and substances. Some function like collective nouns, while others are names of containers. They are sometimes referred to as measure words rather than classifiers, but share the syntax of classifiers as described in 6.2.1 above. The simplest type of classifier are measures of weight, quantity or size, such as bohng ‘pound’ and the Chinese measures gAn ‘catty’, léung ‘tael’, etc. Their usage resembles that of English measures: ᇠ ନ Mgdi béi please give ‘A catty of ԫ ְ လ֨ yat gan choisam one catty choisum choisum, please.’ (a ࡋ 䢅 ູ Կ Lc dc yú saam this CL fish three ‘These fish are $3 ݺ㣌 ngóh a me SFP Chinese vegetable) ಈ ԫ ࠟ man yat léung dollar one tael a tael.’ The remaining measure classifiers may be divided into three types: collective, container and generic classifiers. 6.2.2.1 Collective classifiers These classifiers resemble English collective nouns. For example, bAan denotes a ‘group’, ‘bunch’ or ‘gang’ of people: ࡋఄᖂ سlc baan hohksaang ‘this class of students’ 䢇ఄ ᑓ gó baan lbngmòuh ‘that bunch of teen models’ It is also used for air flights and for referring to the bus or train scheduled to arrive/depart: ܃ჸ ᢰ ఄ ᖲ ܴ˒ Léih daap bcn baan gbi a? you catch which CL plane SFP ‘Which flight are you taking?’ 114 Հ Hah next ‘The ఄ ߫ Լ ։ᤪ ৵ ٣۟ ࠩ baan chb yiu sahp fanjeng hauh scnji dou CL bus need ten minutes later then arrive next (scheduled) bus arrives ten minutes later.’ bAt ‘amount’ is used to denote a sum of money: Noun classifiers 䢇ᙒ gó bat chín ‘that (sum of ) money’ ႘ kéuih bat jaai ‘his debt’ chAan is used to denote a meal: ԫ塊堩 yat chaan faahn ‘a meal’ chAu ‘bunch’ implies a group of objects linked together: ༓ࢼ༼ géi chau tàihjí ‘a few bunches of grapes’ Օࢼ᠙ೲ daaih chau sósìh ‘a big bunch of keys’ daahp denotes a ‘pile’: ԫᲧ yat daahp boujì ‘a pile of newspapers’ ԫᲧॾ yat daahp seun ‘a pile of letters’ daat ‘patch’: ԫ⊯ چyat daat deih ‘a patch of land’ ԫ⊯ዤ yat daat jck ‘a patch of stain’ dBui ‘heap, mound’: ԫഔ ࣠سyat dbui saanggwó ‘a pile of fruit’ ԫഔࡑ݃ yat dbui laahpsaap ‘a heap of rubbish’ deui is used for items which come in pairs: ࠟኙᆎ ԫೋᆎ 㷂ኙᄅᕀ ԫೋᕀ ԫኙ֛ഡ léuhng deui faaijí yat jek faaijí jeuk deui san hàaih yat jek hàaih yat deui fefúh ‘two pairs of chopsticks’ ‘a chopstick’ (singular) ‘wear a pair of new shoes’ ‘a shoe’ (singular) ‘a couple’ (husband and wife) However, not all objects which are treated as pairs in English are so treated in Cantonese. For example, a pair of trousers does not take deui, but is tìuh fu, the classifier denoting a long, thin object, while a pair of scissors is yAt bá gaaujín, using the classifier for tools and instruments. dC is used, like English some, to denote a quantity of either countable things or uncountable substances: 䢇䢅߫ gó dc chb ‘those cars’ 䢅าಈ גdc saimanjái ‘the/some children’ 䢅ֽ dc séui ‘the/some water’ 䢅ృ dc wùhjcu-fán ‘the/some pepper’ 115 6 The noun phrase dihk ‘drop’ applies to liquids: ԫዠۨ yat dihk hyut ‘a drop of blood’ ༓ዠॸ géi dihk yúh ‘a few drops of rain’ fAan goes with the following noun, usually abstract in nature to refer to a collective unit in formal registers: ԫ྾ᎅᇩ˂࢘ ܫyat faan syutwah/jenggek ‘words/advice as a whole’ ԫ྾֨ᖲ˂ܘԺ yat faan samgbi/lóuhlihk ‘effort/hard work as a whole’ gauh ‘lump’ suggests a solid mass of no particular shape: ԫ៱ فyat gauh sehk ‘a lump of rock’ ࡋ៱ࡑ݃ lc gauh laahpsaap ‘this lump of rubbish’ gyuht ‘portion’: ԫ ⹊ Գ ߠ䦹 Yat gyuht yàhn mgin-jó one CL people NEG-see-PERF ‘a portion of people have disappeared’ hyEn ‘circle, round’ applies to games: ؚ༓എາ dá géi hyen màhjéuk ‘play a few rounds of mahjong’ jah ‘bunch’ suggests an irregular group: ګԳ sèhng jah yàhn ‘a whole bunch of people’ ԫາ גyat jah jeuk-jái ‘a flock of birds’ jaat ‘bunch, bundle’ denotes a bundle of items tied together: ၇ԫฮक़ máaih yat jaat fa ‘buy a bunch of flowers’ ԫฮ paai yat jaat boujì ‘deliver a bundle of newspapers’ peht ‘patch’ applies to shapeless masses: ࡋᏤࣽ lc peht làih ‘this patch of soil’ ԫᏤ䞧 yat peht yéh ‘a lump of stuff’ (referring to an ugly thing or person) pDu ‘round’ (also pùhn) is used in games: 116 ԫⲯ/ᒌཪ jek yat pdu/pùhn kéi ‘play a game of chess’ न༓ⲯ/ᒌ wáan géi pdu/pùhn ‘play a few games’ (e.g. on a video game) tAan ‘patch’ is used for liquids: Noun classifiers ԫᦝֽ yat taan séui ‘a patch of water, puddle’ tou serves as a collective classifier meaning ‘set’: tou saam ‘suit’ (contrast: gihn sAam ٙ ‘piece of clothing’) It also applies to certain nouns as a type classifier (tou hei ‘film’). 6.2.2.2 Container classifiers Nouns denoting commodities and products such as food and drink take the appropriate container as the measure classifier: ࣦ bei ‘cup’ dihp ‘dish’ ԫࣦಁ yat bei chàh ‘a cup of tea’ လ giu dihp choi ‘order a dish of vegetables’ doih ‘bag’ ԫࡑ݃ yat doih laahpsaap ‘a bagful of rubbish’ ᧾ gwun ‘can’ ࠟ᧾അ léuhng gwun bbjáu ‘two cans of beer’ ฏ hahp ‘box’ ༓ฏִ堿 géi hahp yuhtbéng ‘a few boxes of moon-cakes’ ྆ ja ‘jar, jug’ ԫ྆അ giu yat ja bbjáu ‘order a jug of beer’ ᖥ jbun ‘bottle’ 堬ᖥֽ yám jbun heiséui ‘have a (bottle of) soft drink’ ᦨ lùhng ‘basket, ԫᦨՐᗈ ץyat lùhng chascu-baau ‘a basket of cage’ roast pork buns’ ԫᦨາ גyat lùhng jeukjái ‘a cage of birds’ ᒌ pùhn ‘basin’ ԫᒌཋ ޥyat pùhn sáan sa ‘a basin of scattered sand’ (idiom) ԫᒌֽ yat pùhn séui ‘a basin of water’ (also slang for ‘$10,000’) ද túng ‘bucket’ ༓දֽ géi túng séui ‘a few buckets of water’ ᅹ wún ‘bowl’ ࠟᅹ堩 léuhng wún faahn ‘two bowls of rice’ Note that these container classifiers may also function as nouns in their own right, in which case they themselves take the classifier go (go bEi ‘a/the cup’) or jek (jek díp ‘a/the dish’) and take the changed tone where applicable (go háp ‘the box’). A few are also used as sortal classifiers, e.g. yAt hahp láihmaht ‘a present’, when the present comes in a box. 117 6 The noun phrase Any noun which can function as a container may be used as a classifier in this way. For example, body parts may be used as collective/container classifiers: ګ ૿ ۊ sèhng mihn fei whole face dust ‘a faceful of dust’ ԫ ߪ ᢒ yat san ngáih one body ant ‘a body full of ants’ (i.e. trouble all over) ԫ ᙰ ᄿ yat tàuh ycn one head smoke ‘a head full of smoke’ (i.e. in a state of turmoil) ԫ ᠰ ۀ yat ngaak hohn one forehead sweat ‘a forehead full of sweat’ ԫ ߪ ࠺ yat san jáu-meih one body wine-smell ‘smelling of wine all over’ The class of container classifiers is thus open-ended, very much as the suffix -ful may be added to English nouns. Nouns such as Ek ‘house’ and tói ‘table’, which would not be listed as classifiers, may function syntactically as container classifiers: ګ 㬿 sèhng tói sye whole table book ‘a tableful of books’ ګ ৢ ⶕ ᵅ sèhng ek leng gasc whole house fine furniture ‘a whole houseful of fine furniture’ Similarly: yAt wohk póuh, literally ‘a wok full of bubbles’, idiomatically means ‘a handful of trouble’: ܃ Léih you ‘You 6.2.2.3 118 ჶ gáau make make ࠩ ݺԫ 㚣 ऐ dou ngóh yat wohk póuh until I one wok bubble me end up in a lot of trouble.’ Generic classifiers This group of classifiers, denoting types and kinds, are intermediate between measure and type classifiers, often functioning in both ways. For example, the generic classifier júng is the type classifier for nouns such as yúhyìhn ‘language’ but with other nouns denotes ‘a kind of’ as in yAt júng fA ‘a kind of flower’: ጟ júng ‘kind’ ᣊ leuih ‘genre, species’ ᑌ yeuhng ‘kind’ ڍړጟߢ hóu dd júng yúhyìhn ‘many languages’ ࡋጟक़ lc júng fa ‘this kind of flower’ 䢇ጟఐ gó júng behng ‘that (kind of) disease’ ࡋᣊ೯ढ lc leuih duhngmaht ‘this (species of ) animal’ ࡋᣊംᠲ lc leuih mahntàih ‘this genre of problems’ ࡋᑌ䞧 lc yeuhng yéh ‘this thing’ Կᑌ塲 saam yeuhng sung ‘three dishes’ Noun classifiers Note: the noun with yeuhng is often omitted: Կ ᑌ Giu saam yeuhng order three kind ‘Three dishes will be 嘅 ໞΔ࠻˒ dak ge la, hó? okay SFP SFP SFP enough, right?’ (at a restaurant) ᝑ 䓰 ᝑ װຟ এ 䢇 ༓ ᑌ Kéuih góng làih góng heui ddu haih gó géi yeuhng s/he talk come talk go all is that few kind ‘He talks over and over about the same few things.’ tíng ‘kind’ may have a negative connotation: 䢇 ೖ Գ ॾ መ 嘅 Gó tíng yàhn seun xh gwo ge that kind person trust not worth SFP ‘People like that are not trustworthy.’ ࡋ ೖ 䞧 ړ Lc tíng yéh hóu this CL thing very ‘This kind of stuff is ᅀ màh-gwái-fàahn trouble-devil bloody troublesome.’ fún ‘pattern, design’ is used as a generic classifier for clothes, etc.: 䢇ཱི gó fún saam ‘that [design of ] dress’ ࡋཱིณᢴ lc fún ngáahn-géng ‘this pair of glasses [design]’ jek as a generic classifier means ‘model, variety’: ࡋೋ lc jek jáu ‘this (variety of) wine’ ࡋೋ߫ lc jek chb ‘this model of car’ 䢇ೋྨ gó jek pàaihjí ‘that brand’ 䢇ೋ ۏgó jek máih ‘that kind of rice’ 119 6 The noun phrase jek is also used in colloquial Cantonese to refer to a type of people or objects where the head noun is often left out: ݺ რ ׆್ػ 䢇 ೋ Ngóh jengyi baahk-máh-wòhngjí gó jek I like white-horse-prince that type ‘I like the prince-charming type (of guy).’ ਮ ᖲ এ ۟ ؓ 䢇 ೋ haih ji pèhng gó jek Kéuih ga gbi Her CL machine is most cheap that type ‘Her machine is the cheapest type.’ 6.2.3 Sortal (type) classifiers These classifiers, rather than denoting measures or quantities, reflect intrinsic features of the nouns with which they belong. As with gender in European languages, the choice of classifier is to some extent predictable from the meaning of the noun, especially where the shape of the object plays a role. Other cases seem idiosyncratic and must be learnt individually; many dictionaries provide the classifier under the entry for the noun. Some nouns may take two or more classifiers according to the sense in which they are used (see 6.2.4). go is the most common and neutral classifier. It is used with all words denoting people (but see 6.2.4 for alternative classifiers): ԫଡᐓஃ yat go chyùhsc ‘a chef’ Կଡᖂ سsaam go hohksaang ‘three students’ go is also used for individual items which do not call for a more specific classifier. Thus abstract nouns which refer to non-concrete entities lacking physical features generally take go: ԫଡᣋඨ ࡋଡਗᖏ ԫଡᖲᄎ ࡋଡެࡳ yat go yuhnmohng ‘a wish’ lc go tcujin ‘this challenge’ yat go gbiwuih ‘an opportunity’ lc go kyutdihng ‘this decision’ but: lC gihn sih ‘this matter’, gó gihn ngon ‘that (legal) case’, yAt chàhng yisC ‘a level of meaning’, yAt tìuh mehng ‘a (physical) life’; also the more abstract meaning of destiny as in: 120 ܃ය ࡎ టএ ે ໞʴ Léih tìuh mehng janhaih fú la! your CL life really bitter SFP ‘Your life is really bitter.’ Certain abstract nouns take special classifiers and yAt ‘one’: Noun classifiers ԫᒵݦඨ yat sin hbimohng ‘a ray of hope’ ԫᒵسᖲ yat sin sang-gbi ‘a chance of survival’ Many of the more common classifiers define nouns in terms of shape: faai denotes flat-surfaced objects which are typically vertically oriented, such as slices of foods: ԫჇׄ ԫჇ᤺ץ ԫჇູس 䢇Ⴧੲᑿ yat faai ngàuhpá ‘a steak’ yat faai mihnbaau ‘a slice of bread’ yat faai yùhsaang ‘a piece of sashimi’ gó faai bdlbi ‘that window pane’ but with oranges, káaih is used; compare: ԫᄒᖨ yat káaih cháang ‘a slice of orange’ ԫჇᖨ ؼyat faai cháang-pèih ‘a slice of orange skin’ buhng is the classifier for a wall denoting a flat surface (this should be distinguished from the buhng in yAt buhng chèuih ‘a strong pungent smell’ (see below)): ԫ⅟ᛥ yat buhng chèuhng ‘a wall’ jBung denotes flat objects which typically lie in a horizontal position (contrast faai referring to vertically oriented flat surfaces): ്ឺ jbung tói ‘table’ ് jbung jí ‘sheet of paper’ ്䔉 jbung dang ‘seat, bench’ ്ଆ jbung fbi ‘ticket’ fEk applies to rectangular items: ༏ fek wá ‘painting’ ༏ઌ fek séung ‘photograph’ ༏ؒ fek bou ‘[square piece of] cloth’ (also ؒغpAt bou ‘roll of cloth’) gauh denotes a lump-like or irregularly shaped object: ៱ فgauh sehk ‘stone’ ៱ᚴᓄ gauh chaatgaau ‘rubber, eraser’ gihn ‘piece’ applies to some abstract nouns as well as to commodities: ٙଈ堸 ٙᗶ 䢇ٙூ ࡋٙࠃ gihn sáusck ‘piece of jewellery’ gihn daahngdu ‘piece of cake’ gó gihn ngon ‘that case’ (legal) lc gihn sih ‘this matter’ 121 6 The noun phrase gihn applies to most pieces of clothing, except the elongated items fu ‘trousers’ and kwàhn ‘skirt’ which take tìuh. jek has a variety of meanings: (a) animal: ԫೋᠪ yAt jek gAi ‘a chicken’, ࠟೋद léuhng jek gáu ‘two dogs’; (b) round object: ܃ೋ֫ᙎ léih jek sáubCu ‘your wrist watch’, ࠟೋᠪ léuhng jek gAidáan ‘two eggs’; (c) one of a pair: ԫೋۘᛩ yAt jek yíhwáan ‘one earring’, ࡋೋᕀ lC jek hàaih ‘this shoe’. jek also serves as a generic classifier meaning ‘variety’ as in lC jek jáu ‘this (variety of) wine’ (6.2.2). jC applies typically to cylindrical items: ԫ֭ย yat jc dék ‘a flute’ ༓֭ géi jc jáu ‘a few bottles of wine’ (also ᖥ jBun ‘bottle’) joh applies to some large items: ԫஆᖲᕴ yat joh gbihei ‘a machine’ ԫஆ՞ yat joh saan ‘a mountain’ lAp denotes small objects: ༓ศᢐՄ géi lap yeuhkyún ‘a few pills’ ԫศᨵ فyat lap jyunsehk ‘a diamond’ tìuh applies to long, thin objects and animals: යሁ tìuh louh ‘road’ යᙰᕓ tìuh tàuhfaat ‘strand of hair’ යᚊ tìuh lùhng ‘dragon’ යູ tìuh yú ‘fish’ A few classifiers are associated with functional features: bá applies to tools and instruments (but not musical instruments): ނᔟ bá jb ‘umbrella’ ނԸ bá ddu ‘knife’ ނᜢ bá sbng ‘voice’ ނ᠙ bá só ‘lock’ ga classifies vehicles and occasionally other large machines: ਮ߫ ga chb ‘car’ ਮଆᖲ ga fbigbi ‘aeroplane’ fahn denotes a ‘copy’ or ‘part’: 122 ၇ٝ máaih fahn boují ‘buy a newspaper’ ࠟٝՠ léuhng fahn geng ‘two jobs’ ٝঅ chcm fahn bóudaan ‘sign an insurance policy’ ٝԳՠ fahn yàhn-geng ‘salary’ Noun classifiers A special use of fahn followed by yàhn is as follows: ݺ ٝ Գ ۟ ᩒ ࢬᘯ 嘅 Ngóh fahn yàhn ji móuh sówaih ge I CL person most not-have care SFP ‘As a person, I couldn’t care less (about many things).’ (film) A number of sortal classifiers are more specific in meaning, applying to only a few nouns: ຝ bouh ءbún ‘machine’ ‘volume’ ‘volume’ ᐋ chàhng daan ৫ douh ‘storey’ ‘bill’ ‘place’ ར duhng feng ၴ gaan ‘pillar’ ‘message’ ‘block’ ࠴ ா ೄ geui gyún jahm jahn ‘phrase’ ‘roll’ ‘smell’ ‘burst’ ㋒ ඈ ལ lek pàahng pàaih pd ᒧ pcn ଈ sáu ‘plank’ ‘row’ ‘bar’ ‘trunk’ ‘stem’ ‘text’ ‘work’ wàih ‘round’ ܃ຝઌᖲ léih bouh séunggbi ‘your camera’ ࡋຝ՛ᎅ lc bouh síusyut ‘this novel’ ᐊء sé bún sye ‘write a book’ ၇ءᠧ máaih bún jaahpji ‘buy a magazine’ ᐋᑔ jdu chàhng láu ‘rent a flat’ ԫسრ yat daan saangyi ‘an item of business’ ૺ৫॰ saan douh mùhn ‘close the door’ ԫ৫ ֱچyat douh deihfdng ‘a certain place’ ԫརՕლ yat duhng daaihhah ‘a mansion block’ ᐊॾ sé feng seun ‘write a letter’ ༓ၴৢ géi gaan ngek ‘several houses’ ࡋၴᑔ lc gaan jáulàuh ‘this restaurant’ ԫᎅᇩ yat geui syutwah ‘a turn of phrase’ ԫ࠴ᓄ yat gyún gaaují ‘a roll of Sellotape’ ړՕா࠺ hóu daaih jahm meih ‘a strong smell’ ༓ೄᨏॸ géi jahn jaauhyúh ‘a few showers’ ԫೄଅ yat jahn feng ‘a burst of wind’ ԫ㋒ֵ yat lek muhk ‘a piece of wood’ ԫ ׃yat pàahng ngàh ‘a row of teeth’ ԫඈײڹԺ yat pàaih jyegelck ‘a chocolate bar’ ལᖫ pd syuh ‘tree’ ལလ pd choi ‘stem of vegetable’ ᐊᒧ֮ີ sé pcn màhnjbung ‘write an article’ ࡋଈዚ lc sáu gd ‘this song’ 䢇ଈᇣ gó sáu sc ‘that poem’ ༓㬿 géi wàih tói ‘a few (round) tables’ 123 6 The noun phrase 6.2.4 Alternative classifiers For many nouns two or more alternative sortal classifiers may be used. To some extent this is due to variation between individuals, social groups and varieties of Cantonese in the choice of classifier. For example, yAt lAp cháang ‘an orange’ is used by some speakers while others use go, the age and dialect background of speakers being important factors here. In many cases, the choice depends on the kind of item referred to or the way the noun is being used: 㺳֭ዓ ja jc chbung ‘hold a gun’ (classified by cylindrical shape) ނشዓ yuhng bá chbung ‘use a gun’ (classified by function as tool/ weapon) ࡋຝሽᆰ lc bouh dihnlóuh ‘this computer’ (classified as model) ࡋଡሽᆰ lc go dihnlóuh ‘this computer’ (classified as object) ނՑ kéuih bá háu ‘her mouth’ (as instrument for speaking) ଡՑ kéuih go háu ‘her mouth’ (as part of body) ԫዠณෝ yat dihk ngáahnleuih ‘a tear-drop’ ԫླྀณෝ yat hok ngáahnleuih ‘a bowl of tears’ (idiom)6 ਮํ ga syùhn ‘ship’ (as large vehicle) ೋํ jek syùhn ‘boat’ (as small object) යํ tìuh syùhn ‘ship’ (long, thin; literary usage) ԫଡሐ yat go douhléih ‘a principle’ Օයሐ daaih tìuh douhléih ‘a major rationale’ (emphasizing the extent) ԫᚭ yat tou hei ‘a film’ (tou ‘set’) ԫᚭ yat chbut hei ‘a film’ An extreme case is the noun yéh ‘thing’ which may take almost any classifier, according to the kind of thing referred to: 䢇ଡ䞧 gó go yéh ‘that thing’ (object; idiomatically also of people) 䢇ೋ䞧 gó jek yéh ‘that thing’ (animal, e.g. insect; also of children, husbands, etc.) 䢇ᑌ䞧 gó yeuhng yéh, 䢇ٙ䞧 gó gihn yéh ‘that thing’ (matter, affair) ᝑ༓ góng géi geui yéh ‘say a few things’ (words) 124 Such cases illustrate that the classifiers are not merely selected by individual nouns, but can be applied meaningfully to classes of nouns and to new situations. For example, a vertical filter used in front of a computer monitor can be referred to as lC faai yéh ‘this (flat) thing’ even if the speaker has no name for the item. It is also possible to use a classifier other than the usual one for the noun concerned, in order to derive particular implications. For example, the neutral classifier for people is go, but wái may be used to convey politeness and respect towards the individual referred to: Noun classifiers ࡋ ࠃٵ ۯ ନ Օ୮ ᢝ ݺ տฯ Ngóh gaaisiuh lc wái tùhngsih béi daaihga sck I introduce this CL colleague for everyone know ‘I’m introducing this colleague to everyone.’ Conversely, tìuh, which normally classifies long thin items, is used of people in some slang expressions: 䢇 ය ֖ gó tìuh yáu that CL friend ‘that guy’ (slang) ݺය ג ngóh tìuh jái my CL boy ‘my boyfriend’ (vulgar) ܃ය Ֆ léih tìuh léui you CL girl ‘your girlfriend’ (slang) ܃ය လ léih tìuh choi you CL vegetable ‘your girlfriend’ (vulgar) The use of a classifier normally used only of objects and animals (see tìuh, 6.2.3) has a demeaning effect, hence the slang usage. Similarly, when animal terms are used to refer to people for jocular or derisive purposes, the classifier jek may be used as for animals: ݺೋ ್㕡ג ngóh jek máhlau-jái My CL monkey-boy ೋ ᠪ jek gai CL chicken ‘whore, hooker’ 6.2.5 ‘my monkey of a boy’ ೋ ᚅ jek ngaap CL duck ‘gigolo, male prostitute’ Verbal classifier phrases Whereas the classifier phrases discussed so far precede the noun, a classifier phrase may be used following the verb. Like nominal classifier phrases, these verbal classifier phrases consist of a numeral plus classifier. Some classifiers may be used either before the noun or following the verb: 125 6 The noun phrase ʻԫʼ ഁ ֽ 㣌 ܃堬 Léih yám (yat) daahm séui a you drink one mouthful water SFP ‘Have a sip of water.’ (noun classifier) 㣌 ܃ᙔ ݺԫ ഁ Léih sek ngóh yat daahm a you kiss me one mouthful SFP ‘Give me a kiss.’ (verbal classifier) Whereas (mensural) noun classifiers serve to measure quantities, verbal classifiers serve to ‘measure’ events, that is, to delimit them. While the numeral is usually yAt ‘one’, other numbers and quantifying terms can be substituted: ݺ ଗ䦹 䓰 ࢮ ࠟ Հ Ngóh je-jó làih laai léuhng hah I borrow come play two stroke ‘I borrowed (the violin) to play a couple of strokes.’ ۩ ڍ ༓ ޡ ༉ ࠩ Hàahng dd géi bouh jauh dou walk more few step then arrive ‘A few more steps and we’ll be there.’ Verbal classifier phrases are often formed from body parts: ܃ᔎ ԫ ᆬ Léih tek kéuih yat geuk you kick him one foot ‘Give him a kick.’ ݺ უ ┊ ˕˕ ┊ ڍ ԫ ณ Ngóh séung tái bìhbc tái dd yat ngáahn I wish look baby look more one eye ‘I want to take another look at the baby.’ Some classifiers take on idiomatic meanings when used as verbal classifiers, as in the case of yAt chAan ‘one meal’: ନ Գ ؚ䦹 ԫ 塊 Kéuih béi yàhn dá-jó yat chaan s/he by someone beat-PFV one meal ‘He was badly beaten up (by someone).’ 126 ݺ䞢 塊 ڽ ຟ Ngóhdeih jouh chaan séi ddu we work meal death still ‘We’ve worked ourselves to death এ ଡ ٳ haih dak go gat be gain CL nothing but gained nothing.’ 6.3 Possessive constructions Possessive constructions The possessor invariably comes before the item possessed, as in English my mother’s castle. 6.3.1 Possessive constructions with ge One possessive construction resembles that in Mandarin, with ge performing the function of Mandarin de ऱ: ඒ 嘅 ᙄֆ gaausauh ge baahngengsat professor LP office ‘the professor’s office’ ᖂس 嘅 ୮९ hohksaang ge gajéung student LP parents ‘the student’s parents’ The possessive marker ge may be left out with kinship terms and certain other nouns where there is a close (inalienable) link between the possessor and the noun, especially where the possessor is a pronoun: ݺาࠍ ngóh sailóu ‘my younger brother’ 䞢ৢٞ kéuihdeih ekkéi ‘their home’ ݺ؆୮ ngóh ngoihga ‘my husband’s family’ ܃ʻၴʼֆ léih (gaan) gengsc ‘your company’ dCk is the Cantonese reading for Mandarin de ऱ, and is used in formal Cantonese, for example in song lyrics: ݺऱ ԫ س ngóh dck yat saang I LP one life ‘my whole life’ Another alternative is jC, corresponding to Mandarin zhC հ. It is used in place of ge in set expressions with literary or aesthetic connotations: Ղ০ հ֫ seuhngdai jc sáu God LP hand ‘Hand of God’ (as in the Hand of God goal in a World Cup football match) ભ հ ᙇ méih jc syún beauty LP choice ‘beauty’s choice’ հ ່ saigaai jc jeui world LP best ‘the best of the world’ 127 6 The noun phrase Although basically a feature of literary Chinese, this construction has gained in popularity as a result of cultural influences from Japanese. This is because the Japanese possessive morpheme no is conventionally represented as հ in Chinese writing, though it is sometimes retained as the hiragana character 圸 in the names of brands and restaurants, and products in advertisements, etc. 6.3.2 Possessive constructions with classifier An alternative possessive construction uses the appropriate classifier before the possessed noun (except for those nouns which do not take any classifier): ء kéuih bún sye her CL book ‘her book’ ܃ଡ ໑Փ ᖂۯ léih go boksih hohkwái your CL PhD degree ‘your PhD degree’ ۔ច ਮ ߫ lóuhbáan ga chb boss CL car ‘the boss’s car’ ॅࠍ ଡ Օ ߚ⟸ fèih-lóu go daaih tóuhláahm fat-guy CL big tummy ‘Fatty’s big tummy’ Note that the classifier construction indicates a specific possessed entity, whereas the construction with ge (6.3.1) is vague as between singular and plural reference. A demonstrative may be added in this construction: ܃ʻ䢇ʼ 䢅 ֖ࣛ léih (gó) dc pàhngyáuh you those CL friends ‘those friends of yours’ Potentially, there is thus a choice between four possessive constructions: 128 (a) ܃嘅 ֖ࣛ léih ge pàhngyáuh you LP friend ‘your friend(s)’ (b) ֖ࣛ ܃ léih pàhngyáuh you friend ‘your friend’ (c) ܃ଡ ֖ࣛ léih go pàhngyáuh you CL friend ‘your friend’ (d) ܃䢇 ଡ ֖ࣛ léih gó go pàhngyáuh you that CL friend ‘that friend of yours’ The ge structure (a) belongs to more formal registers, and is neutral as between singular and plural, definite and indefinite reference. The other options (b–d) are more colloquial and specify singular reference. 6.3.3 Possessive constructions Associative constructions The possessive constructions serve broader functions than merely indicating possession. The phrase in the ‘possessor’ position may be associated less directly with the noun; verb phrases, for example, can appear in this position: ଇ 嘅 䞧 sihk ge yéh eat LP thing ‘things for eating’ 㷂 嘅 jeuk ge saam wear LP clothes ‘clothes for wearing’ ش 嘅 ழၴ yuhng ge sìhgaan use LP time ‘the time used’ न 嘅 ሏᚭ wáan ge yàuhhei play LP games ‘games for playing’ ྦ 䞧 嘅㚣 jyú yéh ge wohk cook thing LP wok ‘woks for cooking’ ٌ ࿔ 嘅 ᙒ gaau seui ge chin pay tax LP money ‘money for paying tax’ Strictly speaking, the verb phrases in these constructions do not have a possessor–possessed relationship with the head noun, but are associated with it in some way. Hence this construction is termed associative by Li and Thompson (1981). As with the possessive use of ge, the classifier construction is an alternative: ଇ 䢇 䢅 䞧 sihk gó dc yéh eat that CL thing ‘things for eating’ ഏ 䢇 ଡ ඒ Ycnggwok gó go gaausauh England that CL professor ‘that professor in Britain’ 129 Chapter 7 Prepositions and expressions of location As discussed in chapter 3, prepositions do not form a clearly distinct class of words in Cantonese. The coverbs, which play a major role in expressing location, behave in most respects like a subclass of verbs: they may take aspect markers and verbal particles, and many may be used independently as the main verb in a sentence (see 3.1.3). Functionally, however, they play the role of prepositions and may usefully be viewed as such. Like English prepositions, they serve primarily to express spatial relations of location, direction, etc. (7.1), and additionally to indicate non-spatial relationships such as those of time and purpose (7.2). The coverbs/ prepositions are used together with localizers (3.1.4) to express more specific spatial relationships. 7.1 Location The most basic terms expressing location are compounds based on the demonstratives lC and gó (6.1): ࡋ৫ ࡋঁ ࡋ ࡋᙰ lcdouh ‘here’ lcbihn ‘over here, this way’ lcsyu ‘here’ lctàuh ‘around this area’ 䢇৫ 䢇ঁ 䢇 䢇ᙰ gódouh ‘there’ góbihn ‘over there, that way’ gósyu ‘there’ gótàuh ‘around that area’ These terms are used in the following ways: (a) after a preposition/coverb such as hái ‘at’ or yàuh ‘from’: 130 䢅 ᤤ䦹 䢆 䢇৫ Dc saam dán-jó hái gódouh CL clothes put-PFV at there ‘The clothes are over there.’ ࡋ ط৫ װխᛩ ༓ ܴ˒ Yàuh lcdouh heui Jengwàahn géi yúhn a? from here go Central how far SFP ‘How far is it from here to Central?’ Location (b) after a verb of motion: ݺ䞢 Ngóhdeih yiu we need ‘We have to go װ䢇ঁ ඈၷ heui góbihn pàaih-déui go there queue-line and queue up over there.’ ࡋᙰ ݺ ֟ ړ䓰 Ngóh hóu síu làih lctàuh I very little come here-abouts ‘I rarely come to this area.’ (c) as sentence topics, followed by yáuh/móuh ‘there is (not)’: ࡋᙰ ᩒ ᩅ ߫ᜢ 嘅 Lctàuh móuh mat chb-sbng ge this-area not-have any car-noise SFP ‘There’s hardly any traffic noise in this area.’ 䢇৫ ࣠س ڶ ᔄ Gódouh yáuh saanggwó maaih there have fruit sell ‘There’s fruit for sale over there.’ Note: (i) gódouh refers to a specific place, unlike the there subject in the English translation which is a non-referential or ‘dummy’ subject; (ii) a preposition is not used before the demonstrative at the beginning of the clause. (d) in apposition to a noun phrase such as a place name (see 6.1.3): 䢆 ᚊ 䢇ঁ hái Gáulùhng góbihn at Kowloon that-side ‘over in Kowloon’ 䢆 ഏ 䢇৫ hái Ycnggwok gódouh at England there ‘over in England’ Colloquially, douh may stand for gódouh: ֭ ᠙ೲ 䢆 ݺଡ ৫ Jc sósìh hái ngóh go dói douh CL key at my CL bag there ‘The key’s in my bag.’ 131 7 Prepositions and expressions of location 7.1.1 Spatial location: coverbs and localizers hái ‘be at/in’ corresponds to Mandarin zài ڇas the general-purpose marker of location: ‘be located’ would be a more accurate gloss, as it might be translated as ‘on’, ‘in’ or ‘at’ according to the context. As a coverb (3.1.3), hái may function as a verb rather than a preposition, although often corresponding to a preposition in English. hái is used in a number of different constructions to indicate location in space: (a) hái alone occurs with names of places: ۖ୮ 䢆 ଉཽ Kéuih yìhga xh hái Hbunggóng s/he now not be-at Hong Kong ‘She’s not in Hong Kong at the moment.’ բᆖ 䢆 ᠔ೃ ԫ ଡ ៖ਈ Kéuih yíhgcng hái ycyún yat go làihbaai s/he already at hospital one CL week ‘She’s already been in hospital for a week.’ (b) followed by another verb in a serial construction, hái is best translated as a preposition: ၵ ༉ 䢆 ৢٞ ┊ Kéuih dakhàahn jauh hái ekkéi tái-sye s/he at-leisure then at home read-book ‘He’s at home reading when he has time.’ ݺ䞢 䢆 ᚊ ۰䦹 Կ ڣ Ngóhdeih hái Gáulùhng jyuh-jó saam lìhn we at Kowloon live-PFV three year ‘We’ve been living in Kowloon for three years.’ (c) with a localizer alone, used as an adverb: ਮ ߫ 䢆 ঁנ Ga chb hái chbutbihn CL car at outside ‘The car’s outside.’ 132 ۔ֆ 䢆 ؆૿ ڶଡ ՖԳ Kéuih lóuhgeng hái ngoihmihn yáuh go léuihyán her husband at outside has CL woman ‘Her husband has a mistress.’ (d) with a noun phrase followed by a localizer, in the pattern [hái noun phrase localizer], which is a very productive construction. The coverb hái serves as a general-purpose preposition of location while the localizer expresses the specific spatial relationship involved: ܃ኙ ᕀ 䢆 Léih deui hàaih hái your pair shoes be-at ‘Your shoes are under Location ് 㬿 Հঁ jbung tói hahbihn CL table under the table.’ háidouh or háisyu ‘be here’ is used, for example, on the telephone: A: ᓮ ം ຫ س 䢆䢆৫ ܴ˒ Chéng mahn Chàhn Saang hái-xh-háidouh a? request ask Chan Mr here-not-here SFP ‘Is Mr Chan there, please?’ B: ኙ۰Δ ຫ س 䢆৫ ⎲ Deuixjyuh, Chàhn Saang xh háidouh wo sorry Chan Mr not be-here SFP ‘I’m sorry, Mr Chan is not here.’ háidouh is also used together with verbs in a progressive sense (11.2.2): ॳა 䢆৫ ߫ A-Ma háidouh chb-saam Ah-Mum be-here sew-clothes ‘Mum’s busy sewing (with sewing machine).’ héung (not to be confused with heung ‘towards’, 7.1.3) is a variant of hái: ৢ ܃ٞ 㫠 ᢰ৫ ܴ˒ Léih ekkéi héung bcndouh a? your home at where SFP ‘Whereabouts is your home?’ The localizers used with hái or héung in constructions (c) and (d) above are as follows: yahpbihn and léuihmihn ‘inside’ (léuihmihn corresponds to Mandarin lMmiàn ᇙ૿, but léuih cannot be used alone like Mandarin lM ᇙ): ॾ 䢆 ଡ ฏ Եঁ Feng seun hái go háp yahpbihn CL letter be-at CL box inside ‘The letter’s inside the box.’ 133 7 Prepositions and expressions of location 䢆 ֨ ݺ 㠪૿ ڶ ԫ ଡ ఽയ Hái ngóh sam léuihmihn jí yáuh yat go beimaht at my heart inside only has one CL secret ‘There’s only one secret in my heart.’ chButbihn and ngoihmihn ‘outside’: 䢆 ࢋ ঁנ ݺ Kéuih hái jáudim chbutbihn dáng ngóh s/he at hotel outside wait me ‘She is waiting for me outside the hotel.’ ؆૿ ᆵጹ ॸ Ngoihmihn lohk-gán yúh outside fall-PROG rain ‘It’s raining outside.’ chìhnmihn ‘in front (of)’ and hauhbihn ‘behind’: 䢆 ਮ ؓए ছ૿ ڶଡ Hái ga Bbnsí chìhnmihn yáuh go at CL Benz in-front has CL ‘There’s a pretty girl in front of the ⶕՖ leng-léui pretty-girl Mercedes.’ ߫ీ 䢆 ࡋ ය ဩ ৵ঁ Chb-jaahm hái lc tìuh gaai hauhbihn car-stop be-at this CL street behind ‘The bus stop is behind this street.’ seuhng or seuhngmihn/bihn ‘on (top of)’ and hah(mihn/bihn) ‘below’: ଡ ᑓ 䢆 Ղ૿ Go lbng-mòuh hái tòih seuhngmihn CL teen-model at stage on-top ‘The teen model was so happy that she ၲ֨ ࠩ ໗ hdisam dou haam happy till cry cried on the stage.’ ് 㬿 Հঁ ᩒ 䞧 嘅 Jbung tói hahbihn móuh yéh ge CL table under not-have thing SFP ‘There’s nothing under the table.’ deuimihn (not *deui or *deuibihn) ‘opposite’: 134 䢆 ᐊڗᑔ ኙ૿ ڶ Hái séjihlàuh deuimihn yáuh at office opposite have ‘There’s a restaurant opposite ၴ ᑔ gaan jáulàuh CL restaurant the office.’ jEng essentially means ‘middle’ as in JEnggwok ‘the Middle Kingdom China’ but is used in Modern Standard Chinese and formal Cantonese to mean ‘in’: ݺ䞢 ԫ سխ Ngóhdeih yat sang jeng our one life middle ‘There are many difficulties Location ڶ֟ ܺᣄ yáuh msíu kwanlàahn have not-few difficulty in our lives.’ The spatial meaning ‘in the middle’ is expressed by jEnggAan: ଡ ᙓྶ ࣋ 䢆 ড়ᨚ խၴ Go gongkàhm fong hái haak-tbng jenggaan CL piano put at guest-hall middle ‘The piano is placed in the centre of the living room.’ jCgAan ‘between’ is used with tùhng coordinating two places or parties: ۰ 䢆 ٵ ضޥ Օ୕ հၴ Kéuih jyuh hái Satìhn tùhng Daaihbou jcgaan s/he live at Shatin and Taipo between ‘She lives between Shatin and Taipo.’ ݺ䞢 ࠟ ଡ հၴ ။ 䓰 ။ 嘅 ၏ᠦ Ngóhdeih léuhng go jcgaan ge kéuihlèih yuht lèih yuht yúhn we two CL between LP distance more come more far ‘The distance between the two of us is growing farther and farther.’ The place expression [noun localizer] may begin a clause, followed by the existential verb yáuh ‘have’ or móuh ‘not-have’, forming an existential locative construction (note that no preposition is used here): ᩒ ஸ ᙒ ଡ Եঁ Go dói yahpbihn móuh saai chín CL bag inside not-have all money ‘There’s no money in the bag.’ ᆣ ᆖ 㠪૿ ڶ ଡ ਚࠃΞΞ Sing Gcng léuihmihn yáuh go gusih . . . Holy Book within have CL story ‘There’s a story in the Bible . . . ϗ káhn ‘near’ may occur with or without an object: ݺ䞢 ࠟ ଡ ۰ ړ२ Ngóhdeih léuhng go jyuh dak hóu káhn we two CL live ADV very near ‘The two of us live close together.’ 135 7 Prepositions and expressions of location ݺ䞢 ۰ ړ२ ௧ᢰ Ngóhdeih jyuh dak hóu káhn hóibcn we live ADV very near seaside 7.1.2 ‘We live near the sea.’ Distance and movement lèih ‘away from’ indicates the distance between two places: Օᖂ ᠦ ৢ ܃ٞ ༓ ܴ˒ Daaihhohk lèih léih ekkéi géi yúhn a? university from your home how far SFP ‘How far is the university from your home?’ hái . . . làih/heui expresses distance or motion ‘from X to Y’, assuming that one is located at point X: 䢆 ཉ װᏦᖯ ԫ ଡ ᤪᙰ Hái Lèuhndbun heui Gimkìuh yiu yat go jengtàuh at London go Cambridge need one CL hour ‘It takes an hour to get from London to Cambridge.’ 䢆 ޥڞᏯ װג ํ ڶ ჸ 嘅 Hái Jcmsajéui heui Waanjái yáuh syùhn daap ge at Tsimshatsui go Wanchai have ferry catch SFP ‘There’s a ferry from Tsimshatsui to Wanchai.’ Similarly, when something is taken from a place, hái ‘at’ is used rather than a preposition meaning ‘from’: ݺ 䢆 ֆ 䛅 䓰 嘅 Ngóh hái gengsc ló làih ge I at company bring come SFP ‘I got it from the office.’ yàuh ‘from’ is used mainly in the following ways: (a) to express distance: ط ᚊ ࠩ ضޥ Կ ଡ ڗ Yàuh Gáulùhng dou Satìhn yiu saam go jih from Kowloon to Shatin need three CL unit ‘It takes fifteen minutes from Kowloon to Shatin.’ (see 21.3) (b) referring to time: 136 ط վֲ ၲࡨ yàuh gam-yaht hdichí from today begin ‘beginning from today’ ݺ䞢 ط า ࠩ Օ Ngóhdeih yàuh sai dou daaih we from small until big ‘We’ve been classmates since we ຟ এ ٵᖂ ddu haih tùhnghohk also be classmate were small.’ Location (c) indicating the source of responsibility or sponsorship: ࢬ ڶ၄ش ط ݺຂ Sóyáuh faiyuhng yàuh ngóh fuhjaak all expenses from me responsible ‘I’m responsible for all the expenses.’ ள۩ष પ ᐾנ ࡋ ଡ ᆏؾ এ ط Lc go jitmuhk haih yàuh léuihhàhngséh dahkyeuk bo-chbut this CL programme is from travel agent specially broadcast ‘This programme is broadcast specially by a travel agent.’ chùhng ‘from’ (Mandarin cóng ൕ) is a formal equivalent of yàuh, used to introduce a starting point in space or time: ൕ ؆ഏ 䓰 嘅 ᖂृ chùhng ngoihgwok làih ge hohkjé from abroad come LP scholar ‘scholars coming from abroad’ ൕ քԼ זڣ ၲࡨ chùhng luhksahp lìhndoih hdichí from sixty era begin 7.1.3 ‘from the 1960s onwards’ Direction góbihn ‘that way’ and lCbihn ‘this way’ may be used to indicate direction: ଡ ᇶ ߨ䦹 װ䢇ঁ Go cháak jáu-jó heui góbihn CL thief run-PFV go that-way ‘The thief ran off that way.’ heung means ‘towards’ in a directional sense (contrast deui, meaning towards people, see 7.2.1): ݺ ٻ چᥳ 䢇ঁ ۩ Ngóh heung deihtit góbihn hàahng I towards subway that-way walk ‘I’m walking in the direction of the subway (MTR).’ 137 7 Prepositions and expressions of location ଡ ଅ ٻጹ ࣟ૿ ܬ heung-gán dengmihn chbui Go feng CL typhoon towards-PROG east-side blow ‘The typhoon is blowing towards the east.’ gCng (gwo) in a serial verb construction expresses the relation ‘via’: ݺ䞢 ᆖ Ngóhdeih gcng we via ‘We’re going to ٱ৫ װഏ Yandouh heui Ycnggwok India go England England via India.’ ਮ ߫ ᆖ ᙞሐ װଉཽג Ga chb gcng seuihdouh heui Hbunggóngjái CL car via tunnel go Aberdeen ‘The car goes to Aberdeen via the tunnel.’ Note that gCng is also widely used as a verb, meaning ‘pass (by)’: ᆖᆖ ጆᣝ ᠔ೃ ܴ˒ Gcng-xh-gcng Máhlaih Ycyún a? pass-not-pass Mary hospital SFP ‘Do you pass by the Queen Mary hospital?’ (used on minibuses, etc.) 7.1.4 Placement With transitive verbs denoting placement, a locative prepositional phrase (as seen in 7.1.1) follows the object: ᇠ ܃ Mgdi léih please you ‘Please put ࣋ 䢅 䞧 䢆 㬿 Ղ૿ fong dc yéh hái tói seuhngmihn put CL thing at table top-side those things on the table.’ 䢅 ᙒ ݺᚲ 䢆 ଡ Dc chín ngóh jai hái go CL money I keep at CL ‘I’m keeping the money in the ฏ ৫ háp douh box there box.’ ݺ ༏ 䢆 ৫ Ngóh gwa fek wá hái gódouh I hang CL picture at here ‘I’m hanging the picture over there.’ 138 Note that the hái-phrase is completed by a localizer such as seuhngmihn or a demonstrative such as douh (7.1.1). An alternative structure for verbs of placement is the jBung construction (8.3.3) in which the object is placed before the main verb. Thus each of the above examples could be rephrased naturally using jBung: Non-spatial relationships ല ༏ 䢆 䢇৫ ݺ Ngóh jbung fek wá gwa hái gódouh I take CL picture hang at here ‘I’m hanging the picture over there.’ 7.2 Non-spatial relationships In addition to indicating location in space and time, prepositions/coverbs and postpositions/localizers may indicate other relationships between noun phrases. 7.2.1 Coverbs deui means ‘towards’ in a non-directional sense, for example with reference to personal relationships and feelings: ݺ ؆ئ ኙ ړ ړ ݺ嘅 Ngóh ngoihmóu deui ngóh hóu hóu ge my mother-in-law towards me very good SFP ‘My mother-in-law treats me nicely.’ ݺ ኙ ᙒ ᩒ ೣߠ 㗎 Ngóh deui chín móuh pcn-gin ga I towards money not-have prejudice SFP ‘I don’t have anything against money.’ (film) dou with time expressions means ‘until’ or ‘by’: ݺ䞢 ࠩ ۖ୮ ຟ آ ᇢመ ᒡ Ngóhdeih dou yìhga ddu meih si-gwo gam kùhng we until now still not-yet try-EXP so poor ‘We’ve never been so poor until now.’ ݺ ࠩ վ ழ վֲ ٘ ࣔ Ngóh dou gam sìh gamyaht juhng xh mìhng I till this time today still not understand ‘To this day, I still don’t understand.’ gAn, which as a verb means ‘follow’, also functions as a preposition meaning ‘with’: 139 7 Prepositions and expressions of location ݺ Հ ڻᇿ װ ܃၇ 塲 Ngóh hah chi gan léih heui máaih sung I next time with you go buy food ‘I’ll go and buy groceries with you next time.’ gAn may also take the form gAnjyuh ‘with, following’: ܃ᇿ۰ ۩ ݺ Léih ganjyuh ngóh hàahng you following me walk ‘Follow me.’ gAngeui, jiu or jiujyuh have a similar meaning, ‘according to’: ᖕ റ୮ 嘅 ։࣫ gangeui jyen-ga ge fansck according expert LP analysis ‘according to expert analysis’ ᅃ ૠ ڶ၌ መ ԫᆄ ໍ 嘅 Jiu gai yáuh chcu gwo yatmaahn jihng ge according calculate have more than ten thousand remain SFP ‘According to calculations there should be over 10,000 left.’ ࡋ ଡ ᝑஃ ֲګ ᅃ۰ ء ᝑ Lc go góngsc sèhngyaht jiujyuh bún sye góng this CL lecturer always following CL book talk ‘This lecturer always lectures according to the textbook.’ jiu is often used with the particle fAan ‘back, in return’ (11.3.1): ݺ ᅃ ៱ڣ װᤂ ཱི Ngóh jiu faan gauhlín gám heui chàuh fún I follow back old-year thus go raise fund ‘I’ll go with last year’s way to raise funds.’ jiu can also be used as an adverbial before a verb with the meaning ‘carry on . . . regardless’: 堬 ᔨ䦹 ຟ ᅃ 堬 Yám jeui-jó kéuih ddu jiu yám drink drunk-PFV s/he also continues drink ‘He goes on drinking even when he’s drunk.’ 140 A: ն រ ٘ ת Nuh dím bun juhng five o’clock half still ‘Do we still work after ܴ˒ jouh-xh-jouh a? do-not-do SFP five-thirty?’ B: ᅃ Jiu jouh continue do ‘Carry on working.’ tùhng ‘with’ expresses personal relationships: ٵ ׆ س 䢆 ړᑵ ݺ 嘅 䞥 Ngóh tùhng Wòhng Saang mhaih hóu suhk ge jb I with Wong Mr not-be very familiar SFP SFP ‘I don’t know Mr Wong very well.’ ٵ ॳة ⴤ۰ A-Wíhng lám-jyuh tùhng Ah-Wing think-CONT with ‘Ah Wing is thinking of setting Non-spatial relationships ୂୂ ჶ سრ kéuih gòhgd gáau saangyi his brother deal business up a business with his [elder] brother.’ tùhng is also used to coordinate nouns (16.1.1), in comparisons (9.3.2), and in the idiom: tùhng . . . móuh gwAan(haih) ‘have nothing to do with’: ࡋ ٙ ࠃ ٵ Lc gihn sih tùhng this CL matter with ‘This has nothing to do ݺ䞢 ᩒ ᣂএ 嘅 ngóhdeih móuh gwaanhaih ge us not-have connection SFP with us.’ tùhng in this usage may also take a clause as its object: ଡ Ꮭᙒ ٵ ᢰଡ ᩒ ᣂ 嘅 Go gachìhn tùhng bcngo jouh móuh gwaan ge CL price with who does not-have connection SFP ‘The price has nothing to do with who does the job.’ waih or waihjó means ‘for’ in the sense ‘for the sake/benefit of’: ݺ ܃ഀ ଈ ዚ Ngóh waih léih cheung sáu gd I for you sing CL song ‘I’ll sing a song for you.’ 䦹 䢇 ଡ ՖԳ ᩅ䞧 ຟ ् Kéuih waihjó gó go léuihyán matyéh ddu háng jouh he for that CL woman what all willing do ‘He’ll do anything for that woman.’ yAnwaih ‘because (of)’ may function as a preposition as well as a conjunction: ݺ এ ڂ ᙒ ᚥ ܃嘅 Ngóh mhaih yanwaih chín bdng léih ge I not-be because money help you SFP ‘I help you not because of the money.’ yAnwaih may be used together with nouns denoting reasons, a usage which is redundant in English but consistent with the pattern of yAnwaih . . . sóyíh as a conjunction (16.2): 141 7 Prepositions and expressions of location ݺ ᄎ ڂ ՛ࠃ ᠦၲ lèih-hdi kéuih Ngóh xh wúih yanwaih gam síu-sih I not would because so little-matter leave-away him ‘I wouldn’t leave him for such a trivial matter.’ kèih jEng ‘among others’ is a literary phrase which may also be used in speech: ࠡ խ ԫ ଡ റ୮ এ ᔥ ඒ Kèih jeng yat go jyen-ga haih Dahng gaausauh rest among one CL expert is Tang professor ‘One of the specialists is Professor Tang.’ It is commonly used to refer back to a previous clause or sentence: ڶ༓ ଡ ᖂृ ᐊመ ᣂ࣍ խ֮ ऄ Yáuh géi go hohkjé sé-gwo gwaanye Jengmán yúhfaat have some CL scholar write-EXP concern Chinese grammar ່ ټנ ցٚ 嘅 Δ ࠡ խ 嘅 এ ᎓ ge sye, kèih jeng jeui chbutméng ge haih Jiuh Yùhn-Yahm LP book rest among most famous LP is Chao Yuen-Ren ‘A number of scholars have written books about Chinese grammar, among whom the best-known is Chao Yuen-Ren.’ 7.2.2 Non-spatial localizers/postpositions Some words which behave syntactically like localizers or postpositions (see 7.1.1) express non-spatial relationships. Localizers marking location in time are formed with the prefixes jC and yíh: հছ հ৵ հփ հ؆ jcchìhn/אছ yíhchìhn ‘before’ jchauh/א৵ yíhhauh ‘after’ jcloih/אփ yíhloih ‘within’ jc-ngoih/א؆ yíh-ngoih ‘beyond’ The two alternatives jCchìhn/yíhchìhn ‘before’ and jChauh/yíhhauh ‘after’ are not interchangeable in all environments, although they overlap. The forms with jC are used after a noun phrase, like postpositions: 142 པ հছ Syú-ga jcchìhn summer-holiday before ‘I need to finish revising ݺ ޏ ء ړ ngóh yiu gói hóu bún sye I need revise PRT CL book the book before the summer holiday.’ ە Chaamháau sye reference book ‘Reference books ࠟ ֲ yiu léuhng yaht should two day should be returned հփ jcloih within within ᝫ wàahn return two days.’ Non-spatial relationships These words are also used as conjunctions after a clause (16.2.1): ݺ ฅᄐ հ৵ ᄎ ⛕ ՠ 嘅 ໞ Ngóh batyihp jchauh wúih wán geng ge la I graduate after will find job SFP SFP ‘I’ll find a job after I graduate.’ By contrast, the related words yíhchìhn ‘before’ and yíhhauh ‘after’ function as adverbs (10.3.3): אছ ඒ խ֮ 嘅 Yíhchìhn kéuih gaau Jengmán ge before s/he teach Chinese SFP ‘He used to teach Chinese.’ א৵ ݺຟ უ ᦫ ଙ ނ ܃ᜢ Yíhhauh ngóh ddu xh séung tbng dóu léih bá sbng afterwards I still not want hear PRT your CL voice ‘From now on I don’t want to hear your voice again.’ yíhseuhng ‘above’ and yíhhah ‘below’ are used with figures to express lower and upper limits respectively: ԿԼ ᄣ אՂ saamsahp seui yíhseuhng thirty year above ‘aged thirty and above’ ԫ ۍ ಈ אՀ yat baak man yíhhah one hundred dollar below ‘below $100’ Similarly, yíh-ngoih ‘beyond’ may refer to limits in time or space: ԫ ۍ ֆߺ א؆ گ ଙ ٚ۶ ॾᇆ Yat baak gengléih yíh-ngoih sau mh dóu yahmhòh seunhouh one hundred kilometre beyond receive not PRT any signal ‘Beyond a range of 100 km you can’t receive any signal.’ 143 Chapter 8 The verb phrase This chapter deals with the basic syntax of verb phrases: types of verb (8.1), objects (8.2) and serial verb constructions (8.3). Passive, causative and resultative constructions are treated in sections 8.4 and 8.5. The aspect markers and verbal particles are treated separately in chapter 11, modal (auxiliary) verbs in chapter 12. Cantonese verbs do not vary in form according to number, person or tense. There are no verbal inflections, apart from the aspect markers, which behave for the most part as suffixes (11.2.1). 8.1 Types of verb Cantonese verbs are traditionally divided into categories as follows: copular verb stative verbs action verbs auxiliary verbs এ haih ‘be’ რ jengyi ‘like’, ۰ jyuh ‘live’, ⴤ lám ‘think’ jouh ‘do’, װheui ‘go’, yek ‘move’ yiu ‘need’, ᄎ wúih ‘will/would’, უ séung ‘want’ The distinctions between auxiliary and other verbs, and between stative verbs and adjectives are not categorical ones, as discussed in chapter 3. 8.1.1 144 The verb haih ‘be’ The copular verb haih ‘be’, like other Cantonese verbs, is invariable in form, hence haih may translate as ‘am’, ‘are’, ‘were’, etc. It should be distinguished from the locative coverb 䢆 hái ‘be at’ with a high rising tone (see 7.1.1). As the name ‘copula’ suggests, the main function of haih is to join two noun phrases: 䢇 䢅 Գ এ ݺ嘅 ֖ࣛ Gó dc yàhn haih ngóh ge pàhngyáuh that CL people are my LP friend ‘Those people are my friends.’ Types of verb 䢇 ༏ এ ݺ嘅 haih ngóh ge Gó fek wá that CL picture is my LP ‘That picture is mine.’ Note that in neutral contexts haih is not used to connect nouns with adjectives (9.1): 䢇 ༏ ઌ ⶕ ړ Gó fek séung hóu leng that CL photo very nice ‘That picture’s nice.’ In such statements, haih would not be used except as a focus marker in an emphatic sentence or to refute a claim: 䢇 ༏ ઌ এ ⶕ ړ䨂 Gó fek séung haih hóu leng bo that CL photo is very nice SFP ‘That picture is really nice.’ A: এ גⶕ ړ 䞥 Kéuih mhaih hóu leng-jái jb s/he isn’t very good-looking SFP ‘He isn’t very good-looking.’ B: এ גⶕ ړ ় Kéuih haih hóu leng-jái léh s/he is very good-looking SFP ‘He is really good-looking.’ In most cases the use of haih is optional: ࡋ ଡ ʻএʼ ݺาࠍ 䓰嘅 Lc go (haih) ngóh sailóu lèihge this CL (is) my brother SFP ‘This is my [younger] brother.’ 䢅 လ ʻএʼ Լ ಈ ʻԫʼ ְ Dc choi (haih) sahp man (yat) gan CL vegetable (is) ten dollar (one) catty ‘These vegetables are $10 a catty.’ 䢇 ء ʻএʼ ݺ嘅 Gó bún syú (haih) ngóh ge that CL book (be) my LP ‘That book is mine.’ 145 8 The verb phrase In (haih) ngóh ge meaning ‘it’s on me’ haih is conventionally omitted: ࡋ 塊 ݺ嘅 Lc chaan ngóh ge This meal my LP ‘This meal’s on me.’ In addition to its basic role as copula, haih has a number of grammatical functions: (a) In the emphatic construction haih . . . ge which, like Mandarin shì ਢ . . . de ऱ and the ‘cleft’ construction in English, emphasizes the word after haih: 䢇 ء এ ݺૡ 嘅 Gó bún sye haih ngóh dehng ge that CL book is I order SFP ‘It was I who ordered that book.’ 嘅 ऄ এ ܃٣۟ Gám ge jouhfaat haih léih scnji such LP do-way is you only ‘Only you could have thought up ⴤ ଙ 嘅 lám dóu ge think PRT SFP that kind of method.’ Note that ge is replaced by ga in questions, due to contraction with the question particle a (18.1.1): ࡋ ༏ ʻএʼ ᢰଡ ಬ 㗎˒ Lc fek wá (haih) bcngo sung ga? this CL picture is who give SFP ‘Who was it that gave us this picture?’ Since the haih . . . ge construction also allows omission of haih, the sentence particle ge (18.3.2) may be seen as a case of this construction with haih omitted. (b) in A-not-A form, haih-mhaih, to ask yes/no questions (17.1.3): ᩒ ஸ ˒ܴ ۏ এএ Haih-mhaih móuh saai máih a? be-not-be not-have all rice SFP ‘Are we out of rice?’ (c) as an affirmative answer to certain types of question, notably particle questions (17.1.8, 17.1.9): 146 A: ܃ Léih you ‘You ᢝ sck know know 嘅 ˒ kéuih ge mb? him SFP SFP him, do you?’ B: এ ܴ Haih a is SFP ‘Yes.’ A: ܃ᩒ ஸ ᙒ ܴ˒ Léih móuh saai chín àh? you not-have all money SFP ‘Don’t you have any money?’ B: এ ܴ Haih a is SFP ‘No.’ Types of verb (d) to introduce predicative complements, like English as, with the verbs syun haih ‘count as’ and dong . . . haih ‘treat as, regard as’: Կ Saam three ‘$300 ጩ এ ༓ ؓ ۍ ಈ baak man syun haih géi pèhng hundred dollar count is pretty cheap counts as pretty cheap.’ ݺ ᅝ Ngóh dong I regard ‘I regard him এ าሁ ג䓰嘅 䞥 kéuih haih sailouhjái lèihge je him as child SFP SFP as just a child.’ (e) in quantified sentences with dDu, meaning ‘every’ (14.1): এ Գ ຟ व Օ䦹 ߚ Haih yàhn ddu jc kéuih daaih-jó tóuh is person all know s/he big-PFV belly ‘Everyone knows she’s pregnant.’ Idiom: haih dDu expresses stubbornness or determination: এ ຟ ۞ա װ Kéuih haih ddu yiu jihgéi heui s/he is also need self go ‘He insists on going himself.’ ࣔ व Kéuih mìhng jc s/he clear know ‘He won’t carry an 8.1.2 ᆵॸ lohk-yúh fall-rain umbrella এ ຟ ᔟ haih ddu xh daai jb is also not carry umbrella even when it’s raining.’ Stative verbs The term stative verb is used in both a broad and a narrow sense. In the broad sense, traditional in Chinese grammar, stative verbs include what we treat as adjectives (see ch. 9). As discussed in chapter 3, there is no clear distinction between stative verbs and adjectives. In a narrower sense, more usual in linguistics and grammars of other languages, stative verbs 147 8 The verb phrase in this sense are those which are clearly verbs but share certain properties with adjectives. Clear examples are jCdou ‘know’ and tùhngyi ‘agree’, which may be modified by géi ‘quite’ and hóu ‘very much’: ݺ এ ༓ वሐ 䞢 უ រ Ngóh mhaih géi jcdou kéuihdeih séung dím I not-be quite know they want how ‘I’m not quite sure what they have in mind.’ 䞢 এ ٵ ړრ Kéuihdeih mhaih hóu tùhngyi they not-be very agree Many stative for example, behaves as a reduplication ‘They don’t really agree.’ verbs are intermediate between verbs and adjectives; gBng, resembles both the verb fear and the adjective afraid. It verb in taking an object, but like an adjective in allowing with -déi (9.2.2): ԳԳ ຟ ᧫ Yàhn-yàhn ddu gbng person-person all afraid ‘Everyone is afraid of this ݺ ᧫᧫䞢 唧 Ngóh gbng-gbng-déi jbk I afraid-afraid-ish SFP ࡋ ጟ ఐ lc júng behng this CL disease disease.’ ‘I’m a bit afraid.’ Several of them take objects, while the corresponding English adjectives cannot: ݺ ړᑵ ৢٞԳ Ngóh hóu suhk kéuih ekkéi-yàhn I very familiar his home-people ‘I know his family very well.’ ࡋ ٙ ۟ 䞤 ܃ໞʴ Lc gihn saam ji ngaam léih la! this CL shirt most right you SFP ‘This shirt suits you perfectly.’ ˮࡋ ೋ ੑᙰֽ˰ 䞤 ஸ ՛֖ࣛʴ [Lc jek sái-tàuh-séui] ngaam saai síu-pàhngyáuh! [this CL wash-head-water] right SFP small-friend ‘[This shampoo’s] just the thing for children!’ (TV ad.) 148 Like adjectives, however, they may be modified by hóu and other modifiers (9.1.3). 8.1.3 Types of verb Verbs of perception Perception verbs are formed by combining a sensory verb with a verbal particle or other verb. Note the systematic distinction between the simple verb denoting perceptual activity and the compound verbs with dóu or gin which denote actual perception of a stimulus: ┊ tái ‘look, watch’ ᦫ tbng ‘listen’ ߠ gin ‘see’ ඨ mohng ‘watch, stare’ ፊ màhn ‘smell, sniff’ ᤚ gok dak ‘feel’ ┊ଙ tái dóu, ┊ߠ tái gin ‘see’ ᦫଙ tbng dóu, ᦫߠ tbng gin ‘hear’ ߠଙ gin dóu ‘see, notice’ ඨଙ mohng dóu, ඨߠ mohng gin ‘see, watch’ ፊଙ màhn dóu ‘smell’ (transitive) ტᤚଙ gám gok dak dóu ‘feel’ (formal) The verb and particle in these combinations, although often written as single words in the Yale system, are all potentially separable, the negative Xh and the modal particle dAk coming between them: ┊ߠ tái xh gin ‘cannot see’ ፊଙ màhn xh dóu ‘cannot smell’ ┊ߠ tái dak gin ‘can see’ ፊଙ màhn dak dóu ‘can smell’ dAk is often redundant with perception verbs as tái dóu alone, for example, may have the modal meaning ‘can see’, but dAk may be added for emphasis: ړ ຟ ፊ ʻʼ ଙ Hóu yúhn ddu màhn (dak) dóu very far also smell (can) PRT ‘You can smell it a long way off.’ Δ ┊ ܃┊ ߠ ܴ˒ Gam yúhn, léih tái-xh-tái dak gin a? so far you look-not-look can see SFP ‘Can you see so far away?’ dAk chBut with verbs of perception denotes the ability to ‘tell’ in the sense of recognizing what is perceived: ݺ ᦫ נ এ ᐖࣟԳ Ngóh tbng dak chbut kéuih mhaih Gwóngdeng-yàhn I listen can out s/he not-be Cantonese-person ‘I can tell (by listening) that she’s not Cantonese.’ ܃ଇଇ נ Եঁ ڶᩅ䞧 ܴ˒ Léih sihk-xh-sihk dak chbut yahpbihn yáuh matyéh a? you eat-not-eat can out inside have what SFP ‘Can you taste what’s in this?’ 149 8 The verb phrase Xh chBut is the negative counterpart of dAk chBut (see 12.3.3): ፊ נ এ ᩅ䞧 ࠺ 䓰嘅 ݺ Ngóh màhn xh chbut haih matyéh meih leihge I smell not out be what flavour SFP ‘I can’t tell what the flavour is.’ ⎲ʴ B: ┊ נ Tái xh chbut wo! look not out SFP ‘You wouldn’t know!’ A: քԼ༓ ᄣ 㗎 ໞ Kéuih luhksahp-géi seui ga la s/he sixty-some years SFP SFP ‘He’s in his sixties.’ Idioms with tái include the following: tái-háh or tái-gwo ‘it depends’ is followed by an indirect question: A: ༓ ર ܴ˒ Yiu géi loih a? need how long SFP ‘How long will it take?’ A: ܃༓ழ Léih géisìh you when ‘When are B: ┊㣐 ᢰଡ Tái-háh bcngo jouh la see-DEL who does SFP ‘It depends who does it.’ ᓮ ݺଇ堩 ܴ˒ chéng ngóh sikh-faahn a? invite me eat-food SFP you going to invite me to dinner?’ B: ┊መ ٣ Tái-gwo sìn see-EXP first ‘We’ll see . . .’ tái làih is used to make an inference based on appearances: ┊ 䓰 ܃վ Tái làih léih gam see come you this ‘It looks like you’re ڻԫࡳ ࿇ሒ ໞ chi yatdihng faat-daaht la time definitely make-money SFP sure to make money this time.’ (film) tái hóu ‘optimistic’ may be used intransitively or transitively: ݺ ༉ ┊ړ 䄆 Ngóh jauh xh tái-hóu laak I then not look-good SFP ‘But I’m not optimistic.’ ९ ᒵ 䓰 ┊ ړ┊ אױ ᠨ Chèuhng sin làih tái hóyíh tái-hóu sbungyúh long term come look can look-good bilingualism 150 ઔߒ 嘅 ࿇୶ yìhn-gau ge faatjín research LP development ‘In the long term one can be optimistic about bilingualism research.’ tái hDi also means ‘optimistic’, the particle hDi ‘away’ meaning to look away from a problem or difficult situation: ┊ ܃ၲ 䢅 ʴ Léih tái hdi dc la! you look PRT a-bit SFP Types of verb ‘Why not look on the bright side?’ tái chúhng ‘regard as important’ and its converse tái hBng or tái síu ‘underestimate’ have a similar syntax: խഏԳ ┊ ૹ ᣂএ 嘅 Jenggwok-yàhn tái chúhng gwaanhaih ge Chinese-person look important connection SFP ‘The Chinese place great importance on connections.’ ܃ ┊ ړ՛ ܴ Léih mhóu tái síu kéuih a you don’t look small him SFP ‘Don’t underestimate him.’ tái dAi and tái Xh héi ‘look down on’ apply similarly to people: ݺ वሐ Ngóh jcdou I know ‘I know you ┊ ܃ ದ ݺ léih tái xh héi ngóh you look not up me look down on me.’ (film) tBng dAk mìhng ‘understand (what one is hearing)’ has a similar syntax: ݦඨ ᦫ ܃ ࣔ Hbimohng léih tbng dak mìhng hope you hear can understand ‘I hope you understand.’ ᦫ ܃ᦫ ࣔ ᝑ ᩅ ܴ˒ Léih tbng-xh-tbng dak mìhng kéuih góng mat a? you hear-not-hear can understand s/he say what SFP ‘Can you understand what he’s saying?’ Complement clauses of perception verbs, describing witnessed events, directly follow the verb without any conjunction: ݺ ┊۰ ଡ ˕˕ 不ᤚ Ngóh tái-jyuh go bìhbc fan-gaau I look-CONT CL baby sleep ݺ ֲګ ᦫ 䢅 Ngóh sèhngyaht tbng dc I always hear CL ‘I often hear the students ‘I’m watching the baby sleep.’ ᝑ ᖂس hohksaang gám góng students so talk talking like that.’ 151 8 The verb phrase Note that the verb in the complement clause does not change in form: the progressive form -gán is not used, for example, in complement clauses such as the above. 8.1.4 Verbs of cognition These verbs indicate mental activity or perception: वሐ jcdou ‘know’ (facts) ᢝ sck ‘know’ (a person or skill) ⴤ lám ‘think’ ᎁ yihngwàih ‘think, consider’ א yíhwàih ‘think’ (usually erroneously) ᤚ gokdak ‘feel’ (opinion) ಖ geidak ‘remember’ ᎁ yihngdak ‘recognize’ ಖ mgeidak ‘forget’ (ઌ)ॾ (sbung-)seun ‘believe’ (have confidence) Note: sCk means ‘know’ applied to people, as in the phrase sCk yàhn ‘have connections’ and also to knowledge of how to do things, as in sCk yàuh-séui ‘know how to swim’ (see 12.1.2); jC means to ‘know’ facts or information, as in JC-Xh-jC hái bCndouh? ‘Do you know where it is?’ When jC is followed by only a pronoun as follows, Xh jC kéuih can be interpreted as an elliptical form of Xh jC kéuih jouh mAtyéh: A: ॳဗ ᩅ䞧 ܴ˒ A-Fbi jouh matyéh a? Ah-Fei do what SFP ‘What’s the matter with Ah Fei?’ B: व ⎲ ]h jc kéuih wo not-know him SFP ‘Oh, I don’t know about him.’ The syntax of these verbs is straightforward: in the absence of a conjunction corresponding to that (see 16.5), a verb of cognition is simply followed by a clause: ݺ ᤚ ܃ Ngóh gokdak léih I feel you ‘I think you ought ᚨᇠ ՛֨ 䢅 ycnggdi síusam dc should careful little to be more careful.’ ݺ ಖ ༓ 嘅 Ngóh geidak kéuih géi lbk gé I remember s/he quite clever SFP ‘I remember that she’s pretty bright.’ 152 8.2 Objects of the verb and transitivity Objects of the verb and transitivity The verb phrase, in linguistic theory, includes the object of the verb. In Cantonese, the relationship between verb and object is particularly close (see verb–object compounds, 8.2.4) and objects may be of several distinct kinds. 8.2.1 Direct and directional objects Many verbs of motion which are intransitive in many languages may take directional objects in Cantonese. There is no need for a preposition between a directional verb and its object: (see ch. 7 and 3.1.3 for discussion of Cantonese prepositions/coverbs). װભഏ heui Méihgwok go America ‘go to America’ 䓰 ଉཽ làih Hbunggóng come Hong Kong ‘come to Hong Kong’ Ե ࢪ yahp fóng enter room ‘go into a room’ נ ॰Ց chbut mùhnháu exit entrance ‘go out of the door’ Verbs of posture take objects denoting locations: ് ࡋ ݄ ܃ ཡ Léih chóh lc jbung yí la you sit this CL chair SFP 不 ۞ա ് ݩ Fan jihgéi jbung chòhng sleep self CL bed ‘It’s more comfortable to ‘Sit on this chair.’ ငࣚ 䢅 syefuhk dc comfortable more sleep in one’s own bed.’ Many verbs may take either a direct or a locative object, e.g. duhk ‘study’ and sihk ‘eat’: Direct object: ᦰ ܃ ᢰ ઝ 㗎˒ Léih duhk bcn fd ga? you study which subject SFP ‘Which subject are you studying?’ 153 8 The verb phrase ݺ ଇመ ࠇקလ Ngóh sihk-gwo Bakgcng choi I eat-EXP Beijing food ‘I’ve eaten Pekinese food.’ Object of location: ᦰ ܃ ᢰ ၴ ᖂீ ܴ˒ Léih duhk bcn gaan hohkhaauh a? you study which CL school SFP ‘Which school do you go to?’ ݺ ଇመ ࠇקᑔ Ngóh sihk-gwo Bakgcng Làuh I eat-EXP Beijing House 8.2.2 ‘I’ve eaten at the Beijing Garden.’ Double object verbs and indirect objects A number of verbs like may take two consecutive objects, one direct and one indirect, as in English. Several different types of verb follow different syntantic patterns. In the case of Cantonese béi ‘give’, the indirect object follows the direct: ݺ ନ ᙒ ܃ Ngóh béi chín léih I give money you ‘I’ll give you the money.’ (not *ngóh béi léih chín) Note that Cantonese differs from both English and Mandarin in the order of the two objects.1 However, the indirect object may come first when the direct object is especially long, or is to be emphasized:2 ݺ ନ ܃ԫ ് ࠐڃ Կᢋؑ ٵ Ngóh béi léih yat jbung lòihwùih Saamfàahnsíh tùhng I give you one CL round-trip San Francisco and ోપ 嘅 ᖲป Láuyeuk ge gbipiu New York LP air-ticket ‘I’ll give you a round-trip ticket from San Francisco to New York.’ 154 ݺ ନ ܃ ڍ ᙒΔ ܃ຟ ˒ Ngóh béi léih gam dd chín, léih ddu xh yiu? I give you so much money you also not want ‘I’m giving you so much money, and you still don’t want it?’ The word béi ‘give’ is unique in allowing the word order with the direct object before the indirect object.3 In general verbs of giving, with the exception of béi itself, appear in a serial verb construction (see 8.3) with béi as the second verb:4 Objects of the verb and transitivity ݺ าࠍ ബ䦹 ॾ ନ ݺ Ngóh sailóu gei-jó feng seun béi ngóh my brother mail-PFV CL letter to me ‘My brother mailed me a letter.’ ᚨᇠ ಬ क़ ନ Ycnggdi sung fa béi kéuih should send flower to her ‘We should send her flowers.’ ݺ ᔄ ਮ ߫ ନ ܃ Ngóh maaih ga chb béi léih I sell CL car to you ‘I’m selling you the car.’ A third verb may be added after the indirect object to indicate the purpose: ܃ᝑ ନ ᦫ ٣ Léih góng béi kéuih tbng sìn you say to him hear first ‘You tell him first.’ In these constructions, béi is sometimes omitted as in: ݺ ബ 䢅 ᇷற ʻନʼ ┊ ܃ Ngóh gei dc jclíu (béi) léih tái I send some information (to) you see ‘I’ll send you some information.’ This construction is also used with je meaning ‘lend’: ଗ䦹 ԫ Տ ಈ ନ ݺ Ngóh je-jó yat chcn man béi kéuih I lend-PFV one thousand dollars to him ‘I lent him $1,000.’ Note that the same verb, je, with the indirect object preceding the direct object means ‘borrow’: ݺ ଗ䦹 Ngóh je-jó kéuih I borrow-PFV him ‘I borrowed $1,000 from ԫ Տ ಈ yat chcn man one thousand dollars him’ This usage accords with the general schema used for verbs of deprivation (see below). 155 8 The verb phrase Another set of verbs, gaau ‘teach’ and mahn ‘ask’, may take two objects with a fixed order, the first being an indirect and the other a direct object: ᩒ Գ ඒ ݺխ֮ Móuh yàhn gaau ngóh Jengmán not-have person teach me Chinese ‘There’s no one to teach me Chinese.’ ݺ ٣ ം ܃ԫ ଡ ംᠲ Ngóh scn mahn léih yat go mahntàih I first ask you one CL question ‘I’ll ask you a question first.’ Another set of verbs taking two objects are verbs of deprivation such as ló ‘take,’ tAu ‘steal’ and faht ‘fine’. The person from whom something is taken is expressed as the first object: ೢ䦹 ֆ Kéuih tau-jó gengsc She steal-PFV company ‘She stole a lot of money ܃ᙈ ࠩ Léih chìh dou you late arrive ‘They’ll fine you ڍ ړ ᙒ hóu dd chin very much money from the company.’ Գ䞢 ᄎ ፆ ܃ᙒ 嘅 yàhndeih wúih faht léih chín ge people will fine you money SFP (money) if you’re late.’ Many verbs which take two objects in English (call, consider, etc.) are expressed using serial verb constructions. The verb jouh ‘do’ is used as the second verb: Գ䞢 ॅࠍ 嘅 Yàhndeih giu kéuih jouh fèihlóu ge people call him as fatty SFP ‘People call him “fatty”.’ This construction with giu is also used in giving one’s name, with jouh optional: ݺ ʻʼ ຫ ՛ ᣪ Ngóh giu (jouh) Chàhn Síu Bóu I call (as) Chan Siu Bou dong ‘regard as, treat as’ takes either [haih as its complement: 156 Գ䞢 ᅝ ݺ Yàhndeih dong ngóh people regard me ‘I’m being treated as a ‘My name is Chan Siu Bou.’ noun phrase] or a full clause এ ՠԳ 䓰嘅 haih gengyàhn lèihge as work-person SFP servant.’ ܃ Léih you ‘Are 8.2.3 ᅝ ݺ dong ngóh regard me you treating ᩒ ࠩ ܴ˒ móuh dou àh? not here SFP me as a nobody?’ (idiom) Objects of the verb and transitivity Quantified objects Where the object, direct or indirect, is quantified, followed by the quantifier dDu, it is placed before the verb. The quantified object can come either between subject and verb, or before the subject (see 4.1.1, 4.2.1): ݺ ࠟ ኙ ʻᕀʼ ຟ რ Ngóh léuhng deui (hàaih) ddu jengyi I two pair (shoes) all like ‘I like both pairs (of shoes).’ ࠟ ኙ ʻᕀʼ ݺຟ რ Léuhng deui (hàaih) ngóh ddu jengyi two pair (shoes) I all like ‘I like both pairs (of shoes).’ Note that the noun itself may be omitted, leaving behind the classifier, when its identity is clear from the context. ݺ䞢 ګ ය ʻູʼ ଇ ஸ Ngóhdeih sèhng tìuh (yú) sihk saai we whole CL (fish) eat PRT ‘We’ve eaten the whole fish.’ ଡଡ ʻՉࠝʼ ຟ ନ ᙒ Kéuih go-go (hatyc) ddu béi chín s/he CL-CL (beggar) all give money ‘He gives money to every beggar.’ The special syntax of quantified phrases is discussed further in chapter 14. 8.2.4 Verb–object compounds In many fixed verb–object combinations the object is said to be ‘incorporated’ into the verb (2.3.3). These are written with hyphenation to show this relationship: ┊ tái-sye read-book ‘read’ ഀዚ cheung-gd sing-song ‘sing’ 157 8 The verb phrase ߠՠ gin-geng see-work ‘go to an interview’ 堬䞧 yám-yéh drink-stuff ‘have a drink’ tái alone merely means ‘look’ (8.1.3), while cheung ‘sing’ is rarely used without an object. Similarly, the verbs sé ‘write’ and jA ‘drive’ are not readily used intransitively as in English, but are typically accompanied by an object as in the following cases: ନ ୂୂ ݺ ݺ ᐊॾ Ngóh yiu sé-seun béi ngóh gòhgd I need write-letter to my brother ‘I have to write to my [elder] brother.’ ݺ䞢 㺳߫ ڞ װ ࣟ Ngóhdeih ja-chb heui Jcm Deng we drive-car go Tsimshatsui East ‘We’ll drive to Tsimshatsui East.’ Note that the object in these constructions is generic or indefinite: it is not understood as referring to a particular object. Despite the close relationship between verb and object, the two parts may be separated as follows: (a) The aspect markers and verbal particles (see ch. 11) come between the verb and object: ॳა A-ma Mum ‘Mum ┊ጹ tái-gán-sye read-PROG-book is reading.’ ݺ ᙰ٣ Ngóh tàuhscn I just-now ‘I went outside 㺳ክ߫ 嘅 ໞ Kéuih ja-gwaan-chb ge la s/he drive-used-car SFP SFP ᆵ䦹ဩ lohk-jó-gaai down-PFV-street just now.’ ‘She’s used to driving.’ (b) The object may be topicalized (4.2.1), leaving the verb ‘stranded’: ܃䢅 ֖۔ ଡଡ ຟ ஸദΔ ڶ䢅 ٘ Léih dc lóuhyáuh go-go ddu git-saai-fan, yáuh dc juhng your CL mates CL-CL all get-all-married have some also 158 ᠦ䦹ദ Δ ܃༉ ຑ ദ ຟ آ ʴ lèih-jó-fan tìm, léih jauh lìhn fan ddu meih git! divorce-PFV SFP you then even married also not-yet get ‘Your friends are all married, some are already divorced, but you’re not even married yet!’ (ദ git-fAn ‘get married’) (film) (c) A noun or pronoun serving as the object of the compound may intervene between its two parts: Objects of the verb and transitivity ᚴᕀ chaat-hàaih (shine-shoes) ‘flatter’: ᚴ ܃ᕀ ᝑ এ უ 嘅 䞥 Kéuih gám góng haih séung chaat léih hàaih ge je s/he so talk is want polish your shoes SFP SFP ‘He’s just saying that to flatter you.’ ᚥ֫ bDng-sáu ‘help out’: ױ ܃אױ ᚥ ݺ ֫ ܴ˒ Léih hó-xh-hóyíh bdng ngóh sáu a? you can-not-can help me hand SFP ‘Could you give me a hand?’ ൹ púng-chèuhng ‘support’: ܃।ዝ ݺኔ ᄎ Léih bíuyín ngóh saht wúih you perform I sure will ‘I’ll be sure to support you at ൹ ܃ púng léih chèuhng support your show your performance.’ Note that the intervening pronouns here may be seen as the possessor of the object of the compound verb, as in English He’s pulling your leg. (d) An adverbial noun phrase expressing duration or frequency (8.2.5) may intervene: ݺ ޢ ֲ 㺳 ת Ngóh múih yaht yiu ja bun I every day need drive half ‘I have to drive for half an hour a ଡ ᤪᙰ ߫ go jengtàuh chb CL hour car day.’ 䞢 ԫ ଡ ៖ਈ 堬 ༓ ڻ ಁ Kéuihdeih yat go láihbaai yám géi chi chàh they one CL week drink a-few times tea ‘They go for tea [and dim sum] a few times a week.’ 8.2.5 Adverbial objects A noun phrase expressing the frequency or duration of an action may be used as adverbial object: 159 8 The verb phrase ଡ ˕˕ য䦹 ࠟ ᜢ léuhng sbng Go bìhbc kat-jó CL baby cough-PFV two sound ݺ ئ׀ 䓰 ۰ Ngóh fuhmóuh làih jyuh my parents come live ‘My parents are coming to ԫ yat one stay ଡ go CL for ‘The baby coughed twice.’ ៖ਈ láihbaai week a week.’ If the verb is transitive, it tends to be repeated before the time expression, though this is not obligatory in Cantonese:5 ݺ ੑ ࡋ ٙ ੑ䦹 ࠟ ڻ Ngóh sái lc gihn saam sái-jó léuhng chi I wash this CL shirt wash-PFV two times ‘I’ve washed this shirt twice.’ ݺ䞢 ۰ ࢋ ۰䦹 ԫ ଡ ៖ਈ Ngóhdeih jyuh jáudim jyuh-jó yat go láihbaai you-PL live hotel live-PFV one CL week ‘We stayed in the hotel for a week.’ yAt ‘one’ together with a noun may form an adverbial phrase. The phrase resembles a classifier and is sometimes known as a verbal classifier phrase (6.2.5): ᚨᇠ ؚ ԫ 㣐 Ycnggdi dá kéuih yat háh should hit him one slap ‘We should give him a slap.’ ܃ᚥ ݺԫ ଡ ڦ 㣌 Léih bdng ngóh yat go mòhng a you help me one CL favour SFP ‘Do me a favour.’ 8.3 160 Serial verbs The serial verb construction is one of the most important and productive patterns in Cantonese syntax (see Matthews 2006a). Although almost unknown in European languages, it resembles constructions like go see a movie, come fly with us and similar combinations in American English. As the name suggests, it is essentially a series of verbs within the same clause, not linked by any conjunction: Serial verbs լݺ ڕ䞢 ┊ װᚭ Batyùh ngóhdeih heui tái hei rather we go see film ‘Let’s go and see a film.’ ݺ ᦫֲ ଆ ߠ װՠ Ngóh tcngyaht fbi heui gin-geng I tomorrow fly go see-work ‘I’m flying to an interview tomorrow.’ Note that the Cantonese clause in the above example has three verbs while the English counterpart has one. Serial verb constructions express many of the relationships which are expressed by prepositions in English and other European languages. For example, the sentence I’ll phone for you cannot readily be rendered literally in Cantonese because there is no preposition corresponding to ‘for’ (the coverb waih has the more specific meaning ‘for the sake of’: 7.2.1). Instead, two verbs are used: ݺ ᚥ ؚ ܃ሽᇩ Ngóh bdng léih dá-dihnwá I help you call-phone ‘I’ll phone for you.’ Note that although bDng in isolation means ‘help’, the addressee here is not expected to participate actively; rather, the speaker is offering to perform the action single-handedly. This contrast illustrates a difference between the English complementation structure as in ‘help you (to) phone’ and the Chinese serial construction which is closer to ‘help you by phoning’. 8.3.1 Directional verbs and verbs of motion One of the main functions of serial constructions is in expressing motion. These constructions are based on seven directional verbs:6 Ե Ղ መ ୖ yahp ‘in’ séuhng ‘up’ gwo ‘over’ màaih ‘close’ נchbut ‘out’ ᆵ lohk ‘down’ १ faan ‘back’ Although usually best translated as prepositions, these are verbs in their own right, and can be used transitively with directional objects (see 8.2.1): Ե/נೃ yahp/chbut yún ‘enter/leave the hospital’ Եᤄ yahp jihk ‘become naturalized’ 161 8 The verb phrase נഏ chbut gwok ‘go abroad’ Ղ/ᆵํ séuhng/lohk syùhn ‘get on/off a boat’ Ղ/ᆵഘ séuhng/lohk tòhng ‘attend/leave class’ መᙞሐ gwo seuihdouh ‘go through the tunnel’ १ଉཽ faan Hbunggóng ‘return to Hong Kong’ १ৢٞ faan ekkéi ‘go home’ ୖ ۯmàaih wái ‘take one’s seat’ Some of these verbs may also take direct objects, especially in fixed verb– object compounds (2.3.3, 8.2.4): Եᙒ yahp-chín ‘deposit money’ (into a bank account) Եई yahp-yáu ‘fill up with petrol’ נ chbut-sye ‘publish a book’ נᠲ ؾchbut-tàihmuhk ‘come up with (examination) topics’ ᆵࡳ lohk-dehng ‘put down a deposit’ ᆵຄ lohk-fo ‘unload goods’ ୖ màaih daan ‘pay the bill’ Most of the directional verbs are also used as directional particles following the verb, but with some differences of meaning and structure (see 11.3.1). In the serial verb construction, the directional verbs combine with the verbs of motion, heui ‘go’ and làih ‘come’: Եװ װנ Ղװ ᆵװ መװ १װ ୖװ yahp heui ‘go in’ chbut heui ‘go out’ séuhng heui ‘go up’ lohk heui ‘go down’ gwo heui ‘go over’ faan heui ‘go back’ màaih heui ‘go closer’ Ե䓰 נ䓰 Ղ䓰 ᆵ䓰 መ䓰 १䓰 ୖ䓰 yahp làih ‘come in’ chbut làih ‘come out’ séuhng làih ‘come up’ lohk làih ‘come down’ gwo làih ‘come over’ faan làih ‘come back’ màaih làih ‘come closer’ In this construction, the aspect markers come between the directional verb and the verb of movement: ॳ䪔 १䦹 䓰 A-Màh faan-jó làih Grandma return-PFV come ‘Grandma has come back.’ (not *fAan làih-jó) 162 ۿړ ڶԳ Եመ 䓰 Hóuchíh yáuh yàhn yahp-gwo làih seem have person enter-EXP come ‘Someone seems to have come in.’ The order here contrasts with Mandarin, where the aspect marker follows the second verb (huí lái le ࠐڃԱ ‘has come back’). Similarly, verbal particles such as dou (11.3) come between the directional verb and the motion verb: Serial verbs ݺ ն ։ᤪ ৵ ༉ १ ࠩ 䓰 Ngóh nuh fanjeng hauh jauh faan dou làih I five minutes after then back arrive come ‘I’ll be back in five minutes.’ The addition of dou here adds the meaning of arrival: without it, the sentence would mean that the speaker (for example, on the telephone) will merely set out in five minutes’ time: ݺ ն ։ᤪ ৵ ༉ १ 䓰 Ngóh nuh fanjeng hauh jauh faan làih I five minutes after then back come ‘I’ll come back in five minutes.’ Similarly, the particle dihng adds the meaning ‘in readiness’: ߫־༉ ࠩ ໞΔ ݺ䞢 נ ࡳ װ٣ Fóchb jauh dou la, ngóhdeih chbut dihng heui scn train soon arrive SFP, we exit ready go first ‘The train’s arriving, let’s go out so we are ready.’ To express the manner of movement, a third verb may be added before the directional verb, producing a sequence of three verbs: ߨ Ե װ jáu yahp heui run in go ‘rush in’ झ נ 䓰 pàh chbut làih climb out come ‘climb out’ ሂ Ղ װ tiu séuhng heui jump up go ‘leap up’ ၓ ᆵ 䓰 dit lohk làih fall down come ‘fall down’ ჺ መ װ ben gwo heui move cross go ‘move over’ ۩ ୖ 䓰 hàahng màaih làih walk close come ‘come closer’ Note that the last verb in this construction is always heui ‘go’ or làih ‘come’, with the choice depending on one’s point of reference, much as in 163 8 The verb phrase English; other verbs cannot be substituted. Aspect markers and verbal particles again follow the first verb of the series: Ե װ 䢅 าሁߨ ג䦹 Dc sailouhjái jáu-jó yahp heui CL children run-PFV in go ‘The children came running in.’ ᆵ 䓰 䞢 ۖ୮ ۩ጹ Kéuihdeih yìhga hàahng-gán lohk làih they now walk-PROG down come ‘They’re walking down now.’ ݺ䞢 ჺ १ መ װ Ngóhdeih yiu ben faan gwo heui we need move back over go ‘We have to move back over there again.’ The same construction may form the complement of a transitive verb phrase: 䢅 ড়Գ Ե װ daai dc haakyàhn yahp heui bring some guests in go ‘bring some guests in’ ࣊ ֭ അ נ 䓰 lcng jc bbjáu chbut làih take CL beer out come ‘take out a bottle of beer’ ჺ 䢅 䧯 Ղ װ ben dc gcp séuhng heui move CL case up go ‘bring up the cases’ 䛅 ༏ ᆵ 䓰 ló fek wá lohk làih take CL picture down come ‘take the picture down’ Note: lohk-heui as an aspect marker means ‘continue’ (11.2.9): 䞢 ԫ ሁ ᝑ ᆵװ Kéuihdeih yat louh góng lohk-heui they one road talk continue ‘They just carry on talking.’ [verb làih verb heui], in which the same verb is repeated, expresses motion ‘to and fro’, ‘up and down’ or ‘about’: 164 ۩ ܃ 䓰 ۩ Léih hàahng làih hàahng you walk come walk ‘What are you walking up װ ᩅ ܴ˒ heui jouh mat a? go do what SFP and down for?’ 䢅 าሁֲګ ג ሂ 䓰 ሂ װ Dc sailouhjái sèhngyaht tiu làih tiu heui CL children always jump come jump go ‘The children are always leaping about.’ Serial verbs It is also used more metaphorically: ݺ ⴤ 䓰 ⴤ װຟ Ngóh lám làih lám heui ddu xh think come think go still not I ‘I’ve thought it over and over and still ᝑ Góng talk ‘They 䓰 ᝑ װຟ làih góng heui ddu come talk go still talk and talk and still ࣔػ mìhngbaahk understand don’t understand.’ ᩒ ᓵ móuh gitleuhn no conclusion there’s no conclusion.’ jAuwáih heui ‘go around’ suggests random movement: 䢅 Ֆࡌ ג װ၇ Dc léuihjái jauwàih heui máaih saam CL girls around go buy clothes ‘The girls are going around buying clothes.’ heui . . . làih is a serial verb construction denoting return from a trip: ݺ 䞤䞤 װመ ࠇקʻ䓰ʼ Ngóh ngaam-ngaam heui-gwo Bakgcng (làih) I just-just go-EXP Beijing (come) ‘I’ve just been to Beijing.’ 䞢 ݙ װ ᖾ १ 䓰 Kéuihdeih heui yùhn Oujau faan làih they go finish Australia return come ‘They’re just back from a trip to Australia.’ joi làih (gwo/yAt chi), literally ‘come again’, means ‘do/try again’: ٦ 䓰 መ Joi làih gwo again come over ‘Once more.’ (used in practising pronunciation) ݺ䞢 ٦ 䓰 ԫ ڻ Ngóhdeih joi làih yat chi we again come one time ‘Let’s try one more time.’ (instruction at a rehearsal) 165 8 The verb phrase 8.3.2 Serial constructions expressing actions Actions which are expressed by a verb and a preposition in English are typically expressed in Cantonese by a serial construction containing two or more verbs. The so-called ‘coverbs’ (see 3.1.3 and ch. 7) are very widely used in serial constructions, playing the role of prepositions in English. For example, the relation ‘from’ may be expressed by the coverb tùhng ‘with/accompany’: ່ ٵ ړ Ꭼ۩ ଗ ᙒ Jeui hóu tùhng ngàhnhòhng je chín most good with bank borrow money ‘It’s best to borrow money from the bank.’ Such constructions can be ambiguous as to the relation expressed by tùhng: ݺ ٵ ܃၇ ਮ ߫ Ngóh tùhng léih máaih ga chb with you buy CL car I ‘I’ll buy a car for/from/with you.’ The meaning may be clarified by the addition of adverbs such as yAtchàih ‘together’ which would give the meaning ‘with’. yuhng ‘use’ expresses the instrumental sense of ‘with’, followed by làih ‘come’ or heui ‘go’ and the verb: ࡋ ଡ ش 䓰 ᩅ䞧 㗎˒ Lc go yuhng làih jouh matyéh ga? this CL use come do what SFP ‘What’s this for?’ 䞢 ش 䢅 ᙒ װ၇ ᑔ Kéuihdeih yuhng dc chín heui máaih láu they use CL money go buy flat ‘They’re buying a flat with the money.’ wán ‘look for’ is also used in serial constructions with an instrumental meaning: ܃ Léih you ‘Get 166 ⛕ 䢅 䞧 䤭۰ 㣌 wán dc yéh kám-jyuh kéuih a find CL thing cover-CONT it SFP something to cover it with.’ jouh ‘do’ as the second verb in a serial construction introduces predicative complements, corresponding to as: ش אױ 䢅 ៱ ࢳؒچ Hóyíh yuhng dc gauh saam jouh maat-deih-bou can use CL old clothes do wipe-floor-cloth ‘We can use these old clothes as floor cloths.’ Serial verbs ᙇ䦹 ଡ ଉཽԳ ஂ 䞢 Kéuihdeih syún-jó go Hbunggóng-yàhn jouh jyújihk they elect-PFV CL Hong Kong-person for chairman ‘They elected a Hong Kong person as chairman.’ Note that the aspect marker is generally attached to the first or the last verb of the series: 䛅䦹 䢇 ᙒ װ၇ ᑔ 䞢 Kéuihdeih ló-jó gó bat chín heui máaih láu they take-PFV that CL money go buy house ‘They used the money to buy a house.’ 8.3.3 The jbung construction The word jBung is unique among the function words or ‘empty words’ (hBui chìh ဠဲ) of the language. It is used in a way which resembles a serial verb construction, except that jBung is never used as a verb in its own right, and consequently cannot take aspect markers or verbal particles. JBung expresses a sense of displacement and may be understood as meaning ‘take’ or ‘put’. In the simplest case, an SVO sentence such as (a) can be converted into a jBung construction by placing the object before the main verb and preceding it with jBung as in (b): (a) ࡌ ⸦ 䢅 ۆᜊ Kéuih jauwàih pehk dc wejdu saam s/he around throw CL dirty clothes ‘He throws his dirty clothes all over the place.’ (b) ല 䢅 ۆᜊ ࡌ ⸦ Kéuih jbung dc wejdu saam jauwàih pehk s/he take CL dirty clothes around throw ‘He throws his dirty clothes all over the place.’ (TV ad.) In other cases, there is no corresponding SVO sentence. For example, when the verb takes a complement such as léuhng fahn ࠟٝ ‘(into) two parts’, jBung is used to introduce the object before the verb: 167 8 The verb phrase ݺ䞢 ല 䢇 ᙒ ։ ࠟ ٝ Ngóhdeih jbung gó bat chín fan léuhng fahn we take that sum money split two part ‘We’ll split the money in two.’ jBung is the nearest equivalent to the ‘disposal’ construction with bK ނin Mandarin. Unlike bK, however, it is not used with all transitive verbs, but is largely restricted to cases where motion takes place as in: ല ଊড় ڜ٤ ಬ ࠩ ؾऱچ Jbung sìhnghaak dnchyùhn sung dou muhkdckdeih place passenger safe send to destination ‘(We’ll) send the passengers safely to the destination.’ (TV ad.) It is also applicable in metaphorical cases of movement or removal, such as exchanging places: Գ䞢 ۖ୮ ല ۔ײ ᅝ ழᘋ Yàhndeih yìhga jbung gúlóuh dong sìh-hcng people now put old-fashioned treat fashionable ‘People are treating old-fashioned stuff as fashionable.’ ല 䢅 ၲ֨ 嘅 䞧 Yiu jbung dc mhdisam ge yéh need put CL unhappy LP stuff ‘You should take the unhappy things ϭԫᜢ ܟ䦹 gút-yat-sbng tan-jó kéuih one-voice swallow-PFV it and swallow them in one gulp.’ (film) Note the seemingly redundant use of kéuih as the object of the second verb, referring back to the displaced object (see 5.1.1 and H.-N. S. Cheung 1992). 8.4 Passives Cantonese has a passive structure similar to that in Mandarin, with the word béi introducing the agent of the action before the verb: אছ 䢇 ଡ ఽ ନ ᆖ च䦹 Yíhchìhn gó go beisye béi gcngléih cháau-jó before that CL secretary by manager sack-PFV ‘The previous secretary was sacked by the manager.’ 168 In spoken Cantonese the passive construction must contain a noun phrase after béi representing the agent of the action, unlike in Mandarin where the agent phrase may be omitted (e.g. TA bèi kAichú le הၲೈԱ ‘He was sacked’). If the agent is unknown or generic, the word yàhn ‘person’ is used after béi to represent the agent: 䢅 ᖨ ନ Գ ၇ ஸ Dc cháang béi yàhn máaih saai CL oranges by people buy all ‘The oranges have all been bought.’ ܃ନ Գ ܥ䦹 ໞ Léih béi yàhn ngaak-jó la you by people cheat-PFV SFP Serial verbs ‘You’ve been cheated.’ Similarly, if the agent is unknown but clearly non-human, it will be expressed as yéh ‘thing’: ݺ Ծ ନ 䞧 ন ᘣ Ngóh yauh béi yéh ngáauh chan I again by thing bite SFP ‘I’ve been bitten again.’ ‘Short’ passives without an agent are occasionally used under the influence of Mandarin, for example in news reporting or in a literary context: ᜔٥ ڶ Júngguhng yáuh altogether have ‘Altogether five ն ଡ ᇶԳ nuh go chaahkyàhn beih bouh five CL thief PASS arrest thieves were arrested.’ ୖ䦹 嘅 ֚ٝ ԫऴ Kéuih ge tcnfahn yatjihk beih màaihmuht-jó Her LP talent until-now PASS bury-PFV ‘Her talent has always been buried.’ Note that the passive marker beih here takes a different form, with a low level tone, this being the Cantonese reading for the Mandarin passive marker bèi . The passive is used rather less in spoken Cantonese than in English. One reason is that the object can readily be topicalized (4.2.1), often resulting in a sentence best translated with an English passive. Two especially common patterns are: (a) with the object as topic, followed by a modal verb and no subject: 䢇 ᚭ ԫࡳ ┊ Gó tou hei yatdihng yiu tái that CL film must need see ‘That film has to be seen.’ (b) with the object as topic, and the verb having a perfective aspect marker or a completive particle: ۫ᇘ ੑ䦹 ໞ Tou sai-jdng sái-jó la CL western-suit wash-PFV SFP 169 ‘The suit has been cleaned.’ 8 The verb phrase Another factor restricting the use of the passive is that the béi passive entails that the subject is affected by the action, typically in an adverse or unpleasant manner. English passives such as He was remembered fondly and I was given a present, for example, cannot be rendered in Cantonese because there is no such adverse effect on the subject I. However, the béi passive is sometimes used with verbs that do not involve any element of adversity, for example: ړრ ନ Գ ᨬ Kéuih hóu jengyi béi yàhn jaan s/he very like by people praise ‘She likes very much to be praised.’ The development of clearly non-adversative passives in Mandarin, i.e. verbs which do not clearly involve an element of adversity, has been attributed to the influence of English, especially translation (Chao 1968; Chappell 1986). A colloquial variant of the passive construction begins with the béi phrase introducing the agent of the event. Whereas in a typical passive sentence the subject is understood as the object of a transitive verb, in this type the object remains in situ after the verb: ړ䞧ʴ ନ ⛕ ݺଙ ܃䄆 Hóu yéh! Béi ngóh wán dóu léih laak good stuff by me find PRT you SFP ‘Great! I’ve found you!’ Such sentences are generally translated in the active voice, but often retain some of the adversative sense of a passive sentence: ନ ܃ᖿ ݺ ڽໞ Béi léih gck séi ngóh la by you annoy die me SFP 8.4.1 ‘You’re infuriating!’ Indirect passives While the use of the passive is relatively restricted in Cantonese in some respects, there are also some passive constructions which have no exact counterparts in English. The term indirect passive indicates that the subject does not correspond to the direct object of an active sentence, as it does in the simple passives illustrated in 8.4.7 170 ନ Գ ೢ䦹 ᙒ Kéuih béi yàhn tau-jó chín s/he by person steal-PFV money ‘He had some money stolen (from him).’ In this construction, the subject of the sentence is adversely affected by the action (as in ordinary passives), but is not understood as the object of the verb: the verb tAu retains its direct object (chín ‘money’).8 Note that there is no corresponding active sentence: the nearest active equivalent would be Yáuh yàhn tAu-jó kéuih dC chín, which differs in that kéuih is expressed as the possessor of the object chín. Similar examples include: ݺ Ngóh I ‘I had ନ béi by my Գ ࣆ䦹 yàhn td-jó people tow-PFV car towed away.’ Serial verbs ਮ ߫ ga chb CL car (film) ନ Գ वሐ ஸ 䢅 ఽയ Kéuih béi yàhn jcdou saai kéuih dc beimaht s/he by people know all her CL secrets ‘She had all her secrets discovered.’ Verb–object compounds (2.3.3, 8.2.4) may be passivized in this way, retaining the object: 䞢 ࠟ ଡ ֲګ ନ Գ ᝑၵᇩ Kéuihdeih léuhng go sèhngyaht béi yàhn góng-hàahn-wá they two CL always by people say-idle-talk ‘Those two have people gossiping about them all the time.’ ᧫ Kéuih gbng s/he fear ‘He’s afraid ନ Գ चᕘູ béi yàhn cháau-yàuh-yú by people fry-squid of getting the sack.’ Another form of indirect passive involves a clause after the verb: גګ ֲګ ନ Գ ᨬ ⶕג Sìhng-jái sèhngyaht béi yàhn jaan kéuih lengjái Sing-boy always by people praise him handsome ‘Young Sing is always being praised for his good looks.’ ݺ ᇢመ ନ Ngóh si-gwo béi I try-EXP by ‘I have had people Գ ᇩ ᢝ ֮ yàhn wah xh sck Ycngmán people say not know English say I couldn’t speak English.’ In this case, a corresponding active sentence is possible (Yáuh yàhn wah ngóh Xh sCk YCngmán ‘People say I cannot speak English’). 171 8 The verb phrase 8.4.2 Resultative passives Similar to the indirect passive is the resultative construction, in which a resultative verbal particle (11.3.2) or adjective following the passive verb indicates a state resulting from the action: ࡋ ଡ גନ ئ׀ ᜕ ᡏ ஸ Lc go jái béi fuhmóuh jung waaih saai this CL son by parent spoil bad all ‘The son has been spoilt to death by his parents.’ ኙ ᕀ ନ ݺ㷂 ᥓ䦹 Deui hàaih béi ngóh jeuk laahn-jó CL shoes by me wear broken-PFV ‘These shoes have worn out (through my wearing them).’ 䢅 ௧ធ ࠐء ؓ ړ ନ Գ ଇ 嘅Δ৵䓰 Dc hóiscn búnlòih hóu pèhng ge, hauhlàih béi yàhn sihk CL seafood originally very cheap SFP later by people eat ၆䦹 gwai-jó expensive-PFV ‘The seafood used to be cheap, but has become expensive as a result of its popularity.’ Note that many of these constructions cannot readily be translated with a corresponding English passive. This follows from the difference in the productivity of resultative verb compounds in Cantonese and English. As with the indirect passive, the subject is affected not just by the verb but by the whole predicate, consisting here of [verb particle] or [verb adjective]. Resultative passives may also be formed with dou ‘to the extent that’ introducing a complement clause (8.5.3): ନ Գ ܥ Kéuih béi yàhn ngaak s/he by people cheat ‘He was cheated to the 172 ࠩ ధ䦹ข dou po-jó-cháan until bankrupt-PFV point of bankruptcy.’ ݺ ନ 䢅 גᖿ ࠩ س ᓚ ሂ Ngóh béi dc jái gck dou saang ha gam tiu I by CL kids annoy until live shrimp so jump ‘I was made hopping mad by my kids.’ 8.5 Causative and resultative constructions 8.5.1 Causative constructions Causative and resultative constructions Causative constructions take two distinct forms, according to the type of situation or event caused. Causation of a state of affairs is expressed by the verb jíng ‘make’ or lihng ‘cause’, followed by an adjective and the object: ᇠ ܃ᚥ ݺᖞ Mgdi léih bdng ngóh jíng please you help me make ‘Could you heat up the dish ᑷ လ 㣌 yiht dihp choi a hot dish vegetable SFP of vegetables for me, please?’ ՛֨ ᖞ Օ Գ䞢 ଡ ߚ Kéuih msíusam jíng daaih yàhndeih go tóuh s/he not-careful make big other’s CL tummy ‘He carelessly made her pregnant.’ (film) ᙒ ח אױ ܃ၲ֨ ˒ Chín hóyíh lihng léih hdisam mb? money can make you happy SFP ‘As if money could make you happy!’ ΞΞ ܃ ח壄壀 ஸʴ . . . lihng léih jcngsàhn saai! make you energetic all ‘It fills you up with energy!’ (TV ad.) Note the difference of word order between the two causative verbs: [jíng adjective object] but [lihng object adjective]. To express causation of an event (‘make something happen’) a periphrastic construction with dou is used: jíng dou . . . ‘make . . .’ is a colloquial causative construction: ᑌ ᖞ ࠩ ݺᩒ ஸ ֨ᖲ Kéuih gám yéung jíng dou ngóh móuh saai samgbi s/he so way make that me not-have all enthusiasm ‘That way, he makes me lose all enthusiasm.’ lihng dou . . . is used in more formal contexts: ئ׀ Fuhmóuh yiu parent need ‘Parents should ח ࠩ าሁ גၲၲ֨֨ १ᖂ lihng dou sailouhjái hdi-hdi-sam-sam faan-hohk cause that children happy-happy return-school see to it that their children go to school happily.’ (TV) 173 8 This use of dou resembles the resultative complement construction (8.5.3). The verb phrase 8.5.2 Resultative compounds Another form of resultative construction involves combining two verbs to form a resultative predicate. The verbs combined may be transitive or intransitive, but the resulting combination is transitive (specifically, causative): giu ‘call’ séng ‘wake up’ giu séng ‘wake up’ ܃ಖ۰ ᙌ ܴ ݺ Léih gei-jyuh giu séng ngóh a you remember call wake me SFP chòuh ‘make a noise’ ‘Remember to wake me up.’ séng ‘wake up’ chòuh séng ‘wake up’ ܃ ړት ᙌ ܴ ݺ Léih mhóu chòuh séng ngóh a you don’t noisy wake me SFP ‘Don’t wake me up (by making a noise).’ ଡ ˕˕ ໗ ᙌ აა Go bìhbc haam séng kéuih màhma CL baby cry wake her mother ‘The baby cried and woke her mother up.’ Many of the resultative particles (11.3.2) may express causation similarly: ࡋ 䢅 ᚭ ඒᡏ ஸ Lc dc hei gaau-waaih saai these CL films teach-bad all ‘These films exert bad influences 䢅 าሁג dc sailouhjái CL children on the children.’ ݺ 㷂 ᥓ䦹 ኙ ᥤ Ngóh jeuk laahn-jó deui sc-maht I wear out-PFV pair silk-sock ‘I’ve worn out this pair of stockings.’ ݺ ݶ ړ ༉ ᥒᔨ䦹 Ngóh hóu faai jauh gwun-jeui-jó kéuih I very quickly then pour-drunk-PFV him ‘I got him drunk by making him drink a lot.’ 174 8.5.3 Resultative and extent complements A construction which enables an adjective or a clause expressing a result to follow as the complement to a verb is [verb dou]. dou ‘until’ introduces a complement, typically an adjective (sometimes with an aspect or particle) expressing the end result or extent of an action or process: ۩ ܃ ࠩ Léih háahng dou you walk till ‘If you get tired of ࣦ ֽ Bei séui CL water ‘The glass Causative and resultative constructions 䯒 ༉ ٖஒ㣐 guih jauh yausck-háh la tired then rest a-while SFP walking, then have a rest.’ ଙ ࠩ የើ䦹 dóu dou múhn-sé-jó pour until full-flow-PFV of water is overflowing as a result of the pouring.’ If the main verb in this construction already has an object, the verb is repeated in order for the complement introduced by dou to follow the verb directly: ݺ䞢 堬䞧 堬 ࠩ 堷 ஸ Ngóhdeih yám-yéh yám dou báau saai we drink-things drink until full PRT ‘We drank ourselves full.’ This repetition is also required with dAk (see below and 10.1.1). In addition to a resultative adjective, dou may be followed by a clause which may be interpreted as a result of the action encoded by the main verb; the relationship between the main verb and the clause may also be interpreted in terms of a causing event and resultant state: ᝑ ᝑ ࠩ Գ䞢 不ஸᤚ Kéuih góng-sye góng dou yàhndeih fan-saai-gaau s/he talk-book talk until people fall-all-asleep ‘His lecturing puts everyone to sleep.’ ໗ ࠩ ݺ ଡ ֨ ႖ ஸ Kéuih haam dou ngóh go sam lyuhn saai s/he cry until my CL heart disarray all ‘His crying put my heart in total disarray.’ Note that the same construction with dou is used as a complement to adjectives (9.1.3), representing a further parallel between verbs and adjectives. Some idiomatic complements with dou also resemble those with adjectives (9.1.3): 175 8 The verb phrase ය Tìuh CL ‘The ᇕ ९ kwàhn chèuhng dress long dress is so long ࠩ ࣆ چ dou td déi until drag floor as to drag on the floor.’ (adjective) 不 ࠩ व ᙌ Kéuih fan dou xh jc séng s/he sleep until not know wake ‘She slept so well that she forgot to wake up.’ (verb) In cases such as these where the subject of the complement clause is understood to be the same as the subject of the main clause, the subject can appear in either position: ݺ䞢 ూ ࠩ ㋒ چʴ Ngóhdeih siu dou lek déi! we laugh until roll ground ‘We were laughing ourselves silly.’ ూ ࠩ ݺ䞢 ㋒ چʴ Siu dou ngóhdeih lek déi! laugh until we roll ground ‘We were laughing ourselves silly.’ ݺ ᑷ ࠩ ڽʴ Ngóh yiht dou séi! I hot until die ‘I’m sweltering!’ ᑷ ࠩ ݺ ڽʴ Yiht dou ngóh séi! hot until I die ‘I’m sweltering!’ An alternative resultative construction has the form [verb dAk adjective], based on a Mandarin construction with de . This construction resembles the adverbial construction with dAk (10.1.1), but describes the result rather than the manner of an action: ଇ ړ堷 Kéuih sihk dak hóu báau s/he eat ADV very full 䢅 ੑ ړ Dc saam sái dak hóu CL clothes wash ADV very ‘Those clothes have washed 176 ‘She was full as a result of eating.’ gdnjehng clean nice and clean.’ In transitive sentences where the object follows the verb, the verb phrase is repeated, as in adverbial constructions with dAk (10.1.1): 䞧 Kéuih jouh yéh s/he do thing ‘She’s very happy 8.5.4 ړၲ֨ jouh dak hóu hdisam do ADV very happy in her work.’ Causative and resultative constructions Inverted resultative constructions A peculiar variant of the resultative construction has the object of the transitive verb appearing as subject of the sentence. This is known as the ‘flip-flop’ or inverted construction because of the way the object takes the place of the subject, which in turn is ‘demoted’ to become the subject of the resultative clause. The effect is to treat the noun phrase as the cause of the resultant state: ࡋ ᒧ ֮ ᐊ ࠩ ֫ ݺ࿀ Lc pcn mán sé dou ngóh sáu tung this CL paper write until I hand hurt ‘Writing this paper has made my arm hurt.’ This sentence could also be expressed with ‘I’ as the subject, but note that this would require repetition of the verb as described in 8.5.3: ݺᐊ ࡋ ᒧ ֮ ᐊ ࠩ ֫ ࿀ dou sáu tung ngóh sé lc pcn mán sé I write this CL paper write until hand hurt ‘Writing this paper has made my arm hurt.’ The ‘inverted’ construction with lC pCn mán ‘this paper’ as the subject is therefore more economical as well as more idiomatic than the alternative. The inversion is also possible with resultative verb compounds as described in 8.5.2: 䢇 ೋ ؊ృ ࣐୲ ړ ଇ ॅ 䢅 ˕˕ Gó jek láaih-fán hóu yùhngyih sihk fèih dc bìhbc that CL milk-powder very easy eat fat CL babies ‘That milk powder easily makes babies fat.’ A similar inverted construction can be formed based on the resultative construction with dAk (8.5.3): ٙ ࣺ۪ 㷂 ࢤ ړტ Gihn wingyc jeuk dak kéuih hóu singgám CL swimsuit wear ADV her very sexy ‘Wearing the swimsuit makes her look sexy.’ (film) 177 Chapter 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison As discussed in chapter 3, the distinction between adjective and verb in Cantonese is not a categorical one. Hence, what are thought of as adjectives in the European grammatical tradition are often described as ‘stative verbs’ in Chinese linguistic works. As predicates, adjectives behave very much like verbs: the verb ‘be’ is not used with adjectives (8.1.1), and some adjectives may take aspect markers like verbs (see 9.1.1 and ch. 11). Nevertheless, for some purposes it remains useful to distinguish adjectives from verbs. Distinctive properties of adjectives described in this chapter include: (a) Predicative adjectives are normally preceded by hóu (or another modifying adverb: see 9.1.3): ࡋ ඈ Kéuih lc pàaih s/he these days ‘She’s happy these ړၲ֨ hóu hdisam very happy days.’ Without hóu the sentence (Kéuih lC pàaih hDisAm) would be incomplete. (b) adjectives may undergo reduplication, modifying their meaning (see 9.2; some of these patterns are also applicable to stative verbs): 䞢 fb-fb-déi ‘brownish’ ᒇᒇ gdu-gdu-sau-sau ‘tall and thin’ (c) adjectives may take comparative constructions such as dC and gwo (9.3): 178 ࡋ৫ ᙩ 䢅 Lcdouh jihng dc here quiet a-bit ‘It’s quieter here.’ ݄ چᥳ ݶመ ݄ ֣Փ Chóh deihtit faai gwo chóh basí sit underground fast than sit bus ‘It’s quicker by underground than by bus.’ 9.1 Syntax of adjectives Syntax of adjectives As in English, we may distinguish predicative and attributive uses of adjectives. Predicative adjectives behave very much like verbs, following the subject without a copular verb. Attributive adjectives always precede the noun which they modify. 9.1.1 Predicative adjectives Predicative adjectives do not require the copular verb ‘be’. However, a predicative adjective is usually preceded by a modifier such as hóu, which as an adjective means ‘good’. hóu in this function may be regarded as a default intensifier for adjectives (Francis and Matthews 2005), its meaning being much weaker than English very. A predicative adjective with hóu makes a complete sentence: ܃ଡ ړ ג Léih go jái hóu gdu you CL son very tall ‘Your son is tall.’ (not *haih hóu gDu) The adjective alone occurs only in certain restricted contexts, such as in answer to an A-not-A question containing the adjective: A: ࡋ ء ၆၆ ܴ˒ Lc bún sye gwai-xh-gwai a? this CL book expensive-not-expensive SFP ‘Is this book expensive?’ B: ၆ ܴ Gwai a expensive SFP ‘Yes, it is.’ Used as predicates, adjectives may take aspect markers and verbal particles in the same way as verbs: אছ ⶕመΔ ۖ୮ Kéuih yíhchìhn leng-gwo, yìhga s/he before beautiful-EXP now ‘She used to be beautiful, but she’s ༉ ߨ䦹ᑌ jauh jáu-jó-yéung then out of-PFV-shape out of shape now.’ 179 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison ݺ س Ngóh saang I give-birth ‘I soon got slim ݙ yùhn PRT again ݶ ړ גᒇ jái hóu faai sau faan child very fast thin PRT after giving birth.’ ܃ଡ ג䦹 ڍ ړ ⎲ Léih go jái gdu-jó hóu dd wo you CL son tall-PFV very much SFP ‘Your son has got a lot taller.’ Note that jó takes on inchoative meaning (entering a new state) in jáu-jóyéung ‘has become out of shape’ and in addition a comparative sense in gDu-jó ‘has become taller’ (see 9.3). 9.1.2 Attributive adjectives Attributive adjectives always precede the noun, normally followed by the linking particle ge: ܃ა এ ଡ ړ ړড় 嘅 Գ Léih mamìh haih go hóu hou-haak ge yàhn your mummy is CL very hospitable LP person ‘Your mum’s a really hospitable person.’ ᙌؾ ٣ ᢝ 嘅 ᖂس 嘅 Síngmuhk ge hohksaang scn sck daap ge smart LP student only know answer SFP ‘Only the smart students know the answer.’ Note that the same ge appears in other structures which modify nouns, such as possessive constructions and relative clauses, serving to link the modifying expressions to the noun (6.3, 15.1). As in the case of relative clauses (15.2), the demonstrative gó classifier is a colloquial alternative to using ge: ᙌؾ 䢇 䢅 ᖂس ٣ ᢝ 嘅 Síngmuhk gó dc hohksaang scn sck daap ge smart that CL student only know answer SFP ‘Only the smart students know the answer.’ 180 Certain attributive constructions are found without either ge or the demonstrative classifier, notably in fixed combinations (arguably compound nouns) where the property denoted by the adjective is an inherent characteristic of the noun. For example, leng léui ‘beautiful girl/woman’ might be translated as ‘a beauty’. Similarly: ػbaahk jáu ‘white wine’ Ֆ lbk léui ‘bright girl’ Syntax of adjectives દಁ hùhng chàh ‘black (lit. red) tea’ ᥡ גchéun jái ‘foolish boy’ However, when the adjective in these phrases is modified by a degree word such as hóu ‘very’, géi ‘rather’ and ji ‘most’, ge is required: ػᥤ baahk maht ‘white socks’ ػړ嘅ᥤ hóu baahk ge maht ‘very white socks’ ៱ gauh saam ‘old clothes’ ༓៱嘅 géi gauh ge saam ‘rather old clothes’ ⶕৢ leng ek ‘beautiful house’ ۟ⶕ嘅ৢ ji leng ge ek ‘the most beautiful house’ 9.1.3 Modification of adjectives A predicative adjective must normally be modified by one of a number of adverbs of degree. The following adverbial expressions are used to modify adjectives: ༓ géi ‘quite’ gam ‘so’ ജ gau ‘enough’ ֺለ béigaau ‘rather, relatively’ ॺൄʻհ) fbisèuhng (jc) ‘extremely’ व༓ mjc géi ‘incredibly’ ֜ taai, መᙰ gwotàuh ‘too’ (see 9.3.4) ່ jeui, ۟ ji ‘most’ (see 9.3.5) In colloquial speech additional modifiers are popular: ঢ gihng ‘really’, as in ঢငࣚ gihng syefuhk ‘super-comfortable’ ၌ chcu ‘super-’, as in ၌܅ chcu dai-heng ‘ultra-low-cut (dress)’ ᖿ gck ‘extremely, excessively’, as in ᖿᒇ gck sau ‘extremely thin’ If no other modifier is present, hóu is used by default, as illustrated in 9.1.1. In negative sentences either Xh takes the place of hóu, or the negative copula mhaih may be used together with one of the above modifiers. For example, to express the idea ‘not very’ or ‘not really’, mhaih is followed by hóu or géi ‘quite’: ࡋ ء এ ړ၆ 䞥 jb Lc bún sye mhaih hóu gwai this CL book not-be very expensive SFP ‘This book’s not very expensive.’ 181 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison ᑌ এ ༓ ֆؓ Gám yéung mhaih géi gengpìhng such way not-be quite fair ‘It’s not quite fair this way.’ The word dou, expressing degree or ‘to the extent that’ (8.5.3), may introduce a clause or another adjectival phrase to serve as a complement to an adjective: టএ ؓ ࠩ ܃ ॾʴ Janhaih pèhng dou léih xh seun! really cheap till you not believe ‘You won’t believe the prices!’ (ad.) ܃䞢 ࠟ ଡ ࠩ Léihdeih léuhng go chan dou jyuht you-PL two CL match until absolute ‘You two are perfectly matched.’ baau, which as a verb means ‘explode’, is also used as an extent complement meaning ‘to the extreme’: 䢅 ᑓ ᡨ Dc lbng-mòuh sok baau CL young model attractive explode ‘The young/teen models are totally gorgeous.’ (slang) ࡋ ٝ Lc fahn this CL ‘This job ՠ ჶ geng gáau job make makes you ࠩ ྲྀ ܃ ᡨ dou léih chàahn baau until you wither explode worn out.’ dou séi, literally ‘to death’ is used to emphasize adjectives: ९ ࠩ ڽ chèuhng-hei dou séi long-winded till die ‘very long-winded’ რ ࠩ ڽ dakyi dou séi cute till die ‘extremely cute’ dou fBi héi, literally ‘fly up’ (i.e. take off), is used to indicate the extreme case denoted by the adjective: 182 ⶕ ࠩ ଆ ದ leng dou fbi héi pretty until take off ‘mind-blowingly beautiful’ ၆ ࠩ ଆ ದ gwai dou fbi héi expensive until take off ‘mind-blowingly expensive’ bAt-dAk-líuh has a counterpart in Mandarin, bùdéliKo լԱ, which also encodes an extreme extent: ᣄ ࠩ լԱ làahn dou bat-dak-líuh difficult until extreme ‘incredibly difficult’ ก ࠩ լԱ tìhm dou bat-dak-líuh sweet until extreme ‘extremely sweet’ Syntax of adjectives Some adjectives combine idiomatically with a particular verb as complement to dou: ᣄ ࠩ ᄉ làahn dou wàhn hard until dizzy ‘mind-bendingly difficult’ ༠ ࠩ ᡨ੦ muhn dou baauja bored until explode ‘bored stiff’ ⶕ ࠩ ԫ ᜢ leng dou dám yat sbng pretty until dam one sound ‘extremely beautiful’ (dám yAt sBng is an onomatopoeic expression describing the sound produced when something falls into water) dou gám (yéung) ‘to such an extent’ is used to elaborate on adjectives in exclamatory fashion: ᏰΔ ଡ ᤔ࣠ ᥓ ࠩ ᑌ 嘅ʴ Wa, go pìhnggwó laahn dou gám yéung gé! wow CL apple bad to such extent SFP ‘Wow, the apple’s so badly rotten!’ The complement to dou may be omitted, with one of the above expressions of degree being implied: ┊ ܃㣐 Δ ၲ֨ ࠩΞΞ Léih tái-háh kéuih, hdisam dou . . . you look-DEL him happy until ‘Look at him, so happy!’ The complement can also be separated from the main predicate and dou using right dislocation (4.1.3) as in: 183 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison ۩ ໞΔ 䯒 ࠩʴ Hàahng xh yek la, guih dou! walk not move SFP tired until ‘I can’t move, I’m so tired.’ dou gihk where dou introduces the extent complement and gihk means ‘to the extreme’ is used to give emphasis to predicative adjectives: ࡋ ء ၆ ࠩ ᄕ Lc bún sye gwai dou gihk this CL book expensive until extreme ‘This book is extremely expensive.’ ࡋ ᚭ ༠ ࠩ ᡨ Lc tou hei muhn dou gihk this CL movie boring until extreme ‘This movie is extremely boring.’ The alternative dou baau, where baau literally means ‘to the point of explosion’, is a feature of chìuhyúh ‘trendy language’ (20.6). The expletive gwái is also used to emphasize adjectives: ⶕ gwái gam leng devil so beautiful ‘damned good-looking’ ࡰ༃ gwái gam gehòhn devil so stingy ‘damned stingy’ (also: gE-gwái-hòhn: see 2.2.3) gwái may combine with another emphatic expression such as séi ‘dead’: ⶕ ڽ gam gwái séi leng so devil dead beautiful ‘dead gorgeous’ or ڽ ⶕ gwái séi gam leng devil dead so beautiful It may also be infixed between the syllables of an adjective (2.2.3): ᅀ màhfàahn ᅀ màh-gwái-fàahn ‘dead troublesome’ Idiom: gau saai emphasizes an adjective in an appreciative way, using gau ‘enough’ with the verbal particle saai ‘all’ (11.3.3): 184 ܃䞢 䓰 ୖ ༉ ജ ஸ ᑷᕕ ໞʴ Léihdeih làih màaih jauh gau saai yihtlaauh la! you-PL come along then enough all lively SFP ‘If you come too it’ll be nice and lively.’ ۖ ܃୮ ജ ஸ ᗑم ⎲ʴ saai duhklahp wo! Léih yìhga gau you now enough all independent SFP ‘You’re all independent now!’ 9.2 Reduplication of adjectives Reduplication of adjectives Reduplication (doubling) is one of the few morphological devices available to Cantonese (2.1), and is much used to modify the meaning of adjectives. Reduplication of an adjective takes several different forms, serving to modify its meaning in a number of ways. Reduplicated adjectives are also used as adverbs (10.1.4). Reduplication of adjectives is highly idiomatic, in that it is not possible to predict exactly which adjectives may be reduplicated, which form the reduplication will take, or how the meaning of the adjective will change. Nevertheless, some typical patterns of form and function emerge. 9.2.1 AA and AABB reduplication The simplest form of reduplication merely repeats the adjective, with an intensifying effect. This AA form often suggests an element of intimacy: าา ೋ ᘷג sai-sai jek maaujái small-small CL kitten ‘a little tiny kitten’ An adjective used as a complement of degree with dou (9.1.3) may be reduplicated in this way: ଡ Go kàuhchèuhng CL ball-stadium ‘The seats in the ݄ ࠩ የየ 嘅 chóh dou mún-múhn ge sit until full-full SFP stadium are all filled up.’ Note the optional tone change: for some speakers, the first syllable of the reduplicated form takes the rising changed tone as in daaih dáai-daaih (1.4.2). In the case of bisyllabic adjectives, both syllables are reduplicated separately, in the form AABB: 185 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison 堚ᄑ ငࣚ ᄿႇ ཏຏ chcng-chcng-chó-chó ‘nice and clear’ chcngchó ‘clear’ syefuhk ‘comfortable’ sye-sye-fuhk-fuhk ‘nice and comfortable’ ycn-ngahn ‘intimate’ ycn-ycn-ngahn-ngahn ‘pretty intimate’ póuteng ‘ordinary’ póu-póu-teng-teng ‘pretty ordinary’ Certain AABB combinations occur only in reduplicated form: ହହ ݺݺhcng-hcng-ngóh-ngóh ‘intimate, in love’ Two such adjectives may be reduplicated together, typically for emphasis, giving a form AABBCCDD. The following phrase from a radio station disc jockey illustrates a combination of two bisyllabic reduplicated adjectives, hCngsEng ‘relaxing’ and gáandAan ‘simple’: ᎘᎘ᠾᠾ១១ hcng-hcng-seng-seng gáan-gáan-daan-daan ‘nice and light and easy and relaxing’ Similarly, in a comic film a rather uncouth character was described ironically as sCmàhn ‘gentle’ and wAnyàuh ‘tender’: ཎཎ֮֮ᄵᄵਫਫ sc-sc-màhn-màhn wan-wan-yàuh-yàuh ‘nice and kind and gentle’ Some reduplicated expressions of this form are used as adverbs (10.1.4). 9.2.2 [Adjective adjective déi] In this form of reduplication, an adjective is repeated and followed by the suffix -déi. Whereas AA or AABB reduplication confers an emphatic or vivid meaning, the form [AA déi] serves to qualify or moderate the meaning of the adjective, like the English suffix -ish: ॅॅ䞢 fèih-féi-déi ‘rather fat, chubby’ ႖႖䞢 lyuhn-lyún-déi ‘a bit messy’ ࡋ ് ཡ ᡏᡏ䞢 嘅 Lc jbung yí waaih-wáai-déi ge this CL chair broken-broken-ish SFP ‘This chair is a bit broken.’ Note that the tone of the second reduplicated syllable changes to the high rising tone (see 1.4.2) except where it originally has a high tone: 186 ଡ ྇ॅ塊 堚堚䞢 Go gáam-fèih-chaan chcng-chcng-déi CL lose-weight-meal clear-clear-ish ‘The weight loss meal is on the light side’ When this reduplication occurs with a bisyllabic adjective, only the first syllable is reduplicated: 㝌ᒵ chcsin ‘crazy’ ࢢᝲ pacháu ‘shy’ Reduplication of adjectives 㝌㝌䞢ᒵ chc-chc-déi-sin ‘a bit crazy’ ࢢࢢ䞢ᝲ pa-pa-déi-cháu ‘rather shy’ A common function of this construction is to modify colour terms: 䢇 ਮ દદ䞢 嘅 ߫ gó ga hùhng-húng-déi ge chb that CL red-red-ish LP car ‘that reddish car’ ଡ ֚ ៴៴䞢 go tcn làahm-láam-déi CL sky blue-blue-ish ‘the sky is bluish’ Note that reduplicated forms with -déi are also used as adverbs (10.1.4). Idiom: màh-má-déi ‘so-so’ is a common colloquial reduplicated form. Like many [AA déi] reduplicated forms, it can be used as an adjective or as an adverb (10.1.4): A: រ ܴΔ˒܃ Dím a, léih? how SFP you ‘How are you doing?’ B: 䞢 唧 Màh-má-déi jbk so-so-ish SFP ‘So-so.’ As an adverb, it modifies adjectives or stative verbs: 䈺 ඡ 塊 堩 䞢 ړଇ 唧 Kàhm máahn chaan faahn màh-má-déi hóu-sihk jbk last night CL meal so-so-ish good-eat SFP ‘The dinner last night was mediocre.’ ݺ 䞢 რ ࡋ৫ 唧 Ngóh màh-má-déi jengyi lcdouh jbk I so-so-ish like here SFP ‘I’m not too keen on this place.’ Note the disparaging use of the particle jBk (18.3.5) which often accompanies the idiom. 9.2.3 ABB adjectives Another, rather less productive, form of reduplication occurs with an adjective and a reduplicated noun or adjective. In this case, only the second noun or adjective is repeated, giving adjectives of the form ABB: 187 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison 㝌𥹉𥹉 chc-lahp-lahp glue-stick-stick ‘sticky, gooey’ Ⴝᅻᅻ yùhn-lek-lek round-wheel-wheel ‘rounded’ ଯ٧٧ dung-bcng-bcng cold-ice-ice ‘freezing cold’ ౬ഽഽ chau-bang-bang smelly-poo-poo ‘smelly, high’ These combinations occur only in the reduplicated form: there is no word chClahp or chaubAng, for example. In many cases the reduplicated syllable has no meaning on its own but has a sound–symbolic function, as in bAng (2.1.3). As these examples suggest, the ABB form of reduplication typically produces perceptual adjectives, describing how things feel, look or smell. A prominent function of this type is to produce compound colour terms made up of a colour and a modifying noun: ػຳຳ baahk-syet-syet ‘snow-white’ ႕𠵼𠵼 hak-mang-mang or ႕᪵᪵ hak-ma-ma ‘pitch dark’ Like AABB adjectives, adjectives of the ABB pattern may be combined one after the other for emphasis: ؼᓅ ػຳຳ ᄶቴቴ Kéuih pèihfe baahk-syet-syet waaht-tyet-tyet s/he skin white-snow-snow soft-bare-bare ‘Her complexion is lovely and white and soft.’ In the following example, an emigrant expressing nostalgia about a favourite Hong Kong snack combined three reduplicated adjectives to produce appreciative description: ई੦ ᑷ ଉᏴᏴ ԽԽ Yàuhjagwái yiht-laaht-laaht hbung-pan-pan cheui-bdk-bdk fried-doughnut warm-hot-hot fragrant-smell crispy-crispy ‘The doughnuts are piping hot, appetizing and crispy.’ (radio interview) 9.3 Comparison of adjectives There is no single comparative form of adjectives; several forms of comparison are used, according to the context and nature of the comparison: 188 (a) dC is used where the object of comparison is not explicitly mentioned but is implied by the context: վֲ ᑷ 䢅 Gamyaht yiht dc today hot a-bit ‘It’s hotter today.’ ՛ᗊ ۖ୮ ࢉ壂 䢅 Síu-Yin yìhga hahngfek dc Siu-Yin now blissful a-bit ‘Siu-Yin is more blissful now.’ Comparison of adjectives This structure, however, may also have the meaning ‘rather’ or ‘a bit too’, for example in rhetorical questions (17.1.2): ᇥᇥ് 䢅 ܴ˒ Kwa- xh-kwajbung dc a? ex-not-exaggerate a-bit SFP ‘Isn’t it rather over the top?’ ⥡ ܃ ʻʼ 䢅 ʴ Léih haan (faan) dc la! you spare back a-bit SFP ‘Why not spare yourself the trouble?’ To make the comparative meaning explicit, it may be reinforced by the adverb béigaau ‘rather’: վֲ ֺለ ᑷ 䢅 Gamyaht béigaau yiht dc today rather hot a-bit ‘Today is rather hotter.’ (b) Where two items are to be explicitly compared, the usual means of comparison is with the word gwo: վֲ ᑷ መ 䈺ֲ Gamyaht yiht gwo kàhmyaht today hot than yesterday ‘Today is hotter than yesterday.’ ՛ڡ ঢ መ אছ Síu-Fàahn gihng gwo yíhchìhn Siu-Fan cool than before ‘Siu-Fan is cooler than he used to be.’ As a verb, gwo literally means ‘cross’ or ‘pass’; it comes to express comparison by the same route as the English verb surpass (Ansaldo 2010). The object of comparison can be omitted where it is understood from the context: A: ᣪ್ ڶᩒ ˔˿˹˴ ˒ܴ ݶ Bóumáh yáuh-móuh Alfa gam faai a? BMW have-not-have Alfa so fast SFP ‘Is a BMW as fast as an Alfa?’ 189 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison B: ױ౨ ݶመ Hólàhng faai gwo tìm perhaps fast than too ‘Maybe even faster.’ ࣠ڕ ⴤ ܃۰ ၇ ᑔ 䓰 ދᇷΔլ ڕ၇ Yùhgwó léih lám-jyuh máaih láu làih tàuhjc, batyùh máaih if you think-CONT buy flat come invest rather buy ैป ړመ gúpiu hóu gwo shares good than ‘If you’re thinking of buying a flat as an investment, you’d do better to buy shares.’ (c) An alternative marker of explicit comparison is béi, based on the Mandarin comparative construction with bM ֺ. This has the formal flavour of Mandarin-based syntax but is increasingly used in speech:1 ॳႆ A-Wàhn Ah-Wan ‘Ah Wan ֺ ࡢࡢ béi kéuih mùihmúi than her sister is more likable than Գ რ dak jàhn jengyi get people like her [younger] sister.’ ݺ䞢 ၷ ֺ אছ ൎঢ䦹 Ngóhdeih kàuh-déui béi yíhchìhn kèuhnggihng-jó we ball-team than before strong-PFV ‘Our team is stronger than it was.’ (news report) Note that the word order in this construction is the reverse of the English, the object of comparison (‘sister’ and ‘before’ in the above examples) preceding the adjective. The adjective need not take a comparative form, but may be followed by dC, a degree modifier such as hóu dD ‘much’ or the aspect marker jó as in kèuhnggihng-jó ‘has become stronger’. béihéi ‘compared to’ is an alternative, used together with dC or a degree expression such as hóu dD following the adjective: ࡋ ၴ ֆֺ ದ Lc gaan gengsc béihéi this CL store compare ‘This department store is 190 ࠡ הֆ ్ 䢅 kèihta gengsc gdukap dc other store high-class a-bit more high-class than the others.’ This construction also allows the standard of comparison to be added as an ‘afterthought’: ࡋ ၴ ᑔ ጩ ၆Δ ֺದ รԲ 䢅 xh syun gwai, béihéi daihyih dc Lc gaan jáulàuh this CL restaurant not count expensive, compare other CL ‘This restaurant is reasonable, compared to some.’ Comparison of adjectives A comparative construction can also be formed by attaching the perfective aspect marker jó to an adjective. This combination generally has an inchoative meaning (9.1.1) but in this case means specifically ‘more . . . than before’: Boss: ᩅ ⶕ ܃䦹 ڍ 嘅˒ mat léih leng-jó gam dd gé? what you pretty-PFV so much SFP ‘How come you’re looking so much prettier?’ Secretary: ၵ䦹 㣌ቪ dakhàahn-jó ama free PFV SFP ‘Well, I have more free time than before.’ (TV ad.) 9.3.1 Degrees of comparison All the above constructions may be modified by the addition of degree adverbs, such as hóu dD ‘much’, síu-síu ‘a little’ and dC-dC ‘a bit’: ࡋ ೋ ၆ ʻመ 䢇 ೋʼ ڍ ړ Lc jek gwai (gwo gó jek) hóu dd this CL dear than that CL very much ‘This one is far more expensive (than that one).’ ഀዚ 䢇 Cheung-gd gó sing-song that ‘The one who’s ଡ ⶕ 䢅䢅 go leng dc-dc CL pretty some-some singing is a bit prettier.’ Note that the object of comparison (gwo noun phrase) may be omitted where its identity is clear from the context, so that the only overt indicator of a comparison is the degree adverb following the adjective. Other degree expressions such as sahp púih ‘ten times’ (often used hyperbolically, as in English) and yAt bun ‘half’ may be added similarly: መ ݺԼ Kéuih lbk gwo ngóh sahp púih s/he smart than me ten times ‘She’s ten times smarter than I am.’ 191 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison ࡋ 䢅 ᕀ 䢆 ഏ ၇ ؓ ԫ ת Lc dc hàaih hái Ycnggwok máaih pèhng yat bun this CL shoe in England buy cheap one half ‘These shoes are half the price in England.’ Note that gwai yAt púih means ‘twice as expensive’ (100 per cent more). The adverb juhng ‘still’ preceding the adjective expresses the emphatic comparison ‘even more’: ჸ ሽ߫ ٘ ኬ ʻመ ჸ ֣Փʼ Daap dihnchb juhng maahn (gwo daap basí) catch tram still slow (than catch bus) ‘It’s even slower by tram (than by bus).’ The object of comparison may again be omitted here, as juhng indicates the comparative meaning. juhng gang gA is more emphatic still: ޓ ף〩 ܃ ᇩ ᦫ ݺΔ ٘ ݺ Léih xh wah ngóh tbng, ngóh juhng gang ga lau you not tell me hear I still more add angry ‘I’ll be angrier still if you don’t tell me.’ The progressive comparison ‘more and more’ is expressed by yuht làih yuht: 䢅 ᖂس ။ 䓰 ။ ᑪ Dc hohksaang yuht làih yuht chìuh CL student more and more chic ‘Students are becoming more and more stylish.’ The correlative comparative construction ‘the more . . . the more’ is expressed by yuht . . . yuht: ܃ଡ Ֆ ။ Օ ။ ⶕ Léih go léui yuht daaih yuht leng your CL daughter more big more pretty ‘Your daughter is looking prettier and prettier as she grows older.’ ڶ䢅 Գ ။ ڶᙒ ။ ၲ֨ Yáuh dc yàhn yuht yáuhchín yuht mhdisam have CL people more have-money more unhappy ‘Some people get more unhappy, the richer they are.’ 192 9.3.2 Equal comparisons Comparison of adjectives Equal comparisons (as adjective as) may be expressed by the verb hóuchíh ‘resemble’ together with the adverb gam ‘as, so’: ۿړ ୮ࡦ ⶕ Kéuih hóuchíh gajb gam leng she just-like sister as pretty ‘She’s as pretty as her [elder] sister.’ yAtyeuhng gam ‘just as’ is a more emphatic form of equal comparison. The standard of comparison may be expressed using the coverb tùhng (7.2.1): ݺ ٵ ܃ԫᑌ ᒡ Ngóh tùhng léih yatyeuhng gam kùhng I with you one-same as poor ‘I’m just as broke as you are.’ 䢇 ၴ ࢋ ٵ ࡋ ၴ ԫᑌ ၆ Gó gaan jáudim tùhng lc gaan yatyeuhng gam gwai that CL hotel with this CL one-same so costly ‘That hotel is just as expensive as this one.’ Note the use of the classifier phrase lC gAan to mean ‘this one’ (6.2.1). An approximate comparison may be expressed using tùhng . . . chA-mdD ‘about as . . . as’, with or without gam: ݺ Օ ג Ngóh daaih jái my big son ‘My elder son is ٵ า ג ڍ ۭ tùhng sai jái cha-mdd gam chyun with small son almost as arrogant about as arrogant as my younger son.’ ܃䢅 ᙰᕓ ٵ ڍ Léih dc tàuhfaat tùhng kéuih cha-mdd dyún you CL hair with him/her almost short ‘Your hair is about as short as hers.’ 9.3.3 Negative and interrogative comparisons Negative comparatives require the negative existential verb móuh (14.3) and the adverb gam ‘so’: 193 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison ᄵୂဎ ᩒ ଉཽ ሓԳ Hbunggóng gam bckyàhn Wangdwàh móuh Vancouver not-have Hong Kong as crowded ‘Vancouver is not as crowded as Hong Kong.’ The interrogative counterpart is formed with the corresponding A-not-A question, i.e. yáuh-móuh: ګᚊ ڶᩒ ޕ՛ᚊ ؚړ ܴ˒ Sìhnglùhng yáuh-móuh Léihsíulùhng gam hóu-dá a? Jackie Chan have-not-have Bruce Lee as good-fight SFP ‘Is Jackie Chan as good at (Kung Fu) fighting as Bruce Lee?’ The positive form of this construction, yáuh . . . gam, is used in rhetorical questions (17.3.4) and to contrast with móuh . . . gam: ݺ ᢰ৫ ڶ ᙱ ܴ˒ Ngóh bcndouh yáuh kéuih gam tèuih a? I where have him so unmotivated SFP ‘I’m nothing like as unmotivated as him.’ ڶ ؓΔ ᩒ Yáuh kéuih gam pèhng, móuh have it so cheap not-have ‘Anywhere that’s as cheap is not إʴ kéuih gam jeng! it so great as great!’ (radio ad. for restaurant) An alternative form of negative comparison uses the phrase Xh gau ‘not enough’: ݺ ജ ʻʼ Ngóh xh gau kéuih (gam) lbk I not enough s/he (as) smart ‘I’m not as smart as her.’ The adverb gam ‘as’ may appear optionally in this construction. Xh chíh dAk is an emphatic form of negative comparison (compare hóuchíh ‘resemble’ as in 9.3.2): ݺ ۿ ܃ Օ ೋ Ngóh xh chíh dak léih gam daaih jek I not like able you so large CL ‘I can’t match you for size.’ 194 [Adjective gihk], where gihk is a resultative particle meaning ‘to the limits, extreme’ with a concessive sense, is typically matched by dDu ‘still’ in the following clause: ಐ ᄕ ຟ ജ ܃ಐ ddu xh gau léih sbui Kéuih sbui gihk s/he bad extreme also not enough you bad ‘Bad though he is, he is not as bad as you are.’ [Adjective adjective’: Comparison of adjectives gihk yáuh-hahn] is a fixed expression meaning ‘not all that ࡋ ء 䢅 ڗ ᠻࡋ ᄕ ૻڶ Lbi bún sye dc jih kèhlèh gihk yáuh-hahn this CL book CL word freakish extreme have-limit ‘Strange though they may be, this book’s characters are not that freakish.’ Verbs can also occur with gihk and gihk yáuh-hahn (see 11.3.2). 9.3.4 Excessives The basic excessive construction uses taai ‘too’ followed by an adjective: ᑌ ֜ ᅀ ໞʴ Gám yéung taai màhfàahn la! such way too troublesome SFP ‘It’s too much trouble that way!’ The comparative marker gwo may be added: ࡋ ء ֜ ʻመʼ ໞ Lc bún sye taai (gwo) sam la this CL book too (excess) hard SFP ‘This book is too difficult.’ An alternative is gwotàuh following the adjective (formed from gwo ‘over’ and tàuh ‘head’, like over the top in English): ࡋ ء መᙰ Lc bún sye sam gwotàuh this CL book hard excessively ‘This book is excessively difficult.’ 䢅 ྏ ก መᙰ Dc tdng tìhm gwotàuh CL soup sweet excessively ‘The soup is too sweet.’ [Adjective dAk jaih] is a colloquial expression of excess, with the sense ‘a bit too’: ࡋ ٙ ९ ዩ Lc gihn saam chèuhng dak jaih this CL dress long a-bit-much ‘This dress is a bit (too) long.’ 195 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison Կ Saam three ‘$300 ۍ ಈ ၆ ዩ baak man gwai dak jaih hundred dollar expensive a-bit-much is rather expensive.’ The same construction can be used with stative verbs such as jEngyi ‘like’ (3.1.1). This is one of many ways in which stative verbs and adjectives behave alike (Francis and Matthews 2005). 9.3.5 Superlatives Superlative constructions are formed with jeui ‘most’ preceding the adjective: ࡋ 䢅 ᑔ এ ࡋ ່ ၆ 嘅 䄆 ge lak Lc dc láu haih lc kbui jeui gwai these CL flat are this area most expensive SFP SFP ‘These flats are the most expensive in the area.’ The word order in these constructions is often inverted, with [jeui adjective] coming before haih in order to put the focus on the following subject: ່ ಐ এ ܃ʴ Jeui sbui haih léih! most bad is you ‘It’s all your fault!’ ່ ኰ এ ᩒ ᙒ Jeui cháam haih móuh chín most poor is not-have money ‘The biggest pity is not having any ࠌ sái spend money to spend.’ The range within which a superlative is to be understood can be established by a noun phrase preceding the superlative form: এ ٤ ଉཽ ່ ڶᙒ 䢇 ଡ Kéuih haih chyùhn Hbunggóng jeui yáuh-chín gó go s/he is whole Hong Kong most rich that CL ‘He’s the richest in all Hong Kong.’ ഏ ່ ټנ এ ᢰଡ ܴ˒ 嘅 ዚਣ Ycnggwok jeui chbutméng ge gdscng haih bcngo a? England most famous LP song-star is who SFP ‘Who is England’s most famous singer?’ 196 The superlative may also be preceded by a numeral or by the phrase [gam dD classifier], meaning ‘of them all’: Կ ࡪࡢ ່ Saam jímúi jeui lbk three sister most clever ‘Which is the brightest of এ ᢰଡ ܴ˒ haih bcngo a? is which SFP the three sisters?’ Comparison of adjectives ڍ ᠔ سᢰଡ ່ ⶕג ܴ˒ gam dd ycsang bcn-go jeui lengjái a? so many doctor which most handsome SFP ‘Which is the most handsome doctor of all?’ gam dD together with the experiential aspect marker gwo (see 11.2.5) expresses the experiential superlative, as in the most . . . I’ve ever known: ݺ ┊መ ڍ Ngóh tái-gwo gam dd I see-EXP so many ‘That was the funniest film ᚭ ່ መᦥ এ 䢇 hei jeui gwo-yáhn haih gó tou film most entertaining is that CL I’ve seen.’ ݺ ەመ ڍ ڻᇢ ່ ᣄ এ ࡋ ڻ Ngóh háau-gwo gam dd chi síh jeui làahn haih lc chi I take-EXP so many time exam most difficult is this time ‘This is the hardest exam I’ve ever taken.’ Note that English uses relative clauses here, while Cantonese uses a topicalized clause to establish the scope of the comparison. ji ‘most’ is an alternative to jeui, typically having a hyperbolic sense: while jeui implies ‘the most’ within a certain range, ji suggests ‘the most . . . of all (time)’ or ‘the most . . . ever’. It is much used in advertising, in preference to jeui: এ ۟ ጹ Ji gányiu haih most important is ‘The most important ༵ gáan choose thing is 䞤 dak ngaam ADV right to make the right choice.’ (radio ad.) ji is also used ironically or sarcastically: ࠐ ܃এ ۟ ᙌؾ 䢇 ଡ Yùhnlòih léih haih ji síngmuhk gó go after all you are most smart that CL ‘Oh, I see, you’re the smartest.’ (film) 197 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison 9.4 Complementation: complex structures with adjectives The complementation of adjectives involves the choice of structures to follow individual adjectives. Most adjectives which are followed by infinitive (to) or gerundive (-ing) complements in English may simply be followed by a clause: ݺ ړၲ֨ ߠ ଙ ܃ Ngóh hóu hdisam gin dóu léih I very happy see SFP you ړრ৸ ٵ Kéuih mhóuyisi tùhng s/he embarrassed with ‘He’s embarrassed to talk ‘I’m glad to see you.’ ܃ᝑ léih góng you talk to you.’ While these structures present no problem to the English speaker, the apparent resemblance may be misleading: there is no infinitive form in Cantonese, and arguably no distinction between finite and non-finite verbs.2 Another difference is that the order of the adjective and complement can be reversed in Cantonese: (a) ݺ ړၲ֨ Ngóh hóu hdisam I very happy ‘I’m so glad you’ve ܃䞢 ຟ 䓰 ൶ ݺ léihdeih gam yúhn ddu làih taam ngóh you-PL so far also come visit me come to visit me from so far away.’ (b) ܃䞢 ຟ 䓰 ൶ ݺΔ ړ ݺၲ֨ Léihdeih gam yúhn ddu làih taam ngóh, ngóh hóu hdisam you-PL so far also come visit me I very happy ‘I’m so glad you’ve come to visit me from so far away.’ The (b) construction works like a topic–comment construction (see 4.2.2): ngóh hóu hDisAm ‘I am glad’ comments on the preceding clause. 9.4.1 198 Adjectives of ease and difficulty This class of adjectives deserves special attention in that their complementation works differently from English. In an English sentence such as ‘He is hard to tolerate’, the subject of the sentence is understood as the object of the complement verb (‘tolerate’). In Cantonese, the sentence subject is understood as the subject of the complement verb: ړᣄ ࣔػ ʻࡋ ଡ ംᠲʼ Kéuih hóu làahn mìhngbaahk (lc go mahntàih) s/he very hard understand (this CL question) ‘He has difficulty understanding (this question).’ Complementation: complex structures with adjectives Although the literal gloss is ‘he very hard understand’, the sentence would not normally mean what ‘He is hard to understand’ does in English. However, a structure superficially like the English one does occur as a result of topicalization of the object: 䢅 խ֮ ڗ Dc Jengmàhn jih CL Chinese character ‘Chinese characters are ࣐୲ ړ ಖ 嘅 hóu yùhngyih mgeidak ge very easy forget SFP easy to forget.’ As a result, sentences may be ambiguous, depending on whether the topic is understood as the subject or object of the clause: ࣐୲ ړ ༉ ⛕ ଙ 嘅 ໞ Kéuih hóu yùhngyih jauh wán dóu ge la s/he very easy then find PRT SFP SFP ‘He’ll have no problem finding (it).’ or ‘He is easy to find.’ The English meaning as in ‘hard to understand’ or ‘easy to forget’ may be expressed unambiguously: (a) by using an impersonal structure without a subject (note that there is no counterpart to the expletive pronoun it in Chinese: see ch. 5): టএ ړᣄ የߩ Janhaih hóu làahn múhnjek kéuih really very hard satisfy him ‘It’s really hard to satisfy him.’ ࣐୲ ړ ಖ 䢅 խ֮ ڗ Hóu yùhng-yih mgeidak dc Jengmàhn jih very easy forget CL Chinese character ‘It’s easy to forget Chinese characters.’ (b) by using a passive verb phrase with béi (8.4) as a complement to the adjective: ؆ഏԳ ࣐୲ ړନ Գ ᎄᄎ Ngoihgwok-yàhn hóu yùhngyi béi yàhn ngh-wuih foreign-person very easy by people mis-understand ‘Foreigners are easily misunderstood.’ 199 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison ۖ ܃୮ ړᣄ ନ Գ ܥ ଙ Léih yìhga hóu làahn béi yàhn ngaak dóu you now very hard by people cheat PRT ‘You’re difficult to cheat now.’ There is a small class of adjectives which behaves like làahn ‘difficult’ in the example above: yùhngyih ‘easy’: าಈג Saimanjái children ‘Children ࣐୲ ړ 不㷂 hóu yùhngyih fanjeuhk very easy fall asleep fall asleep easily.’ fDngbihn ‘convenient’: ݺ վֲ ֱঁ 䓰 Ngóh gamyaht xh fdngbihn làih I today not convenient come ‘It’s not convenient for me to come today.’ dAkhàahn ‘free, at leisure’: ܃ Léih you ‘Are ၵ ᦫ dak-xh-dakháahn tbng free-not-free listen you free to answer the ሽᇩ˒ dihnwá? phone phone?’ hólàhng ‘possible’: 䞢 ױ౨ Kéuihdeih xh hólàhng they not possible ‘They can’t possibly do ۞ա ஸ jihgéi jouh saai self do all it all themselves.’ Note that although these adjectives behave differently from the corresponding English adjectives, a similar construction occurs in English with other adjectives such as likely, as in We are likely to be free. Thus, the construction (sometimes known as Subject Raising) is not entirely unfamiliar to the English speaker; the difficulty posed by the Cantonese structure is to learn which adjectives behave in this way.3 A further complication is that the Raising construction illustrated above is liable to be confused with the use of làahn and yih to form adjectives 200 such as làahntái ‘bad-looking’ with verbs of perception (see 2.2.1). With these compounds, unlike the constructions discussed above, the subject is understood as the object of the perception verb: ࡋ ଈ ዚ ړᣄᦫ 嘅 Lc sáu gd hóu làahntbng ge this CL song very hard-hear SFP Complementation: complex structures with adjectives ‘This song is awful.’ Note that the meaning is not ‘hard to hear’ but ‘bad-sounding’, indicating that these are lexicalized compounds.4 Idiom: hóu làahn dAk means that something does not happen easily: ܃ଡ גഞ䦹 ଡ ړ嘅 ۔ധΔ Léih go jái chéui-jó go gam hóu ge lóuhpòh, your CL son marry-PFV CL so good LP wife ړᣄ 㗎ʴ hóu làahn dak ga! very difficult able SFP ‘Fancy your son marrying such a good wife!’ Another idiomatic expression with làahn is làahn-gwo ‘have a hard time’ or ‘heart-broken’: ݺ 䢇ೄழ ړᣄመ Ngóh gójahnsí hóu làahn-gwo I that-time very hard-time 9.4.2 ‘I was having a hard time then.’ Evaluative constructions dái ‘worthy’ is used in colloquial speech to mean ‘deserving’, and may be followed by a complement verb: ೋ ᘷ ࣂ ړ ᙔ 嘅 Jek maau hóu dái sek ge CL cat very worthy love SFP ‘The cat’s so lovable.’ ܃ᇩ ܃এএ ࣂ ᕕ 㣌˒ Léih wah léih haih-mhaih dái laauh a? you say you be-not-be worthy scold SFP ‘Don’t you think you deserve to be scolded?’ 201 9 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison dái séi ‘worthy to die’ is a hyperbolic use of séi (cf. also 9.1.3). It may mean ‘serves you right’ or ‘you asked for it’: ܃ Léih you ‘You ᑌ ᝑ 䞧Δ టএ ࣂڽʴ gám yéung góng yéh, janhaih dái séi! so manner say things really worth-die asked for it, talking that way.’ dái séi in a positive sense may also be a compliment: ࡋ ᚭ 嘅 ኙػ Lc tou hei ge deui-baahk This CL film LP dialogue ‘This film’s dialogue is funny ړ৩ᚈ ࣂڽ hóu yaumahk dái séi very funny worth-die and sharp.’ (film review) dái dAk lám ‘selfless’ is also a compliment: ٤ ิ Գ ່ ࣂⴤ এ ܃ʴ Chyùhn jóu yàhn jeui dái-dak-lám haih léih! entire group people most worth-able-think is you ‘You’re the most self-effacing person in the entire team!’ jihkdAk ‘worth(while)’ expresses ‘worth . . . -ing’, typically with topicalization of the object: ࡋ ٝ ଖ ၇ Lc fahn boují xh jihkdak máaih this CL newspaper not worthwhile buy ‘This newspaper’s not worth buying.’ Xh dái máaih ‘not worth buying’ would be equivalent. 202 Chapter 10 Adverbial constructions Adverbial modification is expressed by adverbial constructions using adjectives (10.1.1–10.1.3) as well as by reduplicated adjectives functioning as adverbs (10.1.4). Predicate adverbs (10.1) are those which describe the manner of an action, and apply to the verb or verb phrase. Sentence adverbs (10.3) describe the circumstances of events and states, such as time and probability; they apply to the whole sentence. The syntax of the two types is very different. 10.1 Adverbs modifying the verb phrase Modification of the verb or verb phrase is expressed using adjectives, together with adverbial constructions taking three main forms: (a) verb dAk adjective (10.1.1); (b) adjective gám verb (10.1.2); (c) reduplicated adjective (déi) verb (10.1.3). Since each of these patterns involves adjectives, to a large extent the syntax of adjectives described in chapter 9 also applies to these adverbial constructions. Similarly, comparison of adverbs is based on that of adjectives (10.2). 10.1.1 dak The most general adverbial construction resembles that in Mandarin, with dAk corresponding to Mandarin de . The [verb dAk] construction is followed by an adjective, preceded by the adjective marker hóu or another modifier, as discussed in (9.1.2): 203 10 Adverbial constructions ᖂ ݶ ړ Kéuih hohk dak hóu faai s/he learn ADV very fast ‘He learns fast.’ 䢇 䢅 ٣س ඒ ༓ ⎲ ړ Gó dc scnsaang gaau dak géi hóu wo those CL teacher teach ADV quite well SFP ‘Those teachers teach pretty well.’ The adjective may be modified in any of the ways illustrated in chapter 9, for example by reduplication: ۰ ငငࣚࣚΔ ᄎ ჺ 嘅 ໞ Kéuih jyuh dak sye-sye-fuhk-fuhk, xh wúih ben ge la s/he live ADV comfortable-comfortable not will move SFP SFP ‘She’s living nice and comfortably, she won’t move.’ With transitive verbs where the object is present, the verb is repeated in the dAk construction, as it is with dou (8.5.3): 㺳 ߫ Kéuih ja chb s/he drive car ‘She drives very 㺳 ݶ ړ ja dak hóu faai drive ADV very fast fast.’ 㴇ג 㴇 ړၲ֨ Kéuih chau-jái chau dak hóu hdisam s/he care-child care ADV very happy ‘She enjoys looking after the child.’ The repetition results from the constraint that both the object and the adverbial complement with dAk must directly follow the verb. With a few adjectives, notably faai ‘fast’ and maahn ‘slow’, dAk is not needed: ۩ ܃ ݶ䢅 Léih hàahng faai-dc you walk fast-ish ‘Can you walk a bit 204 ܴ˒ dak-xh-dak a? okay-not-okay SFP faster?’ A colloquial alternative to the dAk construction is a topic–comment sentence, where the verb phrase is treated as a secondary topic (4.2.3) followed directly by a predicative adjective: ݺ ۔ֆ ྦ 堩 ړ 嘅 Ngóh lóuhgeng jyú faahn hóu lbk ge my husband cook food very smart SFP ‘My husband is a very good cook.’ Kéuih s/he ‘Does Adverbs modifying the verb phrase ᐊ ڗ ⶕⶕ ܴ˒ sé jih leng-xh-leng a? write character nice-not-nice SFP he write characters well?’ 10.1.2 gám An alternative adverbial construction uses an adjective followed by the adverbial gám ‘in this way’ before the verb. gám is to be distinguished from gam ‘so’ with mid level tone (see 9.1.3): ᖂ ݺ এ ᎁట Ngóh mhaih yìhngjan gám hohk I not-be serious thus learn ‘I’m not studying (it) seriously.’ ړ〩 گ䦹 ᒵ Kéuih hóu lau gám sau-jó sin s/he very mad thus close-PFV line ‘He put the phone down furiously.’ This construction is often used with reduplicated adjectives: ݺ Ngóh I ‘I saw ߠ ࠩ ႟႟䞢 ూ gin dóu kéuih sòh-só-déi gám siu see PRT him silly-silly-ish thus smile him smiling stupidly.’ ՕՕԺ ᔎ ଡ ं Kéuih daaih-daaih-lihk gám tek go bd s/he great-great-strength thus kick CL ball ‘He kicks the ball very hard.’ gám may be used elliptically as a predicate, together with haih or an auxiliary, meaning ‘be like that’: 䢅 าሁ גএ 嘅 䄆 Dc sailouhjái haih gám ge laak CL children are so SFP SFP ‘Children are like that.’ 205 10 Adverbial constructions ܃ ړ ʴ Léih mhóu gám la! you don’t so SFP ‘Don’t be like that!’ រ ᇞ ᄎ 嘅˒ Dím gáai wúih gám gé? how come will so SFP ‘Why is it like this?’ This use of gám corresponds to dím in questions (see 17.3.7). gám is also used with the verb hóuchíh ‘resemble’ in two ways: (a) the hóuchíh phrase ending with gám may function as an adverb: ଡ าሁ ۿړ Օ Գ ᝑ 䞧 Go sailouh hóuchíh daaih yàhn gám góng yéh CL child just-like big person so talk things ‘The child talks like an adult.’ (b) gám is added pleonastically at the end of the clause: ۿړ এ ༓ የრ Kéuih hóuchíh mhaih géi múhnyi gám s/he seem not-be quite satisfied so ‘She doesn’t seem to be very satisfied.’ Idioms with gám: [verb sìhng gám (or sèhng gám)] is a demonstrative phrase used to emphasize the extent of an outcome or result: រ ᇞ ᄎ Dím gáai wúih how come would ‘Why has it come ᧢ ګ 嘅˒ bin sìhng gám gé? change result so SFP out this way?’ The corresponding question construction, [verb form manner and extent questions (17.3.7). sìhng dím?] is used to jauh gám, meaning ‘just’ or ‘simply’, is often used in instructions: 206 ܃ Léih you ‘You ༉ ۩ Ե jauh gám hàahng yahp then so walk in simply walk in just like װ༉ 嘅 䄆 heui jauh dak ge laak go then okay SFP SFP that, it’ll be fine.’ ܃ Léih you ‘You אױ༉ ߨ 嘅 ⎲ xh hóyíh jauh gám jáu ge wo not can then so leave SFP SFP can’t just leave like that.’ haih gám ‘that’s all’ is used to terminate a conversation: এ ٣ Haih gám scn is so first Adverbs modifying the verb phrase ‘That’s all for now.’ (telephone conversation) 10.1.3 gam and gam jaih gam ‘so’ (distinct from gám with high rising tone, though both are written as ) is found in some adverbial constructions. [lyuhn/lyún gam verb] is to act in a random or disorganized manner; gam can be omitted, as in the corresponding Mandarin idiom luàn jiKng ႖ᝑ ‘talk nonsense’: ݺ ༉ Ngóh jauh I therefore ‘So I chose one ႖ ʻʼ ༵ ԫ ଡ lyuhn (gam) gáan yat go random (thus) choose one CL at random.’ ႖ ʻʼ 䈿 嘅 䞥 Kéuih lyúhn (gam) ap ge je s/he random (thus) waffle SFP SFP [máahng gam ‘He’s just talking nonsense.’ verb] is to do something like mad: ݺ ෳ Ngóh máahng gam I crazy thus ‘I’ve looked for it like ⛕ ຟ ⛕ ଙ wán ddu wán xh dóu search also search not succeed crazy and still can’t find it.’ kòhng ‘crazy’, used as an adverb, has a similar meaning to máahng gam: ࡋ 䢅 ֚ ߆ 堬ֽ Lc dc tcnhei yiu kòhng yám-séui this CL weather need crazy drink-water ‘You have to drink like mad in this weather.’ gam jaih ‘virtually, more or less’ is used at the end of a clause to express an approximation: ݺ䞢 ش ஸ 䢅 ᙒ ዩ Ngóhdeih yuhng saai dc chín gam jaih they use all CL money virtually ‘We’ve just about used up all the money.’ 207 10 Adverbial constructions gam jaih is typically used together with a prior ‘hedging’ expression such as chA mdD or chA dC ‘almost’ or jauhlàih ‘soon’: 䢅 ᑔᏝ 䢅 ֒ ࠩ Dc làuhga cha dc scng dou CL house price almost rise PRT ‘House prices are just about at a ᖵ lihksí historic historic ۯ ዩ gdu-wái gam jaih high point virtually high.’ 䞢 ༉䓰 ࢮ ୖ ֚࿗ ዩ Kéuihdeih jauhlàih laai màaih tcn-chbung gam jaih they almost pull PRT sky-window virtually ‘They are about to tie the knot (i.e. get married) any moment now.’ This use of gam jaih corresponds to mAt jaih in negative sentences (see 13.4), both being approximative constructions as discussed by S.-W. Tang (2009a). 10.1.4 Reduplicated adverbs Reduplicated adverbs, typically formed from adjectives, are used before the verb in three patterns: (a) with the suffix -déi (see 9.2.2): ܃ೢೢ䞢 ᖞ 䞧 Léih tau-tau-déi jíng yéh you steal-steal-ish make things ‘You’ve been secretly preparing ଇ ܴ˒ sihk àh? eat SFP food, have you?’ (b) together with gám (10.1.2): าา ᜢ ᝑ נ టઌ Kéuih sai-sai sbng gám góng chbut janseung s/he small-small voice so speak out truth ‘He told the truth in a quiet voice.’ (c) with certain adjectives, the reduplicated form alone: ଡ ఐ ኬኬ ړໞ Kéuih go behng maahn-máan hóu faan la s/he CL illness slow-slow good back SFP ‘Her illness is gradually improving.’ 208 ݺ ࣔࣔ ┊ ଙ ٵ ܃ ଡ ՖԳ ԫᏘ Ngóh mìhng-mìhng tái dóu léih tùhng go léuihyán yatchàih I clear-clear see PRT you with CL woman together ‘I clearly saw you with a woman.’ Note that the reduplication may result in a changed tone on the second adjective, as in maahn maahn maahn-máan. Comparison of adverbs These reduplicated adverb constructions are used especially in imperative sentences, in preference to the adverbial constructions with dAk and gám (see 19.1): ٞ 䢆৫ ࠁࠁ ܃䞢 Léih gwaai-gwaai-déi kéih háidouh dáng la you good-good-ish stand here wait SFP ‘Be good and stand here waiting.’ ኬኬ ۩ ܴ Maahn-maán hàahng a slow-slow walk SFP ‘Go slowly.’ (farewell greeting) A few AABB reduplicated forms (see 9.2.1) are also used in this way: ݶݶ ܃ ᔊᔊ ᐊ ݙ ء ʴ Léih faai-faai cheui-cheui sé yùhn bún sye la! you fast-fast crisp-crisp write finish CL book SFP ‘Hurry up and finish your book!’ Reduplication of adjectives is highly idiomatic, and several reduplicated idioms of the AAB pattern (2.1.3) are used specifically as adverbs, for example: ᙩᙩᠪ ߨ䦹 Kéuih jihng-jíng-gai jáu-jó s/he quiet-quiet-chicken leave-PFV ‘He quietly went and left.’ ܃ᜢ ച ړ䢅 䞧 Léih làh-lá-sbng jap hóu dc yéh you la-la-voice collect up CL stuff ‘Hurry up and clear up this stuff.’ ᖛᖛॹ ଇ ஸ 䢅 䞧 ༉ ߨ䦹 Kéuih kàhm-kám-chbng sihk saai dc yéh jauh jáu-jó s/he rush-rush eat all CL things then leave-PFV ‘He ate up his food in a rush and left.’ 10.2 Comparison of adverbs Comparison of adverbs is based on that of adjectives. Since the adverbial constructions described in 10.1 call for the use of adjectives, the syntax of 209 10 Adverbial constructions adjectival comparison (see 9.3) applies. Thus, the basic comparative construction with gwo combines straightforwardly with the adverbial construction with dAk, with the verb repeated if it has an object (10.1.1): ⴤ ݶመ ݺ Kéuih lám dak faai gwo ngóh s/he think ADV fast than me ‘She thinks faster than I do.’ Գ䞢 ؚᖲ ؚ ٘ መ ܃ Yàhndeih dá-gbi dá dak juhng lbk gwo léih people play-machine play ADV even clever than you ‘Other people play (video games) even better than you do.’ Negative and interrogative comparisons are expressed by móuh and yáuh-móuh respectively (see 9.3.3), followed by [gam adjective]: ݺ ᩒ ܃ᝑ ړ Ngóh móuh léih góng dak gam hóu I not-have you speak ADV so good ‘I don’t speak as well as you.’ ڶ ܃ᩒ ୂୂ ᖂ ˒ܴ ݶ Léih yáuh-móuh gòhgd hohk dak gam faai a? you have-not-have brother learn ADV so fast SFP ‘Do you learn as fast as your [elder] brother?’ Note the word order here, with (yáuh-) móuh preceding the object of comparison. If the object of comparison is not explicitly stated, the comparative form with dC (9.3) is used: ۖ୮ ഀዚ ഀ ᦫ ړ 䢅 Kéuih yìhga cheung-gd cheung dak hóu tbng dc s/he now sing-song sing ADV good listen a-bit ‘She’s singing a bit better now.’ ױ ܃אױ ᝑ ኬ 䢅 ܴ˒ Léih hó-xh-hóyíh góng dak maahn dc a? you can-not-can speak ADV slow a-bit SFP ‘Could you speak a bit more slowly?’ The excessive constructions with taai (gwo) and dAk jaih (9.3.4) combine similarly with dAk: 210 ழၴ መ ֜ ݶ Sìhgaan gwo dak taai faai time pass ADV too fast ‘Time passes too quickly.’ 㺳 ݶዩ Kéuih ja dak faai dak-jaih s/he drive ADV fast a-bit Comparison of adverbs ‘He’s driving a bit too fast.’ The superlative jeui or ji (9.3.5) may be applied similarly to adverb constructions: վ ڻএ ॳຫ Gam chi haih A-Chán this time is Ah-Chan ‘Ah Chan did best in the ە háau exam exam ່ ړ dak jeui hóu ADV most good this time.’ 䢆 䢇৫ ഀ ۟ 䤰Δ ۟ ငࣚ Hái gódouh cheung dak ji lam, ji syefuhk at there sing ADV most cosy most comfortable ‘It’s the most comfortable place for singing.’ (radio ad. for karaoke lounge) The order of the verb phrase and subject may be inverted: ڍ ۩՞֖ ۩ ۟ ݶ এ Gam dd hàahngsaan-yáu hàahng dak ji faai haih so many hiker walk ADV most quick is ۔ᤀ kéuih lóuhdauh his father ‘The fastest hiker of all is his father.’ The correlative construction yuht . . . yuht ‘the more . . . the more’ (9.3.1) may either follow the adverbial construction with dAk or occur on either side of the verb: 䞢 ။ ݶ။ ړ Kéuihdeih jouh dak yuht faai yuht hóu They do ADV more fast more good ‘The faster they can do it the better.’ ܃။ ڰ Léih yuht jóu you more early ‘The earlier you 䓰 ။ ړ làih yuht hóu come more good come, the better.’ Comparative idioms: jeuhn ‘as . . . as possible’ is used specifically with adverbs. Note that as for sentence adverbs (see 10.3), the whole adverbial phrase comes between the subject and the verb: 211 10 Adverbial constructions ܃ጐ ݶჶ ⇉ ʴ Léih jeuhn faai gáau dihm la! you best fast manage PRT SFP ‘Finish up as soon as possible.’ jeuhn-leuhng is used adverbially to mean ‘as well as one can’ or ‘to the best of one’s ability’, for example in expressing encouragement: ݺ ᄎ ጐၦ ᚥ ܃䞢 嘅 ໞ Ngóh wúih jeuhn-leuhng bdng léihdeih ge la I will as-possible help you-PL SFP SFP ‘I’ll do my best to help you.’ The comparative gwo may be used to compare two clauses with respect to an adverb: ᝑ խ֮ መ ݺᝑ ֮ gwo ngóh góng Ycngmán Kéuih góng Jengmán lbk s/he speak Chinese clever than I speak English ‘He speaks Chinese better than I speak English.’ ܃ Léih you ‘You ޱළ ݶመ ݺੑ ᙰ cheng-lèuhng faai gwo ngóh sái tàuh take-shower fast than I wash head take a shower faster than I can wash my hair.’ This construction also appears in the idiom: ݺ ଇ ᨖ ڍ መ ܃ଇ ۏ Ngóh sihk yìhm dd gwo léih sihk máih I eat salt more than you eat rice ‘I’ve seen more cases like this than you’ve had hot dinners.’ 10.3 Sentence adverbs: modifying the sentence Sentence adverbs are distinguished from verbal adverbs in that they modify the whole sentence rather than the verb phrase or predicate alone. Time adverbs, for example (10.3.3), concern the circumstances of events and states rather than the manner in which they occur. Modal adverbs, which describe the possibility and probability of events, are discussed in 12.2. 10.3.1 Position of sentence adverbs 212 There are three positions for sentence adverbs: (a) between the subject/topic and the verb: ࢨृ 䓰 ݺ Ngóh waahkjé xh làih dak I perhaps not come able ړ ݺ䞢 Ngóhdeih hóu we good ‘Fortunately we Sentence adverbs: modifying the sentence ‘I might not be able to come.’ ᩒ ၇ ࠩ ၴ ৢ chói móuh máaih dou gaan ek luck not-have buy PRT CL house didn’t buy the house.’ (b) at the beginning of the sentence: ړ Hóu good ‘It’s a ݺ䞢 ڰ chói ngóhdeih jóu luck we early good thing we came 䢅 䓰 dc làih rather came early.’ This option is often used when there is already a manner adverb before the verb: ࢨृ ܃Ֆ֖ࣛ ࿆ ၇ 䞧 Waahkjé léih léuih-pàhngyáuh dahkdang máaih yéh perhaps your girl-friend specially buy thing ಬ ନ ܃ sung béi léih give to you ‘Maybe your girlfriend went out of her way to buy something for you.’ ۖ୮ 䢅 Գ ။ ࠐ ။ რ ֽ᛭ Yìhga dc yàhn yuht làih yuht jengyi séui-lìuh now CL people more and more like spa ‘Nowadays people like spas more and more.’ (c) at the end of the sentence, by way of afterthought: ٘ ᦰጹΔ 䢇ೄழ Kéuih juhng duhk-gán-sye, gójahnsí s/he still study-PROG book then ‘She was still a student, at that time.’ าࠍ װ䦹 नΔ ڍᑇ Sailóu heui-jó wáan, ddsou brother go-PFV play probably ‘Little brother has gone to play, probably.’ 213 10 Adverbial constructions This is an instance of right-dislocation, an option which is often used in casual conversation (see 4.1.3). 10.3.2 Adverbs of quantity dDu, in addition to its many functions in quantifying expressions (14.1.1), serves as an adverb meaning ‘also’ or ‘too’: A: ܃অૹ ܴ Léih bóu-juhng a you take-care SFP ‘Take care.’ B: ܃ Léih you ‘You ຟ এ ddu haih also be too.’ gau ‘enough’ may be used with a similar meaning: A: ݺ ړ䯒 ܴ Ngóh hóu guih a I very tired SFP ‘I’m tired.’ B: ݺ ജ এ ষ Ngóh gau haih lok I enough am SFP ‘So am I.’ dDu may also mean ‘anyway’, especially in negative sentences: ݺ ຟ ᢝ 嘅 Ngóh ddu xh sck kéuih gé I also not know him SFP ‘I don’t know him, anyway.’ ݺ䞢 Ngóhdeih we ‘We were ຟ ⴤ۰ ߨ 嘅 ໞ ddu lám-jyuh jáu ge la also intend leave SFP SFP going to leave anyway.’ wàahngdihm also means ‘anyway’: ܃ᖩ⇉ נ װΔ լ ڕႉঁ ᚥ ݺ Léih wàahngdihm yiu chbut heui, batyùh seuhnbín bdng ngóh you anyway need out go rather on-the-way help me ബ ୖ 䢅 ॾ gei màaih dc seun send PRT CL letter ‘You have to go out anyway, you might as well post the letters for me.’ 214 jihnghaih and jíhaih ‘only, just’ are often followed by the ‘downplaying’ particle je or jB (18.3.5): ݺ䞢 এ Ngóhdeih jihnghaih we only ‘We’re just taking a ┊㣐 嘅 䞥 tái-háh ge je look-DEL SFP SFP look.’ এ ԫ ڻ䞥 Jíhaih yat chi jb only one time SFP Sentence adverbs: modifying the sentence ‘It’s only once . . .’ dAk may also mean ‘only’, but is used with noun phrases: Կ ଡ Գ 䓰 ࡍ˒ Dak saam go yàhn làih jàh? just three CL people come SFP ‘Only three people came?’ Jihng dak only just ‘Only me ٵ ݺ ୂॳ ݺ 䢆৫ ngóh tùhng ngóh a-gd háidouh me with my brother here and my [elder] brother are here.’ This usage of dAk is examined in S.-W. Tang (2002). 10.3.3 Adverbs of time In the absence of tense, adverbs of time take on a particular importance in specifying the time to which a sentence refers. They may be usefully divided according to past, present and future, although they clearly do not form a tense system as such. 10.3.3.1 Past time adverbs Note that the adverb in the Cantonese examples is often redundant in the English translation, due to the tense of the verb. búnlòih ‘originally’: ݺ䞢 ࠐء ᩒ ⴤ۰ १ ଉཽ Ngóhdeih búnlòih móuh lám-jyuh faan Hbunggóng we originally not intend return Hong Kong ‘We weren’t planning to come back to Hong Kong.’ 215 10 Adverbial constructions yíhchìhn ‘before, formerly’: ພ ᠔א سছ ۰ ՞ື Gwok ycsang yíhchìhn jyuh Saan Déng Kwok doctor before live Peak ‘Dr Kwok used to live on the Peak.’ gójahnsìh or gójahnsí ‘then, at that time’: ݺ 䢇ೄழ ٘ آ ەଙ ߫ྨ Ngóh gójahnsí juhng meih háau dóu chb-pàaih I that-time still not-yet pass SFP vehicle-licence ‘At that time I still hadn’t got my driving licence.’ chD-chD, chD tàuh, hDi tàuh ‘at first’: ݺ ॣॣ რ Δ ৵䓰 Ngóh chd-chd xh jengyi kéuih, hauhlàih I at-first not like him afterwards ‘I used not to like him, but gradually got to ኬኬ რ maahn-máan jengyi slow-slow like like him.’ bAtlAu ‘until now, always’ is used together with dDu: ܃լ〩 ຟ ᜣࣔ 嘅 Léih batlau ddu gam chengmìhng ge you until-now also so clever SFP ‘You’ve always been so clever (until now).’ 10.3.3.2 Present time adverbs yìhgA or gAján ‘now’: ॳᏕ ۖ୮ ۰ ضޥ A-Fúng yìhga jyuh Satìhn Ah Fung now live Shatin ‘Ah Fung lives in Shatin now.’ juhng or juhng haih ‘still’: 216 ٘ ܃ ಖಖ ˒ܴ ݺ Léih juhng gei-xh-geidak ngóh a? you still re-not-remember me SFP ‘Do you still remember me?’ ܃ኙ ଉཽ ছན ٘ এ Léih deui Hbunggóng chìhn-gíng juhng haih gam you towards Hong Kong prospect still are so Sentence adverbs: modifying the sentence ֨ॾڶ ܴ˒ yáuh-seunsam àh? have-confidence SFP ‘You’re still so confident about Hong Kong’s prospects, are you?’ yìhngyìhn ‘still’ is more formal: ݺ䞢 սྥ ᄎ ᤉᥛ ܘԺ Ngóhdeih yìhngyìhn wúih gaijuhk lóuhlihk we still will continue strive ‘We will still continue to do our best.’ jaahmsìh ‘for the time being’ expresses the short-term or provisional future: ݺ䞢 ᑉழ ࠌ ᓮ ՠԳ Ngóhdeih jaahmsìh msái chéng gengyàhn we time-being not-need employ maid ‘We don’t need to employ a maid for the moment.’ 10.3.3.3 Future time adverbs Reference to the future is typically specified by adverbs. The auxiliary wúih ‘will/would’ (12.1.1) could be used, but is not required, in any of the following examples. dousìh ‘by that time’: ࠩழ ݺ䞢 ༉ वሐ រ 嘅 䄆 Dousìh ngóhdeih jauh jcdou dím ge lak that-time we then know how SFP SFP ‘We’ll know how it is by then.’ A: ࠩ װ 䢇৫ រ ܴ˒ Heui dou gódouh dím a? go arrive there how SFP ‘What do we do when we arrive?’ B: ࠩழ ۟ ጩ Dousìh ji syun la that-time only plan SFP ‘We’ll plan that when the time comes.’ 217 10 Adverbial constructions gAnjyuh ‘next’: ݺ䞢 ᇿ۰ ᝑ รԲ ଡ ᠲؾ Ngóhdeih ganjyuh góng daih-yih go tàihmuhk we following talk another CL topic ‘Next we’ll talk about another topic.’ yAt-jahn-gAan ‘in a moment’: 䞢 ԫೄၴ װಬᖲ Kéuihdeih yatjahngaan heui sung-gbi they in-a-moment go accompany-plane ‘In a moment they’re going to see someone off (at the airport).’ yàuh yìhgA hDichí ‘from now on’: ݺ ۖ ط୮ ၲࡨ ٵ ܃ᝑ 䞧 Ngóh yàuh yìhga hdichí xh tùhng léih góng yéh I from now begin not with you speak stuff ‘From now on I’m not going to talk to you.’ daih yih sìh ‘in future’ (often reduced to daih sìh): รԲ ழ ړ၇ ࡋ Daih-yih sìh mhóu máaih lc another time don’t buy this ‘In future we shouldn’t buy this ೋ ྨ jek pàaihjí CL brand brand.’ sCn as a time adverb means ‘first of all’, often together with the delimitative aspect marker háh (11.2.7): ݺ䞢 Ngóhdeih we ‘We’ll see ٣ ┊㣐 រ ٦ ⴤ ᙄऄ scn tái-háh dím joi lám baahnfaat first look-DEL how again think solution how it goes first and then think of a solution.’ Used following a time expression, sin/sCnji or ji means ‘only’ or ‘not until’ (see also 16.3.2 for their use in conditionals): ݺ ᦫֲ ٣۟ वሐ ᓮᓮ ଙ Ngóh tcngyaht scnji jcdou chéng-xh-chéng dóu ga I tomorrow first know apply-not-apply succeed leave ‘I won’t know until tomorrow whether I can take leave.’ 218 In this function sCnji is not restricted to time, but is also used to contrast two phrases: ٣۟ ᢝΔ ݺ ᢝ Kéuih scnji sck, ngóh xh sck s/he only know I not know ‘Only she knows, I don’t.’ Sentence adverbs: modifying the sentence sCnji/sCn/ji emphasizes the preceding word or phrase, which may be an expression of time or of some other circumstances: ݺ ᦫֲ ٣۟ ନ ሽᇩ ܃ Ngóh tcngyaht scnji béi dihnwá léih la I tomorrow only give telephone you SFP ‘I won’t call you until tomorrow.’ ᑷ ٣۟ ړଇ 㗎ቪ Yiht-laaht-laaht scnji hóu sihk gáma warm-hot-hot only good eat SFP-SFP ‘It only tastes good when it’s hot, you know that.’ sìn is also used as a sentence particle (18.3.6). 10.3.4 Adverbs of frequency Adverbs of frequency are formed using the means of quantification such as dDu (14.1.1), múih (14.1.4) and reduplication (14.1.2). tEngsèuhng or gCngsèuhng ‘usually’: ຏൄ ຟ Tengsèuhng ddu usually all ‘It’s usually done এ ش ࡋ ଡ ᙄऄ haih yuhng lc go baahnfaat is use this CL do-manner this way.’ sèhngyaht (dDu), although usually translated as ‘always’, is often used hyperbolically: ܃ Léih you ‘You ֲګ ʻຟʼ ᇩ ᩒ ழၴ sèhngyaht (ddu) wah móuh sìhgaan always (all) say not-have time always say you don’t have time.’ hóu síu (14.2.1) as an adverb has the meaning ‘rarely’: ഏ ڶ ֟ ړ ᑷ 嘅 ֚ Ycnggwok hóu síu yáuh gam yiht ge tcnhei England very little have so hot LP weather ‘The weather’s not often as warm as this in England.’ 219 10 Adverbial constructions Reduplicated time expressions (14.1.2) form adverbs of frequency: ڣڣ ຟ ڶᐜఴ ॳ䪔 ֲس Lìhn-lìhn ddu yáuh hingjek a-màh saangyaht year-year all have celebrate grandma birthday ‘There’s a celebration for Grandma’s birthday every year.’ ॳൎ ֲֲ ຟ A-Kèuhng yaht-yaht ddu yiu paai boují Ah-Keung day-day all need deliver newspaper ‘Ah Keung has to deliver newspapers every day.’ ڻڻ ຟ এ 嘅 ⎲ Kéuih chi-chi ddu haih gám ge wo s/he time-time all is so SFP SFP ‘She’s like this every time.’ múih ‘each, every’ (14.1.4) also combines with time expressions to form adverbs of frequency: ڻޢmúih chi ‘every time’ ֲޢmúih yaht ‘each/every day’ ޢଡ៖ਈ múih go láihbaai ‘every week’ ޢଡִ múih go yuht ‘each month’ ڣޢmúih lìhn ‘each/every year’ Unlike reduplicated adverbs (such as chi-chi ‘every time’), these forms may be modified by numerals or quantifiers such as géi ‘a few’: ޢԿ ڻmúih saam chi ‘every third time’ ֲࠟޢmúih léuhng yaht ‘every two days’ ࠟޢଡ៖ਈ múih léuhng go láihbaai ‘every two weeks’ ޢ༓ଡִ múih géi go yuht ‘every few months’ ڣתޢmúih bun lìhn ‘every six months’ ޢሶԫ ڣmúih gaak yat lìhn ‘every other year’ As time adverbials, these phrases come before the verb: ݺ䞢 ޢ ࠟ ڣ ჺ ԫ ৢ ڻ Ngóhdeih múih léuhng lìhn yiu ben yat chi ek we each two year need move one time house ‘We have to move house once every two years.’ 220 . . . yAt chi ‘once (in . . . )’ is an alternative expression of frequency, which may combine with múih: Adverbial phrases ݺ ԫ ଡ ៖ਈ ┊ ԫ ڻ᠔س Ngóh yat go láihbaai yiu tái yat chi ycsang I one CL week need see one time doctor ‘I have to see the doctor once a week.’ ޢԿ ଡ ִ ନ ԫ ܓ ڻஒ Múih saam go yuht yiu béi yat chi leihsck each three CL month need pay one time interest ‘You have to pay interest every three months.’ This construction corresponds to the question form géiloih . . . yAt chi meaning ‘how often?’ (17.3.5). 10.4 Adverbial phrases The following phrases function as time and manner adverbs. chìhn ‘ago’ may either follow the time expression, as in English, or precede it: ݺ ༓ ڣছ ߠመ Ngóh géi lìhn chìhn gin-gwo kéuih I few year before meet-EXP him ‘I met him a few years ago.’ 䞢 এ ছ ༓ ଡ ִ ٣ ၲࡨ ࣁࣆ 嘅 䞥 Kéuihdeih haih chìhn géi go yuht scn hdichí paak-td ge je they are before a-few CL months first begin date SFP SFP ‘They only started dating a few months ago.’ hauh ‘later’ is the converse of chìhn but consistently follows the time expression: ࠟ ڣ৵ léuhng lìhn hauh two year after ‘two years later’ ༓ ։ᤪ ৵ géi fan-jeng hauh a-few seconds after ‘a few seconds later’ dahkdAng means ‘specially’ or ‘deliberately’: ࿆ 䓰 Kéuih dahkdang làih s/he specially come ‘She’s coming specially ൶ ݺ䞢 taam ngóhdeih visit us to see us.’ 221 10 Adverbial constructions ࿆ Kéuih dahkdang s/he specially ‘He deliberately ᖞ᧡ ݺ jíng-gú ngóh play-trick me played a trick on me.’ The converse is m-gokyi ‘unintentionally’: ݺ ᤚრ ᔐ ᘣ Ngóh m-gokyi chái chan kéuih un-intentional tread PRT him I ‘I didn’t mean to step on him.’ chìhn yAt pàaih/páai ‘a while ago’ has the fixed order: ݺ ছ ԫ ඈ ᐳ ଙ Ngóh chìhn yat pàaih johng dóu kéuih I before a while bump PRT him ‘I ran into him a while ago.’ Compare the expression lC pàaih/páai ‘these days’. yáuh yAt pàaih ‘it’s been a while’ is used with móuh (13.3, 14.3.2) to refer to non-occurrence of an event in the recent past: ॳ׆ ڶԫ ඈ ᩒ נመ A-Wóng yáuh yat pàaih móuh chbut-yihn-gwo Ah-Wong have one while not-have appear-EXP ‘Ah Wong hasn’t put in an appearance for some time.’ yáuh pàaih or yáu pàaih ‘it’ll be a while’ suggests an indefinite period, typically extending into the future: 䞢 ڶඈ ຟ آ ദ Kéuihdeih yáuh pàaih ddu meih git-dak-fan they have while still not-yet marry-able ‘It’ll be a while before they can get married.’ A: ༓ழ ฅᄐ ܴΔ˒܃ Géisìh batyihp a, léih? when graduate SFP you ‘When are you going to graduate?’ B: ٘ ڶඈ Juhng yáuh pàaih la still have while SFP ‘It’ll be a while yet.’ [yAt classifier yAt classifier] is a reduplicated construction meaning ‘one by one’ or ‘one after another’, usually used together with dAk (10.1.1) or gám (10.1.2): 222 䢅 ॾ ԫ ԫ ᦤ ړᏘ Dc seun yat feng yat feng daahp dak hóu chàih CL letter one CL one CL pile ADV very tidy ‘The letters are piled tidily one on top of the other.’ ࡋ လ Lc dihp choi yiu this CL food need ‘This dish should be ԫ ഁ ԫ ഁ ଇ yat daahm yat daahm gám sihk one bite one bite so eat eaten one mouthful at a time.’ Adverbial phrases yAt go gAn yAt go ‘one (following) after the other’ has a similar meaning: 䢅 ሏড় ݧ఼ڶ ړ ԫ ଡ ᇿ ԫ ଡ Dc yàuhhaak hóu yáuh-dihtjeuih gám yat go gan yat go CL tourists very have-order so one CL follow one CL ۩ Ե װ hàahng yahp heui walk in go ‘The tourists went in one by one in an orderly fashion.’ yAt chi gwo ‘all in one go’: ݺ䞢 Ngóhdeih we ‘We want უ ԫ ڻመ ჺ ஸ 䢅 䞧 séung yat chi gwo ben saai dc yéh wish one time pass move all CL things to move everything in one go.’ 10.4.1 Viewpoint adverbs These phrases present a point of view to begin a sentence. góng jAn ‘to tell you the truth’ is used to confide opinions: ᝑ ట 㣌Δ ݺ ᄎ ନ 嘅 Góng jan a, ngóh xh wúih ga béi kéuih ge speak true SFP I not will marry to him SFP ‘To tell you the truth, I wouldn’t marry him.’ . . . làih góng ‘as far as . . . is concerned’ serves to establish a topic of conversation: ᆖᛎ 䓰 ᝑΔ ଉཽ ჶ ᙑ Gcngjai làih góng, Hbunggóng gáau dak mcho economy come speak Hong Kong manage ADV not-bad ‘As far as the economy is concerned, Hong Kong is doing pretty well.’ ֲء လ 䓰 ᝑΔ Yahtbún choi làih góng, Japan food come speak ‘As far as Japanese food is ࡋ ၴ ࢋ ԫੌ lc gaan jáudim yat-làuh this CL hotel first-rate concerned, this hotel is excellent.’ 223 10 Adverbial constructions . . . làih tái has a similar function: ९ ᒵ 䓰 ┊Δ၇ ᑔ אױঅ ଖ Chèuhng sin làih tái, máaih láu hóyíh bóu jihk long term come see buy flat can preserve value ‘From a long-term point of view, buying a flat can be a good investment.’ jiu ngóh tái ‘as I see it’: ᅃ ┊ ݺΔվඡ ᚨᇠ Jiu ngóh tái, gam-máahn ycnggdi jouh dak as I see tonight should do able ‘As I see it, we should be able to finish up 224 ݙ yùhn finish tonight.’ Chapter 11 Aspect and verbal particles Chinese grammar lacks distinctions of tense as such: that is, the notions past, present and future are not encoded grammatically by forms of the verb.1 There is, however, a relatively complex system of verbal aspect, distinguishing notions such as events, states and processes. Through the close relationship between these aspectual notions and time, the aspect markers contribute to the expression of time relations (11.1), together with adverbs of time (10.3.3). Aspect is a subjective notion in the sense that it enables the same situation to be viewed and described in different ways.2 Aspects can be seen as ‘viewpoints’ which can be taken on a situation; hence, the same situation may be described using two or more different aspect markers, for example the progressive gán (11.2.2) and the continuous jyuh (11.2.3): ؆ঁ ᆵጹ ॸ Ngoihbihn lohk-gán yúh outside fall-PROG rain ‘It’s raining outside.’ ؆ঁ ᆵ۰ ॸ Ngoihbihn lohk-jyuh yúh outside fall-CONT rain ‘It’s raining outside.’ The progressive gán describes the action of rain falling, while jyuh presents the weather as a continuing situation. The choice of aspect marker is determined partly by the context and partly by the speaker’s own choice of how to present the situation. A further element of choice is introduced by the fact that unlike tense in English, aspect markers are in most cases grammatically optional, i.e. they may be omitted and the sentence will still be grammatical (see 11.2.1). The Cantonese system of aspect corresponds broadly to that in Mandarin as shown in Table 11.1. Despite this approximate correspondence, aspect is an area where the two languages differ significantly. The Cantonese markers of aspect all follow the verb, behaving in most respects as suffixes. 225 11 Aspect and verbal particles Table 11.1 Aspect markers in Mandarin and Cantonese Perfective Experiential Progressive Continuous Delimitative Inchoative Continuative Habitual Mandarin Cantonese verb verb ڇzài verb verb verb verb — verb verb verb verb verb verb verb verb Ա le መ guò verb 㷂 zhe ԫ yc verb ದࠐ qmlái Հ װxiàqù 䦹 jó መ gwo ጹ gán ۰ jyuh 㣐 háh ದՂ䓰 héi-séuhng-làih ᆵ װlohk-heui ၲ hdi Cantonese also has a habitual marker hDi which Mandarin lacks, and there are important differences in the usage of individual aspects. In addition to aspect markers as such, Cantonese has numerous verbal particles whose functions are closely related to those of aspect (see 11.3). Many of these are peculiar to Cantonese, in particular the quantifying particles saai and màaih (11.3.3) and the adversative/habitual chAn (11.3.4). 11.1 Aspect and the expression of time In the absence of explicit tense marking, temporal relations are expressed by a combination of adverbials, aspect markers and contextual factors. Time adverbs such as búnlòih ‘originally’ and yíhchìhn ‘before’, for example, anchor the time reference of a sentence in the past (see 10.3.3): ݺ ࠐء ۰ ᚊ 嘅 Ngóh búnlòih jyuh Gáulùhng ge I originally live Kowloon SFP ‘I used to live in Kowloon.’ The basic meaning of the aspectual particles concerns not the time of an action but the way it is viewed: as a state of affairs, an event or an action in process; these aspectual meanings are discussed individually in section 11.2. Nevertheless, in the absence of specific indications of time, the aspect markers imply reference to certain times: 226 gán is normally used of ongoing actions, i.e. in the absence of any indication to the contrary, it is understood as referring to the present: 䢅 ᖂس Ղጹጻ Dc hohksaang séuhng-gán-móhng CL student get on-PROG-Internet ‘Students are surfing the web.’ Aspect and the expression of time jyuh denotes a state of affairs, typically present or timeless: 䢅 ႆ ᔟ۰ ଡ ֜ၺ Dc wàhn jb-jyuh go taaiyèuhng CL cloud block-CONT CL sunlight ‘The clouds are blocking out the sunlight.’ gwo, like the present perfect in English, implies that the situation took place prior to the point of speech or reference: ݺ ᖂመ ᐚ֮ 嘅 Ngóh hohk-gwo Dakmán ge I study-EXP German SFP ‘I have studied German before.’ It combines with past time adverbs such as chàhnggCng ‘before’: མᆖ 䛅መ ᑻ Kéuih chàhnggcng ló-gwo jéung s/he previously take-EXP award ‘She has received an award before.’ jó, which indicates a complete event, also normally implies past time reference: ߠ䦹 ය ᠙ೲ Ngóh mgin-jó tìuh sósìh I lose-PFV CL key ‘I’ve lost the key.’ It combines with adverbs of recent past such as ngAam-ngAam ‘just’ or tàuhsCn ‘just now’: ۔ច 䞤䞤 נ䦹 װ Lóuhbáan ngaam-ngaam chbut-jó heui boss just-just out-PFV go ‘The boss has just gone out.’ These temporal implications may be thought of as default interpretations which hold when other things are equal. The aspect markers should not be equated with tense, however: in particular, jó and gwo should not be regarded as past tense markers. For example, jó is used in imperative sentences and complement clauses referring to the present or future: ଇ䦹 ٣ Sihk-jó kéuih scn eat-PFV it first ‘Eat it up.’ ݺ უ ᔄ䦹 ਮ ߫ Ngóh séung maaih-jó ga chb I wish sell-PFV CL car ‘I want to sell the car.’ 227 11 Aspect and verbal particles Conversely, sentences referring to the past do not require an aspect marker such as jó or gwo: ݺ Ngóh I ‘I had 䈺ඡ ٵ ৢ ݺٞԳ ଇ堩 kàhmmáahn tùhng ngóh ekkéi-yàhn sihk-faahn last-night with my home-people eat-food dinner with my family last night.’ Note also that the time reference of aspect markers is relative rather than absolute. That is, the temporal meaning of jó and gwo may not be past in an absolute sense, but only relative to some other reference time. This can be seen clearly in subordinate clauses: ܃ װመ ؆ഏ ٣ वሐ এ រ 嘅 Léih yiu heui-gwo ngoihgwok scn jcdou haih dím ge you need go-EXP abroad first know is how SFP ‘You’ll only know what it’s like when you’ve been abroad.’ In such cases, the verb modified by gwo is actually referring to the future: it is past only relative to the main verb, jCdou ‘know’. Similarly, a verb with jó may refer to the anticipated completion of a future event: ݺ䞢 ଇ䦹堩 ٣ װ၇ 䞧 Ngóhdeih sihk-jó-faahn scn heui máaih yéh we eat-PFV-food first go buy things ‘After eating we’ll go shopping.’ 11.2 Aspect markers The aspect markers gán, jyuh, jó, gwo, háh and hDi are bound forms, behaving essentially as suffixes: in their functions as aspect markers, they may not be separated from the verb, which distinguishes them from verbal particles (11.3). 11.2.1 Syntax of aspect markers 228 In general, aspect markers are grammatically optional, i.e. for every context in which one occurs it is possible to have the same sentence without the aspect marker. This is seen clearly in the case of the progressive gán which, unlike the English progressive form, may freely be omitted: ݺ䞢 ۖ୮ ႜʻጹʼ ࡋ ଡ ംᠲ Ngóhdeih yìhga kcng(-gán) lc go mahntàih we now chat(-PROG) this CL problem ‘We’re talking about this problem now.’ Aspect markers In certain syntactic contexts, however, the aspect marker is strongly preferred. The perfective jó is generally called for where the verb has a quantified object and refers to the past: ݺ 䈺ඡ ᐊ䦹 ࠟ ॾ Ngóh kàhmmáahn sé-jó léuhng feng seun I last-night write-PFV two CL letter ‘I wrote two letters last night.’ This may be contrasted with a similar context without a quantified object, in which jó is not required: 䈺ඡ ؚሽᇩ ନ ݺ Kéuih kàhmmáahn dá-dihnwá béi ngóh s/he last night call-telephone to me ‘She gave me a call last night.’ The position of aspect markers is complicated in the case of complex verbs (those of more than one syllable). Such compounds fall into three kinds: (a) In the case of typical verb–object compounds (2.3.3), the two parts are separable, the aspect marker coming between them: 䞢 ۖ୮ ࣁጹࣆ Kéuihdeih yìhga paak-gán-td they now date-PROG-date ‘They’re dating at the moment.’ բᆖ 不䦹ᤚ Kéuih yíhgcng fan-jó-gaau s/he already fall-PFV-asleep ‘She’s already gone to sleep.’ (b) In a second group of compound verbs, the two parts cannot be separated: ݺ ࿇䦹 ԫ ଡ ఽയ Ngóh faatyihn-jó yat go beimaht I discover-PFV one CL secret ‘I’ve discovered a secret.’ (c) A third group of verbs may either be separated or not: ڃ䦹ੌ wùih-jó-làuh or ੌڃ䦹 wùihlàuh-jó ‘returned (after emigrating)’ ֒䦹ࡋ scng-jó-lb or ֒ࡋ䦹 scnglb-jó ‘upgraded’ (see 2.3.3) 229 11 Aspect and verbal particles ฝ䦹 اyìh-jó-màhn or ฝا䦹 yìhmàhn-jó ‘emigrated’ ಯ䦹ٖ teui-jó-yau or ಯٖ䦹 teuiyau-jó ‘retired’ The first option is more natural at the end of a clause, while the second option is preferred when the verb is followed by an object or complement. While aspect markers are normally suffixed to the verb they modify, gwo may follow the whole verb phrase which it modifies: ݺ آ ڶᖲᄎ ᦫ መ Ngóh meih yáuh gbiwuih tbng gwo I not-yet have chance hear EXP ‘I haven’t had the chance to hear it yet.’ gwo here modifies the whole phrase yáuh gBiwuih tBng ‘have the opportunity to hear’ rather than the verb tBng ‘hear’ alone. The aspect markers often appear in constructions with an apparently passive meaning: ᐋ ᑔ բᆖ ದጹ Chàhng láu yíhgcng héi-gán CL building already build-PROG ‘The building is already being built.’ This is not a passive structure, but results from topicalization of the object chàhng láu ‘the building’ with the subject understood as a generic ‘they’ (see 4.2). Similarly with the perfective marker jó: ࡋ ء ૡ䦹 嘅 䄆 Lc bún sye dehng-jó ge lak this CL book order-PFV SFP SFP ‘This book has been ordered.’ Note that Cantonese would not use the béi passive here because the object concerned (lC bún syE in the above example) is not adversely affected by the action (see 8.4). 11.2.2 Progressive: gán, háidouh 230 The most familiar of the aspect markers to the English speaker is the progressive, marked by the particle/suffix gán. Its meaning is similar to that of the English progressive -ing form. In its use, however, the Cantonese particle is much more restricted than the English progressive form. It applies only to activities described as ongoing: 䞢 ࠟ ଡ ࣁጹࣆ Kéuihdeih léuhng go paak-gán-td two CL date-PROG they ‘The two of them are dating.’ ຫ س ቮጹ Chàhn Saang taan-gán saigaai Chan Mr enjoy-PROG world ‘Mr Chan is having a good time.’ Aspect markers gán applies to the present if there is no indication otherwise, but may apply to the past in conjunction with past time adverbs: 䢇ೄழ ࡋ ར ᑔ ٘ ದጹ Gójahnsìh lc duhng láu juhng héi-gán that-time this CL flat still build-PROG ‘At that time this block of flats was still being built.’ háidouh, which literally means ‘be here/there’, is an alternative means of describing an action in progress. Its use as a progressive marker is probably influenced by the Mandarin zài ڇwhich means either ‘be situated’ or ‘be doing’. háidouh precedes the verb: ݺ 䢆৫ ޏ ࠴ Ngóh háidouh gói gyún I be-here correct paper ‘I’m grading papers.’ ܃䢆৫ ᩅ ܴ˒ Léih háidouh jouh mat a? you be-here do what SFP ‘What are you doing?’ háidouh is commonly used to reinforce gán in expressing progressive meaning: 䢆৫ ᐊጹ ጻ Kéuih háidouh sé-gán móhngji s/he be-here write-PROG weblog ‘She’s blogging.’ 11.2.3 Continuous: jyuh While the progressive marker gán is used for dynamic ongoing activities, implying change over time, jyuh describes a continuous activity or state without change: ݺ უ א৵ ֲګ ຩ۰ ܃ Ngóh séung yíhhauh sèhngyaht pùih-jyuh léih I want afterwards always accompany-CONT you ‘From now on I want always to be with you.’ (film) 231 11 Aspect and verbal particles ֲګ 㷂۰ ׄגᘟ Kéuih sèhngyaht jeuk-jyuh ngàuhjái-fu s/he always wear-CONT cowboy-pant ‘She’s always wearing jeans.’ A number of verbs denoting a continuous activity or state occur more commonly with jyuh than without it, including the following: deui-jyuh ‘face’: ၴ ৢ ኙ۰ ଡ ௧ Gaan ek deui-jyuh go hói CL house face-CONT CL sea ‘The house faces the sea.’ gón-jyuh ‘in a hurry’: ܃ Léih you ‘Are এএ ᎔۰ 䛅 ߫ ܴ˒ haih-mhaih gón-jyuh ló chb a? be-not-be hurry-CONT take car SFP you in a hurry to get the car?’ gwa-jyuh ‘miss’: ݺ ᄎ ړ ۰ ܃㗎 Ngóh wúih hóu gwa-jyuh léih ga I will much miss-CONT you SFP ‘I’ll miss you a lot.’ jA-jyuh ‘keep hold of’: ᇠ ܃ᚥ ݺ㺳۰ ය ᠙ೲ Mgdi léih bdng ngóh ja-jyuh tìuh sósìh please you help me hold-CONT CL key ‘Would you hold on to my key for me, please?’ jó-jyuh ‘block, obstruct’: ਮ ߫ ॴ۰ Գ䞢 Ga chb jó-jyuh yàhndeih CL car block-CONT people ‘The car is causing an obstruction.’ mohng-jyuh ‘stare at’: 232 ܃ඨ۰ ݺ ᩅ䞧˒ Léih mohng-jyuh ngóh jouh matyéh? you stare-CONT me do what ‘What are you staring at me for?’ In a few cases the combination [verb jyuh] has a slightly different meaning from the simple verb, e.g. lám-jyuh ‘intend’ vs. lám ‘think’: ݺ䞢 ⴤ۰ ჺ ৢ Ngóhdeih lám-jyuh ben ek we think-CONT move house Aspect markers ‘We’re thinking of moving.’ An important function of jyuh is in a construction denoting simultaneous activities, where jyuh is attached to the first of two verbs: ඨ۰ ݺూ Kéuih mohng-jyuh ngóh siu s/he stare-CONT me smile ࣁ۰ ݺ Kéuih paak-jyuh ngóh jouh s/he partner-CONT me do ‘He does business in partnership ‘He smiled while looking at me.’ سრ saangyi business with me.’ This may be considered a case of the serial verb construction (8.3). 11.2.3.1 Other functions of jyuh jyuh has certain other functions in addition to its continuous meaning. In negative sentences, it is used as a particle at the end of the clause, meaning ‘yet’: უ ദ ۰ Kéuih xh séung gitfan jyuh s/he not want marry yet ‘She doesn’t want to get married yet.’ ʻ܃ʼ ߨ ړ۰ ܴ (Léih) mhóu jáu jyuh a (you) don’t go yet SFP ‘Don’t leave yet.’ A similar meaning ‘for the time being’ occurs in positive sentences with the adverbial particle sìn: ܃䞢 ଇ ۰ ٣ Léihdeih sihk jyuh sìn you-PL eat PRT SFP ‘You carry on eating.’ ܃ Léih you ‘You ۰ ٣ jyuh sìn PRT SFP the baby.’ ٵ ଡ ˕˕ न tùhng go bìhbc wáan with CL baby play carry on playing with 233 11 Aspect and verbal particles 11.2.4 Perfective: jó The perfective aspect is basically used to report an event, seen as a whole or as completed.3 Typically, such an event is one situated in the past; however, jó should not be thought of as a past tense marker. It has a range of meaning which overlaps with both the English perfect and the simple past. We may distinguish three typical usages of jó: (a) the resultative meaning, which may be translated by the English perfect, where the event has a result: ݺ ਮ ߫ ᡏ䦹 Ngóh ga chb waaih-jó I CL car broken-PFV ‘My car’s broken down.’ (b) in reporting past events without any such result, [verb to the simple past: ֆ ៱ڣ 䦹 Gengsc gauhlín jaahn-jó company last-year earn-PFV ‘The company made a good jó] corresponds ֟ ᙒ msíu chín not-little money deal of money last year.’ (c) to express a period of time up to and including the present: ܃䞢 䦹ദ Léihdeih git-jó-fan you-PL marry-PFV ‘How long have you ༓ ર ܴ˒ géi loih a? now long SFP been married?’ This usage may correspond to the perfect progressive in English: ݺ ਮ Ngóh ga I CL ‘I’ve been ߫ 㺳䦹 ࠟ ڣ ༓ chb ja-jó léuhng lìhn géi car drive-PFV two years some driving the car for over two years.’ A similar sentence with gwo in place of jó would imply that the state of affairs no longer holds (11.2.5). jó does not occur in negative sentences. Instead, the negative existential móuh is used before the verb (13.3, 14.3.2): 234 ݺ 䛅䦹 ᙒ Ngóh ló-jó chín I get-PFV money ‘I got some money.’ ݺ ᩒ 䛅 ᙒ Ngóh móuh ló chín I not-have get money ‘I didn’t get any money.’ To express the failure of an expected event to occur, the verbal particle dou (see 11.3) may be used in a negative sentence in place of jó: ݺ ᩒ 䛅 ࠩ ᙒ Ngóh móuh ló dou chín I not-have get PRT money Aspect markers ‘I didn’t receive any money.’ jó forms perfective questions with meih (17.1.4): ٌ ܃䦹 ࿔ آ ܴ˒ Léih gaau-jó seui meih a? you hand-PFV tax not-yet SFP ‘Have you paid your taxes yet?’ jó is used in serial constructions to express a sequence of actions (compare jyuh which expresses simultaneous actions in a similar construction: 11.2.3): ݺ䞢 䦹ദ ༉ װ৫ ፫ִ Ngóhdeih git-jó-fan jauh heui douh maht-yuht we marry-PFV then go spend honeymoon ‘After getting married we’re going on our honeymoon.’ 11.2.5 Experiential: gwo The meaning of this particle suggests experience, or something having occurred ‘at least once before’. It corresponds closely to the experiential meaning of the present perfect in English, as in: ܃ଇመ ᔨᠪ آ ܴ˒ Léih sihk-gwo jeui gai meih a? you eat-EXP drunken chicken not-yet SFP ‘Have you ever eaten drunken chicken?’ ᦰመ ՕᖂΔ ᚨᇠ Kéuih duhk-gwo daaihhohk, ycnggdi s/he study-EXP university should ‘She’s been to university, she should ࣐୲ ړ ⛕ ଙ ՠ hóu yùhngyih wán dóu geng very easy find PRT job be able to find a job easily.’ Another meaning of gwo, like the English perfect, is described as ‘indefinite past’ meaning. The notion of experience is not directly applicable if the subject is not human, for example: ຝ ሽᆰ ᡏመ ༓ ڻ Bouh dihnlóuh waaih-gwo géi chi CL computer break-EXP few time ‘This computer has crashed a few times before.’ 235 11 Aspect and verbal particles Another sense associated with gwo is the inferential perfect, where the speaker infers from the evidence available that something has happened:4 ۿړ ᆵመ ॸ ⎲ Hóuchíh lohk-gwo yúh wo seem fall-EXP rain SFP ‘It seems to have been raining.’ 11.2.5.1 gwo versus jó The experiential gwo contrasts in meaning with the perfective jó, although both may be translated with either the English perfect or the past tense according to the context. The contrast typically hinges on whether a result of the event holds at the time of speaking (perfective) or not (experiential): ݺ բᆖ ૺ䦹 ॰ Ngóh yíhgcng saan-jó mùhn I already shut-PFV door ‘I’ve already closed the door (and it’s still closed).’ ݺ բᆖ ૺመ ԫ ڻ॰ Ngóh yíhgcng saan-gwo yat chi mùhn I already shut-EXP one time door ‘I’ve already closed the door once (and it’s open again).’ Similarly, with expressions of duration, jó is used where the situation still applies (or is still relevant) and gwo where it does not: ܃䢆 ଉཽ Léih hái Hbunggóng you in Hong Kong ‘How long have you ۰䦹 ༓ jyuh-jó géi live-PFV how lived in Hong ર ܴ˒ loih a? long SFP Kong?’ ܃䢆 ଉཽ ۰መ ༓ ર ܴ˒ Léih hái Hbunggóng jyuh-gwo géi loih a? you in Hong Kong live-EXP how long SFP ‘How long did you live in Hong Kong (before leaving)?’ 236 However, due to the subjective nature of aspectual choice, alternatives are often possible in the same context. For example, jó could be used in place of gwo in the above example, referring to the complete period of time involved. jó and gwo also combine with different adverbs, jó with adverbs referring to the recent past such as ngAam-ngAam ‘just’ and gwo with distant past adverbs such as yíhchìhn ‘before’: ࡋ ء Lc bún this CL ‘I’ve just Aspect markers ݺ䞤䞤 ┊䦹 sye ngóh ngaam-ngaam tái-jó book I just-just read-PFV read this book.’ ࡋ ء א ݺছ ┊መ Lc bún sye ngóh yíhchìhn tái-gwo this CL book I before read-EXP ‘I’ve read this book before.’ 11.2.5.2 Other functions of gwo In addition to its aspectual function, gwo serves several other grammatical functions: (a) as a directional verb, meaning ‘cross’ (8.3.1); (b) as a transitive verb, meaning ‘pass’ or ‘spend (time)’; (c) as a verbal particle (see 11.3) meaning ‘over again’, as in sé gwo ‘rewrite’ (cf. American English write over) or ‘worth’ as in the idiom [verb dAk/Xh gwo] (12.3.1); (d) in compound verbs with specific meanings, such as cho-gwo ‘miss’; (e) as a comparative marker (9.3). 11.2.6 yáuh and móuh as auxiliaries Among their many uses, yáuh and móuh are used as auxiliaries before a verb. This occurs primarily in questions and negative statements referring to the past (13.3, 17.1.5): A: ڶᩒ ߠ ଙ ॳຫ ܴ˒ Yáuh-móuh gin dóu a-Chán a? have-not-have see PRT Ah-Chan SFP ‘Did you see Ah Chan?’ ݺ վֲ ᩒ װဩ Ngóh gam-yaht móuh heui-gaai I today not-have go-street B: ڶ Yáuh have ‘Yes.’ ‘I haven’t been out today.’ 237 11 Aspect and verbal particles Apart from these constructions which correspond to [verb jó] in affirmative sentences (11.2.4, 13.3), yáuh/móuh can also be used as auxiliaries in declarative sentences in two ways: (a) referring to the past; this usage is the affirmative form of the negative and interrogative construction discussed above, but is highly emphatic (expressing truth value focus): A: 䢇 ݺ ڻ䞢 װ䦹 ߧਪ न Gó chi ngóhdeih heui-jó Chekchyúh wáan that time we go-PFV Stanley visit ‘That time we went to Stanley.’ װ B: এ ܴΔ ݺຟ ڶ Haih a, ngóh ddu yáuh heui is SFP I also have go ‘That’s right, I went too!’ A: ڶ ܃ᩒ ଇ ஸ 䢅 ᢐ ܴ˒ Léih yáuh-móuh sihk saai dc yeuhk a? you have-not-have eat all CL medicine SFP ‘Have you taken all the medicine?’ B: এ ڶ ଇ ஸ Gánghaih yáuh sihk saai la surely have eat all SFP ‘Of course I have.’ ݺ ಖ ڶ ଗመ ء ܃ ⎲ Ngóh mgeidak yáuh je-gwo léih bún sye wo I not-remember have borrow-EXP your CL book SFP ‘I don’t remember borrowing your book.’ (b) referring to the present, with a habitual meaning: Boují newspaper ‘The paper ֲֲ ຟ ڶ ᝑ ैؑ yaht-yaht ddu yáuh góng gúsíh day-day all have talk stock-market talks about the stock market every day.’ The habitual interpretation (b) also occurs in yáuh-móuh questions: 238 ٘ ܃ ڶᩒ ཾֽ ܴ˒ Léih juhng yáuh-móuh yàuh-séui a? you still have-not-have swimming SFP ‘Do you still go swimming?’ Aspect markers 11.2.7 Delimitative: háh This particle has the meaning ‘do . . . for a while’, or ‘have a . . .’. It is typically used with verbs denoting activities, with or without an object: ۩㣐 hàahng-háh ‘take a walk’ ┊㣐 tái-háh ‘have a look’ ႜ㣐℘ kcng-háh-gái ‘have a chat’ ┊㣐 tái-háh-sye ‘do some reading’ 堬㣐䞧 yám-háh-yéh ‘have a drink’ ۩㣐ֆ hàahng-háh-gengsc ‘do some shopping’ ݺ ړ Ngóh hóu I very ‘I’m tired, I 䯒 guih tired need ܴΔუ ٖஒ㣐 a, séung yausck-háh SFP want rest-a-bit to take a rest.’ In this function, háh resembles the reduplicated construction [verb yC ԫ verb] in Mandarin (termed delimitative by Li and Thompson), which may also be used in Cantonese. Thus, equivalent to kCng-háh and lám-háh, we may have: ႜԫႜ kcng-yat-kcng chat-one-chat ‘have a chat’ ⴤԫⴤ lám-yat-lám think-one-think ‘have a think’ Note that this construction is often contracted, with the loss of yAt and a change of tone (2.1.2): ూԫూ siu-yat-siu ూూ síu-siu ‘have a smile’ ᇢԫᇢ si-yat-si ᇢᇢ sí-si ‘have a try’ A similar construction with léuhng ‘two’ does not undergo contraction: ┊ࠟ┊ tái-léuhng-tái ‘take a couple of looks’ ᝑࠟᝑ góng-léuhng-góng ‘exchange a couple of words’ A reduplicated verb followed by háh implies repetition or prolongation of the action. This usage often corresponds to the present perfect progressive in English: ݺ ⴤⴤ㣐Δ ຟ Ngóh lám-lám-háh, ddu I think-think-DEL also ‘I’ve been thinking, it’s best এ ړ ჺ ৢ haih mhóu ben ek is not-good move house not to move house.’ 239 11 Aspect and verbal particles This construction may also express two simultaneous actions, where the reduplicated verb denotes an activity interrupted by another event: ଡ ˕˕ ଇଇ㣐 ؊ 不㷂䦹 Go bìhbc sihk-sihk-háh láaih fan-jeuhk-jó CL baby eat-eat-DEL milk fall-asleep-PFV ‘The baby fell asleep while drinking milk.’ ݺ ۩۩㣐ֆ ᐳ ࠩ ۔ច Ngóh hàahng-hàahng-háh-gengsc johng dóu lóuhbáan I walk-walk-DEL-shop bump PRT boss ‘I ran into my boss while shopping.’ Idioms: [verb háh . . . sìn] is to do something temporarily, for example while waiting or killing time: ݺ נ ۩ װ㣐 ٣ Ngóh chbut heui hàahng-háh sìn I out go walk-PRT first ‘I’m going out for a walk.’ ᓮ ݄ ܃㣐 ٣ Chéng léih chóh-háh sìn please you sit-PRT first ‘Please take a seat for a while (until I’m ready).’ Note: when used at the end of a sentence as a particle, sìn has a high falling tone (18.3.6). jáam-háh-ngáahn ‘in the blink of an eyelid’ serves as an adverbial phrase: డ㣐ณ Ծ መ䦹 ԫ ڣ jáam-háh-ngáahn yauh gwo-jó yat lìhn blink-DEL-eye again pass-PFV one year ‘Time flies, in the blink of an eye another year has passed.’ 11.2.8 Inchoative and continuative: héi-séuhng-làih and lohk-heui 240 The combination séuhng-làih as a directional complement means ‘come up’, but héi-séuhng-làih as an aspect marker means ‘begin’ (compare Mandarin qMlái ದࠐ): ړડྥ ໗ ದՂ䓰 Kéuih hóu dahtyìhn gám haam héi-séuhng-làih s/he very sudden so cry rise-up-come ‘She suddenly started crying.’ Aspect markers A similar case of extension from directional to aspectual meaning is that of lohk-heui, which as a directional verb means ‘go down’ (8.3.1), but takes on the aspectual meaning ‘continue’: ֆ gengsc gám company such ‘The company ፱ ᑌ yéung siht way lose can’t afford ᆵװ 嘅 lohk-heui mdak ge continue not-okay SFP to go on losing money like this.’ 11.2.9 Habitual: hdi and gwaan The aspect marker hDi can be used to denote a habitual, customary activity. Unlike the English used to construction, it is not restricted to past time, and in fact is typically used of the present: ┊ၲ խ ᠔ 嘅 Kéuih tái-hdi Jeng yc ge s/he see-HAB Chinese doctor SFP ‘She usually goes to a Chinese doctor.’ (conv.) ၲ ᤪរ 嘅 Kéuih jouh-hdi jengdím ge s/he work-HAB part-time SFP ‘She normally works part-time.’ (conv.) To express past habitual actions, hDi may combine with past time adverbs such as yíhchìhn ‘before’ and gójahnsí ‘then’: אছ 㺳ၲ ᑑᒯ 嘅 Kéuih yíhchìhn ja-hdi Bcuji ge s/he before drive-HAB Peugeot SFP ‘She used to drive a Peugeot.’ hDi is often used in relative and subordinate clauses, where the main clause expresses a departure from a customary habit: ݺ䞢 װၲ 䢇 ၴ ୮ ച䦹ภ Ngóhdeih heui-hdi gó gaan jáuga jap-jó-lap we go-HAB that CL restaurant close-PFV-down ‘The restaurant we usually go to has closed down.’ 241 11 Aspect and verbal particles ྤᓵ ˕˕ ଇၲ ᩅ䞧Δ ք ଡ ִ Օ Mòuhleuhn bìhbc sihk-hdi matyéh, luhk go yuht daaih no-matter baby eat-HAB what six CL month old ନ ଇΞΞ béi kéuih sihk . . . give her eat ‘Whatever your baby is used to eating, when she’s six months old give her . . .’ (TV ad.) A second sense of hDi is progressive-inchoative, as in the idiom: ᝑ ၲ Ծ ᝑ góng hdi yauh góng talk PROG again talk ‘Speaking of that, . . . ’ Note: hDi is also used as a directional particle, with the meaning ‘away’ (11.3.1), which is clearly distinct from the habitual meaning. The stative verb gwaan is also used to indicate habitual aspect, with the more specific meaning ‘accustomed to’: ݺ ۖ୮ ክ ខ֜ Ngóh yìhga jouh gwaan fut-táai I now do used rich-wife ‘I’m used to being a rich man’s wife now.’ (film) 堬 ክ ࡋ ೋ ֽ ༉ ᄎ 堬 ཏຏ ֽ Yám gwaan lc jek séui jauh xh wúih yám póuteng séui drink used this CL water then not will drink ordinary water ‘When you’re used to this kind of water you won’t drink ordinary water.’ gwaan is also used independently as a stative verb: ܃ክ䦹 ଉཽ س آ ܴ Léih gwaan-jó Hbunggóng sangwuht meih a? you used-PFV Hong Kong lifestyle not-yet SFP ‘Have you got used to the Hong Kong lifestyle yet?’ Moreover, gwaan may combine with an aspect marker, and with the potential construction (12.3.3), both usages being illustrated in the following example: 242 ݺ ۰ክ䦹 Օ Ngóh jyuh gwaan-jó daaih I live used-PFV big ‘Once I’m used to living in a ৢ ۰ ክ า ৢ ek, jyuh xh gwaan sai ek house live not used small house big house I won’t be used to a small one.’ 11.3 Verbal particles Verbal particles In addition to the aspect markers, there is a rich range of verbal particles indicating notions such as result (effect on an object) and phase of action (beginning, continuing or ending). These particles are comparable in form and function to the particles of English phrasal verbs such as up, which denotes direction in pick up but completion in eat up (see 3.1.7). These particles may be divided into categories based on their functions: (a) directional particles (11.3.1): נ ܅ १ መ ದ chbut ‘out’ dai ‘down’ faan ‘back’ gwo ‘over, past; again’ héi ‘up’ ၲ ᆵ ୖ Ղ Ե hdi ‘away’ lohk ‘down’ màaih ‘close(r)’ séuhng ‘up’ yahp ‘in’ ړ ໍ ࣔ ګ ڽ ᡏ hóu ‘completion’ jihng ‘remain’ mìhng ‘clear’ sèhng ‘with success’ séi ‘to death’ wàhn ‘thoroughly’ waaih ‘bad, broken’ (b) resultative particles (11.3.2): 堷 ᙑ ⇉ ࡳ ଙ ࠩ ᄕ ݙ báau ‘full up’ cho ‘wrongly’ dihm ‘decisively’ dihng ‘ready’ dóu ‘accomplishment’ dou ‘arrival’ gihk ‘to the limits’ yùhn ‘to the end’ (c) the quantifying particles: ஸ saai, ୖ màaih and tCm (11.3.3); (d) adversative/habitual ᘣ chAn (11.3.4). These particles are closely related to aspect in function, and are treated as aspect markers in some descriptive works such as H. Kwok (1972). For example, the perfective jó and the particle dóu are close in meaning in some cases: ݺ 䞤䞤 گ䦹 ᙒ Ngóh ngaam-ngaam sau-jó chín I just-just receive-PFV money ݺ 䞤䞤 گ ଙ ᙒ Ngóh ngaam-ngaam sau dóu chín I just-just receive PRT money ‘I’ve just received the money.’ ‘I’ve just received the money.’ 243 11 Aspect and verbal particles The particle dóu has a more specific meaning: it indicates a successful accomplishment, and would be used where the money has been expected, while the perfective jó indicates an event without any such presupposition. This contrast is clear in the corresponding question, where dóu would be used to check that the money has been received: گ ܃ ଙ ᙒ آ Léih sau dóu chín meih? you receive PRT money not-yet ‘Have you received the money?’ The use of dóu here illustrates another similarity between verbal particles and aspect markers, namely that particles carrying a sense of completion may form perfective questions ending with meih, like jó and gwo (17.1.4). Syntactically, verbal particles differ from aspect markers in two main respects: (a) Verbal particles may be separated from the verb by the modal dAk (12.3.1) and the negative Xh (12.3.3): ኔ ଇ ஸ 䞢 Kéuihdeih saht sihk dak saai they sure eat can all ‘They can definitely finish it (eat it up).’ ݺ ᧫ վֲ װ ଙ Ngóh gbng gamyaht heui xh dóu I fear today go not succeed ‘I’m afraid I won’t be able to get there today.’ In view of this separability the particles are written as separate words in this book, while the aspect markers are treated as suffixes. Note however that the basic order is for the particle to follow the verb directly, whereas in English the more common order is for the verb and particle to be separated as in put the book away. (b) Verbal particles may be combined with certain aspect markers: ړ䦹 䄆 ء ޏ Bún sye gói hóu jó laak CL book revise up PFV SFP ‘The book has been revised.’ 244 Here, the verb gói ‘revise’ combines with the completive particle hóu, and the perfective aspect marker jó is added to the resulting verb–particle combination. By contrast, aspect markers may not be combined with one another, e.g. there are no such combinations as [verb jyuh gán] or [verb jó gwo]. Verbal particles Verb–particle constructions are also clearly distinct from serial verb constructions (8.3). Although many of the particles also exist as verbs, such as dou ‘arrive’ and fAan ‘return’, others such as hDi meaning ‘away’ and dóu ‘successfully’ do not. The verbal particles thus form a distinct syntactic category (see also 3.1.7). Another characteristic property is that most verb–particle combinations may be used in the modal (potential) constructions with Xh and dAk (12.3), e.g. tBng Xh dóu ‘can’t hear’, heui dAk sèhng ‘manage to go’: ݺ ۷ վඡ װ ګ Ngóh gú gam-máahn heui dak sèhng I guess tonight go not succeed ‘I think we’ll manage to go tonight.’ ݺ䞢 Ngóhdeih we ‘Last time Ղ ڻၲᄎ ၲ ګ seuhng chi hdi-wei hdi xh sèhng last time hold-meeting hold not succeed we weren’t able to hold the meeting.’ Certain particles are used exclusively in the potential forms: thus chit appears in gón dAk chit ‘manage to arrive on time’ and gón Xh chit ‘fail to arrive on time’ but the combination gón chit alone does not occur. The examples given are intended to be illustrative of typical patterns; as these constructions are highly productive, it is not feasible to list all the possible combinations and nuances of meaning. In English, similarly, dictionaries of phrasal verbs exist to list verb–particle combinations, and such a dictionary is necessarily incomplete to the extent that new verb–particle combinations are always possible, and indeed are continually being formed. 11.3.1 Directional particles These particles basically denote direction, although many of them have additional, figurative or metaphorical meanings which are not predictable from the combination of verb and particle. In this respect, they resemble verbal particles in English (contrast sit up with freshen up). Many of the particles are also used as directional verbs (8.3.1): thus fAan appears both in the verb–particle construction heui fAan and the serial verb construction 245 11 Aspect and verbal particles fAan heui, both meaning ‘go back’. Despite this overlap, the particles differ from directional verbs syntactically and semantically: dAi, héi and hDi do not occur in the construction with heui/làih, while those which do, such as fAan and gwo, have a wider range of meanings when used as particles.5 The particles are illustrated below in alphabetical order. chBut ‘out’ is used in several figurative senses: ݺ䞢 ԫࡳ ⴤ נ ଡ ᙄऄ Ngóhdeih yatdihng yiu lám chbut go baahnfaat we definitely need think out CL solution ‘We really must think up a solution.’ ܃រ ᑌ ඒ נ ఄ 嘅 ᖂس 㗎˒ Léih dím yéung gaau chbut baan gam lbk ge hohksaang ga? you how manner teach out class so smart LP student SFP ‘How do you produce such a clever group of students?’ chBut is also used as a particle with perception verbs (8.1.3). dAi indicates downward motion, as in fong dAi, jAi dAi ‘put down’: ଡ ˕˕ რ Գ䞢 ࣋ ܅ Go bìhbc xh jengyi yàhndeih fong dai kéuih CL baby not like people put down him ‘The baby doesn’t like being put down.’ ݺᐊ ܅ ଡ ሽᇩ ٣ Dáng ngóh sé dai go dihnwá sìn let me write down CL telephone SFP ‘Let me write down the telephone number.’ ܃ Léih you ‘You უ ܅ ˒ܴ ݺᩒ ࣐ʴ séung jouh-dai ngóh àh? Móuh gam yih! want do-down me SFP not so easy want to do me in/knock me down? Not so easy!’ (slang) dAi can also mean ‘behind’ in expressions like jihng dAi ‘remain’ and làuh dAi ‘stay behind’: ܃ఎ ܅ ຩ ݺ Léih làuh dai pùih ngóh la you stay behind accompany me SFP ‘Would you stay behind to keep me company?’ 246 fAan used as a particle has the primary meaning ‘back’ (see S.-W. Tang 2001), as when it is used as a directional verb (8.3.1): ܃༓ழ Léih géisìh you when ‘When are ଆ ଉཽ ܴ˒ fbi faan Hbunggóng a? fly back Hong Kong SFP you flying back to Hong Kong?’ Verbal particles An extension of this meaning is ‘in return’: ܃ Léih you ‘You 䞧 ନ ܃ ಬ 䞧 ନ ݺΔ ݺಬ sung yéh béi ngóh, ngóh sung faan yéh béi léih send thing to me I send back thing to you gave me a present, so I’m giving you one in return.’ It may also indicate resumption of an activity or a return to a state which has been interrupted: ඒ հ৵ ګ ଡ ᒇ ஸ Kéuih gaau-faan-sye jchauh sèhng go sau saai s/he teach-back-book after whole CL slim all ‘She has lost a lot of weight since she resumed teaching.’ վֲ ᄊ 䢅 ໞ Gamyaht lyúhn faan dc la today warm back some SFP ‘It’s a bit warmer again today.’ More idiomatically, fAan may be used to express the attainment of a desirable state of affairs: ݺ ༓ უ س ଡ ג Ngóh géi séung saang faan go jái I quite wish give-birth back CL son ‘I rather fancy having a son.’ This meaning is often exploited in advertising: ع ࠥܛ ܃ᓮ ԫ ് ʴ Léih jckhaak sanchíng faan yat jbung la! you at-once apply back one CL SFP ‘Why not apply for one [a credit card] straight away?’ (TV ad.) gwo as a verbal particle may mean ‘over again’: ݺ䞢 طᙰ ၲࡨ መ Ngóhdeih yiu yàuh tàuh hdichí jouh gwo we need from head begin do over ‘We have to start again from the beginning.’ 247 11 Aspect and verbal particles 䢅 ੑ Dc saam sái dak CL clothes wash ADV ‘These clothes are not ੑ መ xh gdnjehng yiu sái gwo not clean need wash over washed properly and need washing again.’ In the potential constructions with dAk/Xh, the combination [verb Xh gwo] has an idiomatic meaning ‘worth verb-ing’ (12.3.1). dAk/ héi ‘up’ has a spatial meaning as in ló héi or lCng héi ‘pick up’: ࣊ ࠥܛದ ଡ ሽᇩ Kéuih jckhaak lcng héi go dihnwá s/he at-once lift up CL phone ‘He picked up the phone straight away.’ ܃ ದ ٙ 㣌 Léih gwa héi gihn saam a you hang up CL clothing SFP ‘Hang up this shirt, will you?’ héi may also mean ‘upwards’ in a figurative sense, as in tái héi ‘look up to, respect’: ࢬ ڶ嘅 ࠃٵ ຟ ┊ ದ Só yáuh ge tùhngsih ddu tái héi kéuih all have that colleagues all look up her ‘All her colleagues respect her.’ Referring to time, héi denotes completion within a certain time limit: ݺ䞢 ᦫֲ ኔ ದ Ngóhdeih tcngyaht saht jouh dak héi we tomorrow sure do can up ‘We can certainly finish up tomorrow.’ In tàih héi and lám héi the particle denotes turning one’s conversation or thoughts to something which has been out of the picture for a while (cf. bring up a topic in English): ܃ ړ٦ ༼ ದ Léih mhóu joi tàih héi you don’t again bring up ‘Don’t mention this matter 248 ݺ ߠ Ngóh gin I see ‘I think of ࡋ ٙ ࠃ lc gihn sih this CL matter again.’ ଙ ء ༉ ⴤ ದ ܃ dóu bún sye jauh lám héi léih PRT CL book then think PRT you you whenever I see the book.’ In modal constructions dAk héi may have the meaning ‘can afford to’ (see 12.3.1): Verbal particles ᓽᓽ ದ ٣˒ ڍ ᙒ Gam dd chín pùih-xh-pùih dak héi sìn? So much money compensate-not-compensate can afford SFP ‘Can we afford to pay so much money in compensation?’ hDi ‘away’ is used with both intransitive and transitive verbs: ܃۩ ړ ၲ ۰ Léih mhóu hàahng hdi jyuh you don’t walk away yet ‘Don’t walk away yet.’ ݺ უ 䛅 ၲ ് ባ Ngóh séung ló hdi jbung dang I want take away CL chair ‘I want to take this chair away.’ Note: hDi also serves as a marker of habitual aspect (11.2.9). lohk ‘down’ is used as a particle primarily in the potential constructions with dAk (12.3.1) and Xh (12.3.3): ܴ˒ ڍ 䞧 រ ឭ ᆵ Gam dd yéh dím báai dak lohk a? so many things how place able down SFP ‘How can we fit so many things in?’ ᑷΔ ݺଇ ᆵ 䞧 Gam yiht, ngóh sihk xh lohk yéh so hot I eat not down things ‘I can’t eat when it’s so hot.’ màaih as a verbal particle means ‘closed’ or ‘together’, relating to its use as a directional verb (8.3.1): ୖ ⊄ ܃ ณ ༉ ࿀ 嘅 䄆 Léih mbi màaih ngáahn jauh xh tung ge lak you close PRT eye then not hurt SFP SFP ‘Close your eyes and it won’t hurt.’ ݺ რ ٵ ܃䢆 ୖ ԫᏘ Ngóh jengyi tùhng léih hái màaih yatchàih I like with you be PRT together ‘I want to be with you.’ (film) 249 11 Aspect and verbal particles màaih also serves as a quantifying particle (11.3.3). séuhng ‘up’ is occasionally used as a particle, for example to contrast with lohk ‘down’: 䢅 ैป ନ Գ च Ղ च ᆵ Dc gúpiu béi yàhn cháau séuhng cháau lohk CL share by people speculate up speculate down ‘The share prices are manipulated up and down by speculators.’ yahp ‘in’ occurs with verbs denoting acquisition: ݺ䞢 ၇ Ե ڍ ړ ႓८ Ngóhdeih máaih yahp hóu dd wòhnggam we buy in very much yellow-gold ‘We bought up a lot of gold.’ ܮ Ե Kéuih kap yahp xh s/he breathe in not ‘She has inhaled a lot of ֟ síu duhk hei little poison gas poisonous gas.’ 11.3.2 Resultative particles These particles are used together with a transitive verb to indicate an effect on the object, and they form compounds with the verb. Many of them exist independently as verbs or adjectives; some, however, such as hóu with the meaning ‘finish’, do not occur independently. They may also be used in passive form, subject to the general restrictions on the use of the passive (8.4, 8.4.2). báau ‘full up’ basically applies to eating, but also figuratively to other activities: ˕˕ ଇ 堷 ؊ ໞ Bìhbc sihk báau láaih la baby eat full milk SFP ‘The baby’s had enough milk.’ ┊ ܃ 堷 ሽီ ˒آ Léih tái báau dihnsih meih? you watch full television not-yet ‘Have you seen enough television?’ 250 cho as a particle means ‘wrongly’ or ‘by mistake’, as in dá cho dihnwá ‘call the wrong number’ (20.5): ݺ䞢 Ngóhdeih we ‘We went ᙰ٣ ۩ ᙑ ሁ tàuhscn hàahng cho louh just-now walk wrong road the wrong way just now.’ Verbal particles ᙑ䦹 ܃ ݺ ৵ ᢝ Ngóh hauhfui sck cho-jó léih I regret know wrong-PFV you ‘I regret that I ever made the mistake of knowing you.’ dihm ‘decisively’ denotes an activity reaching a conclusion, as in gáau dihm ‘settle, deal with’, góng dihm ‘settle a matter (by talking)’: آ ܴ˒ ⇉ ⴤ ܃ Léih lám dihm meih a? syou think settle not-yet SFP ‘Have you made up your mind yet?’ (TV ad.) ݺ䞢 ࠟ ଡ ႜ Ngóhdeih léuhng go kcng we two CL chat ‘The two of us can’t come ⇉ xh dihm not settle to an agreement.’ dihng ‘ready’ denotes an action done in advance or in preparation: ܃ Léih you ‘You ٘ ച ࡳ 䞧 װள۩ juhng yiu jap dihng yéh heui léuihhàhng still need pack ready things go travel still have to get things ready for the trip.’ ݺ ༉䓰 س גΔ ۖ୮ ၇ ࡳ ٣ Ngóh jauhlàih yiu saang jái, yìhga máaih dihng saam scn I soon need bear child now buy ready clothes first ‘I’m having a child soon so I’m buying clothes in preparation.’ dóu is an important particle indicating accomplishment or successful completion of an action: ݺ 䞤䞤 Ꮝ ଙ Հ ԫ ఄ ᖲ Ngóh ngaam-ngaam bok dóu hah yat baan gbi I just-just connect PRT next one CL plane ‘I only just caught the next flight.’ ݺ䞢 ࡋ৫ گ ଙ Օຬ Ngóhdeih lcdouh sau xh dóu daaihluhk tòih we here receive not PRT mainland channel ‘We can’t receive the mainland [television] channels here.’ 251 11 Aspect and verbal particles dóu is also used to form verbs of perception, such as tái dóu ‘see’ (8.1.3). It should be distinguished from dou denoting arrival as in heui dou or làih dou ‘arrive’: Կᢋؑ ܴ˒ ༓ រ ଆ ࠩ Géi dím fbi dou Saamfàahnsíh a? how time fly arrive San Francisco SFP ‘What time do we arrive in San Francisco?’ Note chìh dou ‘late’ and jóu dou ‘early’: ᙈ ࠩ ړመ ᩒ ࠩ Chìh dou hóu gwo móuh dou late arrive good than not-have arrive ‘It’s better to be late than not to arrive at all.’ ݺ վ ཛ ڰ ړ Ngóh gam jcu hóu jóu I this morning very early ‘I got up early this morning so ದߪ ࢬࠩ ڰ א héi-san, sóyíh jóu dou get-up so early arrive I arrived early.’ gihk ‘hard, at most, to the limits’ typically takes a concessive clause with dDu ‘still’ (16.2.4): ݺ ⴤ ᄕ ຟ ࣔ ܃ᝑ ᩅ Ngóh lám gihk ddu xh mìhng léih góng mat I think hard also not understand you say what ‘However hard I try, I still can’t understand what you’re saying.’ ଇ ᄕ Kéuih sihk gihk s/he eat at most ‘She doesn’t get fat ຟ ddu also even ॅ 嘅 xh fèih ge not fat SFP though she eats a lot.’ In a fixed expression, [verb gihk yáuh-haahn] means there is a limit to the action or state denoted by the verb (see 9.1.3 for the use of this construction with adjectives). ܃嘅 ఽയΔ ݺव ᄕ ૻڶ Léih ge beimaht, ngóh jc gihk yáuh-haahn your LP secret I know at most have-limit ‘As much as I know about your secrets, there’s still a lot that I don’t know.’ 252 hóu ‘finish’ refers to the completion of an action: Verbal particles ᐊ ړ ᒧ ᓵ֮ آ Kéuih pcn leuhnmán meih sé hóu s/he CL thesis not-yet write up ‘He hasn’t finished his thesis yet.’ ྦ ړ 堩 آ ܴ˒ Jyú hóu faahn meih a? cook finish food not-yet SFP ‘Have you finished cooking?’ jihng ‘remain’ as a particle indicates the result ‘left over’: 䈺ֲ Kàhmyaht yesterday ‘Yesterday ۖ୮ Yìhga now ‘Now ڽ séi die I’m ଇ ໍ ڍ ړ sihk jihng hóu dd eat remain very much there was a lot of food 塲 sung food left over.’ ໍ ݺԫ ଡ jihng ngóh yat go remain me one CL the only one left alive.’ laahn ‘broken’: ኙ ᕀ 㷂 ᥓ䦹 ໞ Deui hàaih jeuk laahn-jó la pair shoes wear broken-PFV SFP ‘These shoes are worn out.’ ೋ द ন ᥓ䦹 ৫ ॰ Jek gáu ngáauh laahn-jó douh mùhn CL dog bit broken-PFV CL door ‘The door is broken as a result of the dog’s biting it.’ mìhng ‘clear, understood’ goes with perception verbs and verbs of speaking: ᦫ ܃ ࣔ ॳ ˦˼̅ ᝑ ᩅ հ৵Δ٦ ᇞ ନ Léih tbng mìhng a-Sèuh góng mat jchauh, joi gáai béi you listen understood Sir say what then again explain to ᦫ ݺ㣌 ngóh tbng a me hear SFP ‘After you’ve listened and understood what the teacher is saying, would you explain it to me?’ 253 11 Aspect and verbal particles múhn ‘full’ indicates the state of being filled to capacity: ᇠ Ե የ 㣌 Mgdi yahp múhn kéuih a please enter full it SFP ‘Fill it up, please.’ (filling fuel tank) ਮ ߫ ݄ የ ஸ Ga chb chóh múhn saai CL car sit full all ‘The car is full.’ sèhng denotes successful accomplishment (see also 10.1.2, 17.3.7): ஐ ࣍ึ ܃ګദ ໞ léih, jengye git-sèhng-fan la! Genghéi congratulate you finally marry-succeed SFP ‘Congratulations! You finally managed to get married.’ 䞢 ༓ ։ᤪ ༉ ᝑ ګ سრ Kéuihdeih géi fanjeng jauh góng sèhng daan saangyi they few minutes then talk succeed CL business ‘They managed to strike a (business) deal in a few minutes.’ séi ‘to death’ is much used hyperbolically: ݺ ନ ܃ Ngóh béi léih I by you ‘You’re driving ᖿ ڽʴ gck séi! annoy dead me crazy!’ 塍 ڽଡ ˕˕ Ngoh séi go bìhbc hungry die CL baby ‘The baby’s starving.’ ໞʴ la! SFP (note the ‘inverted’ word order: see 4.1.2) waaih means ‘bad’ or ‘broken’: ܃ ᑌ ᄎ ┊ ᡏ ኙ ณ 㗎 Léih gám yéung wúih tái waaih deui ngáahn ga you such way will look bad pair eye SFP ‘You’ll wear out your eyes that way.’ 254 ᑌ ᄎ ඒ ᡏ Gám yéung wúih gaau waaih this way will teach bad ‘The students will be taught all ஸ 䢅 ᖂس 㗎 saai dc hohksaang ga all CL students SFP the wrong lessons this way.’ wàhn ‘thoroughly’ may be used in a concessive sense together with dDu (see 16.2.4): Verbal particles ݺ ⛕ ຟ ߠ Ngóh wán wàhn ddu xh gin kéuih I seek thorough also not see him ‘I’ve looked everywhere and I still can’t find him.’ wàhn may also serve to quantify the object of the verb; in this function it resembles saai (11.3.3), with which it may combine: ݺ䞢 ԫ ଡ ִ փ װ ஸ ᑛ Ngóhdeih yat go yuht loih heui wàhn saai fujau we one CL month within go thorough all Europe gam so ‘We ڍ ʻଡʼ ഏ୮ dd (go) gwokga many (CL) countries travelled through all the countries in Europe in one month.’ yùhn ‘finish, to the end’, in addition to denoting completion, can serve to indicate temporal relationships between clauses (16.2.1): ܃ඒݙ آ ܴ˒ Léih gaau-yùhn-sye meih a? you teach-finish-book not-yet SFP ‘Have you finished teaching?’ ش ܃ ݙ ଡ ሽۃ אױང 嘅 Léih yuhng yùhn go dihnchìh hóyíh wuhn ge you use finish CL battery can change SFP ‘When you’ve used up the battery you can change it.’ 11.3.3 Quantifying particles The particles saai and màaih behave syntactically like other verbal particles, but have a distinct quantifying function. tCm has a syntax of its own which is different from saai and màaih. They are all peculiar to Cantonese, having no direct counterparts in Mandarin.6 saai ‘all, completely’ has as its primary function to quantify either the subject of an intransitive or the object of a transitive verb: 255 11 Aspect and verbal particles Intransitive Transitive 䢅 Գ ߨ ஸ Dc yàhn jáu saai CL people leave all ‘Everyone’s left.’ ݺ ଇ ஸ 䢅 ࣠س Ngóh sihk saai dc saanggwó I eat all CL fruit ‘I’ve eaten up all the fruit.’ In a transitive sentence with a plural subject, saai may refer either to the object or to the subject: 䞢 װመ Kéuihdeih heui-gwo they go-EXP ‘They’ve all been to in Europe.’ ஸ ᑛ saai fujau all Europe Europe.’ or ‘They’ve been everywhere In its quantifying function saai may combine with other quantifing expressions such as a reduplicated classifier followed by dDu (14.1.1): ଡଡ ຟ ߨ ஸΔ ᢰଡ ˒ܴ ݺ ࣠ڕ Yùhgwó go-go ddu jáu saai, bcngo léih ngóh a? if CL-CL all leave all who care me SFP ‘If everyone leaves, who will take care of me?’ saai may also be used adverbially, with an emphatic rather than strictly quantifying function: (a) with an adjective, denoting a change of state: ┊ ܃㣐 ஸ ໞ ၴ ࢪ Léih tái-háh, gaan fóng gdnjehng saai la you look-DEL CL room clean all SFP ‘Look, the room’s all nice and clean (now).’ ఎ䦹 Kéuih làuh-jó s/he grow-PFV ‘She looks really ९ ᙰᕓ ګ ଡ ⶕ ஸ chèuhng tàuhfaat sèhng go leng saai long hair whole CL pretty all nice now she’s let her hair grow long.’ (b) to emphasize a verb–object idiom: 䢇 ଡ Գ టএ ᠦஸᢜ Gó go yàhn janhaih lèih-saai-póu that CL person really leave-all-score ‘That man is completely off-the-wall (outrageous).’ 256 ݺ䞢 ଡଡ 𢯎ஸᙰ ຟ ⴤ ଙ Ngóhdeih go-go ngaau-saai-tàuh ddu lám xh dóu we CL-CL scratch-all-head still think not PRT ‘We’ve all been scratching our heads and we still can’t see (a solution).’ Verbal particles Idioms: gau saai (gau ‘enough’) emphasizes an adjective: ݺ䞢 ۖ୮ ജ ஸ ᒡ ໞʴ saai kùhng la! Ngóhdeih yìhga gau we now enough all poor SFP ‘Now we’re really broke!’ tek saai geuk is an idiom meaning to be overstretched or frantically busy (the opposite of the English kick one’s feet meaning to be idle): ݺ ԫ ଡ Գ ྦ堩 ନ Լ ଡ Գ ଇΔ టএ Ngóh yat go yàhn jyú-faahn béi sahp go yàhn sihk, janhaih I one CL person cook-food for ten CL person eat really ᔎ ஸ ᆬ ໞ tek saai geuk la kick all feet SFP ‘I’m cooking for ten people on my own, really stretched.’ màaih ‘in addition’ or ‘along’ has a similar syntax to saai, modifying the subject of an intransitive verb or the object of a transitive verb: Intransitive: ຑ ீ९ ຟ 䓰 ୖ Lìhn haauh-jbung ddu làih màaih even school-chief also come PRT ‘Even the principal came along.’ ജ Գ ⎲Δ լ ܃ ڕन ୖ ]h gau yàhn wo, batyùh léih wáan màaih la not enough people SFP rather you play PRT SFP ‘There aren’t enough people, why don’t you join us?’ Transitive: ݺ 䛅 ୖ ٝ ┊ װ Ngóh ló màaih fahn boují heui tái I take PRT CL newspaper go read ‘I’m taking along a newspaper to read.’ ܃ ୖ ݺʴ Léih dáng màaih ngóh la! you wait also me SFP ‘Wait for me too!’ 257 11 Aspect and verbal particles In its quantifying function màaih denotes expansion of a domain to include the last of a series of items, or to bring certain ongoing actions to completion: ୖ վ ڣ༉ ߨ 嘅 䄆 Kéuih jouh màaih gam lìhn jauh jáu ge laak s/he work PRT this year then leave SFP SFP ‘She’s going to work for the rest of this year and then leave.’ ࣠ڕ Yùhgwó if ‘If I lose ᩒ ୖ ࡋ ଡ ᖲᄎΔ ݺ༉ ኰ ໞ móuh màaih lc go gbiwuih, ngóh jauh cháam la not-have also this CL chance I then desperate SFP this last chance, I’ll be in trouble.’ The meaning of accumulation is seen in the phrases gA màaih and lìhn màaih ‘including’: ୖ ף վ ଡ ִ嘅 ԳՠΔ ༉ ജ ၇ ਮ ߫ Ga màaih gam go yuht ge yàhngeng, jauh gau máaih ga chb add also this CL month’s salary then enough buy CL car ‘Including this month’s salary, it’ll be enough to buy a car.’ ࡋ ਮ ߫ ຑ ୖ ࿔ ԶԼ ᆄ Lc ga chb lìhn màaih seui yiu baatsahp maahn this CL car include also tax need eighty 10,000 ‘This car costs $800,000 including tax.’ màaih has two other distinct uses: (a) as a directional verb, meaning ‘approach’ or ‘close’ (8.3.1); (b) as a resultative particle meaning ‘close’ or ‘together’ (see 11.3.2). Idiom: góng/wah Xh màaih ‘can’t say for sure’ only exists in the negative form where the meaning of màaih is different from its usual meanings: ࠃ Գ व 嘅 䞧 ᇩ ୖ 嘅Δᩒ Sai-sih ge yéh wah xh màaih ge, móuh yàhn jc world-matter LP thing say not sure SFP no person know ᦫֲ ᄎ រ tcngyaht wúih dím tomorrow will how ‘One can’t be sure about things, no one knows what’ll happen tomorrow.’ 258 Both saai and màaih may occur following a directional or resultative particle (11.3.1, 11.3.2): ᒧ ֮ ᐊ ړஸ ໞ Pcn mán sé hóu saai la CL article write up all SFP Verbal particles ‘The article is all written up.’ ݺ䞢 䢆 ୖ ԫᏘ Ngóhdeih hái faan màaih yatchàih we are back also together ‘We’re back together again.’ màaih and saai may also occur together (in this order): 䓰 ୖ ஸΔ ༉ ജ ஸ ࣠ڕ 䢅 ֖ࣛ Yùhgwó kéuih dc pàhngyáuh làih màaih saai, jauh gau saai if s/he CL friend come along all then enough all ᑷᕕ yihtlaauh lively ‘If her friends all come along, it’ll be nice and lively.’ The combination [verb màaih saai] may be used with a pejorative meaning, implying that someone does everything (saai) even including (màaih) the outrageous or excessive: ଇ ୖ ஸ 䢇 䢅 ሶ࡙ 塲Δ ࢡ Kéuih sihk màaih saai gó dc gaakyeh sung, xh gwaai dak s/he eat PRT all that CL leftover food not surprising ᩒ ᛜ塄 móuh yìhngyéuhng not-have nutrition ‘She even eats all the leftover food, no wonder she’s in bad shape.’ ஸ 䢅 حऄ 䢅 าሁ ג ୖ 嘅 䞧 Dc sailouhjái jouh màaih saai dc faahnfaat ge yéh CL children do also all CL illegal LP thing ‘The children get up to all sorts of illegal things.’ tCm is discussed here because of its quantifying functions. However, it differs syntactically from the particles saai and màaih; in particular, it cannot occur immediately after a verb. As a verb, tCm has the meaning ‘add’: ԭ ࿇ ತʴ Tcm dcng faat chòih! add male make money ‘Have a son and make more money.’ (greeting used at Chinese New Year) 259 11 Aspect and verbal particles ૹ 堩 ܴ˒ Juhng yiu tcm faahn àh? still need add rice SFP ‘You need more rice?’ As a quantifying element, tCm has the meaning of ‘in addition’. The position where tCm can occur is very restricted: it only occurs after a complement phrase (usually with a quantifier or numeral): ٖஒ ԫ ೄ tcm Yausck yat jahn rest one moment more ‘Let’s rest a bit more then ݺ 堬 Ngóh yám I drink ‘Let me eat ԫ ᅹ yat wún one bowl a bowl of ٦ ۩ joi hàahng again walk walk again.’ ྏ ٣ ߨ tdng tcm scn jáu soup more then leave soup and then leave.’ tCm can also function as a sentence-final particle (see 18.3.6). 11.3.4 Adversative/habitual chan The verbal particle chAn is peculiar to Cantonese. It has two distinct meanings: the adversative meaning ‘to one’s disadvantage/misfortune’ and the habitual meaning ‘whenever’. 11.3.4.1 Adversative chan The adversative chAn resembles the particles saai and màaih (11.3.3) in that it modifies either the subject of an intransitive verb or the object of a transitive verb. With intransitive verbs, the disadvantage is to the subject: ܃՛֨Δ ܐ ړ ᘣ Léih síusam, mhóu láahng chan You careful don’t cold PRT ‘Be careful not to catch a cold.’ With transitive verbs, the adversative meaning of chAn applies to the object: ݺ ڶᩒ ᔐ ᘣ ˒ܴ ܃ Ngóh yáuh-móuh cháai chan léih a? I have-not-have tread PRT you SFP 260 ‘Did I tread on you?’ Given these two constructions, there is an alternation between intransitive (unaccusative) and transitive (causative) constructions with the same verb: ଡ ఐԳ ᚕ ᘣ go behngyàhn haak chan CL patient scare PRT Verbal particles ‘The patient became frightened.’ ړᚕ ᘣ ଡ ఐԳ Mhóu haak chan go behngyàhn don’t scare PRT CL patient ‘Don’t frighten the patient.’ This alternation is discussed in Y. Gu and Yip (2004) who distinguish three classes of verb which occur with chAn: Physical action verbs: ջᘣ pek chan ‘trip up’, 塍ᘣ ngoh chan ‘starve’ Psychological verbs: ᖿᘣ gck chan ‘annoy/be annoyed’ ༠ᘣ muhn chan ‘bore/be bored’ Weather verbs: ଯᘣ dung chan ‘get cold’ ܐᘣ làahng chan ‘catch (a) cold’ ᧔ᘣ saai chan ‘suffer from exposure to the sun’ A similar alternation is seen with an affected body part as the subject or object: ଡ ᙰ ᭭ ᘣ Kéuih go tàuh hám chan she CL head bump PRT ‘Her head got bumped.’ ᭭ ᘣ ଡ ᙰ Kéuih hám chan go tàuh she bumpt PRT CL head ‘She bumped her head.’ Similar combinations with specific body parts include: ⨓ᘣೋ֫ laat chan jek sáu ‘burn one’s hand’ ށᘣೋᆬ lau chan jek geuk ‘twist one’s foot’ ᤤᘣݠᚊ dan chan méihlùhnggwat ‘hurt one’s tailbone’ In its adversative sense, chAn naturally occurs in passive constructions, emphasizing the effect of the action on the subject: ݺ ೋ ֫ਐ ନ ৫ ॰ ᘣ Ngóh jek sáují béi douh mùhn gihp chan I CL finger by CL door jam PRT ‘My finger got nipped by the door.’ ݺ ନ Ngóh béi I by ‘I’ve been ಈ ন ᘣ man ngáauh chan mosquito bite PRT bitten by a mosquito.’ 261 11 Aspect and verbal particles chAn rarely combines with aspect markers or other verbal particles. The perfective jó, for example, is redundant, as chAn already conveys the notion of result: ܃ᚕ ᘣ ʻ䦹ʼ Léih haak chan (jó) kéuih you scare PRT (PFV) her ‘You scared her.’ 11.3.4.2 Habitual chan A distinct use of chAn is in habitual contexts, with the meaning ‘whenever’. This differs from habitual hDi (11.2.9) in that it occurs only in the first of two consecutive clauses: ˕˕ ూ ᘣ ଡ Ց ༉ ᚱ ࠩ ړՕ jauh maak dou hóu daaih bìhbc siu chan go háu baby laugh PRT CL mouth then open till very big ‘Every time the baby laughs, his mouth opens wide.’ ᝑᘣ ሽᇩ ຟ ೖ 嘅 Kéuih góng-chan-dihnwá ddu xh tìhng dak ge s/he talk-PRT-phone all not stop able SFP ‘Every time he talks on the phone, he can’t stop.’ Note that due to the quantifying sense (‘every time’) the particle chAn in the first clause is matched by the quantifier dDu (14.1.1) in the second. It may also occur reinforcing chi-chi and múih chi ‘whenever’: ڻڻ ♕ᘣٌ ຟ ᤢ 嘅 Kéuih chi-chi aai-chan-gaau ddu yiu yèhng ge s/he time-time argue-PRT all must win SFP ‘Whenever she argues, she has to win.’ ݺ䞢 ޢ ڻ䓰 ᘣ ຟ ଇ ԫᑌ 嘅 䞧 Ngóhdeih múih chi làih chan ddu sihk yat-yeuhng ge yéh we every time come PRT all eat one-same LP thing ‘Whenever we come, we eat the same thing.’ 262 Chapter 12 Modality: possibility and probability Modality is concerned with possibility, ability and related concepts. In Cantonese, modality is expressed not only by modal verbs (12.1) and adverbs (12.2) as in English, but also, often more idiomatically, by a number of syntactic constructions (12.3). Imperatives, which are sometimes treated as a form of modality, are discussed in chapter 19. 12.1 Modal verbs As in English, there is a small class of modal verbs or auxiliaries which behave differently from ordinary verbs (3.1.2). The main modal verbs are: ᄎ wúih ‘will/would’ אױhóyíh ‘can, may’ ᢝ sck, ᖠ híu ‘know how’ ౨ജ làhnggau ‘able’ ᚨᇠ ycnggdi ‘should, ought to’ yiu, Ꮑ sbuiyiu ‘want, need’ ࠌ msái, Ꮑ msbuiyiu ‘no need’ უ séung ‘wish’ As modal verbs these must co-occur with another verb, although some of them (sCk, (sBui-)yiu, msái) may also be used alone as main verbs.1 These modals normally precede the main verb: ݺ ۖ୮ ၲᄎ Ngóh yìhga yiu hdi-wúi I now need hold-meeting ‘I have to attend a meeting now.’ They may be separated from the verb by an adverb: 䢅 ᚨᇠ ࠥܛ Dc sye ycnggdi jckhaak CL books should immediately ‘We should return those books ᝫ wàahn return immediately.’ 263 12 Modality: possibility and probability Colloquially, modal verbs are often heard attached at the end of a clause as an ‘afterthought’ (see 4.1.3 on right-dislocation). Note that such modals even come after the sentence particle: ݶ ړ ݙ 㗎 ໞΔᚨᇠ Hóu faai jouhyùhn ga la, ycnggdi very fast do finish SFP SFP should ‘We should be finished very soon.’ Modals may be used in an impersonal sense, without a subject: ݺ Ngóh I ‘I feel ᤚ ᚨᇠ ႖ gokdak xh ycnggdi lyuhn gam feel not should random so one shouldn’t go around spending ࠌ ᙒ sái chín spend money money wildly.’ ࠌ ᇥ് 嘅 Msái gam kwajbung ge no-need so exaggerate SFP ‘There’s no need to exaggerate so.’ Modal verbs may be classified according to the modal concepts they denote, such as possibility, necessity and obligation. 12.1.1 Possibility and permission wúih has a complex set of meanings relating to possibility or probability. Although most closely glossed as ‘will’ or ‘would’, it should not be thought of as a future tense as such. Firstly, reference to the future is made largely by adverbs (10.3.3) and does not require wúih. Moreover, the verb wúih itself has a number of related functions, of which predicting the future is only one: (a) futurity or prediction: ᄎ ړ۰ ܃嘅 ݺ Ngóh wúih hóu gwa-jyuh léih ge I will very miss-CONT you SFP ‘I’m going to miss you a lot.’ (b) conditional (see also 16.3): 264 ݺ ᄎ ᝑ 嘅 Ngóh xh wúih gám góng ge I not would thus say SFP ‘I wouldn’t put it like that.’ (c) habitual action or occurrence: Modal verbs ܃ᄎᄎ ⴤ ದ ܴ˒ Léih wúih-xh-wúih lám héi kéuih a? you would-not-would think up her SFP ‘Do you (sometimes) think about her?’ hóyíh means ‘can’ or ‘may’ in the sense of something being possible or permissible. It has two senses, according to the distinction between deontic and epistemic modality: (a) permission (deontic: giving or requesting permission): ܃ Léih you ‘You ش אױ۰ ݺଡ ሽᆰ ٣ hóyíh yuhng-jyuh ngóh go dihnlóuh scn can use-CONT my CL computer first may use my computer for the time being.’ ݺ ױאױ ߨ ڰ䢅 ܴ˒ Ngóh hó-xh-hóyíh jóu jáu dc a? I can-not-can early leave a-bit SFP ‘May I leave a bit early?’ (b) possibility (epistemic: referring to an eventuality which may occur): ܃ Léih you ‘You אױჸ ֣Փ hóyíh daap basí can catch bus can take a bus (to ༉ጩ ܃ Jauhsyun léih xh even-if you not ‘Even if you don’t ᢝΔ sck, know know ֏֮ װ խ֨ heui Màhnfa Jengsam go Cultural Centre get) to the Cultural Centre.’ ຟ אױ۷ 㣐 ddu hóyíh gú háh also can guess DEL the answer, you can have a guess.’ Note: Permission and possibility may also be expressed by the potential constructions with dAk (12.3.1, 12.3.2), and impossibility by the [verb Xh particle] construction (12.3.3). These alternatives are often more idiomatic than hóyíh. The retrospective meaning ‘could have’ may be expressed by hóyíh together with búnlòih ‘originally’: ܃ Léih you ‘You ࠐء ع אױᓮ ࡋ ٝ ՠ 嘅 búnlòih hóyíh sanchíng lc fahn geng ge originally can apply this CL job SFP could have applied for this job.’ 265 12 Modality: possibility and probability ݺ䞢 ࠐء ํ ݄ אױ መ 䓰 嘅 Ngóhdeih búnlòih hóyíh chóh syùhn gwo làih ge we originally can sit boat over come SFP ‘We could have come over by boat.’ jéun ‘allow’ may also express permission: ீ९ ݺ䞢 ߨ ڰ Haauhjéung jéun ngóhdeih jóu jáu headmaster allow us early leave ‘The headmaster is allowing us to leave early.’ The negative form mjéun (bAt jéun in formal and written Cantonese) expresses prohibition. It is typically used impersonally, without a subject: ࡋ৫ Lcdouh here ‘You’re ೖ߫ mjéun tìhng-chb not-allow stop-car not allowed to stop (the car) here.’ վඡ ᝑ سრ ⎲ Gam-máahn mjéun góng saangyi wo tonight not-allow talk business SFP ‘No talking about business tonight, okay?’ Such prohibitions apply to everyone present or concerned. 12.1.2 Ability sCk ‘know’ is used for can in the sense of being able to do something: ܃ᢝᢝ ཾֽ ܴ˒ Léih sck-xh-sck yàuh-séui a? you know-not-know swim SFP ‘Can you swim?’ ݺ ᢝ 㺳߫ 㗎 Ngóh xh sck ja-chb ga I not know drive-car SFP ‘I can’t drive.’ sCk is also used together with dAk, meaning ‘know how to’: 266 ܃୮ࡦ ړᢝ ދᇷ 㗎 Léih gajb hóu sck dak tàuhjc ga your sister very know can invest SFP ‘Your sister really knows how to invest.’ ܃ ᢝ ։ 嘅 ˒ Léih xh sck dak fan ge mb? you not know can distinguish SFP SFP ‘Don’t you know how to tell the difference?’ Modal verbs híu refers to the knowledge of how to do something: ܃ඒ ݺ䄆Δ ݺ ᖠ រ Léih gaau ngóh laak, ngóh xh híu dím jouh you teach me SFP I not know how do ‘I’ve no idea how to go about it, you’ll have to teach me.’ wúih (12.1.1) may also mean ‘know how to’ in formal and written Cantonese (cf. Mandarin huì 㢸). làhnggau ‘able’ is a formal word referring to a person’s ability: ࣔػ ݺ ࡋ ଡ ܃ ڶ ౨ജ Lc go saigaai jí yáuh léih làhnggau mìhngbaak ngóh this CL world only have you capable understand me ‘You’re the only person in the world capable of understanding me.’ 12.1.3 Necessity yiu as a main verb may mean either ‘want’ or ‘need’. As an auxiliary, yiu has the deontic meaning ‘need to’ or ‘have to’: ݺ䞢 վඡ נ װଇ Ngóhdeih gam-máahn yiu chbut heui sihk we tonight need out go eat ‘We have to eat out tonight.’ ࡋ ۩ Jouh lc hòhng do this line ‘In this business ړર ٣۟ ଙ Օ ᙒ yiu dáng hóu loih scnji jaahn dóu daaih chín need wait very long only earn PRT big money you have to wait a long time to make big money.’ yiu may be reinforced by a modal adverb such as yAtdihng, meaning ‘must’: ܃䞢 ࠟ ଡ ԫࡳ ߠ㣐૿ Léihdeih léuhng go yatdihng yiu gin-háh-mihn you-PL two CL definitely must meet-DEL-face ‘You two really must get together.’ 267 12 Modality: possibility and probability ࡋ ॾ ԫࡳ ܃ ټ ٣ Lc feng seun yatdihng yiu léih chcm méng scn dak this CL letter definitely need you sign name only OK ‘This letter must have your signature in order to be valid.’ Note the use of sCn dAk at the end of the clause to reinforce the sense of necessity. This idiom is also used in imperatives (19.1). sCn hóu is a similar pattern, which emphasizes the importance of following the advice given: ܃ Léih you ‘You yiu need need ᝑ ట ᇩ ٣ ړ gong jan wá scn hóu speak true words only good to tell the truth, okay?’ The epistemic sense of must (meaning that by inference, something must be the case) is expressed by yAtdihng haih (12.2.2): ԫࡳ এ ಖ䦹 䄆 Kéuih yatdihng haih mgéidak-jó lak s/he definitely is forget-PFV SFP ܃ Léih you ‘You ‘He must have forgotten.’ ԫࡳ এ ᐊ ᙑ ܿچ yatdihng haih sé cho deihjí la definitely is write wrong address SFP must have written the address wrongly.’ The compound form sBui-yiu unambiguously expresses need: ޢଡ าሁ גຟ Ꮑ ئ׀ 嘅 ᣂ֨ Múih go sailouhjái ddu sbui-yiu fuhmóuh ge gwaansam each CL child all need parent LP care ‘Every child needs a parent’s care.’ (TV interview) ᏁᏁ ٤ຝ ၇ ஸ ܴ˒ Sbui-xh-sbui-yiu chyùhnbouh máaih saai a? need-not-need-want whole buy all SFP ‘Do we need to buy the whole lot?’ Idioms with yiu: jí yiu ‘all you need to do’ is typically used impersonally, with no subject mentioned, for example in advertising: 268 ؚԫ ଡ ሽᇩ ༉ ⇉ 嘅 ໞ Jí yiu dá yat go dihnwá jauh dihm ge la just need hit one CL telephone then done SFP SFP ‘All it takes is one phone call and it’s done.’ The negative counterpart of yiu as a modal is msái or msBui-yiu ‘need not’: Modal verbs ٦ ޏ ໞ ࡋ 䞧 ࠌ Lc geui yéh msái joi gói la this CL thing no-need again correct SFP ‘There’s no need to correct this sentence again.’ Ꮑ ٦ ᝑ ᆵװ ໞ Msbui-yiu joi góng lohk-heui la not-need again talk continue SFP ‘There’s no need to go on talking.’ Due to the correspondence between affirmative yiu and negative msái, msái is replaced by yiu in replies to A-not-A questions: A: ࠌࠌ ݺၲ߫ Sái-msái ngóh hdi-chb need-not-need I drive-car ‘Do you need me to pick you 䓰 ൷ ˒ܴ ܃ làih jip léih a? come meet you SFP up in the car?’ B: ܴ Yiu a need SFP ‘Yes.’ The positive form sái occurs in notionally negative contexts such as rhetorical questions: ٘ ࠌ ᝑ ˒ Juhng sái góng mb? still need say what ‘Need any more be said?’ (radio ad.) ࠌ ᩅ ሐዙ ˒ Sái mat douhhip jbk? need what apologize SFP ‘There’s no need to apologize.’ (see 17.3.6) 12.1.4 Obligation yCnggDi, like ‘should’ in English, has two distinct meanings according to whether the modality is deontic or epistemic: (a) obligation (deontic: indicating a requirement): ՛֨ 䢅 ܃ᚨᇠ Léih ycnggdi síusam dc you should careful a-bit ݺ Ngóh I ‘I feel ‘You should be more careful.’ ᤚ ᚨᇠ ڶጟග ࣴီ 嘅 gokdak xh ycnggdi yáuh júngjuhk kèihsih ge feel not should have race discrimination SFP there shouldn’t be racial discrimination.’ 269 12 Modality: possibility and probability (b) probability (epistemic: making a prediction): ݺ䞢 ᚨᇠ ڍ រ ࠩ dou Ngóhdeih ycnggdi cha-mdd sei dím we should about four o’clock arrive ‘We should be there about four.’ ᚨᇠ ᩒ ംᠲ 㗎 ໞ Ycnggdi móuh mahntàih ga la should not-have problem SFP SFP ‘There shouldn’t be any problem.’ yCnggDi may refer retrospectively to the past, with the meaning ‘should have’; in this case, an adverb such as búnlòih ‘originally’ or yAt-jóu ‘much earlier, at the outset’ may be added to indicate reference to the past (see 10.3.3): ݺ ࠐء ᚨᇠ վֲ १ᖂ Ngóh búnlòih ycnggdi gamyaht faan-hohk I originally should today return-school ‘I was supposed to go to school today.’ ݺ ᚨᇠ ԫڰ ᝑ Ngóh ycnggdi yat-jóu góng I should one-early say ‘I should have told you much ନ ᦫ ܃ béi léih tbng to you hear earlier.’ 12.1.5 Volition: wishes and desires séung ‘want’ expresses a wish or desire: 䢅 ᖂس უ ࣋ݙ ٣ ەᇢ Dc hohksaang séung fong-yùhn-ga scn háau-síh CL student want take-finish-leave only take-exam ‘The students don’t want to have their exams until after the holiday.’ ݺ এ Ngóh mhaih I not-be ‘I don’t really 270 ༓ géi quite want უ ٦ ࣆ ᆵװ séung joi td lohk-heui want again drag continue this to keep dragging on.’ Note: yiu as a main verb may mean ‘want’, but as a modal auxiliary it expresses necessity (‘need to’, see 12.1.3). Similarly, the combination séung yiu ‘want’ also expresses desire, but is a transitive verb rather than an auxiliary: უ ڍ ଡ ˕˕Ֆ Kéuih séung yiu dd go bìhbc-léui s/he wish need more CL baby-girl ‘He’d like to have another baby girl.’ Modal verbs Like English ‘want’, séung may be followed either: (a) by a verb phrase with the same subject: ݺ უ ܃ ދԫ ป Ngóh séung tàuh léih yat piu I wish vote you one vote ‘I want to vote for you.’ or (b) by a full clause with a change of subject: ݺ უ ݺ ދ ܃ԫ ป Ngóh séung léih tàuh ngóh yat piu I wish you vote me one vote ‘I want you to vote for me.’ Together with hóuchíh ‘seem’, séung may be used with an inanimate subject to make a prediction: ۿړ უ ᆵॸ Hóuchíh séung lohk-yúh gám seem want fall-rain so ‘It looks like it’s going to rain.’ hBimohng ‘hope, wish’ has a similar syntax to séung: ݺ ݦඨ Հ Ngóh hbimohng hah I hope next ‘I hope to do better in ە ڻ ړ䢅 chi háau dak hóu dc time exam ADV good a-bit the exam next time.’ ݺ ݦඨ ܃ᄎ ᓪ ݺ Ngóh hbimohng léih wúih yùhnleuhng ngóh I hope you will forgive me ‘I hope you’ll forgive me.’ háng means ‘willing’, i.e. not objecting to doing something: ܃ Léih you ‘Ask ം mahn ask her if ्् ᚥ ܃ kéuih háng-xh-háng bdng léih la her will-not-willing help you SFP she’s willing to help you.’ 271 12 Modality: possibility and probability ् ଗ ᙒ ନ ݺ Kéuih xh háng je chín béi ngóh s/he not willing lend money to me ‘She won’t lend money to me.’ jai ‘comply, agree’ and Xh jai ‘not comply, not agree’ are similar in meaning to háng and Xh háng respectively, being typically used in response to a proposal; unlike háng, however, jai cannot take a following verb as a complement: ݺ უ ദΔ܀এ ߊ֖ࣛ ࠫ Ngóh séung gitfan, daahnhaih làahm-pàhngyáuh xh jai I wish marry but boyfriend not comply ‘I’d like to get married but my boyfriend won’t comply.’ jai can appear in A-not-A questions: A: ݺ䞢 ۩ሁ ܃ װ䞢 ࠫࠫ ܴ Ngóhdeih hàahng-louh heui léihdeih jai-xh-jai a? we walk-road go you-PL agree-not-agree SFP ‘We are walking there, are you willing?’ B: ݺ ࠫ ࠫ Ngóh jai kéuih xh jai I agree s/he not agree ‘I am, he isn’t.’ yuhnyi ‘willing’ is a more formal term, suitable for solemn undertakings: ܃ Léih you ‘Are ᣋᣋრ ൷࠹ ࡋ ଡ ਗᖏ ܴ˒ yuhn-xh-yuhnyi jipsauh lc go tcujin a? will-not-willing accept this CL challenge SFP you willing to take on this challenge?’ gám ‘dare’ and the colloquial gau dáam ‘have the guts’ also function as auxiliaries: ܃ཊཊ 㷂 Կរڤ ࣺ۪ ܴ˒ Léih gám-xh-gám jeuk saam-dím-sck wihngyc a? you dare-not-dare wear three-point-style swim-clothing SFP ‘Would you dare wear a bikini?’ 272 ݺ ജ ᜬ ⛕ Ngóh xh gau dáam wán kéuih I not enough guts seek him ‘I daren’t approach him.’ Modal verbs 12.1.6 Preference lìhngyún ‘rather’ expresses a preference among two possibilities. It may be used, for example, to express the speaker’s priorities: ଡଡ ኑᣋ ڰ䢅 ಯٖ Go-go lìhngyún jóu dc teui-yau CL-CL rather early a-bit retreat-rest ‘Everyone would prefer to retire earlier.’ ኑᣋ ڽຟ ᄎ حऄ Kéuih lìhngyún séi, ddu xh wúih faahn-faat s/he rather die also not will break-law ‘He’d rather die than break the law.’ The conjunctions júngjC ‘as long as’ and jí yiu ‘if only’ may be used to introduce a clause following lìhngyún: ݺ ኑᣋ Ngóh lìhngyún I rather ‘I’d rather make ֟ 䢅Δ ᜔հ ፱ jaahn síu dc, júngjc xh siht earn less some as-long-as not lose a bit less, as long as I don’t make a ኑᣋ ۞ա ڽΔ Kéuih lìhngyún jihgéi séi, jíyiu s/he rather self die if-only ‘She’s prepared to die, as long as ༉ 嘅 䄆 jauh dak ge lak then okay SFP SFP loss.’ אױඑ ଡ גය ࡎ hóyíh gau faan go jái tìuh mehng can save back CL son CL life she can save her son’s life.’ As these examples suggest, lìhngyún often implies a rather negative form of preference: the preferred option is not particularly attractive, but the alternative is worse (i.e. the preference is for the lesser of two evils): thus Ngóh lìhngyún jihgéi heui ‘I’d rather go myself’ implies that the speaker prefers not to trust someone else with an errand. More positive preferences may be expressed by jEngyi . . . dD dC ‘like . . . more’ or jeui jEngyi ‘most like’: ܃რ װऄഏ ࡳ ഏ ڍ 䢅˒ Léih jengyi heui Faatgwok dihng Ycnggwok dd dc? you like go France or England more a-bit ‘Which do you prefer to go to, France or England?’ ່ ܃რ ഀ ᢰ ᣊ Léih jeui jengyi cheung bcn leuih you most like sing which kind ‘Which kind of song do you prefer to ዚ ܴ˒ gd a? song SFP sing?’ 273 12 Modality: possibility and probability 12.2 Modal adverbs Possibility and necessity may also be expressed by adverbs. As with sentence adverbs in general (10.3), the usual position for these items is immediately preceding the verb. When used in conjunction with a modal auxiliary, they precede the modal rather than the main verb: ڍᑇ ᄎ ף 䞢 ݺ 嘅 ദ៖ Ngóh ddsou wúih chaamga kéuihdeih ge fanláih I probably will attend their LP wedding ‘I’ll probably attend their wedding.’ Note that the English word order, with the adverb between auxiliary and verb, is not possible here. Colloquially, modal adverbs may come at the end of the sentence (see 10.3.1, 4.1.3): A: ॳ׆ 䢆 ᢰ ܴ˒ A-Wóng hái bcn a? Ah-Wong is where SFP ‘Where’s Ah Wong?’ B: װ䦹 ၇ 䞧Δ ڍᑇ Heui-jó máaih yéh, ddsou go-PFV buy things most-likely ‘Gone shopping, most likely.’ 12.2.1 Adverbs of possibility hólàhng ‘maybe’ typically comes between the subject and verb: ਙࢌ ױ౨ ᄎ ף࿔ Jingfú hólàhng wúih ga seui government maybe will raise tax ‘The government might be going to raise taxes.’ waahkjé ‘perhaps’ may also begin the sentence: ࢨृ ۩ ݺ㣐ֆ ٣ १ ৢٞ Waahkjé ngóh hàahng-háh-gengsc scn faan ekkéi perhaps I walk-DEL-store first return home ‘Perhaps I’ll do some shopping before coming home.’ dDu mdihng is used as a tag at the end of a sentence to indicate uncertainty: 274 ࢨृ ಖ䦹 ຟ ࡳ Waahkjé kéuih mgeidak-jó, ddu mdihng perhaps s/he forget-PFV also not-sure ‘It’s quite possible he forgot.’ dDsou ‘mostly’ may be used as a modal adverb meaning ‘probably’: Modal adverbs ڍᑇ ᄎ װભഏ ᦰ ݺ Ngóh ddsou wúih heui Méihgwok duhk-sye I probably will go America study-book ‘I’ll probably go to the States to study.’ 12.2.2 Adverbs of necessity saht, yAtdihng and hángdihng all express certainty (‘definitely’). They are often used to reinforce modal verbs such as wúih and yiu: 䢇 ೋ ್ ኔ ᄎ ᤢ 嘅 Gó jek máh saht wúih yèhng ge that CL horse sure will win SFP ܃ Léih you ‘You Հ ڻԫࡳ hah chi yatdihng next time definitely really must be more ‘That horse is bound to win.’ ՛֨ 䢅 ܴ yiu síu-sam dc a need careful a-bit SFP careful next time.’ These adverbs, together with haih ‘be’, also express the epistemic or inferential sense of must (‘x must be the case’): ܃ԫࡳ এ ᆺ س 䄆 Léih yatdihng haih Yihp Saang laak you definitely are Yip Mr SFP ‘You must be Mr Yip?’ 䢇 䢅 ᵅ ्ࡳ এ Բ֫ 嘅 Gó dc gasc hángdihng haih yihsáu ge that CL furniture certainly is second-hand SFP ‘That furniture must be second-hand.’ Like the modal verbs hóyíh and yCnggDi, this construction can also be used retrospectively, meaning ‘must have’: ࡋ ය ᖯ ኔ এ ৫ נ 䓰 嘅 Lc tìuh kíu saht haih kéuih dohk chbut làih ge this CL trick sure is s/he think out come SFP ‘This trick must have been his idea.’ Ղ ࡳ् ڻ এ ܃嘅 ᙑ Seuhng chi hángdihng haih léih ge cho last time certainly is your CL wrong ‘It must have been your fault last time.’ 275 12 Modality: possibility and probability A: ॳම ڍᑇ ಖ䦹 ٌ ࿔ A-Mei ddsou mgeidak-jó gaau seui Ah-Mui probably forget-PFV pay tax ‘Ah Mui probably forgot to pay her taxes.’ B: ԫࡳ এ Yatdihng haih la definitely is SFP ‘She must have done.’ jyuhtdeui ‘definitely, absolutely’ may modify a modal verb: ኙ ᄎ რ ࡋ ೖ Գ ݺ Ngóh jyuhtdeui xh wúih jengyi lc tíng yàhn I absolutely not will like this kind person ‘There’s no way I could like this kind of person.’ meih bCt is a negative counterpart of these adverbs, literally meaning ‘no compulsion’, i.e. ‘not necessarily’: 䢇 ೋ ್ آ ؘ ᤢ 嘅 ⎲ Gó jek máh meih bct yèhng ge wo that CL horse not necessarily win SFP SFP ‘That horse may not win, you know.’ (expressing doubt) It may combine with a modal verb: ݺ آ ؘ ᄎ عᓮ Ngóh meih bct wúih sanchíng I not necessarily will apply ‘I won’t necessarily apply.’ The phrases [verb gáng] or [verb that something is inevitable: ngaahng] ‘bound to’ express the idea ڍ ړஒΔ䢅 ैป ದ Gam dd hóu scusck, dc gúpiu héi gáng so much good news CL stocks rise bound ‘With so much good news, stocks are bound to go up.’ վ ڽ ڻ࿏ ໞΔ܃ʴ Gam chi séi ngaahng la, léih! this time die bound SFP you 276 ‘You’ve had it this time!’ ngaahng is an adjective meaning ‘hard, firm’ as in kéih ngaahng ‘stand firm’. 12.3 Syntactic constructions expressing modality In addition to the modal verbs and adverbs, modal notions such as possibility can be conveyed by various syntactic constructions. These are particularly common in their negative forms, indicating inability or impossibility. 12.3.1 [Verb Syntactic constructions expressing modality dak]: expressing potential This use of dAk should be distinguished from dAk in adverbial constructions (10.1.1), although the same character is used for both. This construction is said to indicate potential, including both possibility and permission: ߨ 嘅 䄆 Jáu dak ge lak leave can SFP SFP ‘We can leave now.’ Ե 䓰 آ ܴ˒ Yahp dak làih meih a? enter can come not-yet SFP ‘Can I come in yet?’ The construction is also widely used in negative and interrogative forms: ԼԶ ᄣ אՀ ԳՓ Ե ᚭೃ Sahpbaat seui yíhhah yàhnsih xh yahp dak heiyún eighteen years under person not enter can cinema ┊ Կ ్ ׂ tái saam kap pín watch three class film ‘Those under eighteen are not allowed to enter a cinema to watch a category III film.’ ᇢᇢ ܴ˒ Si-xh-si dak a? try-not-try can SFP ‘Can I try this on?’ (used in clothing stores) The dAk construction may be modified by hóu or géi, indicating potential or ability: ࡋ ଡ Ֆ ؚ ړ ג 㗎 Lc go léuihjái hóu dá dak ga this CL girl very fight able SFP ‘This girl really knows how to fight.’ 277 12 Modality: possibility and probability ء ړᔄ ⎲ Kéuih bún sye hóu maaih dak wo s/he CL book very sell able SFP ‘His book is very marketable.’ ༓ ଇ ⎲Δ܃ʴ Géi sihk dak wo, léih! quite eat able SFP you ‘You certainly can eat a lot!’ In verb–particle constructions (see 11.3), dAk comes between the verb and particle. Some of these combinations are only used with dAk (or alternatively with the negative counterpart Xh). For example, [verb dAk héi] means ‘can afford to’: A: ࡋ ೋ ֫ᙎ ڶ ړী ⎲ʴ Lc jek sáubcu hóu yáuh-yìhng wo! this CL watch very have-style SFP ‘That watch is pretty stylish!’ B: ܃၇၇ ದ ٣˒ Léih máaih-xh-máaih dak héi sìn? you buy-not-buy can up first ‘But can you afford it?’ [Verb dAk gwo] implies that something is safe or can be trusted: ݺ ॾ መ ܃ Ngóh seun dak gwo léih I believe can pass you ‘I can trust you.’ ࡋ 䢅 ᇷற ॾ መ Lc dc jclíu xh seun dak gwo this CL information not believe can pass ‘These figures are not worth believing.’ The negative counterpart with Xh in place of dAk has a similar meaning: ࡋ 䢅 Lc dc this CL ‘It’s not [Verb 278 ৢ ຟ এ ၇ መΔ ek ddu haih máaih xh gwo, house also are buy not pass safe to buy these houses, there’s ᩒ অ塄 嘅 móuh bóuyéuhng gé not-have maintenance SFP no maintenance.’ dAk chBut] is used with perception verbs (8.1.3), as in: ݺ ┊ נ ܃რ Ngóh tái dak chbut léih jengyi kéuih I see can out you like her ‘I can see that you like her.’ The combination [verb dAk chBut] can also indicate potential with a negative connotation, meaning ‘capable of doing’: 䢅 ႕ षᄎ ᩅ䞧 ຟ נ 嘅 Dc hak séhwúi matyéh ddu jouh dak chbut ge CL black society what all do can out SFP ‘Those triads are capable of anything.’ Syntactic constructions expressing modality ຟ ᝑ נ 嘅ʴ Gám ddu góng dak chbut gé! so also say can out SFP ‘I didn’t know you were capable of saying such things!’ dAk alone may be used as a predicate, meaning ‘okay’: آ ܴ˒ Dak meih a? okay not-yet SFP ‘Is it ready yet?’ ە ܃ᇢ ܴ˒ Léih háau-síh dak-mdak a? you take-exam okay-not-okay SFP ‘Was your exam okay?’ ܃ ᑌ 嘅 Léih gám yéung mdak ge you so way not-okay SFP ‘You can’t behave like that.’ Xh sé dAk is a complex idiom with several related meanings. With a noun as its object, it means ‘cannot do without’: ܃ ඍ ܃ʻଡʼ Ֆ֖ࣛ ܴ˒ Léih xh sé dak léih (go) léuih-pàhngyáuh àh? you not miss can your (CL) girlfriend SFP ‘Missing your girlfriend, are you?’ Followed by a verb phrase or clause, it means ‘cannot face’: ݺ ඍ ߨ ܃ Ngóh xh sé dak léih jáu I not miss can you leave ‘I can’t face your leaving.’ រ ຟ Kéuih dím ddu xh s/he how all not ‘He can’t face selling ඍ ᔄ䦹 架 ၒ߫ sé dak maaih-jó ga páauchb miss can sell-PFV CL race-car his sports car at any cost.’ 279 12 Modality: possibility and probability The positive form sé dAk means ‘willing to part with’: ܃ Léih you ‘You ඍ ش ڍ ᙒ 䓰 sé dak yuhng gam dd chín làih willing use so much money come can part with that much money to buy ܃ ⥡Δ រᇞ ᄎ Léih gam haan, dímgáai wúih you so frugal how-come would ‘How come you’re so extravagant so frugal?’ 12.3.2 [yáuh/móuh dak ၇ ⶕ ܴ˒ máaih leng jáu àh? buy fine wine SFP fine wine?’ ඍ ၇ gam sé dak máaih saam so willing buy clothes about buying clothes, when 嘅˒ gé? SFP you’re verb] Possibility or impossibility may also be expressed by the existential words yáuh and móuh respectively (see ch. 14) followed by dAk and a verb: ༉䓰 ڶ Jauhlàih yáuh dak soon have can ‘We can eat soon.’ ଇ ໞ sihk la eat SFP (reporting that a meal is ready) ཚ ᩒ ૡ㬿 Gakèih móuh dak dehng-tói holiday not-have can reserve-table ‘There’s no way to reserve a table on holidays.’ This construction is also used in question form, i.e. [yáuh-móuh dAk verb?] to ask about a possibility: 䢇৫ ڶᩒ Gódouh yáuh-móuh there have-not-have ‘Can you go swimming ཾֽ 㗎˒ dak yàuh-séui ga? can swim SFP there?’ 䢇 ጟ ఐ ڶᩒ ᠔ 㗎˒ Gó júng behng yáuh-móuh dak yc ga? that CL disease have-not-have can treat SFP ‘Can that disease be treated?’ 280 Idioms: móuh dAk béi ‘there’s no comparison’ is used with the coverb tùhng: ഏ လ ٵ ऄഏ လ ᩒ ֺ Ycnggwok choi tùhng Faatgwok choi móuh dak béi English food with French food not-have can compare ‘There’s no comparison between English and French cooking.’ Syntactic constructions expressing modality The rhetorical version with bCndouh yáuh (see 17.3.4) in place of móuh is equivalent: ᢰ৫ Bcndouh where ‘How can ڶ ֺ ܴ˒ yáuh dak béi a? have can compare SFP you compare the two?’ móuh dAk díng or móuh dAk tàahn means ‘there’s no beating’ or ‘there’s nothing like’: ֛פಁ ٵ Gengfe-chàh tùhng skill-tea with ‘There’s no beating 12.3.3 [Verb xh រ֨ టএ dím sam janhaih dim sum really kung-fu tea with ᩒ ື móuh dak díng not-have can beat dim sum.’ verbal particle]: expressing inability The combination [verb Xh particle] is the negative counterpart of [verb dAk particle], as seen in the following exchange: A: ݺ ᧫ ჶ ⇉ ܴ Ngóh gbng gáau xh dihm a I fear manage not PRT SFP ‘I’m afraid I can’t manage it.’ B: এ ჶ ⇉ ʴ Gánghaih gáau dak dihm la! of-course manage can PRT SFP ‘Of course you can!’ The negative construction is very widely used to indicate inability; any of the verbal particles discussed in 11.3 may be used in this way: ݺ䞢 ଇ ஸ 䢅 塲 Ngóhdeih sihk xh saai dc sung we eat not up CL food ‘We can’t finish (eating) the food.’ 281 12 Modality: possibility and probability ܃ Léih you ‘You ԫ ଡ Գ 㴇 ⇉ Կ ଡ ג yat go yàhn chau xh dihm saam go jái one CL person care not manage three CL son can’t manage three sons by yourself.’ ։ ၲ 䢇 ኙ ᪵س ࡪࡢ ݺ Ngóh fan xh hdi gó deui ma-saang jímúi I tell not apart that pair twin-born sisters ‘I can’t tell those twin sisters apart.’ As an alternative word order, an object pronoun may come between the verb and the negative Xh: ݺ ᚥ ܃ ଙ Ngóh bdng léih xh dóu help you not succeed I ‘I can’t help you.’ ݺ ᙌ Ngóh giu kéuih xh séng we call him not awake ‘I can’t wake him up. ’ ݺ ⛕䦹 ړ ܃ર ຟ ⛕ ܃ ଙ Ngóh wán-jó léih hóu loih ddu wán léih xh dóu I seek-PFV you very long still seek you not PRT ‘I’ve been looking for you for ages and I still couldn’t find you.’ Idiom: yán Xh jyuh followed by a verb means ‘cannot help’: ݺ ݴ ۰ Ngóh yán xh jyuh I endure not PRT ‘I couldn’t help bursting ݺ Ngóh I ‘I just 282 ూ䦹 נ 䓰 siu-jó chbut làih laugh-PFV out come out with laughter.’ ݴ ۰ ᝑ ନ ᦫ yán xh jyuh góng béi léih tbng endure not PRT talk to you hear had to tell you.’ Chapter 13 Negation Cantonese has a rich range of negative words according to what is negated: the word (13.1), the adjective (13.2) or a verb (13.3). Cantonese also makes extensive use of double negation (13.5). The native Cantonese negative words are distinguished by beginning with the nasal consonant m- and low-register tones: xh ‘not’ এ mhaih ‘no/not’ (Xh the copular haih ‘be’) ᩒ móuh ‘have not’ (negative form of the existential verb yáuh ‘have’; see 14.3.2) آmeih ‘not yet’ (used to form questions: see 17.1.4) ړmhóu, máih ‘don’t’ (in imperative sentences: see 19.4) mjí, xh daan jí ‘not only’ In addition to these, the following Mandarin negative words are used in formal or literary Cantonese and in fixed expressions: bAt, the Cantonese reading for the Mandarin negative marker bù լ, is heard in some fixed expressions adopted from Mandarin, such as: լ ೖ ໗ bat tìhng gám haam not stop so cry ‘cry without stopping’ լ ױ৸ᤜ bat hó sc-yíh not can think ‘unthinkable’ bAt may also be substituted for Xh to give a literary quality, for example in songs: ݺ լ ඍ ܃ Ngóh bat sé dak léih I not lose can you ‘I miss you.’ (cf. xh sé dak: 12.3.1) 283 13 Negation fBi ॺ is an archaic negative word meaning ‘not be’ in Mandarin. Like bAt, it is also used in Cantonese primarily in fixed expressions and compounds: ॺऄ fbi-faat not-legal ‘illegal’ ᝑ ਢॺ góng sih-fbi talk right-wrong ‘gossip’ ॺ װլ ױ fbi heui bat hó not go not possible ‘absolutely must go’ (note the double negation: see 13.5) 13.1 Lexical negation: negative verbs and adjectives An important distinction is to be made between lexical negation, which negates a single word, and sentential negation, which negates a statement (13.2, 13.3). A number of verbs and adjectives are inherently negative in form. For example: ߠ mgin not-see ‘lose’ ಖ mgeidak not-remember ‘forget’ ငࣚ msyefuhk not-comfortable ‘unwell’ or ‘uncomfortable’ ړრ৸ mhóuyisi not-good-meaning ‘embarrassed’ Such words are written here as prefixed with m-, as the falling tone of Xh tends not to be clearly heard. These prefixed negative forms are distinct from negation with Xh in several respects: (a) The meaning of negative verbs and adjectives is not simply that of the verb or adjective negated, but often more specific: gin means ‘see’, but mgin means specifically ‘lose’; tùhng means ‘with’ or ‘same’ but mtùhng can only mean ‘different’; syEfuhk means ‘comfortable’ but msyEfuhk may mean ‘unwell, sick’. 284 (b) Verbs and adjectives with the negative prefix may take the perfective aspect jó, which is incompatible with the negative particle Xh (11.2.4, 13.3): ܃ Léih you ‘You ಖ䦹 ዽ ᗉ mgeidak-jó sck dang forget-PFV turn-off light forgot to turn off the light.’ Lexical negation: negative verbs and adjectives ݺ ၲ֨䦹 ړર Ngóh mhdisam-jó hóu loih I un-happy-PFV very long ‘I’ve been unhappy for a long time.’ (c) The prefixed forms of stative verbs and adjectives may be preceded by modifiers such as hóu ‘very’ and fBisèuhng (jC) ‘extremely’: ݺ ړუ װ Ngóh hóu mséung heui I very not-want go ‘I very much don’t want to go.’ ʴ ړ ܃ၵ Gám léih hóu mdakhàahn la! so you very not-free SFP ‘You must be very busy, then!’ ܃䞢 ॺൄ հ ᙑʴ Léihdeih jouh dak fbisèuhng jc mcho! you-PL do ADV extremely most not-bad ‘You didn’t do badly at all!’ The difference is brought out where the adjective is qualified (see 13.2): এ ړငࣚ Mhaih hóu syefuhk not-be very comfortable ‘It’s not very comfortable.’ ړငࣚ Hóu msyefuhk very un-comfortable ‘It’s very uncomfortable.’ (d) Only sentential negation with Xh allows an indefinite interpretation of a question word (13.4): ݺ վֲ Ngóh gamyaht xh I today not ‘I don’t want to go უ װᢰ৫ séung heui bcndouh wish go where anywhere today.’ The same verb prefixed with m- does not allow this (it is not possible to modify the verb as in (c) and have an indefinite question word, as in *Ngóh hóu mséung heui bCndouh). 285 13 Negation While the distinction between sentential and prefixed negation is clear in principle in the above constructions, in some cases either form of negation is possible, in particular with adjectives and stative verbs: ࡋ ය ᑇ 䞤 Lc tìuh sou xh ngaam this CL figure not correct ‘This figure is not right.’ Lc tìuh sou m-ngaam this CL figure in-correct ‘This figure is wrong.’ or In such cases the difference in meaning is minimal (with stative verbs, the two may be distinguished by criterion (d) above). 13.2 Adjectival negation To negate an adjective, the particle Xh precedes the adjective: ٙ ⶕ Gihn saam xh leng CL shirt not nice ‘The shirt doesn’t look nice.’ Where the adjective is modified, mhaih, the negative form of haih ‘be’ is used: 䢇 ٙ এ ⶕ ړ䞥 Gó gihn mhaih hóu leng jb that CL not-be very nice SFP ‘That one’s not very nice.’ ᑌ এ ༓ ֆؓ Gám yéung mhaih géi gengpìhng so way not-be quite fair ‘It’s not quite fair that way.’ Idioms: Xh gwaai dAk (jC) or Xh gwaai jC dAk ‘no wonder’ is used on realizing an explanation: A: ॳࣔ ֒䦹 ⎲ A-Mcng scng-jó jck wo Ah-Ming rise-PFV grade SFP ‘Ah Ming’s been promoted, you know.’ B: 286 ࢡ ၲ֨ ʴ ]h gwaai dak kéuih gam hdisam la! no wonder ADV s/he so happy SFP ‘No wonder she’s so pleased!’ ࠐ ء এ ܃䛅䦹Δ ࢡ հ Yùhnlòih bún sye haih léih ló-jó, xh gwaai dak jc finally CL book is you take-PFV no wonder ADV know Verbal negation ⛕ ଙ wán xh dóu find not PRT ‘I see, you took the book, no wonder I couldn’t find it.’ Xh chBut kèih means ‘not surprising’: A: ॳᐚ 䈺ඡ 堬ᔨ䦹 ⎲ A-Dak kàhmmáahn yám-jeui-jó wóh Ah-Dak last night drink-drunk-PFV SFP ‘Apparently Ah Dak got drunk last night.’ B: ࡛נ 㣌 ]h chbutkèih a not surprising SFP ‘That’s not surprising.’ It may also be used rhetorically, with the final particle mB (18.3.1) in place of Xh: ࡛נ ړ ˒ Hóu chbutkèih mb? very surprising SFP 13.3 ‘That’s hardly surprising.’ Verbal negation In the case of verbs, the negative marker used depends on the time to which the verb phrase refers. Where the verb refers to the present or future, Xh is used: վֲ ݺ ߠ ড় Gamyaht ngóh xh gin haak today I not see client ‘I’m not seeing any clients today.’ ᦫֲ ݺ䞢 װन Tcngyaht ngóhdeih xh heui wáan tomorrow we not go play ‘We’re not going out tomorrow.’ Where the verb refers to the past, and the function of negation is to state that some event did not occur, the existential negative word móuh is used instead: 287 13 Negation ݺ 䈺ֲ ᩒ נ װ Ngóh kàhmyaht móuh chbut heui I yesterday have-not out go ‘I didn’t go out yesterday.’ վֲ ᩒ ᆵॸ lohk-yúh Gamyaht móuh today not-have fall rain ‘It hasn’t rained today.’ In the case of verbal particles (11.3), the negative marker Xh is inserted between the verb and the particle to express inability (12.3.3): ݹᄿ ݹ ګ Kéuih gaai ycn gaai xh sèhng s/he quit smoke quit not succeed ‘He can’t manage to stop smoking.’ Idiom: juhng Xh ‘still not’ is used rhetorically to make a forceful suggestion: ٘ ܃ ߨ ܴ˒ Léih juhng xh jáu àh? you still not leave SFP ‘Why haven’t you gone yet?’ ٘ ܃ ݶ䢅 ع װᓮ˒ Léih juhng xh faai dc heui sanchíng? you still not fast-ish go apply ‘Why not hurry up and apply?’ (radio ad.) 13.3.1 móuh versus meih Both móuh and meih correspond to Mandarin méiyNu 㦠 ڶin negating verbs. They differ in meaning and grammatical function: meih expresses the more specific meaning ‘not yet’: A: ᓮ ം ᔥ س 䢆䢆৫˒ Chéng mahn Dahng Saang hái-xh-háidouh? request ask Tang Mr here-not-here ‘Is Mr Tang there, please?’ B: آ १ 䓰 ⎲ Kéuih meih faan làih wo he not-yet return come SFP ‘He hasn’t come back yet.’ 288 meih fAan làih would imply that the person is expected to return, whereas móuh fAan làih would not have any such implication: B: վֲ ᩒ १ 䓰 ⎲ Kéuih gamyaht móuh faan làih wo s/he today not-have return come SFP ‘He hasn’t been in today.’ Verbal negation meih may be reinforced by the adverbs juhng ‘still’ and dou yìhgA ‘up until now’: ݺ䞢 ٘ آ ٌ Ngóhdeih juhng meih gaau jdu we still not-yet pay rent ‘We haven’t paid the rent yet.’ ݺ ࠩ ۖ୮ ٘ آ װመ ߧਪ Ngóh dou yìhga juhng meih heui-gwo Chekchyúh I until now still not-yet go-EXP Stanley ‘Even now I still haven’t been to Stanley.’ meih is also used to form questions, especially those in the perfective or experiential aspect (17.1.4): ॳࣟ १䦹 䓰 ˒آ A-Deng faan-jó làih meih? Ah-Dung return-PFV come not-yet ‘Has Ah Dung come back (yet)?’ No such question can be formed with móuh. meih . . . jyuh in statements and mhóu . . . jyuh in imperatives also mean ‘not yet’: آ ۰ Meih dak jyuh not okay yet ‘It’s not ready yet.’ ܃ ߨ ړ۰ Léih mhóu jáu jyuh you don’t leave yet ‘Don’t go yet.’ This use of jyuh differs syntactically and semantically from jyuh expressing continuous aspect (see 11.2.3). Note also the use of meih in meih chìh ‘it’s not too late’, meaning that there is still time to act: ܃ Léih you ‘You ٘ ع אױᓮ ᙈ 㗎Δۖ୮ ຟ آ juhng hóyíh sanchíng ga, yìhga ddu meih chìh still can apply SFP now also not-yet late can still apply, it’s not too late.’ ܃ Léih you ‘You ᦫֲ ٌ פᓰ ຟ آ ᙈ tcngyaht gaau gengfo ddu meih chìh tomorrow hand-in homework also not-yet late can hand in your homework tomorrow, it’ll still be in time.’ 289 13 Negation Note that none of the negative words Xh, móuh or meih can occur preceding a verb with the perfective marker jó. jó asserts the existence of an event (normally in the past: see 11.2.4) and is incompatible with negation, which would entail that such an event did not take place. By contrast, the experiential marker gwo (11.2.5) occurs with both móuh and meih, indicating the lack of an experience or occurrence: ݺ ᩒ Ngóh móuh I have-not ‘I haven’t been װመ Օຬ heui-gwo daaihluhk go-EXP mainland to mainland China.’ ฝا䦹 ર ٘ آ १መ 䓰 Kéuih yìhmàhn-jó gam loih juhng meih faan-gwo làih s/he emigrate so long still not-yet return-EXP come ‘She hasn’t been back since she emigrated.’ Both móuh and meih may be reinforced by the adverb chùhnglòih to mean ‘never’ when referring to the past, typically with the experiential aspect marker gwo (11.2.5): ݺ ൕࠐ ᩒ ⴤመ ദ Ngóh chùhnglòih móuh lám-gwo gitfan I never not-have think-EXP marry ‘I never thought about getting married.’ ݺ ൕࠐ آ ଇመ ۔ധ堿 Ngóh chùhnglòih meih sihk-gwo lóuhpòh-béng I never not-yet eat-EXP wife-cake ‘I’ve never eaten sweetheart cake.’ As noted above, the choice of meih implies that the speaker may have the experience in the future, while móuh has no such implication. Referring to the present, chùhnglòih is used with the modal verb Xh wúih (12.1.1): ࡋ ጟ Գ ൕࠐ ᄎ ଗ ᙒ Kéuih lc júng yàhn chùhnglòih xh wúih je chín s/he this kind person ever not would lend money 290 ନ Գ 嘅 béi yàhn ge to people SFP ‘People like him would never lend money to anyone.’ chùhnglòih is not used to refer to the future; instead, yíhhauh dDu and wíhngyúhn dDu are used with Xh wúih: Verbal negation ݺ א৵ ຟ ᄎ १ 䓰 Ngóh yíhhauh ddu xh wúih faan làih I afterwards also not will return come ‘I’ll never come back.’ (film) ݺ ة ຟ ᄎ ಖ ܃ Ngóh wíhngyúhn ddu xh wúih mgeidak léih I forever also not will forget you ‘I’ll never forget you.’ (film) Xh joi ‘no more’ may combine with wíhngyúhn to mean ‘never again’: ݺ ة ٦ ٵ سრ Ngóh wíhngyúhn xh joi tùhng kéuih jouh saangyi I forever not again with him do business ‘I’ll never do business with him again.’ mjí ‘not only’ is used to combine two sentences: ઌ ⶕΔ Գ ຟ ⶕ 䢅 Mjí séung leng, yàhn ddu leng dc not-only photo pretty person also pretty some ‘Not only do the pictures look good, the people in them look better too.’ (ad.) mjí . . . juhng ‘not only . . . but also’ is completed by the verbal particle màaih (11.3.3) and/or the sentence particle tìm (18.3.5): ᚥ Kéuih mjí bdng s/he not-only help ‘She not only helped ༵ ݺΔ ٘ ନ ୖ ᙒ ngóh gáan, juhng béi màaih chín tìm me choose even pay PRT money too me choose, she even paid for it. Xh dAan jí or bAt dAan jí ‘not just’ is used in the same way: 䞢 ఎ 䢆৫Δ ٘ ᇩ Kéuihdeih xh daan jí làuh háidouh, juhng wah yiu they not just only stay here even say want ၇ ৢ máaih ek tìm buy house too ‘They’re not only staying here, they’re even talking about buying a house.’ 291 13 Negation mjí . . . yìhché ‘not only . . . but also’ is used in formal register: ࡋ ۯ՛ࡦ Գ ⶕΔ Lc wái síujé mjí yàhn leng, this CL young-lady not-only person beautiful ‘This young lady is not only beautiful, she has ۖ ᜢ ก yìhché sbng tìhm also voice sweet a lovely voice.’ mjí may be used alone as a response to a statement or question: A: ଡ ᑌ ۿړ ԿԼ༓ ᄣ Kéuih go yéung hóuchíh saamsahp-géi seui gám s/he CL appearance seem thirty-some years so ‘She looks about thirty-something.’ B: 䧠ʴ Mjí gwa! not-only SFP ‘She must be more than that!’ bCndouh jí, with the rhetorical use of bCndouh (17.3.4), is equivalent to mjí in this sense. 13.3.2 Xh versus mhaih mhaih meaning ‘it is not the case’ may be used to correct an error or false impression: ݺ䞢 এ ֨ڶ ᖞ᧡ ܃㗎 Ngóhdeih mhaih yáuh-sam jíng-gú léih ga we not-be have-heart do-trick you SFP ‘We didn’t mean to trick you.’ এ ᦫֲΔ এ ৵ֲ Mhaih tcngyaht, haih hauh-yaht not-be tomorrow is after-day ‘It’s not tomorrow, it’s the day after.’ Note that mhaih, unlike the other negative words, can be used with the perfective jó: 292 ݺ এ 䦹 ړર 䞥 Ngóh mhaih dáng-jó hóu loih jb not-be wait-PFV very long SFP I ‘I haven’t been waiting very long.’ mhaih is also the form of negation used with quantified phrases (14.1.1). Verbal negation Idiom: mhaih wah ‘it’s not as if’ is often used in a double negative construction (13.5) and followed by a contrasting clause with bAtgwo ‘but’: ݺ䞢 এ ᇩ ᩒ ᙒΔ լመ ⥡ 䢅 ࠌ Ngóhdeih mhaih wah móuh chín, batgwo haan dc sái we not-be say not-have money but save some spend ړ䢅 hóu dc good a-bit ‘It’s not as if we have no money, but it’s better to spend a bit frugally.’ ݺ এ ᇩ რ Δ լመ ݺբᆖ Ngóh mhaih wah xh jengyi kéuih, batgwo ngóh yíhgcng I not-be say not like him however I already ڶ䦹 ߊ֖ࣛ ໞ yáuh-jó làahm-pàhngyáuh la have-PFV boyfriend SFP ‘It’s not that I don’t like him, but I already have a boyfriend.’ 13.3.3 mhóu and máih The words mhóu and máih serve to introduce negative commands (see 19.4): mhóu is the usual word, while máih is relatively direct and more likely to be used among close friends or peers. The subject pronoun is optional: ʻ܃ʼ ړᇩ ନ Գ ᦫ ⎲ (Léih) mhóu wah béi yàhn tbng wo (you) don’t say to people hear SFP ‘Don’t (you) tell anyone.’ ʻ܃ʼ ᝑ 䞧 ʴ (Léih) máih gám góng yéh la! (you) don’t so talk thing SFP ‘Don’t talk like that.’ 293 13 Negation 13.3.4 móuh versus mòuh móuh is the negative form of yáuh, meaning ‘have not’ or ‘there is/are not’ (14.3.2); mòuh (note the low falling tone) is the Cantonese pronunciation of Mandarin wú ྤ ‘without’; it overlaps with móuh and hence tends to replace it in formal and written Cantonese. mòuh is also used in a number of phrases and idioms: mòuhleuhn ‘no matter, whether’ (16.2.4): ྤᓵ ९ ࡳ Δ ܃䢅 ᙰᕓ ຟ এ Mòuhleuhn chèuhng dihng dyún, léih dc tàuhfaat ddu haih no-matter long or short your CL hair also is ⶕ 嘅 gam leng ge so fine SFP ‘Whether it’s long or short, your hair still looks so good.’ mòuhwaih ‘no need’ or ‘no use’: ݺ䞢 ྤᘯ ⥡ Ngóhdeih mòuhwaih gam haan la we no-reason so frugal SFP ‘We have no need to be so frugal.’ ໗ ຟ ྤᘯ Haam ddu mòuhwaih la cry also no-reason SFP ‘It’s no use crying (over spilt milk).’ mòuh-dyEn-dyEn ‘for no reason’: ˕˕ ڶೄ ழ ྤጤጤ ໗ ದ Ղ䓰 Bìhbc yáuh jahn sìh mòuh-dyen-dyen haam héi séuhng-làih baby have some time no-reason-reason cry up begin ‘Babies sometimes start crying for no reason.’ 13.4 294 Indefinite negation: not . . . any Indefinite expressions meaning ‘not . . . anyone/anything’, etc., are formed with a question word (17.3) together with a negative word such as Xh, móuh, meih or mhóu. There are two distinct forms, with slightly different shades of meaning: (a) Xh, móuh, etc., followed by the question word: ݺ վֲ ᩒ Ngóh gam-yaht móuh I today not-have ‘I haven’t been anywhere Indefinite negation: not . . . any װᢰ৫ heui bcndouh go anywhere today.’ (b) the question word followed by the quantifier dDu (see 14.1.1), both coming before the verb regardless of the grammatical function of the question word (see 8.2.3): ݺ վֲ ᢰ৫ ຟ ᩒ װ Ngóh gam-yaht bcndouh ddu móuh heui I today anywhere all not-have go ‘I haven’t been anywhere today.’ The structure (a) is less categorical in meaning than (b) which might be translated ‘any . . . at all’. This difference in force is brought out by the following two contexts: ݺ վֲ ᩒ װᢰ৫Δ এ ۩ 㣐 Ngóh gam-yaht móuh heui bcndouh, jihnghaih hàahng háh I today not-have go anywhere merely walk a-while ֆႼ gengyún park ‘I haven’t 䞥 je SFP been anywhere (much) today, I just went for a walk in the park.’ ݺ վֲ ᢰ৫ ຟ ᩒ װΔ এ ݄ 䢆 Ngóh gam-yaht bcndouh ddu móuh heui, jihnghaih chóh hái I today anywhere all not-have go merely sit at ৢٞ 䞥 ekkéi je home SFP ‘I haven’t been anywhere (at all) today, I just sat around at home.’ The categorical negative form bCndouh dDu móuh heui is incompatible with a continuation such as jihnghaih hàahng háh gEngyún je. A similar contrast holds for other question words, such as mAtyéh ‘what’ meaning ‘anything’ and dím yéung ‘how’: (a) ݺ ᩒ ᝑ ᩅ䞧 ܥ Ngóh móuh góng matyéh ak I not-have say what SFP ‘I didn’t say anything (much).’ 295 13 Negation (b) ݺ ᩅʻ䞧ʼ ຟ ᩒ ᝑ ܥ góng ak Ngóh mat(yéh) ddu móuh I what all not-have say SFP ‘I didn’t say anything (at all).’ (a) 䞢 ᄎ រ ᑌ ༺֫ 嘅 Kéuihdeih xh wúih dím yéung chaapsáu ge they not will how manner interfere SFP ‘They won’t interfere in any way.’ រ ᑌ ຟ ᄎ ༺֫ (b) 䞢 嘅 Kéuihdeih dím yéung ddu xh wúih chaapsáu ge they how manner all not will interfere SFP ‘There’s no way they’ll interfere.’ Note that if the indefinite phrase is the subject of the sentence, only the dDu construction (b) may be used, since in the alternative structure, as in (a) above, bCngo would be understood as ‘who?’: վֲ Gamyaht today ‘Nobody ᢰଡ ຟ ᩒ ⛕ ܃ bcngo ddu móuh wán léih who all not-have contact you has contacted you today.’ վֲ ᢰଡ ᩒ Gamyaht bcngo móuh today who not-have ‘Who didn’t contact you ⛕ ˒ܴ ܃ wán léih a? contact you SFP today?’ Xh/móuh . . . mAt(yéh) with a noun means ‘hardly any’ or ‘not much’: ݺ ᚥ ଙ ᩅ䞧 ֫Δ ܀এ אױᇢ㣐 Ngóh bdng xh dóu matyéh sáu, daahnhaih hóyíh si-háh I help not SFP any hand but can try-DEL ‘I can’t be of much help, but I’ll give it a try.’ 䞢 ࠩ ۖ୮ ຟ ᩒ ⛕ ଙ ᩅ䞧 ᢞᖕ Kéuihdeih dou yìhga ddu móuh wán dóu matyéh jinggeui they until now also not-have find PRT what evidence ‘They still haven’t found much in the way of evidence.’ Similarly, móuh mAt dím is an adverbial phrase meaning ‘hardly’: 296 ܃ᩒ ᩅ រ ᧢ ⎲ʴ Léih móuh mat dím bin wo! you not-have what how change SFP ‘You’ve hardly changed at all!’ A similar meaning can be expressed by mAt jaih ‘hardly’, the negative polarity counterpart of gam jaih ‘virtually’ (see 10.1.3): ᝑూ ᩅ䴀 Kéuih xh góng-siu mat jaih s/he not talk-laugh hardly ݺ䞢 ᩒ Ngóhdeih móuh we not-have ‘We’ve hardly saved Double negatives ‘He hardly tells jokes at all.’ ᚏᙒ ᩅ䴀 chóuh chín mat jaih save money hardly any money.’ Note that mAt jaih must follow a negative word such as Xh or móuh: mAtjaih is considered a negative polarity item, like anyone, which needs to be licensed by a negative word such as not. (S.-W. Tang 2006). Idiom: dím dDu Xh . . . uses dím ‘how’ in the structure (b) above to mean ‘not . . . anyway’ or ‘no matter what’: រ ຟ Kéuih dím ddu s/he how all ‘He won’t listen 13.5 ् ᦫ ݺᝑ xh háng tbng ngóh góng not willing listen me talk to me, no matter what.’ Double negatives A feature of negation in Chinese is the use of double negatives, typically to make a point in an indirect or subtle way. The meaning is not that of double negatives in non-standard English, as in Cockney English I dunno nothing meaning ‘I don’t know anything’, but the logical meaning whereby the two negatives make a (qualified) positive statement: ݺ এ უ װ Ngóh mhaih mséung heui I not-be not-want go ‘It’s not that I don’t want to go.’ A: ଡ ᗶ ܃ଇଇ ஸ ܴ˒ Go daahngdu léih sihk-xh-sihk dak saai a? CL cake you eat-not-eat able all SFP ‘Can you eat the whole cake?’ B: এ ᩒ ױ౨ 嘅 Mhaih móuh hólàhng gé not-be not-have possible SFP ‘I wouldn’t say it’s impossible.’ 297 13 Negation Similarly, the existential negative móuh followed by a negated verb gives the meaning ‘all’ or ‘every’: ᩒ ئ׀ Móuh fuhmóuh no parents ‘All parents love ᙔ ۞ա 嘅 גՖ 嘅 jái-léui ge xh sek jihgéi ge not love self POSS children SFP their children.’ ᩒ Գ უ ڍ ף 䢅 Գՠ Móuh yàhn xh séung gá dd dc yàhngeng no one not want raise more a-bit salary ‘Everyone wants a pay rise.’ Double negatives are widely used in modal constructions, for example to express obligation: ݺ װ 嘅 Ngóh xh heui xh dak ge I not go not okay SFP ܃ Léih you ‘You 13.6 ‘I absolutely have to go.’ אױ ᦫ ᝑ 㗎 xh hóyíh xh tbng kéuih góng ga not can not listen him speak SFP have to listen to him.’ Negative wh-constructions An indirect form of negation is to use a question word, especially dím ‘how?’ or bCn (douh) ‘where?’, in response to a statement or suggestion: A: ݶ ړᄎ ֒ ໞ Kéuih hóu faai wúih scng-jck la s/he very fast will promote SFP ‘She will get promoted soon.’ 298 B: រ Kéuih dím s/he how ‘There’s no ᄎ ֒ ܴ˒ wúih scng-jck a? will promote SFP way she will get promoted.’ A: լ܃ ڕ Batyùh léih rather you ‘Why don’t ۞ա ༵ 㣌 jihgéi gáan a self choose SFP you choose yourself?’ B: ݺ Ngóh I ‘But I ᢰ ᢝ ˒ bcn sck jbk? where know SFP don’t know how to choose!’ Negative wh-constructions The use of bCn (douh) ‘where’ and dím ‘how?’ in this context serves to negate and deny the prior statement that ‘she is going to be promoted soon.’ bCn (douh) ‘where? is often used to play down a compliment (20.1.4). Another way to express a similar effect is the use of gwái, literally ‘devil’, in the same position as bCndouh ‘where’ and dím ‘how’ to give a colloquial flavour: B: Kéuih gwái s/he devil ‘There’s no ᄎ ֒ ܴ˒ wúih scng-jck a? will promote SFP way she will get promoted.’ The sentence final particle a can also be realized as low-falling àh when gwái appears in this negative wh-construction. These constructions are discussed in L. Cheung (2009b). See also 17.3.4 on rhetorical questions with bCndouh ‘where’. 299 Chapter 14 Quantification and existential sentences Quantification concerns terms such as all, everyone, anything and somewhere, which do not refer to specific things but define classes of things. Quantifiers in language generally have a syntax which is distinct from that of other parts of speech, and this is especially true for Cantonese. The expression of quantification in Cantonese differs substantially from English. There are no words corresponding straightforwardly to everything or something, for example, and each of these types of quantification calls for a different structure. To express universal quantification (all/every/any) a quantifying expression is used in conjunction with dDu before the verb (14.1.1). There are distinct constructions corresponding approximately to the meanings all, each/every and any: ଡଡ ᖂس ຟ უ ߨ Go-go hohksaang ddu séung jáu CL-CL student all want leave ‘All the students want to go.’ (14.1.2) ޢ ֲ ຟ এ Múih yaht ddu haih gám each day also is so ‘It’s like this every day.’ (14.1.4) ᢰଡ ᖂس ຟ ᢝ װቹ塢 Bcngo hohksaang ddu sck heui tòuhsyegún which student all know go library ‘Any student knows the way to the library.’ (14.1.5) To express existential quantification (some or none), the existential verb yáuh and its negative counterpart móuh are used (see 14.3): 300 ڶ䢅 䞧 ᇞᤩ ଙ 嘅 Yáuh dc yéh gáaisck xh dóu ge have CL thing explain not PRT SFP ‘Some things cannot be explained.’ (14.3.1) ᩒ Գ ᚥ֫ݺ Móuh yàhn bdng-ngóh-sáu not-have person help-me-hand ‘No one is helping me.’ (14.3.2) Universal quantification: all, every and each Comparisons using quantifiers (more and less: 14.2.1) follow the same patterns as comparison of adjectives (9.3). 14.1 Universal quantification: all, every and each A variety of means are used to express universal quantification, corresponding to English all, every and each.1 14.1.1 Syntax of ddu The adverb dDu, appearing immediately before the verb, is used in most forms of universal quantification, i.e. in expressing the meanings ‘all’, ‘every’ and ‘each’. The various constructions with dDu have a similar syntax; in particular, quantified objects with dDu must be placed before the verb (4.1.1, 8.2.3). While dDu immediately precedes the verb, the quantified phrase may come in either of two positions: (a) between the subject and dDu: ଡଡ Ֆ גຟ ಳ 嘅 Kéuih go-go léuihjái ddu jbui ge s/he CL-CL girl all pursue SFP ‘He chases all the girls.’ (b) preceding the subject, as sentence topic: ଡଡ Ֆ ג ຟ ಳ 嘅 Go-go léuihjái kéuih ddu jbui ge CL-CL girl s/he all pursue SFP ‘He chases all the girls.’ Where both an auxiliary and a main verb are present, the quantified phrase and dDu are placed before the auxiliary: ݺ ᩅ䞧 Ngóh matyéh I what ‘I have to buy ຟ ۞ա ၇ ddu yiu jihgéi máih all need self buy everything myself.’ 301 14 Quantification and existential sentences ೋೋ ֫ᙎ Kéuih jek-jek sáubcu s/he CL-CL watch ‘He wants to buy all ຟ უ ၇ ddu séung máaih all want buy the watches.’ The negative word used in sentences with dDu is mhaih, which immediately precedes the quantified phrase: এ ଡଡ ຟ ၵ 㗎 Mhaih go-go ddu gam dakhàahn ga not-be CL-CL all so free SFP ‘Not everyone has so much free time.’ Օᖂ এ ᢰଡ ຟ گ 㗎 Daaihhohk mhaih bcngo ddu sau ga university not-be who all accept SFP ‘The university doesn’t just accept anyone.’ Similarly, questions involving quantifiers are formed with haih-mhaih (17.1.3) rather than a simple A-not-A question: এএ ଡଡ ຟ უ ٖஒ ܴ˒ Haih-mhaih go-go ddu séung yausck a? be-not-be CL-CL all wish rest SFP ‘Does everyone want a break?’ এএ ৫৫ ຟ ԫᑌ 㗎˒ Haih-mhaih douh-douh ddu yat-yeuhng ga? be-not-be there-there all one-same SFP ‘Is it the same everywhere?’ dDu is also used in the expression [léuhng similarly with other numbers: ࠟ ਮ ຟ ⶕ Léuhng ga ddu leng two CL all nice classifier dDu] ‘both’ and ‘They’re both nice.’ 䞢 Կ ଡ ຟ װ Kéuihdeih saam go ddu heui they three CL all go ‘All three of them are going.’ Idiom: haih . . . dDu may express the meaning ‘every’ or ‘any’ in colloquial speech: 302 এ Գ ຟ व 㗎 Haih yàhn ddu jc ga la is people all know SFP SFP ‘Everyone knows (that).’ এ Գ ຟ ᄎ ٵൣ ܃嘅 Haih yàhn ddu wúih tùhng-chìhng léih ge is people all will sympathize you SFP ‘Anyone would sympathize with you.’ Universal quantification: all, every and each sèhng ‘the whole’ is optionally accompanied by dDu and/or the quantifying verbal particle saai (11.3.3): ګ ਮ ᖲ ʻຟʼ ᡨ ஸ Sèhng ga gbi (ddu) báau saai whole CL plane (all) full PRT ‘The whole plane is full.’ Note that the presence of dDu requires an object with sèhng to come before the verb, while saai alone does not: ݺ䞢 ګ ၴ ৢ ຟ ࣈ ஸ Ngóhdeih sèhng gaan ek ddu chaak saai we whole CL house all demolish PRT ‘We’re knocking the whole house down.’ ݺ䞢 ࣈ ஸ ګ ၴ ৢ Ngóhdeih chaak saai sèhng gaan ek we demolish PRT whole CL house ‘We’re knocking the whole house down.’ Phrases with sèhng may be used adverbially: ګ ଡ Հච ࡌ ۩ֆ Kéuih sèhng go hahjau jauwàih hàahng-gengsc s/he whole CL afternoon around walk-store ‘She went around shopping all afternoon.’ Idiomatically, sèhng has the emphatic meaning ‘all of’: ګ Լ ᄣ ຟ آ ദ Kéuih sèhng seisahp seui ddu meih git-fan s/he whole forty years also not-yet marry ‘She’s all of forty and still not married.’ ݺ ଡ Ngóh go my CL ‘It was all Ֆ ګ ք រ ᤪ ຟآ १ ৢٞ léui sèhng luhk dím jeng ddu meih faan ekkéi daughter whole six o’clock also not-yet return home of six o’clock and my daughter still wasn’t home.’ sèhngyaht ‘always’ is an adverb which may optionally be reinforced by dDu: 303 14 Quantification and existential sentences ֲګ ʻຟʼ ᙈ ࠩ 嘅 Kéuih sèhngyaht (ddu) chìh dou ge s/he always (all) late arrive SFP ‘He’s always late.’ Note that sèhngyaht is often used hyperbolically, as in the above example, and need not be taken to mean literally ‘every time’. chyùhnbouh . . . dDu ‘the whole lot’ is a colloquial quantifier phrase used with dDu and/or the quantifying particle saai (11.3.3); hahm-baahng-laahng, usually reduced to hahmba’laahng, is used colloquially to mean ‘all’ or ‘completely’: 䤭℺䧙 ʻຟʼ এ ܃嘅 ᙑ Hahmba’laahng (ddu) haih léih ge cho completely (all) is your SFP fault ‘It’s all your fault.’ With these items dDu can be omitted, or replaced by the verbal particle saai (11.3.3): 䢅 Գ 䤭℺䧙 ߨ ஸ Dc yàhn hahmba’laahng jáu saai CL people completely leave PRT ࡋ 䢅 Lc dc this CL ‘All this ‘They’ve all gone.’ ٤ຝ ʻຟʼ এ ֲء ຄ 䓰㗎 chyùhnbouh (ddu) haih Yahtbún fo lèihga whole-lot (all) is Japan goods SFP stuff is Japanese.’ ݺ ٤ຝ ʻຟʼ ஸ Ngóh chyùhnbouh (ddu) yiu saai I whole-lot (all) want all ‘I want it all.’ The construction lìhn . . . dDu ‘even’ emphasizes a noun phrase or pronoun: ຑ ܃ຟ ନ ૿ ݺ Lìhn léih ddu xh béi mín ngóh even you also not give face me ‘Not even you respect me.’ ຑ ່ ຟ ᢝ 嘅 ᖂس Lìhn jeui lbk ge hohksaaang ddu xh sck daap even most smart LP student also not-know answer ‘Even the brightest students didn’t know the answer.’ 304 Note that as with other sentence types using dDu, objects modified by lìhn must precede the verb: ݺ 䯒 ࠩ ຑ 堩 ຟ ଇ ᆵ Ngóh guih dou lìhn faahn ddu sihk xh lohk I tired until even food also eat not down ‘I’m so tired I can’t even eat.’ Universal quantification: all, every and each daaihgA ‘everyone (here)’ is used especially in public contexts, addressing or referring to everyone present: ࣠ڕ Օ୮ ٵრ 嘅 ᇩ ݺ䞢 ༉ ެࡳ Yùhgwó daaihga tùhngyi ge wah, ngóhdeih jauh kyutdihng gám jouh if everyone agree the case we then decide so do ‘If everyone agrees, we’ll decide to do it this way.’ ڍ Օ୮ ᦫگ Ddjeh daaihga sau-tbng Thank everyone receive-hear ‘Thank you for listening.’ (radio announcement) gok wái, using the polite classifier wái (6.2.4), is a formal term to address everyone present: ᦟ० ۯٺ Fenyìhng gok wái welcome every-one ‘Ladies and gentlemen, welcome.’ 14.1.2 Reduplicated quantifiers A classifier (see 6.2) may be reduplicated to express quantification, with dDu coming before the verb as discussed in 14.1.1. The noun to which the classifier refers may be omitted where the context makes its identity clear: ଡଡ ʻԳʼ ຟ უ ڍ 䢅 ا Go-go (yàhn) ddu séung yiu dd dc màhnjyú CL-CL (person) all want need more some democracy ‘Everyone wants a bit more democracy.’ এ ೋೋ ʻैปʼ ຟ ֒ 㗎 Mhaih jek-jek (gúpiu) ddu scng ga not-be CL-CL (share) all rise SFP ‘Not all shares go up in price.’ ʻᚭʼ ຟ ᇩ ړ Kéuih tou-tou (hei) ddu wah mhóu s/he CL-CL (film) all say not-good ‘He says every film is not worth seeing.’ ┊ 嘅 tái gé see SFP (film critic) 305 14 Quantification and existential sentences এএ ᑌᑌ ຟ ړଇ 㗎˒ Haih-mhaih yeuhng-yeuhng ddu hóu sihk ga? be-not-be CL-CL all good eat SFP ‘Is everything good?’ (at meal) Note especially douh-douh dDu ‘everywhere’ (douh being used as the classifier for nouns such as deihfDng ‘place’): ࡋ 䢅 Գ Lc dc yàhn this CL people ‘You find these ৫৫ ຟ ڶ㗎 douh-douh ddu yáuh ga la there-there all have SFP SFP people everywhere.’ In addition to classifiers, certain common nouns have reduplicated forms, such as yàhn-yàhn dDu ‘everyone’: ԳԳ ຟ ᚨᇠ অᥨ ᛩቼ Yàhn-yàhn ddu ycnggdi bóuwuh wàahngíng person-person all should protect environment ‘Everyone should protect the environment.’ Time words are reduplicated to form adverbs with habitual meaning: ڻڻ ຟ এ 嘅 Chi-chi ddu haih gám ge time-time all is so SFP ‘It’s like this every time.’ ڣڣ ʻຟʼ ࡋ ڶଡ ംᠲ Lìhn-lìhn (ddu) yáuh lc go mahntàih year-year (all) have this CL problem ‘This problem arises every year.’ ֲֲ ֽཾ װ Kéuih yaht-yaht heui yàuh-séui s/he day-day go swim-water ‘She goes swimming every day.’ With compound nouns such as fAnjEng ‘minute’ and míuhjEng ‘second’, only the first syllable is reduplicated, giving fAn-fAn-jEng ‘any moment’ and míuh-míuh-jEng ‘any second’: 306 ։։ᤪ Ꮑ ܃ Fan-fan-jeng sbui-yiu léih minute-minute need you ‘I need you every moment of the day.’ (title of a song) ઞઞᤪ ᦟፋ ᦟూ fen siu Míuh-míuh-jeng fen jeoi second-second happy gather happy laugh ‘(You) happily get together and laugh every second.’ (TV ad.) Universal quantification: all, every and each 14.1.3 só yáuh (ge) This phrase literally means ‘whatever . . . there are’, and is used in relatively formal contexts as an emphatic ‘all’. If the quantified phrase comes before the verb (as the subject or topicalized object), it must be accompanied by dDu: ࢬ ڶʻ嘅ʼ ࠃٵ ຟ ٵრ Só yáuh (ge) tùhngsih ddu tùhngyi whatever have (LP) colleague all agree ‘All our colleagues agree.’ ݺ ࢬ Ngóh só I whatever ‘I’ll bring all the ڶʻ嘅ʼ ᇷற ຟ ஸ 䓰 yáuh (ge) jclíu ddu daai saai làih have (LP) material all bring all come materials with me.’ ࢬ ڶʻ嘅ʼ ᇷற ຟ ஸ 䓰 Só yáuh (ge) jclíu ddu yiu daai saai làih whatever have (LP) material all need bring all come ‘We need to bring all the materials with us.’ If the quantified phrase is the object of the sentence, it may remain in its usual position after the verb, which may take the quantifying particle saai (11.3.3): ݺ䞢 ┊መ Ngóhdeih tái-gwo we see-EXP ‘We’ve seen all the ݺ Ngóh daai I bring ‘I’ll bring all ࢬ ڶʻ嘅ʼ ᢞᖕ só yáuh (ge) jinggeui whatever have (LP) evidence evidence there is.’ ஸ ࢬ ڶʻ嘅ʼ ᇷற 䓰 saai só yáuh (ge) jclíu làih all whatever have (LP) material come the materials with me.’ 307 14 Quantification and existential sentences 14.1.4 múih ‘each, every’ The word múih ‘each’ functions like bCn ‘which’, being followed by the relevant classifier and accompanied by dDu before the verb: ޢ Múih each ‘Each ܃ Léih you ‘You ଡ ᖂس ຟ ٌ ᖂ၄ go hohksaang ddu yiu gaau hohkfai CL student all need pay tuition student has to pay tuition fees.’ ് ޢ ຟ múih jbung daan ddu yiu chcm each CL form all need sign have to sign every form.’ múih combines with time expressions to form adverbs of frequency such as múih yaht ‘each/every day’ (10.3.4). múih chi ‘every time’ serves as a conjunction to mean ‘whenever’, often together with the verbal particle chAn (11.3.4): ݺ䞢 ޢ ڻ䓰 ʻᘣʼ ࡋ ၴ ᑔ ຟ 䢆 Ngóhdeih múih chi làih (chan) lc gaan jáulàuh ddu hái we every time come (PRT) this CL restaurant all at 䢇৫ ݄ gódouh chóh there sit ‘We sit there 嘅 ge SFP whenever we come to this restaurant.’ 14.1.5 Any The quantifier any differs from each and every in implying an element of choice: the sentence is true whichever you choose. This free choice any is closely related to the negative polarity any, which occurs in negative sentences (see 13.4), the two types being expressed by similar means in both English and Cantonese. Cantonese expresses this concept using the appropriate question word followed by dDu: 308 ᢰଡ ຟ bcngo ddu who all ‘anyone’ ᩅ䞧 ຟ matyéh ddu what all ‘anything’ ᢰ৫ ຟ bcndouh ddu where all ‘anywhere’ ༓ழ ຟ géisìh ddu when all ‘any time’ ᢰ Ⴧ ຟ bcn faai ddu which CL all ‘any (piece)’ រ ʻᑌʼ ຟ dím (yéung) ddu how (manner) all ‘any way’ Universal quantification: all, every and each Like other dDu-phrases (14.1.1), these phrases must precede the verb, whether they function as subjects or objects: ݺ ᢰ৫ ຟ װ אױ Ngóh bcndouh ddu hóyíh heui I where all can go ‘I can go anywhere I like.’ bCngo and mAtyéh are used similarly with nouns to mean ‘any’: ܃ Léih you ‘You ᢰଡ ࠃٵ ຟ אױᓮ 㗎 bcngo tùhngsih ddu hóyíh chéng ga which colleague all can invite SFP can invite any of your colleagues.’ ݺ ᩅ䞧 ູ ຟ ଇ 嘅 Ngóh matyéh yú ddu sihk ge I what fish all eat SFP ‘I eat any kind of fish.’ The question words may have the indefinite meaning ‘any’ in a number of contexts: (a) followed by dDu, as above: ᩅ䞧 Զ࠳ 䞧 ຟ ڶᘋᔊ 嘅 Kéuih matyéh baatgwa yéh ddu yáuh-hingcheui ge s/he what gossip stuff all have-interest SFP ‘He’s interested in any kind of gossip.’ (b) in negative contexts (13.4): ݺ ᩒ ᝑ ᩅ䞧 ܥ Ngóh móuh góng matyéh ak I not-have say what SFP ‘I haven’t said anything much.’ 309 14 Quantification and existential sentences (c) in conditional sentences (16.3): ڶᩅ䞧 ംᠲΔ ܃ Yáuh matyéh mahntàih, léih have any problem you ‘Let me know straight away ⎲ ݺ ⛕ ࠥܛ jckhaak wán ngóh wo at-once seek me SFP if there’s any problem.’ (d) in A-not-A questions (17.1.2): ڶᩒ ߠ ଙ ᢰଡ ܴ˒ ܃վֲ Léih gamyaht yáuh-móuh gin dóu bcngo a? you today have-not-have see PRT which SFP ‘Have you seen anyone today?’ ܃䞢 ࣋ ᄎᄎ װᢰ৫ ܴ˒ Léihdeih fong-ga wúih-xh-wúih heui bcndouh a? you-PL take-leave will-not-will go where SFP ‘Will you be going anywhere in your vacation?’ yahmhòh is a formal term for ‘any’. As with other quantifiers, dDu is required when the yahmhòh phrase comes before the main verb: ٚ۶ ԫ ଡ Գ ຟ ع אױᓮ Yahmhòh yat go yàhn ddu hóyíh sanchíng any one CL person all can apply ‘Anyone may apply.’ ٚ۶ ڣધ ຟ ᦟ० Yahmhòh lìhngéi ddu fenyìhng any age all welcome ‘Any age is welcome.’ The adverbs sihdaahn or kàuhkèih ‘at random’ and chèuihbín ‘as you please’ are colloquial alternatives to express free choice any. As adverbs, they come before the verb: ܃ Léih you ‘You 310 ਢ܀ 䛅 ԫ ଡ ຟ ᩒ ࢬᘯ sihdaahn ló yat go ddu móuh sówaih at-random take one CL all not-have importance can take any one, it makes no difference.’ ܃ᙟঁ ༵ Léih chèuihbín gáan you as-you-please choose ‘Choose any one you like.’ ԫ ٙ yat gihn one CL (referring to clothing) Similarly, chèuihsìh ‘at any time’: ܃ Léih you ‘You ᙟழ chèuihsìh any-time can leave ߨ ʻຟʼ jáu (ddu) dak leave all okay any time you like.’ Relative quantities: much/many, little/few dím dDu ‘anyway’ typically expresses resignation or determination: រ ຟ ् ᚥ ݺ Kéuih dím ddu xh háng bdng ngóh s/he how all not willing help me ‘She doesn’t want to help me anyway.’ ܃ନ ߡΔ រ ຟ ࠫ Léih béi kéuih jouh jyúgok, kéuih dím ddu jai you allow him do lead-star s/he how all accept ‘If you give him the lead role he’ll agree to anything.’ 14.2 Relative quantities: much/many, little/few As there is no systematic distinction between count and mass nouns in Cantonese, dD may mean either ‘many’ or ‘much’ and síu ‘few’ or ‘little’: ڍԳ ڍ䞧 ֟Գ ֟ᙒ dd dd síu síu yàhn ‘many people’ yéh ‘a lot of stuff’ yàhn ‘few/not many people’ chín ‘little/not much money’ These may be modified, for example: hóu dD ‘a lot’, gam dD ‘so many/much’, géi dD ‘quite a lot’, hóu síu ‘very little’, gam síu ‘so little’. dD and síu also function as ‘more’ and ‘less’ respectively in comparative contexts (14.2.1). Idiom: haih gam dD ‘that’s all’ is used in shopping, dining and other service situations: A: ٘ ࠌࠌ 䞧 ܴ˒ Juhng sái-msái giu yéh a? still need-not-need order things SFP ‘Do you need to order anything else?’ B: ࠌ ໞʿ এ Msái la, haih no-need SFP is ‘No thanks, that’ll ڍ 㗎 䄆 gam dd ga laak so much SFP SFP be all.’ 311 14 Quantification and existential sentences daaih bá ‘plenty’ is a colloquial quantifier: Օ ނ Գ ڶᘋᔊ 嘅 Daaih bá yàhn yáuh hingcheui ge big bunch people have interest SFP ‘Plenty of people are interested.’ (conv.) ݺ բᆖ Օ ނ 䞧 Ngóh yíhgcng daaih bá yéh I already big bunch things ‘I already have plenty of work to jouh do do.’ msíu ‘not little’ is often used to mean ‘quite a few’ or ‘quite a bit’: ່ २ ֟ Գ عᓮ Ե ᄎ Jeui gahn msíu yàhn sanchíng yahp wúi most recent not-few people apply enter society ‘Quite a lot of people have applied to join the society recently.’ ᑔᏝ բᆖ ֒䦹 ֟ 嘅 ໞ Làuhga yíhgcng scng-jó msíu ge la flat-price already rise-PFV not-little SFP SFP ‘The price of flats has gone up quite a bit.’ Idiom: mdD msíu, literally ‘not a lot but not a little’ often conveys modesty: A: ܃ᢝᢝ Léih sck-xh-sck you know-not-know ‘Do you know about ଃᑗ ܴ˒ yamngohk a? music SFP music?’ B: ڍ ֟ ຟ ᢝ 䢅 Mdd msíu ddu sck dc la not-much not-little all know some SFP ‘A little.’ dD-dD síu-síu has a similar meaning. The quantifiers dD and síu/msíu may be used as predicates, like adjectives: 312 䢇ঁ Գ ૹ ڍ Góbihn yàhn juhng dd that-way people even more ‘There are even more people over there.’ ཎ֮ 嘅 Գ ။ 䓰 ။ ֟ Gam scmàhn ge yàhn yuht làih yuht síu so gentle LP people more and more little ‘Such genteel people are getting fewer and fewer.’ ၇ অᙠ Máaih bóuhím buy insurance ‘There are quite Relative quantities: much/many, little/few ຟ ֟ ⎲ 嘅 Գ ge yàhn ddu msíu wo LP people also not-few SFP a few people buying insurance.’ When used predicatively in this way, dD and síu may take the perfective aspect jó: ء Bún local ‘The ཽ ԳՑ ڍ䦹 ԫ yat púih Góng yàhnháu dd-jó HK population much-PFV one part population of Hong Kong has grown by 100 per cent.’ រ ᇞ ֟䦹 ڍ 嘅˒ Dím gáai síu-jó gam dd gé? how come less-PFV so much SFP ‘Why is there so much less?’ dD-jó and síu-jó have the idiomatic meanings ‘extra’ and ‘missing’ respectively: վ ڍ ڻ䦹 ʻԫʼ ଡ Գ Gam chi dd-jó (yat) go yàhn this time more-PFV (one) CL person ‘There’s one extra person this time.’ վ ֟ ڻ䦹 ʻԫʼ ଡ Գ Gam chi síu-jó (yat) go yàhn this time less-PFV (one) CL person ‘There’s one person missing this time.’ sBsíu or the reduplicated form síu-síu ‘a little’ are used adverbially with verbs or adjectives: ᐖࣟᇩ ၞޡ䦹 ֟֟ Kéuih Gwóngdeng-wá jeunbouh-jó síu-síu s/he Cantonese improve-PFV little-little ‘His Cantonese has improved a little.’ ભ ८ ֒䦹 ࠄ֟ Méih gam scng-jó sbsíu US gold rise-PFV little ‘The US dollar has gone up a little.’ 313 14 Quantification and existential sentences ֟֟ ॅ ܃ ༉ ⶕ ڍ ړ Léih fèih síu-síu jauh leng hóu dd you fat little-little then pretty very much ‘You’re much prettier when you’re a bit fatter.’ The excessive constructions with taai, gwotàuh and dAk jaih (see 9.3.4) may occur with dD and síu: ݺ ֶ ڍ ֜ ܃ ໞʴ Ngóh him léih taai dd la! I owe you too much SFP ‘I owe too much to you.’ (film) ܃堬 堬 ڍ መᙰ Léih yám jáu yám dak dd gwotàuh you drink wine drink ADV much excess ‘You drink a bit too much.’ 䢅 ก ᗷ ڍ ዩ dak jaih Dc tìhmbán tòhng dd CL dessert sugar much a-bit ‘The sugar in the dessert is a bit much.’ taai síu ‘too little, too few’ is often equivalent to ‘not enough’: ܃ଇ ֜ ֟ 䞧 ໞ Léih sihk taai síu yéh la you eat too little stuff SFP ‘You’re not eating enough.’ ֜ ֟ Գ ᣂ֨ Taai síu yàhn gwaansam kéuih too few people care him/her ‘Not enough people care for her.’ 14.2.1 Comparing quantities: more and less The words dD ‘much/many’ and síu ‘little/few’ also mean ‘more’ and ‘less’ respectively when combined with comparative constructions such as those with gwo and béi (9.3): ݺ ଇ ڍ መ ܃ Ngóh sihk dak dd gwo léih I eat ADV more than you 314 ‘I eat more than you do.’ ݺ ֟ መ ۔ ݺധ Ngóh jaahn dak síu gwo ngóh lóuhpòh I earn ADV less than my wife ‘I earn less than my wife does.’ ݺ 不 ֺ אছ ڍ Ngóh fan dak béi yíhchìhn dd I sleep ADV than before more Relative quantities: much/many, little/few ‘I sleep more than I used to.’ Where the object of comparison is omitted, dC is used (9.3). As with adjectives (9.3.1), such comparisons may be modified by hóu dD ‘much, a lot’, dC ‘a little’ and its reduplicated form dC-dC or dCt-dCt ‘a wee bit’: 䞢 უ ڍ 䢅 ழၴ Kéuihdeih séung yiu dd dc sìhgaan they want need more a-little time ‘They’d like a little more time.’ ݺ ኑᣋ ֟ 䢅 ᙒ Ngóh lìhngyún jaahn síu dc chín I rather earn less a-bit money ‘I’d rather make less money.’ ࡋ ඈ ᐊ 䞧 ᐊ ֟ ڍ ړ Kéuih lc pàaih sé yéh sé dak síu hóu dd s/he these days write thing write ADV less very much ‘He writes a lot less nowadays.’ dD and síu also take on their comparative meanings ‘more’ and ‘less’ when followed by a quantity expression: ݺ䞢 ⴤ۰ ٦ ۰ ڍ Կ ֲ Ngóhdeih lám-jyuh joi jyuh dd saam yaht we think-CONT again live more three day ‘We’re thinking of staying three more days.’ ݺ ନ Ngóh béi I give ‘I gave ten ֟ Լ ։ 䢇 ଡ ᖂس síu sahp fan gó go hohksaang less ten mark that CL student marks less to that student.’ dD gwo and síu gwo may compare two clauses: ݺ व Ngóh jc I know ‘I know you ܃რ ᙒ ڍ መ რ ݺ léih jengyi chín dd gwo jengyi ngóh you like money more than like me love money more than you love me.’ (film) chCu gwo ‘more than’ is used with figures, being more formal than dD gwo: ೋ द ؈᠋ ၌ መ Կ ֲ Jek gáu satjeng chcu gwo saam yaht CL dog missing more than three days ‘The dog was missing for more than three days.’ 315 14 Quantification and existential sentences ၇ ᄅ ߫ ၌ መ Լ ᆄ ಈ man Máaih san chb yiu chcu gwo sahp maahn buy new car need more than ten ten-thousand dollar ‘To buy a new car costs over $100,000.’ yuht làih yuht ‘more and more’ may be used with dD and síu, as with adjectives (9.3.1): ֆ 嘅 ᙒ ။䓰။ ֟ síu Gengsc jaahn ge chín yuht làih yuht company earn that money more-come-more less ‘The company is making less and less money.’ ။䓰။ ڍ ᖂس Yuht làih yuht dd hohksaang more-come-more many student More and more students are going ᦰ Օᖂ duhk daaihhohk study university to university.’ 14.2.2 Most daaih bouh fahn ‘a large part’ renders ‘most of [noun]’: ᐊ 䢅 䞧 Օ ຝ ٝ এ ట 嘅 Kéuih sé dc yéh daaih bouh fahn haih jan ge s/he write CL stuff large CL part is true SFP ‘Most of what he writes is true.’ Օ Daaih large ‘Most ຝ ٝ Գ bouh fahn yàhn CL part people people are staying ຟ ᄎ ఎ 䢆 ଉཽ ddu wúih làuh hái Hbunggóng all will stay at Hong Kong in Hong Kong.’ Similarly, síu bouh fahn is ‘a small portion’ and yAt bouh fahn ‘part of, some of’. dDsou ‘most’ or ‘mostly’ is used to quantify people, things or events: ڍᑇ Գ པ װள۩ Ddsou yàhn syú-ga heui léuih-hàhng most people summer-holiday go travel ‘Most people go travelling in the summer holidays.’ 316 Գ䞢 ڍᑇ ش ࡋ ೋ ྨ Yàhndeih ddsou yuhng lc jek pàaih-jí people mostly use this CL brand ‘Most people use this brand.’ síusou is the opposite of dDsou, meaning ‘few’ or ‘a minority of’: ڶ ֟ᑇ Գ ᢥګ ᑌ Jíyáuh síusou yàhn jaansìhng gám yéung jouh only-have few people approve this way do ‘Only a few people approve of this way of doing things.’ Existential sentences ֟ ڶᑇ ᖂس ق װ Yáuh síusou hohksaang heui sihwai have few student go demonstrate ‘There are a few students who demonstrate.’ Both quantifiers appear in the idiomatic expression: ֟ᑇ ࣚൕ ڍᑇ Síusou fuhkchùhng ddsou few obey many ‘The minority obeys the majority.’ Unlike dDsou, however, síusou is not used as an adverb. 14.3 Existential sentences Existential sentences, introduced by the word yáuh, are important to idiomatic Cantonese. yáuh essentially means ‘have’ or ‘there is/there are’ but often does not correspond to anything in English. The negative counterpart móuh ‘there isn’t/there aren’t’ behaves in a parallel fashion: essentially all those structures which occur with yáuh also occur with móuh (14.3.2). The corresponding A-not-A question form, yáuh-móuh, is used to form existential questions (17.1.5). There is no clear distinction between the ‘possessive’ and ‘existential’ functions of yáuh, and sentences such as the following have a similar structure: 䞢 ڶ Կ ଡ ג Kéuihdeih yáuh saam go jái they have three CL son ‘They have three sons.’ (possessive) ࡋ ଡ ֱچ ڶംᠲ Lc go deihfdng yáuh mahntàih this CL place have problem ‘There’s something wrong with this place.’ (existential) As a verb, yáuh can take the aspect markers gwo and jó (but not gán or jyuh), and verbal particles such as fAan (11.3.1): 317 14 Quantification and existential sentences ݺ䞢 ᖂீ ൕࠐ آ ڶመ 嘅 ge Ngóhdeih hohkhaauh chùhnglòih meih yáuh-gwo gam lbk our school never not-yet have-EXP so smart LP ᖂس hohksaang student ‘Our school has never had such a bright student.’ ڶ䦹 ࡋ ଡ ఐ ړર Kéuih yáuh-jó lc go behng hóu loih s/he have-PFV this CL disease very long ‘She’s had this disease for a long time.’ ڶ ܃ ॾ֨ ༉ ᩒ ംᠲ 嘅 ໞ Léih yáuh faan seunsam jauh móuh mahntàih ge la you have back confidence then not-have problem SFP SFP ‘When you get your confidence back there’ll be no problem.’ Idiomatically, yáuh-jó (bìhbC), with the perfective marker jó, means ‘pregnant’: ړᝑ ନ Գʻ䞢ʼ ᦫ ڶ ݺ䦹 ⎲ Mhóu góng béi yàhn(deih) tbng ngóh yáuh-jó wo don’t speak to people hear I have-PFV SFP ‘Don’t tell anyone I’m pregnant, okay?’ 14.3.1 Indefinite some Indefinite noun phrases with the sense of some are expressed by the existential verb yáuh: ڶ Yáuh have ‘Some ʻ䢅ʼ Գ ᤚ ࡋ ᚭ (dc) yàhn gokdak lc tou héi (CL) people feel this CL film people feel this film is well worth ڶ ʻ䢅ʼ 䞧 এ ༓ ݔ Yáuh (dc) yéh mhaih géi tóh have (CL) thing not quite right 318 ┊ࣂ ړ hóu dái-tái very worth-see seeing.’ (i.e. worth the money) ‘Something’s not quite right.’ yáuh combines with time and place words to produce indefinite adverbs such as yáuh (jahn) sìh ‘sometimes’ and yáuh dC deihfDng ‘some places’: ڶழ ݺ䞢 ࠟ ֆധ ຟ ᄎ ♕ٌ 嘅 Yáuh sìh ngóhdeih léuhng gengpó ddu wúih aaigaau ge have time we two couple still will argue SFP ‘Sometimes we (as a couple) still argue.’ ڶ䢅 ֱچ Yáuh dc deihfdng have some place ‘In some places they Existential sentences ନ Գ ଇ ᄿ 嘅 xh béi yàhn sihk ycn ge not let people eat smoke SFP don’t let you smoke.’ An indefinite location can also be expressed by hóuchíh . . . bCndouh or Xh jC bCndouh ‘I don’t know where’: ۿړ 䢆 ᢰ৫ ߠመ ܃ Hóuchíh hái bcndouh gin-gwo léih seem at where see-EXP you ‘I seem to have seen you somewhere before.’ ભഏ व ᢰ৫ ڶၴ 嘅 ᖂீ Méihgwok xh jc bcndouh yáuh gáan gám ge hohkhaauh America not know where have CL such LP school ‘Somewhere in America there’s a school like that.’ Similarly, Xh jC géisìh ‘I don’t know when’ might be used to express ‘sometime’: ࡋ ය ᠲؾ ݺ䞢 व ༓ழ ᝑመ Lc tìuh tàihmuhk ngóhdeih xh jc géisìh góng-gwo this CL topic we not know when talk-EXP ‘We’ve discussed this topic sometime before.’ yáuh with a quantity expression such as dC or síu-síu may be used to modify an adjective: ᝑ 嘅䞧 ۿړ ڶ䢅 䞤 Kéuih góng ge yéh hóuchíh yáuh dc m-ngaam s/he say LP things seem have bit not-right ‘There seems to be something not quite right in what he says.’ ݺ ᤚ ֟֟ ڶ ٵ Ngóh gokdak yáuh síu-síu mtùhng I feel have little-little different ‘I feel there’s a slight difference.’ ݺ Ngóh I ‘I’m a ڶ䢅 䯒Δ უ १ ৢٞ ٣ yáuh dc guih, séung faan ekkéi sìn have some tired want return home first bit tired, I’d like to go home.’ (film) 319 14 Quantification and existential sentences yáuh is also used in comparison of adjectives (9.3) and adverbs (10.2), in the form yáuh-móuh for interrogative comparisons or alone in rhetorical questions: ܃ Léih you ‘Are ڶᩒ 壄壀 ܴ˒ yáuh-móuh kéuih gam jcngsàhn a? have-not-have her so energetic SFP you as energetic as her?’ ݺ ᢰʻ৫ʼ Ngóh bcn(douh) I where ‘I’m nothing like ڶ ˒ܴ ࠃء yáuh kéuih gam búnsih a? have her so capable SFP as capable as she is.’ Note the rhetorical use of bCn(douh): see 17.3.4. Idioms: [gam surprise: adj. dDu yáuh] is an expression of exclamation or Ᏸʴ ᆵ Օ ॸ ຟ ڶ嘅ʴ Wa! Lohk gam daaih yúh ddu yáuh gé! wow fall so big rain also exist SFP ‘Gosh, I never knew it could rain like this!’ ۚᎨ ຟ ڶ嘅ʴ Gam yuhksyen ddu yáuh gé! so ugly also exist SFP The combination [yáuh and proverbs: ᇠ ʿ Mgdi, please ‘Please ‘What could be so ugly?’ verb] also occurs in some idiomatic expressions ဩ Ց ڶᆵ gaai háu yáuh lohk street corner have descend let me off at the corner.’ (used on minibuses etc.) 䞢 ࠟ ଡ ڶᝑ ڶూ Kéuihdeih léuhng go yáuh góng yáuh siu those two CL have talk have laugh ‘Those two (people) get on well together.’ 320 ᔂᙒ এ ᤢ ڶ ڶ Dóu-chín gánghaih yáuh yèhng yáuh bet-money of course have win have ‘In gambling, of course there are times to lose.’ ᙁ 嘅 sye ge la lose SFP SFP to win and there are times Existential sentences 14.3.2 Negative none, no one, nothing Móuh is the negative counterpart of yáuh, meaning ‘there isn’t/there aren’t’ (there is no combination *Xh yáuh in Hong Kong Cantonese). It behaves in a parallel fashion to yáuh: those structures which occur with yáuh generally also occur with móuh, with a similar pattern of possessive or existential usage: ݺ ᩒ ஸ ᙒ ໞ ⎲ Ngóh móuh saai chín la wo I not-have all money SFP SFP ‘I’m out of money.’ (possessive) ࡋ৫ ᩒ 䞧 ၇ yéh máaih Lcdouh móuh here not-have things buy ‘There’s nothing to buy here.’ (existential) Negative quantifiers formed with the negative existential word móuh (13.4) include móuh yàhn ‘no one’ and móuh yéh ‘nothing’: ᩒ Móuh not-have ‘No one Գ ࣔʻػʼ ܃ᝑ ᩅ yàhn mìhng(baahk) léih góng mat person understand you say what understands what you’re talking about.’ ݺ䞢 ᩒ 䞧 ᗠ۰ ܃ Ngóhdeih móuh yéh mùhn-jyuh léih we not-have thing hide-CONT you ‘We have nothing to hide from you.’ These expressions may be qualified by the addition of mAt, mAtyéh or géi dD, giving the meaning ‘hardly any’: վֲ ᩒ ᩅ Գ Gam-yaht móuh mat yàhn today not-have any person ‘Hardly anyone is going to work १ ՠ faan geng return work today.’ ᩒ ᩅ䞧 ᝑ ᐖࣟᇩ Móuh matyéh sye góng Gwóngdeng-wá not-have any book talk Cantonese ‘There are hardly any books about Cantonese ᩒ ༓ ڍ ழၴ ໍ ໞ Móuh géi dd sìhgaan jihng la not-have how much time remain SFP ‘There isn’t much time left.’ 嘅 ऄ ge yúhfaat LP grammar grammar.’ 321 14 Quantification and existential sentences móuh with the numeral yAt ‘one’ represents a more emphatic denial: ᩒ ԫ ଡ ۿړ ܃ ᥡ 嘅 Móuh yat go hóuchíh léih gam chéun ge no one CL like you so stupid SFP ‘There’s no one as stupid as you.’ ԫ ศ ᜢ ຟ ᩒ Yat lap sbng ddu móuh one CL sound also not-have ‘There’s not even a sound.’ ࡋ ຝ ᖲ ԫ 䢅 ش ຟ ᩒ Lc bouh gbi yat dc yuhng ddu móuh this CL machine one bit use also not-have ‘This machine is no use at all.’ The meaning may be emphasized in the expression yAt dC . . . dDu móuh meaning ‘none at all’: ؆ഏԳ 䢆 ࡋ ၴ ֆ ԫ 䢅 ۯچ ຟ ᩒ Ngoihgwok-yàhn hái lc gaan gengsc yat dc deihwaih ddu móuh foreign-people in this CL company one bit status also not-have ‘Foreigners have no status at all in this company.’ As a verb, móuh can take the perfective -jó; it then denotes a change from having something to not having it: ᦫ ᝑ 䞢 䞤䞤 ᩒ䦹 ଡ ՠԳΔ Tbng góng kéuihdeih ngaam-ngaam móuh-jó go gengyàhn, hear say they just-just not-have-PFV CL maid ړ⇉ ⎲ hóu mdihm wóh very not-manage SFP ‘Apparently they’ve just lost their maid, and they can’t cope.’ ࣠ڕ ᩒ䦹 ݺ Yùhgwó móuh-jó ngóh if not-have-PFV my ‘Without my salary, we’d be ٝ Գՠ ༉ ኰ ᦗ fahn yàhngeng jauh cháam lo CL salary then poor SFP in trouble.’ Similarly, móuh may take the verbal particles saai and màaih (11.3.3): 322 ݺ䞢 ᩒ ஸ ૿ʴ Gám ngóhdeih maih móuh saai mín! so we then not-have all face ‘We’ll lose face completely, that way!’ ຑ ࡋ ଡ ᖲᄎ ຟ ᩒ ୖΔ టএ ױ൦ Kéuih lìhn lc go gbiwuih ddu móuh màaih, janhaih hósck s/he even this CL chance also not-have PRT really pitiable ‘She’s lost even this chance, it’s really a shame.’ Existential sentences móuh together with a question word expresses a qualified ‘any’ (13.4). Thus móuh mAtyéh or móuh mAt means ‘not much’: ݺ ᤚ ᖞ୲ ᩒ ᩅ䞧 ړ matyéh mhóu Ngóh gokdak jíng-yùhng móuh I feel fix-look not-have any not-good ‘I don’t really see anything wrong with cosmetic surgery.’ ኙ ۫ ᠔ ᩒ ᩅ ॾ֨ 嘅 Kéuih deui sai yc móuh mat seunsam ge s/he towards Western doctor not-have any confidence SFP ‘She doesn’t have much confidence in Western doctors.’ Similarly, móuh géi dD means ‘not many/much’ and móuh géi loih (chìhn) ‘not long ago’: վڣ ᩒ ༓ ڍ Գ װ؆ഏ Gam-lìhn móuh géi dd yàhn heui ngoihgwok this-year not-have how many people go abroad ‘Not many people are going abroad this year.’ 䞢 ᩒ ༓ ર ছ 䦹ദ Kéuihdeih móuh géi loih chìhn git-jó-fan they not-have how long ago marry-PFV ‘They got married not long ago.’ Note that the time phrase with chìhn ‘ago’ (see 10.4) must come before the verb; without chìhn, the phrase móuh géi loih would follow the verb with a slight difference in meaning: 䞢 䦹ദ ᩒ༓ ર Kéuihdeih git-jó-fan móuh géi loih they marry-PFV not-have how long ‘They haven’t been married for long.’ Idioms: móuh baahnfaat ‘no way’ and móuh hólàhng ‘no chance’ are used adverbially: ݺ䞢 ᩒ ᙄऄ ᇞᤩ ࡋ ٙ ࠃ Ngóhdeih móuh baahnfaat gáaisck lc gihn sih we not-have way explain this CL matter ‘There’s no way we can explain this.’ 323 14 Quantification and existential sentences ݺ䞢 ᩒ ױ౨ ᑌ ᆵװ Ngóhdeih móuh hólàhng gám yéung jouh lohk-heui we not-have chance this way do continue ‘We can’t possibly go on like this.’ móuh léihyàuh, literally ‘no reason’, is used to show the speaker’s incomprehension or incredulity: ᩒ ط ᦫ ݺሽᇩ Kéuih móuh léihyàuh xh tbng ngóh dihnwá s/he no reason not listen my phone ‘How come he’s not answering my calls?’ ܃ᩒ ط ሓ ݺ䞢 ଇ ܃䢅 Léih móuh léihyàuh bck ngóhdeih sihk léih dc you no reason force us inhale your CL Բ֫ ᄿ yih-sáu ycn second-hand smoke ‘There’s no need to (film) 嘅ʴ ge! SFP force us to breathe your second-hand smoke.’ móuh is also used in negative comparisons (9.3.3, 10.2): ݺ ය Ngóh tìuh I CL ‘My fate is ࡎ ᩒ س ܃ ړ mehng móuh léih saang dak gam hóu fate not-have you born ADV so good not as good as yours.’ Idioms: móuh (ngóh/léih) fán ‘I/you have no part to play’ (note the tone change: fahn ‘part, portion’ fán): վඡ Ծ ᩒ ݺٝ ໞ Gam-máahn yauh móuh ngóh fán la tonight again not-have my part SFP ‘There’s no place for me here again tonight.’ (TV ad.) Kéuih her ‘Does 324 ৵ئ ڶᩒ ٝ ։ ߪ୮ ܴ˒ hauh-móuh yáuh-móuh fán fan san-ga a? step-mother have-not-have part divide property SFP her step-mother have a share in the family property?’ móuh sówaih ‘(I) don’t mind’ expresses indifference: Existential sentences װભഏ ࢨृ ഏ ຟ ᩒ ࢬᘯ Heui Méihgwok waahkjé Ycnggwok ddu móuh sówaih go America or England all not-have mind ‘I don’t mind whether we go to America or England.’ ଇ ᩅ䞧 ຟ ᩒ ࢬᘯ 嘅 Kéuih sihk matyéh ddu móuh sówaih ge s/he eat what all not-have mind SFP ‘He doesn’t mind what he eats.’ móuh is readily used in double negatives (13.5) to give the meaning ‘every’: ᩒ ߊԳ უ ڶଡ ⶕ ۔ധ Móuh làahmyán xh séung yáuh go leng lóuhpòh not-have man not wish have CL pretty wife ‘Every man wants to have a beautiful wife.’ 325 Chapter 15 Relative and noun-modifying clauses Relative clauses are clauses which modify a noun phrase. We define a relative clause as a clause (containing minimally a verb) which serves to specify the reference of a noun phrase. In this chapter, relative clauses are considered as part of a wider class of noun-modifying clauses, which also includes attributive clauses (15.4). In Chinese the relative clause precedes the noun it modifies. This is part of a general pattern of noun modification whereby modifying phrases precede the noun and are linked to it by the particle ge (15.2) or a demonstrative and classifier (15.3). This ordering is common in SOV languages (such as Japanese) but highly unusual in an SVO language such as Chinese.1 The placement of the relative clause before the noun has a number of implications. For example, whereas in English multiple relative clauses can follow the same noun, in Chinese it is rare for more than one clause to modify the noun, especially in spoken language. Another consequence is that relative clauses in Chinese are essentially of the restrictive type (15.1).2 There are two main types of relative clause in spoken Cantonese: (a) [relative clause ge noun] (15.2) ʻ䢇 䢅ʼ ᢝ ᐖࣟᇩ ە 嘅 ᖂس (Gó dc) sck Gwóngdeng-wá ge hohksaang háau dak those CL know Cantonese that students examine ADV ړ䢅 hóu dc well a-bit ‘The students who know Cantonese did better (on the exam).’ 326 (b) [relative clause gó classifier noun] (15.3) ᢝ ᐖࣟᇩ 䢇 䢅 ᖂس ە sck Gwóngdeng-wá gó dc hohksaang háau dak know Cantonese those CL students examine ADV Restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses ړ䢅 hóu dc well a-bit ‘The students who know Cantonese did better (on the exam).’ These two types are treated separately in the following sections, as they have different ranges of application: the ge type is preferred in formal language, whereas the classifier type (b) is more colloquial (Matthews and Yip 2001). The free relative clause as in Who dares, wins is discussed in 15.6, although it bears no structural resemblance to the restrictive relatives discussed in 15.2 and 15.3. 15.1 Restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses Whereas in English relative clauses may be restrictive or non-restrictive, in spoken Cantonese they are essentially restrictive in function: that is, they serve to restrict the reference of a noun phrase, as in The teachers I know are underpaid, which suggests that the comment only applies to certain teachers, namely those known to the speaker. Spoken Cantonese does not have any direct counterparts to the nonrestrictive relative, as in The postman, who is a friend of mine, arrived. The non-restrictive type is limited to formal registers such as news broadcasting: 䛅䦹 ᘭߦዿ ࡉؓ ᑻ ᜔อ 嘅 ભഏ Ló-jó Lohkbuiyíh wòhpìhng jéung ge Méigwok júngtúng receive-PFV Nobel peace prize LP America president ್֣ Oubamáh Obama ‘US President Obama, who received the Nobel Peace Prize’ Such language is doubly unrepresentative of spoken Cantonese, since it shows the influence of English as well as written Chinese syntax. 327 15 Relative and noun-modifying clauses 15.2 Relative clauses with ge This type of relative clause is similar in form to the possessive (6.3) and attributive adjective constructions with ge (9.1). Corresponding to the relative clause construction with de ऱ in Mandarin, it allows relative clauses in which the noun is understood as the subject or object of the predicate: ᢝ ݺ嘅 Գ sck ngóh ge yàhn know me that people ‘people that know me’ ( yàhn ݺᢝ 嘅 Գ ngóh sck ge yàhn I know that people ‘people that I know’ ( yàhn subject of sCk) subject of sCk) As with the possessive construction, dCk (Mandarin de ऱ) may be used in place of ge in formal registers of Cantonese: ୲࣐ ࠹႞ ऱ ՖԳ Yùhngyih sauhsbung dck léuihyán easy get-hurt that woman ‘Women who are easily hurt.’ (song title) Another literary feature sometimes found in ge relative clauses is the particle só (Mandarin sOo ࢬ). This is used in object relative clauses in formal registers such as legal discourse: ࢬ ༼ࠎ ܫ 嘅 ᢞᖕ yùhn-gou só tàihgeng ge jinggeui plaintiff PRT provide LP evidence ‘the evidence provided by the plaintiff’ 15.3 Relative clauses with classifier An alternative form of relative clause uses a classifier and a demonstrative instead of ge. This construction is extremely common, being preferred in colloquial Cantonese to the more formal ge construction. Consequently, children acquiring Cantonese acquire classifier relatives earlier than the relative clause constructions with ge (V. Yip and Matthews 2007b: 159). 328 The demonstrative gó in this relative construction has a restrictive sense (‘the one that’) rather than its usual demonstrative sense (‘that’, see 6.1.1): ݺ ⛕ 䢇 ଡ Գ 䢆৫ Ngóh yiu wán gó go yàhn xh háidouh I need seek that CL person not here ‘The person I’m looking for is not here.’ Relative clauses with classifier The demonstrative is sometimes omitted, especially with the plural classifier dC: ݺ䞢 Ngóhdeih we ‘The food 䢆 hái in we 㗎 ऄഏ ଇ 䢅 䞧 ༓ ړଇ Faatgwok sihk dc yéh géi hóu-sihk ga France eat CL stuff quite good-eat SFP ate in France was pretty good.’ In this construction, the head noun can be omitted when it is understood from the context: վֲ ଇ 䢇 ၴΔ ܃ᤚ រ˒ Gamyaht sihk gó gaan, léih gokdak dím? today eat that CL you feel how ‘What do you think about the place where we ate today?’ ඒ ܃ᐘ ྶ Gaau léih táahn kàhm teach you play piano ‘The one who teaches 䢇 ଡ˒ gó go? that CL you piano?’ (film) This construction enables relative clauses to be constructed which would be awkward or impossible using ge, such as those with a demonstrative phrase as the head: 䞢 ۰ 䢇৫ Kéuihdeih jyuh gódouh they live there ‘Where they live is very ړֱঁ hóu m-fdngbihn very not-convenient inconvenient.’ (conv.) When the classifier relative construction is used to form an object relative clause (that is, with the head noun understood as the object), the resulting phrase appears identical to a main clause: ݺ䞢 ┊መ 䢇 ༏ ઌ Ngóhdeih tái-gwo gó fek séung we see-EXP that CL picture ‘The picture we saw’ or ‘We saw the picture.’ This resemblance between the main clause and the object relative clause has a number of implications. One is that object relatives of this type appear 329 15 Relative and noun-modifying clauses to be acquired earlier than the corresponding subject relatives due to their canonical SVO word order (V. Yip and Matthews 2007a). As early as age 2, a child produced the following example (while pointing to her own drawings): ˔˿˼˶˼˴ 䢇 䢅 䞧 Alicia waahk gó dc yéh Alicia draw that CL stuff ‘Alicia drew those things’ or ‘[These are] the things that Alicia drew.’ This is a perfectly well-formed clause, which is, just as in adult language, ambiguous between a main clause and relative cause interpretation (V. Yip and Matthews 2007b: 161). One possibility is that these constructions are internally headed relative clauses, that is, having the internal structure of a main clause, but functioning syntactically as noun phrases (Matthews and Yip 2001: 275).3 When such a clause is embedded in a sentence, it becomes clear that a relative clause is intended: ܃ନ ݺ䢇 䢅 ઌ ⶕ ړ Léih béi ngóh gó dc séung hóu leng you give me those CL pictures very nice ‘The pictures you gave me are very nice.’ 15.4 Resumptive pronouns In the relative clauses discussed so far, the head noun is understood as the subject or object of the modifying clause. Where the head noun is not the subject or direct object of the predicate, a common strategy is to use a resumptive pronoun in the relative clause to refer forward to the head noun.4 In the case of simple object relatives, no resumptive pronoun is needed: ݺᓮ 嘅 ֖ࣛ ngóh chéng ge pàhngyáuh I invite that friends ‘friends that I invite for dinner’ However, a pronoun may be used in relatively complex cases such as the following where the pronoun is the object of a verb taking a complement clause: 330 ݺᓮ ʻ䞢ʼ ଇ堩 嘅 ֖ࣛ ngóh chéng (kéuihdeih) sihk-faahn ge pàhngyáuh I invite (them) eat-food that friends ‘friends that I invite for dinner’ The pronoun is generally required when the head noun represents an indirect object: Resumptive pronouns 䢇 ଡ ఐԳ ړஸ ໞ ݺ䞢 ಬ क़ ନ Ngóhdeih sung fa béi kéuih gó go behngyàhn hóu faan saai la we send flower to her that CL patient well back all SFP ‘The patient we sent flowers to has recovered completely.’ Here the resumptive pronoun kéuih in the relative clause refers forward to the noun behngyàhn ‘patient’. Similarly, a pronoun is used when the head noun is the object of a preposition/coverb (7.2.1) within the relative clause:5 ݺ ٵ 䞢 Ngóh tùhng kéuihdeih I with them ‘the students that I chat ႜ℘ 嘅 ᖂس kcnggái ge hohksaang chat that students with’ (object of coverb) Where the head noun is the possessor of a noun within the relative clause, the pronoun is optional: ݺ ┊መ ʻʼ ༏ ઌ 䢇 ଡ Գ 䓰䦹 Ngóh tái-gwo (kéuih) fek séung gó go yàhn làih-jó I see-EXP his CL picture that CL person come-PFV ‘The person whose picture I saw has arrived.’ ݺ ඒመ ଡ ג䢇 Ngóh gaau-gwo kéuih go jái gó I teach-EXP her CL son that ‘The woman whose son I taught was ݺ ၇䦹 䞢 ᐋ Ngóh máaih-jó kéuihdeih chàn I buy-PFV their CL ‘The couple whose flat I bought ଡ ՖԳ ړ ړԳ 嘅 go léuihyán hóu hóu yàhn ge CL woman very nice person SFP nice.’ ᑔ 䢇 ኙ ֛ഡ ړၲ֨ láu gó deui fe-fúh hóu hdisam flat that pair couple very happy is very happy.’ Even the object of a comparison using gwo (9.3) may be made the head noun in this way, resulting in a construction barely possible in English: ݺ ᇩ ⶕ ܃ መ 䢇 ଡ Ֆ ג䦹 Ngóh wah léih leng gwo kéuih gó go léuihjái jouh-jó I say you pretty than her that CL girl do-PFV ଉཽ ՛ࡦ Hbunggóng Síujé Hong Kong Miss ‘The girl I said you were prettier than has become Miss Hong Kong.’ 331 15 Relative and noun-modifying clauses ݺ ᙒ ڍ መ 䞢 嘅 Գ ngóh jaahn chín dd gwo kéuihdeih ge yàhn I earn money more than them that people ‘people who I make more money than’ (object of comparison) 15.5 Attributive clauses In the examples discussed so far, the noun being modified is understood as playing a grammatical role in the modifying clause: it functions as the subject or object, etc. It is also possible for modifying clauses to be used when the noun places no such grammatical role in the modifying clause. For example, the picture (jBung séung) described in the following clause is related semantically, but not grammatically, to the clause kéuih waaht-syut ‘she skis’: ݺ უ ┊ ᄶຳ 䢇 ് ઌ Ngóh séung tái kéuih waaht-syut gó jbung séung I want see s/he slide-snow that CL picture ‘I’d like to see the picture of her skiing.’ Similarly, the shoes (deui hàaih) in the following sentence are contextually linked to the modifying clause léih fAan-hok ‘you go to school’: ܃१ᖂ 䢇 ኙ Léih faan-hohk gó deui you return-school that pair ‘Where are the shoes which ᕀ 䢆 ᢰ ܴ˒ hàaih hái bcn a? shoe at where SFP you wear to go to school?’ Note that the Cantonese sentence does not include the verb ‘wear’, and consequently the grammatical role of the shoes (as the object of ‘wear’, as in the English translation) is not expressed. Such clauses are termed noun-modifying clauses (Matsumoto 1997) or attributive clauses (Comrie 1998) since they specify an attribute of the following noun. The connection between the clause and the noun needs to be established based on the context. For example, the attributive clause léih máaih fBi ‘you bought the ticket’ can be associated with the following noun yàhn ‘person’ in a number of different ways: 332 ܃၇ ଆ 䢇 ଡ Գ Léih máaih fbi gó go yàhn you buy ticket that CL person ‘the person you bought the ticket from’; ‘the person who helped you when you were buying the ticket’; ‘the person whom you met while buying the ticket’. In Chinese linguistics, attributive clauses of this kind are generally viewed as an extension of the regular relative clause construction as described in 15.2 and 15.3 above. They are termed ‘gapless relatives’ because there appears to be no gap in the modifying clause where the subject or object would be expected (L. L. S. Cheng and Sybesma 2006). An alternative perspective sees classical relative clauses such as subject and object relatives as a special case of the general noun-modifying clause construction. Evidence from language acquisition tends to support this view: bilingual children acquiring Cantonese and English produce attributive clauses from as early as age 22 months, even before they are producing subject and object relative clauses (V. Yip and Matthews 2007a: 281). 15.6 Free relative clauses Free relative clauses Free relative clauses in English are those containing a wh-phrase in place of head noun, as in I’ll give you what you want and You can do whatever you like. They are ‘free’ in the sense that what the clause refers to is left unspecified. In Cantonese, there are two types of free relative, corresponding broadly to those with and without -ever in English. The first type resembles the relative clauses discussed in 15.1 above, but without a head noun after ge: ݺ უ ᝑ 嘅 ຟ ᩒ ᝑ ࠩ Ngóh séung góng ge ddu móuh góng dou I want say LP still not-have speak PRT ‘I didn’t say what I wanted to say.’ ܃ ფ 嘅 ݺფ Léih xh ngoi ge ngóh ngoi you not want LP I want ‘What you don’t want, I want.’ װၲᄎ 嘅 Heui hdi-wúi ge go have-meeting LP ‘Those who are going բᆖ ߨ ஸ yíhgcng jáu saai already leave all to the meeting have all left.’ The second type of free relative uses a question word, corresponding to the English forms whoever, whatever, etc., in a correlative construction. The question word is repeated in the main clause, giving a parallel sentence structure in which it serves either as subject or as object of both clauses: 333 15 Relative and noun-modifying clauses ᢰଡ ڶᙒΔ ᢰଡ ନ Bcngo yáuh chín, bcngo béi who has money who pays ‘Whoever has the money pays.’ ۖ୮ 䢅 Ֆ גრ ထ ᩅ䞧 ༉ ထ ᩅ䞧 Yìhga dc léuihjái jengyi jeuk matyéh jauh jeuk matyéh now CL girls like wear what then wear what ‘Nowadays girls wear whatever they like.’ ܃ Léih you ‘You უ ନ ༓ ڍΔ ༉ ନ ༓ ڍ séung béi géi dd, jauh béi géi dd want pay how much then pay how much pay however much you want.’ Note the use of jauh to connect the two clauses (see 16.2.2). The shortened forms mAt ‘what’, dím ‘how’ and bCn ‘where’ are often used in this construction, as in indirect questions (17.4): ܃უ ଇ ᩅΔ ݺ䞢 ༉ ଇ ᩅ Léih séung sihk mat, ngóhdeih jauh sihk mat You wish eat what we then eat what ‘We’ll eat whatever you want to eat.’ ݺ რ រΔ ༉ រ Ngóh jengyi dím, jauh dím I like how then how ‘I do things however I like.’ (film) Գ䞢 װᢰΔ ༉ װᢰ Yàhndeih giu kéuih heui bcn, kéuih jauh heui bcn people tell him/her go where s/he then go where ‘He goes wherever he’s told to go.’ Similar indefinite constructions are used in concessive clauses (16.2.4). 334 Chapter 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses 16.1 Coordination Cantonese uses a variety of devices for coordination, according to the items to be conjoined. In many cases where English would use and, coordination is expressed by juxtaposition without any overt conjunction: ڍ ړ Գ 䓰 ࡋ৫ 堬ಁΔ ଇ堩 Hóu ddu yàhn làih lcdouh yám-chàh, sihk-faahn very many people come here drink-tea eat-food ‘Lots of people come here for dim sum and meals.’ The serial verb construction (8.3) is a case of juxtaposition without any overt indication of coordination or subordination. Where conjunction is explicit, a variety of connecting words are used according to the items to be joined. 16.1.1 Coordination of words and phrases The coverb tùhng ‘with’ (7.2) is used to coordinate noun phrases: ݺ ٵ װ䦹 ࣎ߡ ۩ֆ Ngóh tùhng kéuih heui-jó Wohngkok hàahng-gengsc I with him go-PFV Mongkok walk-store ‘He and I went shopping in Mongkok.’ There is no restriction on the order of the personal pronouns here: kéuih tùhng ngóh and ngóh tùhng kéuih are equally possible, the difference involving which person the sentence is felt to be about (the sentence topic is placed first: see 4.2). 335 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses yauh . . . yauh ‘both . . . and’ is an emphatic conjunction used to coordinate adjectives and verbs: 䢅 ᙰᕓ Ծ Dc tàuhfaat yauh CL hair both ‘Your hair will be ຌ Ծ ڶᐘࢤ yúhn yauh yáuh-daahnsing soft and have-bounce soft and bouncy.’ (shampoo ad.) Ծ ؓ Ծ ⶕ Yauh pèhng yauh leng both cheap and nice ‘(It’s) cheap and cheerful.’ (idiom) ࠉ୮ ඒஃ Ծ ඒΔ Ծ ۩ਙΔ ycga jouh gaausc yauh yiu gaau-sye yauh jouh hàhngjing, nowadays be teacher both need teach-book and do adminstration ે߬ ړ hóu sanfú very tough ‘Nowadays teachers have to both teach and do administration, it’s tough.’ ݺ Ծ ფ Ծ Ngóh yauh oi kéuih yauh hahn kéuih I both love him and hate him ‘I both love and hate him.’ 16.1.2 Lists Lists typically do not require a coordinating conjunction, but are expressed as a sequence of words or phrases separated by a slight pause: ၇ ৢ ࡋΔ ದᒘ ନ ٱक़ ࿔Ε ৳ஃ ၄Ε Máaih ek nb, héimáh yiu béi yanfa seui, leuhtsc fai, buy house PRT at-least need pay stamp duty lawyer fee ᆖધ ܁ gcnggéi yúng agent commission ‘To buy a house, you have to pay stamp duty, legal fees and commission, to start with.’ 336 The adverb dDu ‘all’ (14.1.1) is used to sum up a list of two or more topicalized items: ٱक़ ࿔Ε ৳ஃ ၄Εᆖધ ܁ ຟ ନ Yanfa seui, leuhtsc fai, gcnggéi yúng ddu yiu béi stamp duty lawyer fee agent commission all need pay ‘You have to pay stamp duty, legal fees and commission.’ Coordination tùhng or tùhngmàaih ‘and also’ may be used, like English and, to join the last item to a list: ݺ ၇ ߤፍΕ လΕ ୖٵ ؊ Ngóh yiu máaih dauhfuh, choi, tùhngmàaih láaih I need buy tofu vegetable and milk ‘I need to buy tofu, vegetables and milk.’ It also allows an item to be added by way of afterthought: 䢇৫ 䢅 䞧 ⶕ 䢅ΞΞ ୖٵ אױٚ ༵ ܃ Gódouh dc yéh leng dc . . . tùhngmàaih hóyíh yahm léih gáan there CL stuff nice some what’s-more can up-to you choose ༓ર 嘅 géiloih ge how-long SFP ‘They have nicer things there . . . and you can choose as long as you like.’ A sentence particle such as a or lA may follow any item in a list, typically to fill a pause while the speaker comes up with the next item (see 18.2.1): A: ܃រ ᇞ ڦ 㗎˒ Léih dím gáai gam mòhng ga? you how come so busy SFP ‘How come you’re so busy?’ B: ݺ ޏ ࠴ Δ ᐊ ॾ Δ٘ Ngóh yiu gói gyún la, sé seun la, juhng yiu I need correct paper SFP write letter SFP still need ྦୖ堩 jyú-màaih-faahn cook-also-food ‘Well, I have to as well.’ tìm too grade papers, write letters, and even do the cooking 337 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses 16.1.3 Coordination of clauses For connecting whole phrases or clauses, a number of adverbials or conjunctions are used: juhngyáuh or juhngyiu ‘also’ adds an item which is felt to be important or to have been missed out: A: ᓮ Yiu chéng need invite ‘We should ।ࡦ Ε ॅࠍ ΞΞ bíujé la, fèihlóu la . . . cousin PRT fatty PRT invite your cousin fatty . . .’ B: ٘ڶ Ֆ֖ࣛ ⎲ Juhngyáuh kéuih léuih-pàhngyáuh wo still-have his girl-friend SFP ‘And his girlfriend, too.’ ݺ ྦ堩Δ ٘ ੑ ୖ ᅹ Ngóh yiu jyú-faahn, juhngyiu sái màaih wún I need cook-food also-need wash also dish ‘I have to do the cooking, and the washing-up too.’ gAnjyuh ‘next’ and yìhnhauh ‘afterwards’ coordinate a sequence of events: ݺ䞢 ٣ ଇ堩Δ ᇿ۰ ┊ װᚭ Ngóhdeih scn sihk-faahn, ganjyuh heui tái hei we first eat-food following go see film ‘We’ll have dinner first, then go and see the film.’ jauh ‘then, therefore’ is a general-purpose conjunction which follows the subject of the second clause. It performs a variety of functions: (a) temporal sequence: ݺ䞢 ݙ ە Ngóhdeih háau yùhn we take finish ‘When we’ve finished ᇢ ༉ װन síh jauh heui wáan exam then go play exams we’re going to have some fun.’ (b) consequence: jauh introducing the second of two clauses indicates that the content of the second clause follows from that of the first: 338 ݺ ༉ ެࡳ ٵ ܂ٽ Ngóh jauh kyut-dihng xh tùhng kéuih hahpjok I therefore decide not with him collaborate ‘So I decided not to collaborate with him.’ ܃ᇩ រΔ ༉ រ Léih wah dím, jauh dím la you say how then how SFP Coordination ‘Whatever you say.’ (see 15.6) (c) conditional, as in the consequent clause of conditional sentences (16.3). sóyíh also introduces consequence clauses, meaning ‘so’ or ‘therefore’: 䢅 ߫ ၲ Dc chb hdi CL car drive ‘The cars are ړ dak hóu ADV very going very ݶΔ ࢬא faai, sóyíh yiu fast therefore need fast, so you need to A: 䞢 ࠟֆധ Kéuihdeih léuhng-gengpó they two-couple ‘Those two (that couple) B: ࢬ א䢅 าሁג Sóyíh dc sailouhjái so CL children ‘That’s why no one ՛֨ 䢅 síusam dc careful bit be careful.’ ֲګ 䢆 ৢٞ 㗎 sèhngyaht xh hái ekkéi ga always not at home SFP are never at home.’ ᩒ Գ ᦗ móuh yàhn léih ld not-have person care SFP cares for their children.’ sóyíh is also used as a double conjunction with yAnwaih ‘because’ (16.2.2). daahnhaih and bAtgwo introduce ‘but’ clauses, often together with sBuiyìhn ‘although’ (16.2.4): ݺ এ უ ᚥ֫Δ լመΔ ຟ এ ܃ ່ ړ Ngóh mhaih mséung bdng-sáu, batgwo, ddu haih léih jouh jeui hóu I not-be not-want help-hand but also is you do most good ‘It’s not that I don’t want to help, but it’s really best for you to do it.’ fáanyìh ‘however, on the other hand’ also conveys a contrast between two clauses, but occurs, like jauh, in the second position of the second clause, following the subject: ԼԿ ࡋ ଡ ᑇڗؾ ኙ ࠍ 䓰 ᝑ Sahpsaam lc go soumuhk-jih deui gwáilóu làih góng thirteen this CL number to foreigner come say এ լ 壁Δ խഏԳ haih bat chèuhng, Jenggwok-yàhn is not lucky Chinese-person ‘Thirteen is an unlucky number for it’s a lucky one.’ (see 21.1.4) ֘ۖ ᤚ এ ړრᙰ fáanyìh gokdak haih hóu yitàuh however feel is good luck foreigners, to the Chinese, however, 339 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses gitgwó ‘as a result’ or ‘as it turned out’ is a connective used to join clauses: ݺ Ngóh I ‘I was ࠐء ⴤ۰ װഏΔ ࣠ ᩒ ࠩ װ búnlòih lám-jyuh heui Ycnggwok, gitgwó móuh heui dou originally think-CONT go England result not-have go arrive planning to go to England, but as it turned out I didn’t get there.’ 16.1.4 Disjunction: either . . . or Disjunction (coordination with or) is expressed by waahkjé or yAthaih, which are used in parallel fashion in both clauses to express the meaning ‘either . . . or’: ݺ䞢 ࢨृ ฝا ࢨृ ఎ 䢆 Ngóhdeih waahkjé yìhmàhn waahkjé làuh háisyu we perhaps emigrate perhaps stay here ‘We may emigrate or stay here.’ ݺ䞢 ԫএ ฝا ԫএ ఎ 䢆 Ngóhdeih yathaih yìhmàhn yathaih làuh háisyu we either emigrate or stay here ‘We will either emigrate or stay here.’ The two sentences differ in that waahkjé is less certain and yAthaih more decisive. Consequently, yAthaih . . . yAthaih is appropriate in an ultimatum: ܃ԫএ ࠥܛନ ԫএ ჺ ߨ Léih yathaih jckhaak béi jdu yathaih ben jáu you either at-once pay rent or move leave ‘Either pay the rent right now or move out.’ Note that the words waahkjé and yAthaih are not used in alternative questions (‘A or B?’), which are expressed by dihng and yCkwaahk (17.2). To express the disjunction ‘neither . . . nor’, yauh . . . yauh ‘both . . . and’ (16.1.1) is used with negated verbs or adjectives: 340 Ծ Kéuih yauh xh s/he both not ‘He won’t wash ੑ ᙰ Ծ ޱළ sái tàuh yauh xh chenglèuhng wash hair and not shower his hair or take a shower.’ 䢅 าሁ גԾ ᦰ Ծ 䞧 Dc sailouhjái yauh xh duhk-sye yauh xh jouh-yéh CL children both not study-book and not do-thing ‘Those kids neither study nor work.’ 16.2 Subordinate clauses Subordinate clauses Subordinate clauses work very differently in Cantonese from the way they do in European languages. In general, the differences involve the use of parataxis (juxtaposition of two clauses) rather than hypotaxis or subordination. That is, the two clauses are more symmetrical than main and subordinate clauses in English. The following characteristics are notable: (a) Many subordinate clause constructions consist of two clauses each beginning with a conjunction. The following pairs or double conjunctions normally go together: ԫΞΞ༉ yat . . . jauh ‘as soon as . . . then’ (16.2.1) ڂΞΞࢬ אyanwaih . . . sóyíh ‘because . . . therefore’ (16.2.2) ឈྥΞΞ܀এ sbuiyìhn . . . daahnhaih ‘although . . . nevertheless’ (16.2.4) ࣠ڕΞΞ༉ yùhgwó . . . jauh ‘if . . . then’ (16.3) (b) Certain subordinate clauses have a conjunction at both the beginning and the end of the clause: ೈ䦹 ࡋ ᑌ հ؆Δ ٘ڶ ᩅ䞧 ംᠲ ܴ˒ Chèuihjó lc yeuhng jc-ngoih, juhngyáuh matyéh mahntàih a? apart from this CL outside also-have what problem SFP ‘Other than this, what problems are there?’ ᅝ ݺ䞢 ᖂس 䢇ೄழΔ ֫༼ ሽᇩ Ddng ngóhdeih jouh hohksaang gójahnsí, sáu-tàih dihnwá while we do students that-time hand-carry phone ٘ ۩ੌ آ juhng meih làuhhàhng still not popular ‘While we were students, mobile phones were not popular yet.’ (c) Subordinate clauses, like sentence adverbs (10.3), may follow the subject/topic: 341 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses ޕ Léih Lee ‘Mrs ֜ ڂ ֜ 䯒 ࢬא Táai yanwaih taai guih sóyíh Mrs because too tired so Lee didn’t come because she ᩒ 䓰 móuh làih did-not come was too tired.’ Subordinate clauses of purpose, reason and time generally occur before the main verb they modify. It has been observed that this ordering of clauses iconically reflects the temporal sequence of events and the logical sequence of cause and effect (Tai 1985). In English, by comparison, this tendency is much weaker as the reverse order of clauses readily occurs (as in the above example where the reason because she was too tired comes last). (d) Several of the conjunctions can follow the clause as well as preceding it, especially as an ‘afterthought’: ݺ ଇ堩 ໞΖᩒ ழၴ ܴΔ ڂ Ngóh xh sihk-faahn la. Móuh sìhgaan a, yanwaih I not eat-food SFP no time SFP because ‘I’m not eating. There’s no time, that’s why.’ ֜ ၆ ໞΖ⎲ ⶕ ړΔ ܀এ Taai gwai la. Hóu leng wo, daahnhaih too dear SFP very nice SFP however ‘It’s too expensive. Very nice, though.’ ݺ უ װ؆ഏ ᦰΖ ᩒ ᙒ 䞥Δլመ Ngóh séung heui ngoihgwok duhk-sye. Móuh chín jb, batgwo I want go abroad study-book no money SFP though ‘I want to go abroad to study. But I don’t have any money.’ (e) It is not possible to have a forward-referring pronoun within such a clause. Instead, the name or noun phrase comes first as the sentence topic: ڂ ֜ ޕ უ ֜ 䯒Δ ࢬ אԫڰ 不䦹 Léih Táai yanwaih xh séung taai guih, sóyíh yat-jóu fan-jó Lee Mrs because not want too tired so way-early sleep-PFV ‘Because she didn’t want to be too tired, Mrs Lee went to bed early.’ 16.2.1 Time clauses 342 Time clauses are subordinate clauses which specify the time to which the following main clause refers. The temporal conjunctions gójahnsí ‘when’, jCchìhn ‘before’ and jChauh ‘after’ come at the end of the time clause: ݺ ۰ ᚊ 䢇ೄழΔ ᚊ ৄ ን ٘ آ Ngóh jyuh Gáulùhng gójahnsí, Gáulùhng Sìhng Jaaih juhng meih I live Kowloon that-time Kowloon City village still not-yet Subordinate clauses ࣈ 嘅 chaak ge demolish SFP ‘When I lived in Kowloon, the Walled City hadn’t yet been demolished.’ gójahn or góján (with change of tone) is a short form of gójahnsí: ݺ ٵ ܃ԫᏘ 䢇ೄΔ ຟ ړၲ֨ 嘅 Ngóh tùhng léih yatchàih gójahn, ddu hóu hdisam gé I with you together that-time also very happy SFP ‘I was happy while I was with you.’ (film) An alternative is ge sìhhauh, based on the Mandarin construction de shíhòu ऱ㦍ଢ and consequently more formal: ݺ า ଡ Ngóh sai go I little CL ‘When I was a ᑌ न 嘅 ழଢ ֲګ ge sìhhauh sèhngyaht gám yéung wáan LP time always this way play little girl, I used to play like this.’ dáng ‘until’ may be used together with gójahnsí or ge sìhhauh, meaning ‘by the time’: ܃१ ࠩ 䓰 䢇ೄழΔ 䢅 塲 բᆖ ଯ ஸ ໞ Dáng léih faan dou làih gójahnsí dc sung yíhgcng dung saai la until you back PRT come that-time CL food already cold all SFP ‘By the time you get back the food will all be cold.’ dDng ‘when, while’ is also matched by gójahnsí or ge sìhhauh at the end of the clause: ʻᅝʼ ᦰ ݺ Օᖂ 䢇ೄழΔ ٘ آ ڶሽᆰ 嘅 (Ddng) ngóh duhk daaih-hohk gójahnsí, juhng meih yáuh dihnlóuh ge while I study university that-time still not-yet have computer SFP ‘When I was at university, we didn’t have computers.’ ʻᅝʼ Գ䞢 ႜ℘ ⎲ 嘅 ழଢΔ ܃ ړೢᦫ (Ddng) yàhndeih kcng-gái ge schhauh, léih mhóu tau-tbng wo while people chit-chat LP time you don’t steal-listen SFP ‘While people are chatting, don’t eavesdrop.’ dDng is optional here, being used largely in writing and formal speech. 343 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses jCchìhn ‘before’ and jChauh ‘after’ come at the end of the subordinate clause: װભഏ հছ 䛅 ࡳ ᢞ Heui Méihgwok jcchìhn yiu ló dihng chcmjing go America before need take ready visa ‘Before going to America one has to get a visa in advance.’ ದߪ Kéuih héi-san s/he get-up ‘He reads the հ৵ ༉ ┊ jchauh jauh tái boují after then read newspaper newspaper after getting up.’ With jCchìhn ‘before’, the negative meih may be used expletively in the subordinate clause: ݺ آ װભഏ հছ ٘ ⴤ۰ ᠔ س嘅 Ngóh meih heui Méihgwok jcchìhn juhng lám-jyuh jouh ycsang ge I not-yet go America before still intend work doctor SFP ‘Before I went to America I was intending to be a doctor.’ Note: the time relationships expressed by before and after in English are often expressed by juxtaposition of clauses without any subordinating conjunction. In such constructions, the sequence of events may be made explicit by an adverb such as sCn (ji) ‘first’ (10.3.3): ݺ ୖ 䢅 䞧 ٣ ߨ Ngóh yiu jouh màaih dc yéh scn jáu dak I need do PRT CL work first leave able ‘I need to do some work before I can leave.’ Similarly, the verbal particle yùhn ‘finish’ (11.3.2) is often used in preference to the conjunction jChauh ‘after’: 䢅 ࠃٵ ඒݙ ༉ װ堬䞧 Dc tùhngsih gaau-yùhn-sye jauh heui yám-yéh CL colleague teach-finish-book then go drink-things ‘My colleagues go for a drink after teaching.’ 344 gam loih ‘so long’ is used as a conjunction indicating a length of time, corresponding to since: Subordinate clauses ݺ ඒ䦹 ર Δ ຟ آ ߠመ ᡗ 嘅 Ngóh gaau-jó gam loih sye, ddu meih gin-gwo gam láahn ge I teach-PFV so still long book not-yet see-EXP so lazy LP ᖂس hohksaaang student ‘I’ve never seen such a lazy student since I’ve been teaching.’ Note that gam loih need not refer to a particularly long period of time as the gloss ‘so long’ implies. For example, after a few weeks in Hong Kong a new arrival might be asked: ܃䓰䦹 ଉཽ રΔ ክክ ৫৫ Léih làih-jó Hbunggóng gam loih, gwaan-xh-gwaan douh-douh you come-PFV Hong Kong so long used-not-used to place-place ຟ ڍ Գ ddu gam dd yàhn all so many people ‘Have you got used to Hong Kong?’ ܴ˒ a? SFP so many people since you came to jihchùhng ‘since’ is a formal conjunction, matched by jChauh at the end of the clause: ۞ൕ ݺჺ䦹 䓰 ࡋ৫ հ৵Δ آ १መ Jihchùhng ngóh ben-jó làih lcdouh jchauh, meih faan-gwo since I move-PFV come here after not-yet return-EXP ৢ ៱ װ heui gauh ek go old home ‘Ever since I moved here, I’ve never been back to my old home.’ The combination yAt . . . jauh ‘once . . . then’ means ‘as soon as’ or ‘whenever’: ݺ ԫ ڶஒ ༉ ຏव ܃ Ngóh yat yáuh scusck jauh tengjc léih I once have news then inform you ‘As soon as I have any news, I’ll inform you.’ 345 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses ԫ ၲ֨ ༉ נᜢ Kéuih yat mhdisam jauh xh chbut-sbng s/he once unhappy then not out-voice ‘Whenever she’s unhappy, she doesn’t speak.’ The combination lCtàuh . . . gótàuh, literally ‘this end . . . that end’, also juxtaposes two near-simultaneous events: ࡋᙰ ᇩ ദ 䢇ᙰ Ծ ᇩ ᠦദ lctàuh wah yiu git-fan gótàuh yauh wah yiu lèih-fan here say want marry there again say want divorce ‘No sooner has she said that she wants to get married than she says she wants a divorce.’ yAt louh . . . yAt louh or yAt bihn . . . yAt bihn marks two simultaneous activities: ڶ䢅 Գ ԫሁ 㺳߫ Yáuh dc yàhn yat louh ja-chb have CL people one time drive-car ‘Some people drive while talking on ԫሁ ᝑ ሽᇩ yat louh góng dihnwá one time talk phone the phone.’ Note that neither clause is subordinate to the other, unlike the English, where while begins a subordinate clause: the parallelism of the clauses matches the simultaneous actions. 16.2.2 Reason clauses In sentences expressing reason, yAnwaih ‘because’ is matched by sóyíh ‘so, therefore’ in the following clause: ڂ ᎔ ழၴΔ ࢬ ݺ אᄎ ጐ ݶᝑ ݙ Yanwaih gón sìhgaan, sóyíh ngóh wúih jeuhn faai góng yùhn because rush time so I will most fast speak finish ‘Since time is short, I’ll finish speaking as soon as possible.’ Alternatively, the because-clause may follow the main clause, especially with an emphatic haih linking the two clauses: 346 ݺ ݶᝑ ݙ এ ڂ ᎔ ழၴ Ngóh gam faai góng yùhn haih yanwaih gón sìhgaan I so fast speak finish is because rush time ‘I finished speaking so quickly because time is short.’ Note that yAnwaih is often used together with a noun denoting reason such as yùhnyAn:1 Subordinate clauses ݺ ެࡳ ฝا এ ڂ უ 䢅 嘅 ڂ Ngóh kyutdihng yìhmàhn ge yùhnyan haih yanwaih séung dc I decide emigrate LP reason is because wish CL גՖ ᦰ jái-léui duhk-sye son-daughter study-book ‘The reason I decided to happier at school.’ ᦰ ၲ֨ 䢅 duhk dak hdisam dc study ADV happy bit emigrate is that I want my children to be A colloquial means of expressing a reason is with dím gáai ‘why’ in the subordinate clause, answered by yAnwaih ‘because’ in the main clause: រᇞ ᄎ ᤢ ࡋΔ এ ڂΞΞ Kéuih dím gáai wúih yèhng lb, haih yanwaih . . . s/he how come would win SFP is because ‘The reason why he won is that . . .’ geiyìhn ‘since’ is a formal conjunction: ਝྥ ࡳެ ܃䦹Δ ྤ ݺᘯ ڍ Geiyìhn léih kyutdihng-jó, ngóh mòuhwaih dd since you decide-PFV I no-point more ‘Since you’ve already decided, there’s no point in ᝑ góng say my saying more.’ jauh may be used in a clause expressing a consequence or result, whether or not the first clause is explicitly causal. It comes second in the consequent clause: ᦫ ཛ ڶ Tcng jcu yáuh tomorrow morning have ‘I have a class tomorrow ഘΔ ݺ༉ ໂᓰ tòhng, ngóh jauh yiu beih-fo class I thus need prepare-lesson morning, so I have to prepare.’ maih is a particle with a similar function to jauh, meaning ‘as a result’ or ‘then’ but with an added sense of ‘naturally, of course’: A: ݺ Հ ଡ ִ ༉ ࣋ ໞ Ngóh hah go yuht jauh fong-ga la I next CL month then take-leave SFP ‘I’ll be on leave next month.’ B: ܃ Gám léih maih so you then ‘Well, good for ၲ֨ ᦗʴ hdisam ld! happy SFP you!’ 347 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses maih has a special affinity with the particle lD (18.3.4), as in the above example. 16.2.3 Purpose clauses waihjó is used to introduce a purpose clause: ڶԳ 䦹 ᙒ ᩅ䞧 ຟ ् Yáuh yàhn waihjó jaahn chín matyéh ddu háng jouh have people in-order earn money what all willing do ‘Some people will do anything to earn money.’ Note that the purpose clause comes between the subject and the verb, rather than after the main verb as in English. This is consistent with the general pattern of cause before effect, the Chinese order reflecting this logical relationship. As with yAnwàih (16.2.2), the order may be reversed with haih linking the two clauses: Kéuih ga she marry ‘She married ନ ܃এ béi léih haih to you is you in order 䦹 ۰ ړ䢅 waihjó jyuh dak hóu dc in-order live ADV good a-bit to lead a better life.’ làih is used to introduce the complement to an object, typically following the verb yuhng in a serial construction (8.3): ش ܃ ނ Léih yuhng bá you use CL ‘Use a knife to Ը 䓰 ֊ ᗶ ddu làih chit daahn-gou la knife come cut egg-cake SFP cut the cake.’ Similarly, yiu làih (or oi làih) describes the purpose of something: ࡋ 䢅 এ 䓰 ᩅ 㗎˒ Lc dc haih yiu làih jouh mat ga? this CL is want come do what SFP ‘What are these for?’ 16.2.4 Concessive clauses: although 348 Concessive clauses are subordinate clauses where the first clause admits or concedes a fact which the following main clause counteracts or contradicts. In Cantonese, the subsequent main clause must contain a balancing expression meaning ‘still’ or ‘nevertheless’. Thus sBuiyìhn ‘although’ in the subordinate clause is matched in the main clause by either daahnhaih ‘nevertheless’ or dDu ‘still’: Subordinate clauses ឈྥ ٵრ ᝑ ٘ ݺ 嘅 䞧Δ ܀এ Ngóh sbuiyìhn xh tùhngyi kéuih góng ge yéh, daahnhaih juhng I although not agree s/he speak LP things however still ړ ༇ૹ hóu jyenjuhng kéuih much respect him ‘Although I disagree with what he says, I still respect him.’ ឈྥ এ ړՕ ٙ ࠃΔ ܃ຟ ᚨᇠ Sbuiyìhn mhaih hóu daaih gihn sih, léih ddu xh ycnggdi although not-be very big CL matter you still not should ᗠ۰ mùhn-jyuh hide-CONT ‘Although it’s ݺ ngóh me only a small matter, you still ought not to conceal it from me.’ Note that sBuiyìhn, like yAnwaih, may come after the subject of the clause. mòuhleuhn ‘(no matter) whether’ forms a concessive sentence together with a question structure, which may be an A-not-A question (17.1.2), an alternative question (17.2) or a wh-question (17.3): ྤᓵ ᄅ ࡳ ៱ 嘅Δ ݺ䞢 ᩅ䞧 ຟ Mòuhleuhn san dihng gauh ge, ngóhdeih matyéh saam ddu yiu no-matter new or old SFP we what clothing all want ‘We want all kinds of clothes, (whether) new or old.’ The adverb dDu is again required in the main clause to match mòuhleuhn: ྤᓵ ᢰଡ ؚ Mòuhleuhn bcngo dá no-matter who call ‘No matter who calls, I 䓰Δ làih, come won’t ݺຟ ᦫ ngóh ddu xh tbng I still not listen answer.’ In the subordinate clause, Xh léih ‘no matter’ is a colloquial alternative to mòuhleuhn: ܃რΔ ຟ ٌ ࿔ ]h léih léih jeng-xh-jengyi, ddu yiu gaau seui not care you like-not-like still need pay tax ‘Whether you like it or not, you still have to pay tax.’ 349 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses In addition, a wh-question word in the first clause followed by dDu in the second can express a concessive sense. These ‘whatever’ constructions can be formed with any question word (17.3) and the quantifier dDu: ᝑ ᩅ䞧 ຟ ጹ 嘅 ge Kéuih góng matyéh ddu mgányiu s/he say what all not-important SFP ‘Whatever he says it doesn’t matter.’ (film) ܃រᑌ ຟ Léih dím yéung jouh ddu dak you how(ever) do also OK ‘However you do it is OK.’ mìhng jC is a concessive phrase implying that someone who ought to know better nevertheless persists in an ill-advised activity. This persistence may be emphasized by jiu in the main clause: ࣔ व ᩒ ش Kéuih mìhng jc móuh yuhng s/he clear know no use ‘He goes on talking even though ຟ ᅃ ddu jiu still carry-on he knows it’s Another implicitly concessive construction is [gam ᝑ góng speak no use.’ adjective dDu verb]: ၆ ܃ຟ ၇ ܴ˒ Gam gwai léih ddu máaih àh? so expensive you still buy SFP ‘You’re still buying it at that price? (even though it’s so expensive)’ 16.3 Conditional sentences Like many sentence types, conditional statements may be expressed either explicitly (using a conjunction such as yùhgwó ‘if’: 16.3.1) or implicitly, by juxtaposition of clauses (16.3.2): ࣠ڕ ڶழၴ ༉ ┊ װ אױ㣐 Yùhgwó yáuh sìhgaan jauh hóyíh heui tái-háh if have time then can go look-DEL ‘If there’s time we can go and take a look.’ 350 ଉཽ ڶᙒ ᩅ䞧 ຟ ၇ ଙ Hbunggóng yáuh chín matyéh ddu máaih dóu Hong Kong have money what all buy PRT ‘In Hong Kong you can buy anything if you have money.’ It has often been noted that Chinese, lacking distinctions of tense, makes no formal distinction between real, hypothetical and counterfactual conditionals. However, too much has been made of the alleged paucity of Chinese in this regard.2 Much as Chinese compensates for the lack of tense with aspect and adverbs (10.3.3, 11.1), there are ways of expressing all kinds of conditionals. Conditional sentences 16.3.1 Explicit conditionals Like the conjunctions discussed in section 16.2, yùhgwó ‘if’ is generally matched by a second conjunction, jauh ‘then’, in the consequent clause: ࣠ڕ ܃ၵΔ ݺ䞢 ʻ༉ʼ પ ୖ ंؚ㣌 Yùhgwó léih dakhàahn, ngóhdeih (jauh) yeuk màaih dá-bd a if you free we (then) fix together hit-ball SFP ‘If you’re free we can arrange a game (of tennis, etc.).’ ࣠ڕ ڶ ܃ᘋᔊΔ ݺ༉ ᚥ ع ܃ᓮ Yùhgwó léih yáuh hingcheui, ngóh jauh bdng léih sanchíng if you have interest I then help you apply ‘I’ll apply for you if you’re interested.’ Note that the if-clause comes first, the reverse order being a common alternative in English but not usual in Cantonese, unless the if-clause is added as an afterthought. This word order preserves the logical sequence of cause and effect (Tai 1985). yùhgwó . . . ge wá: in formal speech (as in written Chinese) the phrase ge wá may be added at the end of the if-clause, making a double conjunction like those illustrated in 16.2(a): ࣠ڕ ڶ ܃રࢤ 嘅 ᇩΔ༉ אױ ᆵװ Yùhgwó léih yáuh loihsing ge wá, jauh hóyíh dáng lohk-heui if you have patience LP say then can wait continue ‘If you have the patience, you can go on waiting.’ ࣠ڕ ݺ वሐ 嘅 ᇩΔ༉ ཊ Օᜢ ᝑ Yùhgwó ngóh xh jcdou ge wá, jauh xh gám daaih-sbng góng la if I not-yet know LP say then not dare big-voice say SFP ‘If I hadn’t known, I wouldn’t have said it so loud.’ This phrase may be compared to English say meaning ‘suppose’ although the Cantonese expression is more formal. The topic particle lB (18.2.1) may follow the if-clause: 351 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses ࣠ڕ ܃უ ދᇷ 嘅 ᇩ ࡋΔ່ ړ༉ এ ၇ Yùhgwó léih séung tàuhjc ge wá lb, jeui hóu jauh haih máaih if you wish invest LP say SFP most good then is buy ៴ᤂ ै làahm-chàuh gú blue-chip stock ‘If you want to invest, the best way is to buy blue-chip stocks.’ gáyùh ‘suppose’ is an explicitly hypothetical conjunction used in formal speech: ڕ ܃এ ݺΔ ܃ᄎ រ ܴ˒ Gáyùh léih haih ngóh, léih wúih dím jouh a? suppose you are me you would how do SFP ‘Suppose you were in my position, what would you do?’ ڕ ڶ 嘅 ൣݮΔ ܃ ࠥܛԵ ᠔ೃ Gáyùh yáuh gám ge chìhngyìhng, léih yiu jckhaak yahp ycyún suppose have such LP situation you need at-once enter hospital ‘If such a situation should arise, you should go into hospital at once.’ jauhsyun ‘even if’ forms conditionals with a concessive sense. Like other concessive sentences (16.2.4), it is followed in the consequent clause by dDu ‘still’ before the verb: ༉ጩ ܃ନ ڍ ړ ᙒΔ ຟ ᄎ Jauhsyun léih béi hóu dd chín, kéuih ddu xh wúih jouh even you give very much money he still not will do ‘Even if you pay him a lot of money he still won’t do it.’ ༉ጩ ܃ԿԼ ᄣ Jauhsyun léih saamsahp seui even you thirty years ‘Even if you’re not married at آ meih not-yet 30, you ദΔ ຟ ࠌ ᧫ git-fan, ddu msái gbng marry still no-need fear don’t have to worry.’ Aspect in conditionals In the second (consequent) clause, the perfective aspect jó may be used to indicate a hypothetical resultant state, corresponding to would have in an English conditional: 352 ࣠ڕ ᩒ ݺΔ ܃բᆖ ڽ䦹 ړર ໞʴ Yùhgwó móuh ngóh, léih yíhgcng séi-jó hóu loih la! if not-have me you already die-PFV very long SFP ‘If it wasn’t for me, you would have been dead long ago!’ (film) ݺ ࣠ڕ ڰԼ ڣ ᢝ ܃Δ ༉ ԫڰ 䦹 Ngóh yùhgwó jóu sahp lìhn sck léih, jauh yat jóu ga-jó I if early ten years know you then long-ago marry-PFV Conditional sentences ନ ܃ béi léih to you ‘If I’d known you ten years earlier, I would have married you long ago.’ Idioms: [yùhgwó béi ngóh verb] is a phrase used to introduce hypothetical conditionals, meaning ‘if I were you/him’, etc: ࣠ڕ ନ ݺ ۔ចΔ ኔ Yùhgwó béi ngóh jouh lóuhbáan, saht xh give me do boss sure not if ‘If I were the boss, I certainly wouldn’t give ᓮ chéng kéuih employ him him a job.’ Note also yùhgwó haih gám ‘if that’s the way it is’: ࣠ڕ Yùhgwó if ‘If that’s এ Δ haih gám, is so the way it ݺ䞢 ༉ ԫ 䢅 ݦඨ ຟ ᩒ ໞ ngóhdeih jauh yat dc hbimohng ddu móuh la we then one bit hope also not-have SFP is, we don’t have any chance at all.’ 16.3.2 Implicit conditionals In implicitly conditional sentences, two juxtaposed clauses are interpreted as a conditional sentence, without any overt indication of the connection: ڶ ܃றΔ ຏव ݺ Léih yáuh líu, tengjc ngóh you have material inform me ‘Let me know if you have any information.’ (film) Jek catch ‘Even ଙ ຟ ନ ᙒ 嘅 䄆 dóu ddu xh béi chín ge laak PRT also not pay money SFP SFP if I’m caught I won’t pay.’ (conv.) Such implicit conditionals are readily formed where the first clause is negative: ݺ ଆ መ װΔ ݺଡ ֨ ڜᑗ 嘅 Ngóh xh fbi gwo heui, ngóh go sam xh dnlohk ge I not fly over go my CL heart not at-ease SFP ‘If I don’t fly over there, I won’t feel at ease.’ (film) 353 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses ܃ Léih you ‘You უ 䓰 ຟ xh séung làih ddu not want come also have to come even if 䓰 嘅 ໞ yiu làih ge la must come SFP SFP you don’t want to.’ (conv.) An implicit conditional may be of any kind: real, hypothetical or counterfactual. In implicit counterfactual conditionals, the past time reference may be established by adverbs such as búnlòih ‘originally’ together with a modal verb (12.1): ࠐء אױ ᠔ س嘅 Kéuih búnlòih hóyíh jouh ycsang ge s/he originally can work doctor SFP ‘He could have been a doctor.’ jóu jC ‘if I had known’ (lit. ‘early know’) is an implicitly conditional phrase with counterfactual meaning (‘in fact I did not know’): ڰ Jóu early ‘If I’d व ୖ װ ܃ jc daai màaih léih heui la know take along you go SFP known I’d have taken you along.’ (conv.) peiyùh ‘for example’ may also introduce a hypothetical situation: ᤝڕΔ ܃ᩒ ஸ ᙒ ᄎ រ ࡋ˒ Peiyùh, léih móuh saai chín wúih dím lb? example you not-have PRT money would how SFP ‘Imagine, what would you do if you ran out of money?’ sCn, sCnji or ji ‘only’ (see also 10.3.3) may be used in the consequent clause of an implicit conditional to give the specific meaning ‘only if’: ݺ ଗ ଙ ᙒ ٣۟ אױ၇ ᑔ Ngóh je dóu chín scnji hóyíh máaih láu I borrow PRT money only can buy flat ‘I can only buy a flat if I succeed in borrowing money.’ ܃ ⶕ ່ װ ݺ 䢇 ၴ ٵ ۟ ݺ װ ܃ʴ Léih daai ngóh heui jeui leng gó gaan ngóh ji tùhng léih heui! you take me go most beautiful that CL I only with you go ‘I’ll only go with you if you take me to the nicest [restaurant].’ 354 The conditional meaning here must be inferred from the context, since clauses with sCn, sCnji or ji may also have a temporal, causal or other meaning (10.3.3): १ 䓰 Kéuih faan làih s/he return come ‘I won’t talk to him ݺ٣۟ ٵ ᝑ ngóh scnji tùhng kéuih góng I only with him talk until he comes back.’ Conditional sentences ٣۟ ᩒ 䓰 এ ڂ ړრ৸ Kéuih haih yanwaih mhóuyisi scnji móuh làih s/he is because embarrassed only not-have come ‘He hasn’t come just because he’s embarrassed.’ 16.3.3 Negative conditionals: if not, unless yùhgwó mhaih ‘if not, otherwise’ is used to elaborate on a previous statement: ܃ ݶ䢅Δ ࣠ڕ এ ᄎ ᎔ ֊ Léih yiu faai dc, yùhgwó mhaih wúih gón xh chit you need fast-ish if not will hurry not in-time ‘You should hurry up, otherwise, you won’t make it in time (e.g. to catch the train).’ In the second clause of such a sentence, mhaih alone is sufficient: এ ᢝ䦹 ᄅ 嘅 Ֆ֖ࣛ Δএ រ ᄎ Gánghaih sck-jó san ge léuih-pàhngyáuh la, mhaih dím wúih of-course know-PFV new LP girl-friend SFP if-not how would ၲ֨ ܴ˒ gam hdisam a? so happy SFP ‘He must have found a new girlfriend, otherwise why would he be so happy?’ chèuihfBi ‘unless’ is typically matched by yùhgwó mhaih in the following clause: ೈॺ ڶംᠲΔ ࣠ڕ Chèuihfbi yáuh mahntàih, yùhgwó unless have problem if ‘Unless there’s a problem, we can এ ༉ ߨ אױ㗎 ໞ mhaih jauh hóyíh jáu ga la not-be then can go SFP SFP go.’ 355 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses 16.4 Cleft sentences and emphasis The copula haih (8.1.1) is used to emphasize the following word, much like the English cleft construction with it’s . . . that: ݺ এ ᖂ ူਞ 嘅 Ngóh haih hohk Wihngchbun ge I am learn Wing Chun SFP ‘It’s Wing Chun (a style of martial art) I learn.’ (film) ࡋ 䢅 क़ Lc dc fa these CL flower ‘These are some এ ݺಬ ନ ܃嘅 haih ngóh sung béi léih ge are I give to you SFP flowers I bought for you.’ haih . . . sCn . . . ge further emphasizes the word by following it with the adverb sCn ‘only’: এ ܃٣ ᄎ ⴤ ଙ 嘅 唧ʴ Haih léih scn wúih lám dóu ge jbk! be you only would think up SFP SFP ‘Only you would think of that!’ The cleft construction is commonly used to contrast two possibilities: এ נ ⴤ ܃ 䓰 㗎Δএ ݺ Haih léih lám chbut làih ga, mhaih ngóh be you think out come SFP not-be me ‘It was you that thought of it, not me.’ A formal equivalent of this construction is sih . . . dCk, where sih is the reading for Mandarin shì ਢ and dCk for de ऱ: ة ਢ ኙ ऱ ড় Guhaak wíhngyúhn sih deui dck customer forever is right SFP ‘The customer is always right.’ 16.5 356 Indirect speech The syntax of indirect speech is relatively straightforward, as is that of indirect questions (17.4) and indirect commands (19.5). There is typically no conjunction corresponding to English that, and a sentence of reported speech simply follows the reporting verb: ՛ ጄ ᇩ ʻʼ უ 䓰 ⎲ Síu Yìuh wah (kéuih) xh séung làih wóh little Yiu say she not want come SFP ‘Yiu says she doesn’t want to come.’ Indirect speech Note that the subject pronoun (kéuih) need not be used in the reported clause, as the subject of the main verb is understood to be its subject. To introduce reported speech, serial verb constructions (8.3) are widely used. Typical formulae are wah/góng béi . . . tBng or wah . . . jC ‘tell’: ॳੳ ᝑ ନ ᦫ ݺ༉䓰 ദ A-Lìhng góng béi ngóh tbng jauhlàih git-fan Ah-Ling say to me hear soon marry ‘Ah Ling told me she was getting married soon.’ ݺ ᇩ Ngóh wah I say ‘I told him व უ ᑌ kéuih jc xh séung gám yéung jouh him know not wish so way work I didn’t want to do this.’ Idiom: [wah jC pronoun] means to ignore somebody or something or simply means ‘couldn’t care less’: ݺ ᇩ հ Δ ᣂ ࠃ ݺ Ngóh wah jc kéuih la, xh gwaan ngóh sih I say know him SFP not relate me matter ‘I’m not taking any notice of him, it’s nothing to do with me.’ The third person pronoun kéuih in this expression can be pleonastic, i.e. not referring to any particular person or thing (see 5.1). wah ‘say’ in the above examples functions as a verb. Another use is to introduce indirect speech or other types of complement clause. wah thus functions as a complementizer: ٵ Kéuih tùhng s/he with ‘He told me ݺᝑ ᇩ ⎲ ે߬ ړ ngóh góng wah hóu sanfú wóh me talk say very difficult SFP he was having a hard time.’ The construction góng . . . wah ‘talk . . . say’ is originally a serial verb construction. Although wah is not required, the sentence is more natural if it is included. This is a sign of incipient grammaticalization of the verb say as a complementizer meaning ‘that’ (Yeung 2006). This usage is also common following other verbs of speaking such as complain: 357 16 Coordination and subordinate clauses ۔ധ ္ދ ᇩ ۩ ݺሁ ݶዩ Lóuhpòh tàuhsou wah ngóh hàahng-louh faai dakjaih wife complain say I walk-road fast a bit much ‘My wife complains that I walk too fast.’ A further sign of grammaticalization is the use of wah following a main verb which does not involve speaking at all, such as lám ‘think’: ٘ ⴤ۰ ᇩ ߪ၆ග Kéuih juhng lám-jyuh wah jouh daansan-gwaijuhk s/he still think-CONT say do single-aristocrat ‘He’s still thinking of being an eligible bachelor.’ This strategy of using the verb ‘say’ as a complementizer is more extensively developed in some other Chinese dialects, including southern Min and Taiwan Mandarin (Chappell 2008). The sentence particle wóh (18.3.4) may be used in indirect statements and questions as an overt indicator of reported speech: ᇩ Kéuih wah s/he say ‘She said it ࠌ ٦ ⎲ msái joi dáng wóh no-need again wait SFP wasn’t necessary to wait any longer.’ ڶԳ ം ݺ䞢 ᔄᔄ Yáuh yàhn mahn ngóhdeih maaih-xh-maaih have people ask us sell-not-sell ‘Someone’s asking if we would like to sell the ਮ ߫ ⎲ ga chb wóh CL car SFP car.’ See 17.4 for further features of indirect questions, and 19.5 for indirect commands. 358 Chapter 17 Questions Questions are indicated not by changes in word order as in English, but by a number of interrogative constructions and by sentence-final particles (see 18.3.1). As will be seen from the examples in the following sections, a particle (typically a) is often used together with an interrogative construction. A distinctive feature of Cantonese is the use of rhetorical questions to imply negation, as in English Who cares? (see 13.6). In Cantonese, rhetorical questions are especially common with wh-questions (17.3) and in exclamatory questions (17.6). 17.1 Yes/no questions There are several distinct forms of yes/no question, which differ in their range of application and their function. Syntactically, certain constructions call for particular forms of questions: thus quantified sentences require the use of haih-mhaih (17.1.3). Functionally, the various question forms differ in their presuppositions: whether they expect a positive or negative answer, or are neutral with respect to the answer. 17.1.1 Particle questions The simplest form of question is formed by simply adding a particle to a declarative sentence. Cantonese, however, has no general-purpose question particle counterpart to Mandarin ma Ⴏ (ma is used in the greeting Léih hóu ma? ‘How are you?’ but is relatively formal in Cantonese). The particle àh indicating surprise or disapproval (18.3.1) turns a statement into a question: 359 17 Questions ܃Հ ଡ ៖ਈ ࣋ ܴ˒ Léih hah go láihbaai fong-ga àh? you next CL week take-leave SFP ‘You’re going on leave next week?’ This form of question tends to presuppose a positive answer, being used to check the validity of an assumption. mB is exclusively an interrogative particle, denoting surprise and used to check the truth of an unexpected state of affairs: ܃ Léih you ‘You መ jouh-gwo do-EXP still don’t ڍ ڻ ຟ ᢝ 嘅 ˒ gam dd chi ddu xh sck ge mb? so many times still not know SFP SFP know after doing it so many times?’ mB and àh are also commonly used in rhetorical questions: ٘ ࠌ ܃ᝑ ˒ Juhng sái léih góng mb? still need you say SFP ‘As if I need you to tell me.’ ݺ ࠌ ˒ܴ ݺ Ngóh sái kéuih léih ngóh àh? I need him care me SFP ‘As if I needed him to care about me.’ Note the use of sái, the positive form of msái (12.1.3), in such implicitly negative contexts (13.6). 17.1.2 A-not-A questions The most neutral form of yes/no question is known as the A-not-A question. This form of question is like asking Is A the case or not? The construction involves repeating (technically, reduplicating) the verb or adjective, with the negative marker Xh between: ܃ᢝᢝ ݺาࠍ ܴ˒ Léih sck-xh-sck ngóh sailóu a? you know-not-know my brother SFP ‘Do you know my [younger] brother?’ 360 ٙ ⶕⶕ ܴ˒ Gihn saam leng-xh-leng a? CL dress pretty-not-pretty SFP ‘Does the dress look good?’ In the case of words of more than one syllable, only the first is repeated: Yes/no questions ܃რ ۰ 䢆 ଉཽ ܴ˒ Léih jeng-xh-jengyi jyuh hái Hbunggóng a? you like-not-like live at Hong Kong SFP ‘Do you like living in Hong Kong?’ ࡋ 䢇 Գ נټנ 㗎˒ Lc go yàhn chbut-xh-chbutméng ga? this CL person famous-not-famous SFP ‘Is this person well known?’ The answer to an A-not-A question is the verb alone, or with the negative Xh for a negative answer: რ ˂ რ ʻܴʼ Jengyi / xh jengyi (a) like / not like SFP ‘Yes/No.’ An A-not-A question followed by dC ‘a bit’ is an ironic or sarcastic form of question: ᙈᙈ 䢅 ܴ˒ Chìh-xh-chìh dc a? late-not-late some SFP ‘Don’t you think it’s a bit late?’ ԫ ۍ ಈ ၆၆ 䢅 ܴ˒ Yat baak man gwai-xh-gwai dc a? one hundred dollar expensive-not-expensive some SFP ‘Isn’t $100 a bit much?’ 17.1.3 Copular questions: haih-mhaih Any A-not-A question may be expressed more explicitly by using the copular verb haih ‘be’ in A-not-A form, i.e. haih-mhaih, preceding the main verb: Kéuih s/he ‘Does এএ უ ݄ چᥳ ܴ˒ haih-mhaih séung chóh deih-tit a? be-not-be wish ride MTR SFP he want to take the MTR (metro)?’ This form of question is neutral with respect to the expected answer; it may be compared to Is it true that? or French Est-ce que? It is also required in questions with a quantified phrase (see ch. 14) preceding the verb. haih-mhaih then comes immediately before the quantified phrase: 361 17 Questions এএ ԳԳ ຟ ⴤ 㗎˒ Haih-mhaih yàhn-yàhn ddu gám lám ga? be-not-be everyone also so think SFP ‘Does everyone think that way?’ এএ ৫৫ ຟ ڶխഏ လ ଇ ܴ˒ Haih-mhaih douh-douh ddu yáuh Jenggwok choi sihk a? be-not-be everywhere also have Chinese food eat SFP ‘Is there Chinese food to eat everywhere?’ A simple A-not-A question, as illustrated in 17.1.2, would not be possible in these cases (e.g. one cannot ask *Douh-douh dDu yáuh-móuh JEnggwok choi sihk? meaning ‘Is there Chinese food to eat everywhere?’). haih-mhaih typically occurs between subject and verb, as in the above examples, but may also occupy alternative positions: (a) at the beginning of the sentence: এএ ٵ ֜֜ ܃ ܃ԫᏘ ˒ܴ װ Haih-mhaih léih taaitáai tùhng léih yatchàih heui a? be-not-be your wife with you together go SFP ‘I suppose your wife is going with you?’ This form of question is used to seek confirmation. (b) as a question tag (see 17.1.6). In this case, it is typically contracted to haih-mái with a rising tone: ܃բᆖ वሐΔএ˒ Léih yíhgcng jcdou, haih-mái? you already know is that right ‘You knew already, didn’t you?’ This usage clearly conveys the expectation of a positive answer. Idiom: haih-mhaih a? is a sceptical response to a statement: A: ᢝ ༓Լ ጟ ߢ 㗎 Kéuih sck géi-sahp júng yúhyìhn ga s/he know some-ten CL languages SFP ‘He knows dozens of languages.’ B: এএ ܴ˒ Haih-mhaih a? be-not-be SFP ‘Are you sure?’ The particle a may be drawn out to emphasize the speaker’s disbelief. 362 hóu-mhóu, the A-not-A form of hóu ‘good’, is used to ask if a course of action is desirable or not (compare the use of mhóu ‘don’t’ in negative imperatives: 19.4): ݺ ړړ ٵ Ngóh hóu-mhóu tùhng kéuih I good-not-good with him ‘Should I go with him?’ (talking to ܃ᇩ ړړ Léih wah hóu-mhóu you say good-not-good ‘Do you think we should ନ ଡ béi go let CL let our ˒ࡋ װ heui lb? go SFP oneself ) ג jái son son Yes/no questions װભഏ ᦰ ܴ˒ heui Méihgwok duhk-sye a? go America study-book SFP go to study in America?’ If hóu-mhóu is used with a quantified phrase as the subject, hóu-mhóu must precede the subject (as with haih-mhaih above): ړړ ԳԳ ຟ ˒ܴ װ Hóu-mhóu yàhn-yàhn ddu heui a? good-not-good person-person all go SFP ‘Would it be a good idea for everyone to go?’ ړړ ଡଡ ຟ ந ֟֟ ᙒ ܴ˒ Hóu-mhóu go-go ddu gyen síu-síu chín a? good-not-good CL-CL all donate little-little money SFP ‘How about everybody donating a little cash?’ hóu-mhóu is also used as a tag attached to requests or suggestions (17.1.6). 17.1.4 Perfective questions: meih The negative word meih ‘not yet’ (13.3.1) added to a declarative sentence forms a question asking whether something has already happened. In the most typical case, the verb has the perfective aspect marker jó or the experiential gwo: ܃ଇ䦹堩 آ ܴ˒ Léih sihk-jó-faahn meih a? you eat-PFV-food not-yet SFP ‘Have you eaten yet?’ (commonly used as a greeting: see 20.4) ܃ଇመ ௧তᠪ堩 آ ܴ˒ Léih sihk-gwo Hóilàahm-gai-faahn meih a? you eat-EXP Hainan-chicken-rice not-yet SFP ‘Have you ever eaten Hainan chicken rice?’ Both types translate with the present perfect in English; the distinction between them involves whether the question concerns the present situation (jó) or past experience (gwo; see 11.2.5). Reflecting this distinction, 363 17 Questions meih translates as ‘yet’ in the case of a perfective and ‘ever’ in an experiential question. Similar questions may be formed with a verbal particle indicating completion or accomplishment (11.3.2) in place of jó/gwo: ړ ྦ ܃堩 آ ܴ˒ Léih jyú hóu faahn meih a? you cook PRT food not-yet SFP ‘Have you finished cooking?’ 䢇 ء ݙ ┊ ܃ آ ܴ˒ Gó bún sye léih tái yùhn meih a? that CL book you read finish not-yet SFP ‘Have you finished that book yet?’ ܃ Léih jouh you do ‘Have you ஸ 䞧 آ ܴ˒ saai yéh meih a? all work not-yet SFP done all your work (yet)?’ Extending this type of question, meih questions may also be formed with dAk (12.3.1) to enquire whether something can be done, with modal verbs such as sCk ‘know’, and with inchoative expressions such as hDichí ‘begin’: ۩ آ ܴ˒ Hàahng dak meih a? walk can not-yet SFP ‘Are we ready to go?’ ଇ آ ܴ˒ Sihk dak meih a? eat can not-yet SFP ‘Is dinner ready yet?’ ܃ଡ גᢝ ۩ آ ܴ˒ Léih go jái sck hàahng meih a? your CL son know walk not-yet SFP ‘Can your son walk yet?’ ܃ၲࡨ ᄵ آ ܴ˒ Léih hdichí wan-sye meih a? you begin revise-book not-yet SFP ‘Have you started revising yet?’ The positive response to questions of this type is to repeat the predicate, often with an affirmative sentence particle such as la added: 364 A: ۔ច ߨ䦹 ˒آ Lóuhbáan jáu-jó meih? boss leave-PFV not-yet ‘Has the boss left yet?’ B: ߨ䦹 Jáu-jó leave-PFV ‘Yes, she’s ໞ la SFP left.’ A: ܃ ஸ פᓰ ˒آ meih? Léih jouh saai gengfo you do all homework not-yet ‘Have you finished your homework?’ B: ஸ 㗎 ໞ Jouh saai ga la do all SFP SFP ‘Yes, I have.’ Yes/no questions For a negative answer, the appropriate reply is to repeat meih, which may be accompanied by an adverb and/or a sentence particle: A: ܃ᐊ䦹 ॾ ˒آ Léih sé-jó seun meih? you write-PFV letter not-yet ‘Have you written the letter?’ B: ʻ٘ʼ آ ܴ ( Juhng) meih a (still) not-yet SFP ‘Not yet.’ 17.1.5 Existential questions: yáuh-móuh yáuh-móuh is basically the A-not-A form of the existential word yáuh (14.3), asking whether something exists or not: ڶᩒ ംᠲ ܴ˒ Yáuh-móuh mahntàih a? have-not-have problem SFP ‘Are there any problems?’ ܃ଡ ષ ڶᩒ ࠃ ܴ˒ Léih go waih yáuh-móuh sih a? your CL stomach have-not-have problem SFP ‘Is anything wrong with your stomach?’ Note that when verb–object compounds are questioned in this sense, the order of verb and object is reversed: ٘ ܃ ڶᩒ 䞧 ܴ˒ Léih juhng yáuh-móuh yéh jouh a? you still have-not-have things do SFP ‘Do you have any more work to do?’ ( jouh-yéh ‘work’) ڶᩒ 堩 ଇ 㗎˒ Yáuh-móuh faahn sihk ga? have-not-have food eat SFP ‘Is there anything to eat?’ (sihk-faahn ‘eat’) An important use of yáuh-móuh is to question whether something has happened or not, as an alternative to the perfective type of question with meih (17.1.4): 365 17 Questions ڶᩒ ٌ פᓰ ܴ˒ a? Yáuh-móuh gaau gengfo have-not-have hand homework SFP ‘Have you handed in your homework?’ Note that the perfective aspect marker jó does not occur in this construction as it is incompatible with the negative word móuh (see 11.2.4, 13.3.1). The experiential gwo, however, may occur with it: ┊መ རᗱూ ܴ˒ ڶ ܃ᩒ Léih yáuh-móuh tái-gwo duhng-dek-siu a? you have-not-have watch-EXP stand-up-laugh SFP ‘Have you ever watched stand-up comedy?’ [yáuh-móuh dAk verb], the question form of yáuh dAk (12.3.2) is used to ask if something is possible: ն Nuh five ‘Is it ִ ڶᩒ ᄶຳ ܴ˒ yuht yáuh-móuh dak waaht-syut a? month have-not-have can slide-snow SFP possible to go skiing in May?’ Idiom: Yáuh-móuh gáau cho? is a very common expression of outrage or ridicule. Although literally meaning ‘Is there some mistake?’, it has become generalized through overuse: ʻ܃ʼ ڶᩒ ჶ ᙑ ܴ˒ (Léih) yáuh-móuh gáau cho a? you have-not-have make wrong SFP A: ݺ ࡋ ኙ ᕀ ၇䦹 Ngóh lc deui hàaih máaih-jó I this pair shoes buy-PFV ‘I bought this pair of shoes for ‘Are you crazy?’ Զ ۍ ಈ baat baak man eight hundred dollar $800.’ B: ၆Δ ڶᩒ ჶ ᙑ˒ Gam gwai, yáuh-móuh gáau cho? so expensive have-not-have make mistake ‘So expensive, are you out of your mind?’ B’s reply could imply either that A is crazy to spend so much money, or that the price itself is outrageous. 17.1.6 Tag questions 366 Tag questions are used, as in English, to turn statements into questions. The usual tag is haih-mhaih (see 17.1.3): ܃ ᠔ س嘅Δ এএ ܴ˒ Léih jouh ycsang ge, haih-mhaih a? you work doctor SFP right SFP ‘You’re a doctor, aren’t you?’ Yes/no questions Such questions are typically used to confirm the truth of a proposition. Note that the Cantonese tag is invariant in form, translating aren’t you?, don’t they?, etc. hóu-mhóu (the A-not-A form of hóu ‘good’) is attached as a tag to requests or suggestions, meaning ‘okay?’: ݺ䞢 ڰ䢅 ߨΔ ړړ ܴ˒ Ngóhdeih jóu dc jáu, hóu-mhóu a? we early-ish leave okay SFP ‘Let’s leave early, shall we?’ Pronunciation note: these tags are often contracted, resulting in the loss of the second [h] sound: এএ haih-mhaih ړ ړhóu-mhóu haih-maih/haih-mái ‘isn’t that so?’ hóu-móu ‘okay?’ Note also the optional change to a rising tone when the question tag comes at the end of the sentence (with no sentence-final particle): mhaih mái. This is due to the sentence-final rising intonation pattern (see 17.1.7). dAk-mdAk (12.3.1) is used as a tag to elicit consent or approval: ݺ ᦫֲ ⛕ ܃ႜ㣐Δ ܴ˒ Ngóh tcngyaht wán léih kcng-háh, dak-mdak a? I tomorrow seek you chat-a-while okay-not-okay SFP ‘I’ll come and talk to you tomorrow, okay?’ 17.1.7 Intonation and echo questions As in English and many languages, a question may be indicated by rising intonation alone. Although the Cantonese tones leave relatively little room for intonation (1.4.3), the end of the sentence may be given a characteristic rising pattern indicating a question: ܃ టএ ˒װ Léih janhaih heui? you really go ‘You’re really going?’ 367 17 Questions This intonation pattern primarily affects the last word of the sentence, modifying or exaggerating its basic tone; in the case of a mid level tone as in heui, the rise is more pronounced and ends higher than a typical high rising or changed tone.1 This type is used especially for echo questions, where the questioner is repeating a statement out of surprise or incredulity: A: ݺ ߠ䦹 ය ᠙ೲ ܴ Ngóh mgin-jó tìuh sósìh a I lose-PFV CL key SFP ‘I’ve lost the key.’ B: ᩅ䞧 ᇩ˒ ܃ ߠ䦹 ය ᠙ೲ˒ Matyéh wá? Léih mgin-jó tìuh sósìh? what words you lose-PFV CL key ‘What? You’ve lost the key?’ A: ݺ 䞤䞤 װመ ףஞՕ Ngóh ngaam-ngaam heui-gwo Ganàhdaaih I just-just go-EXP Canada ‘I’ve just been to Canada.’ B: ܃ װ䦹 ףஞՕ˒ Léih heui-jó Ganàhdaaih? you go-PFV Canada ‘You’ve been to CANADA?’ A second type of echo question, where the questioner wishes a particular word or phrase to be repeated, ends with the particle wá (18.3.1): ܃ਮ ߫ ऒ 䢆 ᢰ৫ ᇩ˒ Léih ga chb paak hái bcndouh wá? your CL car park at where SFP ‘Where did you say your car was parked?’ A: ݺ ٵ ဎג ᦫ ཛ រ jcu gáu dím Ngóh tùhng Wàh-jái tcng I with Wah tomorrow morning nine o’clock 368 䢆 ֚ਣ ᒘᙰ ܃ hái Tcn Scng Máhtàuh dáng léih at Star Ferry wait you ‘Wah and I’ll be waiting for you at the Star Ferry tomorrow at 9 a.m.’ B: ٵ ܃ ᢰଡ Léih tùhng bcngo you with who ‘You’ll be waiting ݺᇩ˒ 䢆 ᢰ৫ ᇩ˒ dáng ngóh wá? Hái bcndouh wá? wait me say at where say with who? Where did you say?’ Yes/no questions The particle wá is thought to be derived from the verb wah ‘say’ incorporating the rising intonation illustrated above.2 17.1.8 Responses to yes/no questions The normal reply to a yes/no question is to repeat the verb of the question, preceded in a negative answer by the appropriate negative marker (see ch. 13): A: װװ ᒘᙰ ܴ˒ Heui-xh-heui máhtàuh a? go-not-go ferry-pier SFP ‘Are you going to the ferry pier?’ B: ˂ ܴ װ װໞ Heui a /]h heui la go SFP/not go SFP ‘Yes/No.’ A: ߠ ܃መ آ ܴ˒ Léih gin-gwo kéuih meih a? you meet-EXP her not-yet SFP ‘Have you met her?’ B: ߠመ ໞ ˂آ ܴ Gin-gwo la /Meih a meet-EXP SFP/not-yet SFP ‘Yes/No.’ If the question is formed with yáuh-móuh (17.1.5), one can either repeat yáuh/móuh or use the verb with an appropriate aspect marker such as jó: A: ڶᩒ ੑᅹ ܴ˒ Yáuh-móuh sái-wún a? have-not-have wash dish SFP ‘Have you washed the dishes?’ B: ܴ ڶ/ ੑ䦹 ໞ ˂ ᩒ˂آ ܴ Yáuh a / Sái-jó la / Móuh/meih a have SFP / wash-PFV SFP / not-have/yet SFP ‘Yes.’ ‘Yes, I have.’ ‘No/Not yet.’ Note that a negative reply is often accompanied by a sentence particle: a ‘no’ answer without a particle to moderate it is likely to be perceived as abrupt or too direct. A positive answer may also be modified with an adverb and/or a sentence particle: 369 17 Questions A: ଡ ˕˕ ۿۿ ߤ۔ ܴ˒ Go bìhbc chíh-xh-chíh lóuhdauh a? CL baby like-not-like father SFP ‘Does the baby look like his father?’ B: এ ۿʴ Gánghaih chíh la! of-course like SFP ‘Of course he does!’ In the case of copular questions (17.1.3), the copula alone is an appropriate response: A: ܃ Léih you ‘Are এএ ભഏԳ ܴ˒ haih-mhaih Méihgwok-yàhn a? are-not-are American SFP you American?’ B: এ ܴ / এ ܴ Haih a / Mhaih a yes SFP / no SFP ‘Yes/No.’ haih (ak) as a response may be contracted to haahk (where the final k represents a glottal stop: see 18.1.1): A: ܃䯒 ໞ˒ Léih guih làh? you tired SFP ‘Tired, are you?’ B: ໔ Haahk Yes ‘Yes.’ Note that haih does not correspond straightforwardly to yes, however. It is not used in answer to an A-not-A question without the copula. Instead, the verb repeated in the question is the answer: A: װװ ၲᄎ ܴ˒ Heui-xh-heui hdi-wúi a? go-not-go hold-meeting SFP ‘Are you going to the meeting?’ B: ܴ װ Heui a go SFP ‘Yes (I am).’ (not *haih) Similarly, if a modal verb is used in the question it alone forms the answer: A: ܃ᄎᄎ ᚥ ܴ˒ Léih wúih-xh-wúih bdng kéuih a? you would-not-would help her SFP ‘Would you help her?’ B: ᄎ Wúih would ‘Yes, I would.’ Note that the affirmative reply to sái-msái is its positive counterpart, yiu (12.1.3): 370 A: ࠌࠌ ݺ䞢 ټ ܴ˒ Sái-msái ngóhdeih chcm-méng a? need-not-need we sign-name SFP ‘Do we have to sign?’ B: ܴ / ࠌ Yiu a / msái need SFP / no need ‘Yes, we do/ No, we ໞ la SFP don’t.’ Yes/no questions Idiomatic answers: móuh cho is an approving response to a query. It is a double negative (13.5) in which ‘no wrong’ in effect means ‘right’: A: ܃এএ ್ Léih haih-mhaih Máh you be-not-be Ma ‘You’re Mr Ma, aren’t ٣س ܴ˒ Scnsaang a? Mr SFP you?’ B: ᩒ ᙑΔ ݺ༉ এ Móuh cho, ngóh jauh haih no wrong I then am ‘Right, that’s me!’ dDu mhaih is a qualified negative answer, similar in meaning to ‘not really’: A: ܃䞤䞤 䓰 ࠩ ଉཽ এএ Léih ngaam-ngaam làih dou Hbunggóng haih-mhaih you just-just come arrive Hong Kong be-not-be ړክ ܴ˒ hóu mgwaan a? very not-used to SFP ‘Do you feel strange, having just arrived in Hong Kong?’ B: ຟ Ddu also ‘Not এ ܥΔ ݶ ړክ ஸ ໞ mhaih ak, hóu faai jaahp-gwaan saai la is-not SFP very fast get-used all SFP really, I got used to it pretty quickly.’ (TV interview) 17.1.9 Replies to negative questions If the question is in negative form, containing Xh, móuh or meih, the appropriate response differs significantly from English. To confirm the negative of the question, there are two kinds of possible reply: 371 17 Questions (a) repeat the negated verb: A: ܃ 䧷˒ Léih xh dáng làh? you not wait SFP ‘Aren’t you going to wait any more?’ B: ໞ ]h dáng la not wait SFP ‘No, I’m not.’ (b) confirm the negative statement with haih or haahk (17.1.8): A: ܃ᩒ ᙒ ܴ˒ Léih móuh daai chín àh? you not-have bring money SFP ‘Didn’t you bring any money?’ A: ܃ Léih you ‘You B: এ ܴ Haih a yes SFP ‘No, I didn’t.’ এএ آ װመ ᖾ ܴ˒ haih-mhaih meih heui-gwo Oujau a? be-not-be not-yet go-EXP Australia SFP haven’t been to Australia yet, right?’ B: ໔ Haahk yes ‘No, I haven’t.’ Note that English uses no here. For clarity, both strategies may be used together, haih as an affirmative answer and the negated verb or adjective for confirmation: A: ᩒ ஒ ܴ˒ Móuh scusck àh? not-have news SFP ‘There’s no news?’ B: এ ܴΔᩒ Haih a, móuh yes SFP have-not ‘No, there isn’t.’ To contradict a negative question, the verb of the question is repeated in positive form. If mhaih is used, its force is to contradict the negative, rather than to confirm it as in English, hence it will translate as ‘yes’: A: ܃ ܴ˒ Léih xh dáng àh? you not wait SFP ‘Aren’t you waiting?’ 372 B: / এ ܥΔ ݺᄎ ᆵװ 嘅 Dáng / Mhaih ak, ngóh wúih dáng lohk-heui ge wait / not-be SFP I will wait continue SFP ‘Yes, I am./Yes, I’ll carry on waiting.’ 17.2 Wh-questions Alternative questions Questions of the form ‘A or B?’ which offer a choice between two alternatives are known as alternative or disjunctive questions. They are expressed by conjoining two phrases with the conjunction dihnghaih, often reduced to dihng: ܃ ࡳʻএʼ 堩 ܴ˒ Léih yiu jek dihng(haih) faahn a? you want congee or (be) rice SFP ‘Would you like congee or rice?’ ݺ䞢 װ၇ Ngóhdeih heui máaih we go buy ‘Shall we go shopping 䞧 ࡳ १ ৢٞ ܴ˒ yéh dihng faan ekkéi a? things or return home SFP or go home?’ An alternative conjunction is yCkwaahk: 䞢 ฝا ࢨލ ఎ 䢆 ܴ˒ Kéuihdeih yìhmàhn yckwaahk làuh háisyu a? they emigrate or stay here SFP ‘Are they emigrating or staying here?’ The reply to such questions is to repeat the appropriate phrase, with or without the remainder of the sentence, e.g. JEk ‘congee,’ or Ngóh yiu jEk ‘I want congee’; Làuh háisyu ‘stay’ or Kéuihdeih làuh háisyu ‘They stay’. Note: the words waahkjé and yAthaih, which can also mean ‘or’, are not used in alternative questions, but in disjunctive ‘either . . . or’ statements (16.1.4). 17.3 Wh-questions Wh-words do not come at the beginning of the sentence as in English, unless they belong there as sentence subjects (see 17.3.9 for an exception involving fronted wh-phrases). A question with the subject as the wh-word thus resembles an English question in word order; a wh-word representing an object, however, occurs after the verb like any direct object: Subject question Object question ᢰଡ Bcngo who ‘Who ⛕ ܃ Léih wán you seek ‘Who are ⛕ ˒ܴ ݺ wán ngóh a? seek me SFP is looking for me?’ ᢰଡ ܴ˒ bcngo a? who SFP you looking for?’ 373 17 Questions The main question words are based on the words bCn ‘which’, mAt ‘what’, dím ‘how’ and géi ‘how much’: ᢰଡ bcngo ‘who’ ᢰ [bcn classifier] ‘which’ ᢰ৫ bcndouh, ᢰ bcnsyu ‘where’ រᇞ dím gáai ‘why’ រᑌ dím yéung ‘how’ ᩅʻ䞧ʼ mat(yéh) ‘what’ ༓ழ géisìh ‘when’ ༓ [géi adjective] ‘how’ ༓ર géiloih ‘how long’ ༓ ڍgéidd ‘how many/much’ These question words have a number of important uses other than in questions. In free relative clauses (15.6) and concessive sentences (16.2.4) they have the indefinite meanings ‘whoever, whatever’, etc. They may have the meaning ‘any(one), anything’, etc. in negative contexts (13.4), in A-not-A questions and conditional sentences, and in quantifying sentences with dDu (14.1.5). Like other forms of question, wh-questions typically have a question particle such as a or lB (18.3.1). The adverb gaugíng ‘really, exactly’ may be used to emphasize any wh-question: ᝑ ᩅ䞧 ܴ˒ ຶߒ ܃უ Léih gaugíng séung góng matyéh a? you actually want say what SFP ‘What do you really want to say?’ 17.3.1 Who questions The usual word for ‘who?’ is bCngo, formed from bCn ‘which?’ with the classifier go: ᢰଡ ؚሽᇩ 䓰 ܴ˒ Bcngo dá-dihnwá làih a? who call-phone come SFP ‘Who was it that called?’ ༵ ܃ᢰଡ ଉཽ ՛ࡦ ܴ˒ Léih gáan bcngo jouh Hbunggóng síujé a? you pick who do Hong Kong Miss SFP ‘Who would you choose for Miss Hong Kong?’ bCngo is much used rhetorically, as in who says?: 374 ᢰଡ Bcngo who ‘Who ᇩ wah say says ݺנ ܴ˒ ngóh ga-xh-chbut a? I marry-not-out SFP I can’t get married (i.e. nobody wants me)?’ bCn wái ‘which person’ is a polite alternative to bCngo, often used on the telephone: Wh-questions ᓮ ം ⛕ ᢰ ۯ ܴ˒ Chéng mahn wán bcn wái a? request ask seek which person SFP ‘May I ask who you’re calling for?’ a-bCngo ‘what’s-his-name’, with the personal prefix a- (2.2.1, 20.2) refers to someone whose name escapes the speaker: ॳᢰଡ ᇩ ᓮ ݺ䞢 ଇ ඡ堩 ⎲ A-bcngo wah yiu chéng ngóhdeih sihk máahnfaahn wóh Ah-who say want invite us eat evening-meal SFP ‘What’s-his-name says he wants to invite us to dinner.’ 17.3.2 What questions The word mAtyéh is formed from mAt ‘what?’ and yéh ‘thing’: ᝑ䦹 ᩅ䞧 ᖿ ࠩ ܃ 〩 ܴ˒ Kéuih góng-jó matyéh gck dou léih gam lau a? s/he say-PFV what annoy till you so angry SFP ‘What did he say to make you so angry?’ mAtyéh may also be used to modify a noun, like English what: 堬 ᩅ䞧 ಁ ܴ˒ Yám matyéh chàh a? drink what tea SFP ‘What kind of tea will you have?’ (asked by waiter) 䞢 ᝑጹ ᩅ䞧 ᇩ ܴ˒ Kéuihdeih góng-gán matyéh wá a? they speak-PROG what language SFP ‘What language are they speaking?’ Note: mAtyéh wá also means ‘I beg your pardon?’ (20.1.3.) Pronunciation note: mAtyéh is often reduced to one syllable, becoming m’yB or mB, especially in set expressions: ଇ ܴ˒ Sihk mb a? eat what SFP ‘What shall we eat?’ ܃ ˒ Léih dáng mb? you wait what ‘What are you waiting for?’ Note that the high tone of mAt transfers to the vowel [ ] in the contraction. 375 17 Questions dC mAtyéh is a colloquial combination typically used where the item being questioned is an uncountable commodity or plural (see dC: 6.2.2): ଇ 䢅 ᩅ䞧 ˒ܴ ړ Sihk dc matyéh hóu a? eat CL what good SFP ‘What shall we eat?’ ڶ䢅 ᩅ䞧 אױᝑ ܴ˒ Yáuh dc matyéh hóyíh góng a? have CL what can talk SFP ‘What is there we can talk about?’ [yáuh mAtyéh adjective] is used to query the value of something: ߩ ڶᩅ䞧 ┊ ړ ܴ˒ Jekkàuh yáuh matyéh hóu tái a? football have what good watch SFP ‘What’s so good about football?’ Ꮶᖯ ڶᩅ䞧 ܑ ܴ˒ 嘅 ᖂس Gimkìuh ge hohksaang yáuh matyéh gam dahkbiht a? Cambridge LP students have what so special SFP ‘What’s so special about Cambridge students?’ Idiom: mAtyéh may be inserted into a bisyllabic verb or verb–object combination. The effect of this is to ridicule or play down a suggestion: A: ݺ უ ᐊ ء ܴ Ngóh séung sé bún sye a I want write CL book SFP ‘I’d like to write a book.’ A: լڕ Batyùh why-not ‘Let’s go B: ᐊ ᩅ䞧 Sé matyéh write what ‘What? Write ܴ˒ sye a? book SFP a book?’ ݺ䞢 ┊ װ ᚭ 㣌 ngóhdeih heui tái hei a we go watch film SFP and see a film.’ (see 19.2) B: ┊ ᩅ䞧 ᚭ ܴΔ ڍ 䞧 ʴ Tái matyéh hei a, gam dd yéh jouh! see what film SFP so many things do ‘What do you mean, see a film? We have so much work to do!’ mAtyéh may follow a monosyllabic word with similar effect: 376 A: ۩ ړ Yiu hàahng hóu need walk very ‘It’s a long way to ⎲ yúhn wo far SFP walk.’ B: ᩅ䞧 唧˒ Yúhn matyéh jbk? far what SFP ‘What do you mean, a long way?’ mAt can also be used alone in informal speech (especially in indirect questions: see 17.4): Wh-questions ܃䞢 䢆৫ ᩅ ܴ˒ Léihdeih háidouh jouh mat a? you-PL here do what SFP ‘What are you (guys) up to?’ mAt is also used in exclamatory fashion: ᩅ ܃ᩒ ᙒ 嘅 ˒ Mat léih móuh chín ge mb? what you not-have money SFP SFP ‘What? You mean you haven’t got any money?’ ᩅ ܃ຟ 䓰䦹 ܴ˒ Mat léih ddu làih-jó àh? What you also come-PFV SFP ‘What, you’re here too?’ Idiom: mAt gwái (yéh) is an expletive expression for ‘what’: ߒຶ ᝑጹ 䢅 ᩅ 䞧˒ Kéuih gaugíng góng-gán dc mat gwái yéh? s/he really say-PROG CL what devil stuff ‘What on earth is he on about?’ ჶ ᩅ ܴΔ˒܃ Gáau mat gwái a, léih? do what devil SFP you ‘What on earth are you up to?’ 17.3.3 Which questions In which questions, bCn ‘which’ is followed by the classifier and noun: ܃ᤚ ᢰ ೋ द ່ ⶕ ܴ˒ Léih gokdak bcn jek gáu jeui leng a? you feel which CL dog most nice SFP ‘Which dog do you think is the nicest?’ ڍ ጟ क़ ܃ Gam dd júng fa léih so many CL flower you ‘Which of these flowers do ່ რ ᢰ ጟ ܴ˒ jeui jengyi bcn júng a? most like what kind SFP you like best?’ 377 17 Questions ᢰ Կ ଡ Գ ˒ܴ װ Bcn saam go yàhn heui a? which three CL person go SFP Note that [bCn classifier ‘Which three are going?’ dDu] means ‘any’ (13.4) or ‘every’ (14.1.5). 17.3.4 Where questions bCndouh is used to form questions meaning ‘where to?’: ݺ䞢 װᢰ৫ 堬ಁ ܴ˒ Ngóhdeih heui bcndouh yám-chàh a? we go where drink-tea SFP ‘Where shall we go for dim sum?’ Where questions concerning location require hái bCndouh, literally ‘at where’: ܃䢆 ᢰ৫ Ղ ഘ ܴ˒ Léih hái bcndouh séuhng tòhng a? you at where attend class SFP ‘Where is your class?’ bCnsyu is an alternative form used by a minority of speakers. As mAtyéh is reduced to mAt, bCndouh may be reduced to bCn in colloquial speech: ܃ᇿ۰ װᢰ ܴ˒ Léih ganjyuh heui bcn a? you next go where SFP ‘Where are you going next?’ Idiom: bCndouh is used idiomatically to form rhetorical questions, with a meaning similar to since when? in English: ؓ ܃ழ ᢰ৫ ڶଇ ڍ ก ܴ˒ Léih pìhngsìh bcndouh yáuh sihk gam dd tìhmbán a? you normally where have eat so much dessert SFP ‘Since when have you eaten so much dessert?’ 17.3.5 When and time questions 378 The word géisìh or géisí ‘when?’ comes between the subject and verb, like a time adverb: ܃༓ழ १ 䓰 ܴ˒ Léih géisìh faan làih a? you when return come SFP Wh-questions ‘When will you be back?’ The adverb sCn ‘first’ may be added in when questions, often indicating impatience: ܃༓ழ ٣ व ܴ˒ a? Léih géisìh scn jc you when first know SFP ‘When will you know?’ géiloih ‘how long’ follows the verb like an adverbial object (8.2.5): ܃䢆 ଉཽ Léih hái Hbunggóng you in Hong Kong ‘How long have you ۰䦹 ༓ર ܴ˒ jyuh-jó géiloih a? live-PFV how-long SFP lived in Hong Kong?’ It is used with móuh to ask ‘how long . . . since’: ܃༓ર Léih géiloih you how-long ‘How long has ᩒ १ ഏ ܴ˒ móuh faan Ycnggwok a? have-not return England SFP it been since you went back to England?’ Together with yAt chi ‘once’, géiloih means ‘how often’: 䞢 ༓ર Kéuihdeih géiloih they how-long ‘How often do they ၲ ԫ ڻᄎ ܴ˒ hdi yat chi wúi a? hold one time meeting SFP meet?’ ༓ ڍ ଡ ᤪᙰ ଇ ԫ ڻᢐ ܴ˒ Géi dd go jengtàuh yiu sihk yat chi yeuhk a? how many CL hour need eat one time medicine SFP ‘How often do you have to take the medicine?’ 17.3.6 Why questions: reason and purpose The most general expression for ‘why?’ is dím gáai, while jouh mAtyéh tends to mean more specifically ‘for what purpose?’ dím gáai ‘how come?’ is used for questions of cause or purpose. It may come either at the beginning of the sentence or between the subject and the verb: 379 17 Questions រ ᇞ ᄎ 嘅˒ Dím gáai wúih gám gé? how come would so SFP ܃រ ᇞ Léih dím gáai you how come ‘Why don’t you ‘Why is it like this?’ נᜢ ܴ˒ xh chbut-sbng a? not out-voice SFP say something?’ dím gáai literally means ‘how to explain?’ and is also used metalinguistically to ask what a word or phrase means: ݺ ࣔ ࡋ ଡ ڗ រ ᇞ dím gáai Ngóh xh mìhng lc go jih I not understand this CL word how explain ‘I don’t understand what this word means.’ jouh mAt(yéh), literally ‘do what?’, is used colloquially for why questions. It is used specifically for questions of purpose, very much like English what . . . for? It may occur, like dím gáai, between subject and verb: ܃ ᩅ䞧 Léih jouh matyéh you do what ‘What are you so ጹ് ܴ˒ gam gánjbung a? so nervous SFP nervous for?’ Alternatively it may come at the end of the sentence: ܃ 㥸ᐩ ᩅ䞧 ܴ˒ Léih gam mángjáng jouh matyéh a? you so frustrated do what SFP ‘What are you so frustrated for?’ As these examples suggest, jouh mAtyéh is restricted to colloquial register; in more formal contexts dím gáai is preferred for questions of purpose. Note: idiomatically, jouh mAtyéh can also mean ‘what’s the matter?’ as in: ୂୂ ܃ ᩅ䞧 ܴΔԫ ᅻ ֵ Léih gòhgd jouh matyéh a, yat lek muhk gám your brother do what SFP one piece wood so ‘What’s the matter with your brother, standing there board?’ 380 ٞ kéih stand like a 䢆৫˒ háidouh? here stiff Idiom: sái mAt is a colloquial form of why question, meaning ‘what’s the use?’ or ‘what’s the point?’. sái mAt is essentially a rhetorical question, using the positive form of the modal verb msái ‘no need’ (12.1.3): ࠌ ᩅ ᅀ ܴ˒ Sái mat gam fàahn a? need what so complicated SFP ‘Why make things so complicated?’ (TV ad.) Wh-questions This is typically an impersonal construction, although a subject may be specified: ࠌ ܃ᩅ ᧫ ܴ˒ Léih sái mat gam gbng a? you need what so fear SFP ‘What are you so afraid of?’ 17.3.7 How questions: manner and degree The usual word for ‘how?’ is dím yéung, in which yéung means ‘manner’: ܃រ ᑌ ፣ ය ູ ܴ˒ Léih dím yéung jcng tìuh yú a? you how way steam CL fish SFP ‘How are you steaming the fish?’ ࡋ ଡ ڗ រ ᑌ ܴ˒ Lc go jih dím yéung faanyihk a? this CL word how way translate SFP ‘How can we translate this word?’ dím alone is also commonly used for manner questions: រ ˒ܴ װ Dím heui a? how go SFP ‘How do we get there?’ ܃រ ⛕ ଙ ࡋ ٝ ՠ 㗎˒ Léih dím wán dóu lc fahn geng ga? you how find PRT this CL job SFP ‘How did you find this job?’ Rhetorical how questions, in particular, typically use dím alone: ݺ រ व 唧˒ Ngóh dím gwái jc jbk? I how devil know SFP ᙈ Gam chìh so late ‘How can ‘How on earth should I know?’ រ ᎔ ֊ ܴ˒ dím gón dak chit a? how rush can on-time SFP we be on time when it’s so late?’ 381 17 Questions Idiom: dím tùhng ‘how same?’ is a rhetorical idiom, implying that there is no comparison to be made: վ ڻរ ٵ ܴ˒ Gam chi dím tùhng a? this time how same SFP ‘Of course it’s different this time.’ ݺ䞢 ࡋ ଡ זڣ រ Ngóhdeih lc go lìhndoih dím our this CL generation how ‘Of course it was different for our ٵ 唧˒ tùhng jbk? same SFP generation.’ (film) Like many Cantonese rhetorical questions, this idiom cannot readily be translated with a question in English. It is based on mtùhng ‘different’, with dím implying negation (13.6). dím may be used without a main verb, meaning ‘how is?’ or ‘what about?’: ୂୂ ܃ រ ܴ˒ Léih gòhgd dím a? your brother how SFP ‘How’s your brother?’ 䢅 រ ܴ˒ Dc saam dím a? CL clothes how SFP ‘What about those clothes?’ A similar function of dím following an auxiliary is the interrogative counterpart of gám (10.1.2): ຶߒ ܃უ រ 唧˒ Léih gaugíng séung dím jbk? you actually want how SFP ‘What exactly do you want to do?’ (film) Questions of degree, meaning ‘how (adjective)?’ are expressed by géi: ᚨᇠ ༓ ९ 㗎˒ Ycnggdi géi chèuhng ga? should how long SFP ‘How long should it be?’ ٘ Juhng still ‘How ڶ༓ yáuh géi yúhn have how far much further is ܴ˒ a? SFP it?’ Idiom: [verb/adjective sìhng dím?] (also pronounced sèhng dím) is an idiomatic form of how question. The word sìhng as a verb means ‘accomplish’, as in sìhng-gEng ‘succeed’. As a verbal complement it makes a how question, focusing on how well or how successfully an action is accomplished: 382 ᐊ ګរ ܴ˒ Sé sìhng dím a? write how SFP ‘How’s the writing going?’ (conv.) It is especially common in indirect questions: Wh-questions ┊㣐 ഀ ګរ Tái-háh kéuih cheung sìhng dím see-DEL s/he sing how ‘Let’s see how she sings.’ (conv.) ݺ უ ┊㣐 ⶕ ګរ Ngóh séung tái-háh kéuih leng sìhng dím I want see-DEL s/he pretty how ‘I want to see how pretty she is.’ (film) Note that the construction applies equally to verbs (cheung) and adjectives (leng). The idiom [verb sìhng] also occurs in declarative form with gám (10.1.2) in place of dím. 17.3.8 How many/how much géi dD means ‘how many?’ or ‘how much?’ It is used, for example, to ask the price of an item or to ask a person’s age: ༓ ڍ ᙒ ܴ˒ Géi dd chín a? how much money SFP ‘How much is it?’ ܃༓ Léih géi you how ‘How old ڍ ᄣ ܴ˒ dd seui a? many year SFP are you?’ ༓ ڍ ۯ ܴ˒ Géi dd wái a? how many people SFP ‘How many are you?’ (used by a waiter when a party enters a restaurant) With countable nouns, géi (dD) is followed by the appropriate classifier (6.2): ৢ ܃ٞ ڶ༓ Léih ekkéi yáuh géi you home have how ‘How many are there ش Yiu yuhng need use ‘How many ڍ ʻଡʼ Գ ܴ˒ dd (go) yàhn a? many (CL) people SFP in your family?’ ༓ ڍ ് géi dd jbung jí how many CL paper sheets of paper do you ܴ˒ a? SFP need?’ 383 17 Questions With uncountable (mass) nouns, no classifier is required: ❘ ྏ ش ༓ Bdu tdng yuhng géi boil soup use how ‘How much water do ٘ Juhng still ‘How ڍ ֽ ܴ˒ dd séui a? much water SFP you use to make the soup?’ ڶ༓ ڍ ழၴ ໍ ܴ˒ yáuh géi dd sìhgaan jihng a? have how much time remain SFP much time do we have left?’ 17.3.9 Fronted wh-questions Although wh-phrases as a rule are not moved to the beginning of the clause, they can occur in a fronted position in a specific type of wh-question. The wh-phrase must refer to something already established in the discourse. Consequently, wh-fronting applies most commonly to questions formed with bCn ‘which’, with the meaning ‘which (of the above)’ as in: ڍ ནរΔ ᢰ৫ ່ ܃ Gam dd gíng-dím, bcndouh léih jeui so many scene-point where you most ‘Of so many scenic spots, where would you უ ˒ܴ װ séung heui a? want go SFP most like to go?’ Here the relevant set is established explicitly by the sentence topic gam dD gíngdím ‘Of so many scenic spots’. Alternatively, the relevant set may be understood in the context: ᢰ ਮ ၒ߫ ܃ Bcn ga páauchb léih which CL run-car you ‘[Of those here] which ᤚ ່ ী ܴ˒ gokdak jeui yìhng a? feel most cool SFP car do you feel is the coolest?’ The effect of fronting is to put the focus of the sentence on the ‘which’ phrase. One explanation for this phenomenon, as proposed for the Mandarin counterparts by C.-H. C. Cheung (2008), is that it is based on a ‘cleft’ construction introduced by the copula haih ‘be’ (16.4), as in:3 এ ᢰ ਮ ၒ߫ ܃ᤚ Haih bcn ga páauchb léih gokdak is which CL run-car you feel ‘Which sports car is it that you find 384 ່ ী ܴ˒ jeui yìhng a? most cool SFP most stylish?’ Since haih ‘be’ can generally be omitted (8.1.1), leaving it out can result in questions with the wh-phrase fronted such as the above. 17.4 Indirect questions Indirect questions There is little difference in form between a direct question and an indirect (embedded) question. A-not-A, meih, existential and wh-questions may all be used to report questions in indirect speech: (a) Direct question ܃უუ Léih séung-xh-séung you want-not-want ‘Do you want to see ┊ ৢ ܴ˒ tái ek a? look house SFP the house?’ (b) Indirect question ം ݺ Kéuih mahn ngóh s/he ask me ‘She asked me if I უუ ┊ ৢ séung-xh-séung tái ek want-not-want look house wanted to see the house.’ Similarly, in the following pairs, (a) represents the direct question and (b) a corresponding indirect question. (a) ڶ ܃ᩒ ⴤመ ܴ˒ Léih yáuh-móuh lám-gwo a? you have-not-have think-EXP SFP ‘Have you ever thought about it?’ (b) ݺ უ वሐ ڶ ܃ᩒ ⴤመ Ngóh séung jcdou léih yáuh-móuh lám-gwo I want know you have-not-have think EXP ‘I wonder if you’ve ever thought about it.’ (a) ܃۰ 䢆 ᢰ৫ ܴ˒ Léih jyuh hái bcndouh a? you live at where SFP ‘Where do you live?’ (b) Գ䞢 ം ݺ۰ 䢆 ᢰ৫ Yàhndeih mahn ngóh jyuh hái bcndouh people ask me live at where ‘People ask me where I live.’ Note that the question particle, if any, may be omitted from the indirect version. A particle often used in indirect questions is wóh, as used in reported speech (16.5, 18.3.4): 385 17 Questions ॳൎ ം ݺ䞢 ڶᩒ ᆏ⎲ ؾ A-Kèuhng mahn ngóhdeih yáuh-móuh jitmuhk wóh Ah-Keung ask us have-not-have plan SFP ‘Ah Keung is asking if we have any plans.’ An indirect question can serve as the subject of a sentence: ॾ ܃ॾ ݺຟ ጹ Léih seun-xh-seun ngóh ddu xh gányiu you believe-not-believe me also not important ‘Whether you believe me or not doesn’t matter.’ (film) ᢰଡ 䞤 ᢰଡ ᙑ ຟ ᣂ ݺ Bcngo ngaam bcngo cho ddu xh gwaan ngóh who right who wrong also not involve me ‘Who’s right and who’s wrong has nothing to do ࠃ sih thing with me.’ The indirect question may also be topicalized to come before the verb, as in the following where it is understood as the object of jC ‘know’: ߒຶ ലࠐ এ រΔ ᩒ Գ व 嘅 Gaugíng jbunglòih haih dím, móuh yàhn jc gé exactly future is how no one know SFP ‘What the future will be like, no one knows.’ (radio interview) hóu-mhóu (17.1.3, 17.1.6) is used in indirect questions with the meaning ‘whether to’: բᆖ ⴤ䦹 ړર ړړ Kéuih yíhgcng lám-jó hóu loih hóu-mhóu chìh-jck s/he already think-PFV very long good-not-good resign ‘He’s been wondering whether to resign for ages.’ ݺ व ړړ ല 䢅 ᙒ ᠏ Գاኞ Ngóh mjc hóu-mhóu jbung dc chín jyun jouh Yàhnmàhnbaih I not-know good-not-good make CL money switch do Renminbi ‘I don’t know whether to put that money into RMB.’ haih-mhaih in an indirect question, by contrast, means ‘whether’ in asking whether something is the case or not: 386 ݺ व Ngóh mjc kéuih I not-know s/he ‘I don’t know whether এএ ᝑూ 嘅 haih-mhaih góng-siu ge be-not-be talk-joke SFP he’s joking or not.’ 17.5 Multiple questions Exclamatory questions Questions may contain two or more question words at once: ݺ䞢 ༓ழ 䢆 ᢰ৫ ߠ૿ ܴ˒ Ngóhdeih géisìh hái bcndouh gin-mihn a? we when at where see-face SFP ‘Where and when are we going to meet?’ ܃ಬ ᩅ䞧 ៖ढ ନ ᢰଡ˒ Léih sung matyéh láihmaht béi bcngo? you send what presents to who ‘What presents are you giving to whom?’ Multiple questions are particularly common in indirect questions: ܃ಖಖ 䢆 ᢰ৫ ၇䦹 ᩅ䞧 ܴ˒ Léih gei-mgeidak hái bcndouh máaih-jó matyéh a? you remember-or-not at where buy-PFV what SFP ‘Do you remember where you bought what?’ 17.6 Exclamatory questions As in English, several forms of question are used as exclamations. These resemble rhetorical questions in that they do not expect an answer. dím jC is an exclamation of surprise, similar to ‘what d’you know’: Ղ ڻᩒ ംᠲΔ រ व վ ڻ Seuhng chi móuh mahntàih, dím jc gam chi last time not-have problem how know this time ᄎ 嘅 wúih mdak ge would not-okay SFP ‘There was no problem last time, and what d’you know, it’s not working this time.’ dím syun ‘what now?’ is a despairing form of rhetorical question, often accompanied by the exclamation Aiya! (18.4.2): រ ጩ ܴ˒ Dím syun a? how choose SFP ‘What can we do?’ 387 17 Questions ফ䦪ʴ ݺ व រ ጩ ᦗʴ Aiya! Ngóh m-jc dím syun lo! Oh I not-know how choose SFP ‘I don’t know what to do!’ mjC géi is an expression corresponding to ‘how (adjective)!’, literally ‘I don’t know how’: ݺ䞢 ᑌ ⥡ व ༓ ڍ ᙒ géi dd chín Ngóhdeih gám yéung haan mjc we this way save not-know how much money ‘We save an enormous amount of money this way.’ ᦫ ଙ व ༓ ၲ֨ Kéuih tbng dóu mjc géi hdisam s/he hear PRT not-know how happy ‘She was so happy when she heard about it.’ mtEng also introduces rhetorical questions, of two distinct kinds: (a) expressing scepticism or sarcasm. It is typically used with the question particles a/àh and mB: ຏ ݺᄎ ॾ ˒ܴ ܃ Mteng ngóh wúih seun léih àh? as-if I would believe you SFP ຏ ܃უ ˒ ڽ Mteng léih séung séi mb? as if you want die SFP ‘As if I’d believe you!’ ‘Are you crazy?’ The nearest translation is probably ‘as if’, although this is not a question construction in English. (b) to speculate on possible causes, meaning ‘I wonder if?’ as in: ٘ ߠ រ ᇞ 嘅˒ ຏ Dím gáai juhng xh gin kéuih gé? Mteng how come still not see her SFP as-if ‘Why hasn’t she shown up yet? I wonder if ఐ䦹˒ kéuih behng-jó? s/he ill-PFV she’s fallen ill?’ ࡋ ඈ ֲګ ܂ቭΔ ຏ ڶ䦹˒ Kéuih lc pàaih sèhngyaht jok-áu, mteng kéuih yáuh-jó? she these days always nauseous as-if she have-PFV ‘She’s been nauseous recently, I wonder if she’s pregnant?’ 388 Chapter 18 Sentence particles and interjections The sentence-final particles are an important feature of Cantonese speech. In casual conversation, many sentences seem incomplete without one or more final particles; in news broadcasting, by contrast, they are reduced to a minimum, whether to save time or to preserve a higher degree of formality. Cantonese is especially rich in particles, having some thirty basic forms compared to seven or eight in Mandarin.1 Moreover, combinations of two or more particles occur readily in Cantonese (18.2.3), whereas in Mandarin only le Ա combines with other particles. While these particles are one of the most intensively studied areas of Cantonese grammar, their functions remain elusive, and rather different conclusions are drawn according to whether the approach taken focuses on semantics (H. Kwok 1984), pragmatics and speech acts (Gibbons 1980) or conversational analysis (Luke 1990). While the function of a particle may seem clear enough in a specific context, it is extremely difficult to identify a common denominator underlying all its uses. 18.1 Role of the sentence particle Sentence particles serve various communicative (pragmatic) functions, including: (a) indicating speech-act types such as questions (18.3.1), assertions (18.3.2) and requests (18.3.3); (b) evidentiality (indicating the source of knowledge: 18.3.4); (c) affective and emotional colouring (18.3.5). They are not easily translated into English, where their functions are often conveyed by intonation patterns. While they sometimes correspond 389 18 Sentence particles and interjections functionally to English question ‘tags’, they differ in that there is no pause between the main sentence and the particle. They pose particular challenges to second language learners, and their use also varies considerably between individuals, between the sexes and age groups. The term utterance particle is preferred by some authors (Yau 1965; Gibbons 1980; Luke 1990), who distinguish between a sentence as an abstract entity and an utterance as an instance of use of the sentence in a particular context. Given that it is difficult to define the function of particles in isolation, it is important to consider contextual factors in analyzing them. Moreover, particles may be used with phrases and sentence fragments which do not form complete sentences. 18.1.1 Pronunciation: tone and intonation Particles vary in their pronunciation, including vowel quality, duration and intonation, to a greater extent than other Cantonese words. For example, in sequences of particles a kind of vowel harmony occurs (ge wo may become go wo), which is by no means a general rule of the language. Moreover, some particles such as sìn and tìm occur with a high falling tone which does not occur regularly with other words (see 1.4). The vowel of a sentence particle may be pronounced short or prolonged for up to a second or so, as in haih a! ‘yes!’2 This drawing out of the particles is a characteristic of Cantonese which distinguishes it from other varieties of Chinese. It also allows nuances of intonation to be superimposed, thereby colouring the tone of the sentence. In several cases particles appear to come in groups whereby variants with a different tone convey related meanings and/or functions. Table 18.1 shows the main variants (particles with a fixed form such as gwa, hó, etc. are omitted). These related forms involve the following factors: 390 (a) contraction of a basic particle with a/A/àh, ak or Ama (see below); (b) tonal variants of the same basic particle: these forms differ systematically in function. Typically, the high-tone variants are more tentative, the low-tone ones assertive and the mid-tone ones neutral.3 (c) glottal closure: the forms written as ak, jBk, lak and lok are truncated variants of a, je, la and lD/lòh, ending with an unreleased -k or, more often, simply a glottal stop [ä], which is conventionally written as k in the Yale romanization system. Table 18.1 Related particles a a àh áh ak ge gé ga gá gak/gaak gàh jb je jbk ja já jàh la la làh lak/laak ld lo lòh lok bo wo wòh wóh ama amáh gama jama/jcma Role of the sentence particle lively statement, question or request softening statement or question disapproving, surprised or suspicious seeking confirmation abrupt (dis)agreement affirmative: ‘this is the case’ tentative or uncertain affirmation (ge a) (ge a) (ge ak) (ge àh) playing down a fact: ‘that’s all’ ‘just, only’ cheeky, intimate (je a) (je a) (je àh) requesting, seeking common ground current relevance; advice (la àh) current relevance finality seeking agreement, settlement, etc. emphasizing current situation, seeking sympathy, etc. impatient: ‘of course’ definitive: ‘that’s the way it is’ exclamatory, appreciative informative (noteworthiness) discovery evidential (hearsay, reported speech) indicating obvious reason, excuse, etc. as above, negative or impatient (ge ama) (je ama) The particle a/A/àh combines with other particles to produce contracted forms:4 ge ge ge ge ge a gá a ga àh gàh ak gak/gaak ama gama je je je a a àh jb ama já ja jàh jama la àh la ama làh lama Note that the mid tone of ge and je combines with the high tone of A to produce a high rising tone in gá and já. The function of these forms is a 391 18 Sentence particles and interjections combination of those of the two particles: a adds its function of questioning or mollifying a statement to the function of the first particle. This can often be seen in alternations between statements and questions. For example, the assertive particle ge combined with a results in ga, which has the effect of seeking confirmation of a statement: এ ట 嘅 Haih jan ge is true SFP ‘It’s true.’ (statement) এএ ట 㗎 Haih-mhaih jan ga? is-not-is true SFP ‘Is it true?’ (question) Because this contraction is obligatory, the combination ge a does not occur. Similarly, gak (or gaak) is formed from ge and ak: ૹ 𠺝 ڶ Juhng yáuh gak still have SFP ‘There are some more.’ (Why didn’t you bring them all?) ge here marks an assertion, with ak implying reproach. làh combines la indicating current relevance with àh indicating surprise or disapproval: ܃ Léih you ‘You ݶუ گՠ 䧷˒ gam faai séung sau-geng làh? so fast want finish-work SFP want to finish work so soon, do you?’ The trio wo, wòh and wóh present a number of puzzles. Firstly, they seem to belong in the realm of evidentiality, which is not a category traditionally recognized in Chinese (see 18.3.4). Secondly, treating them as a group of related particles begs the question of the relationship between them. The wóh used in reported speech is a ‘hearsay’ evidential particle (16.5), while wo conveys ‘noteworthiness’ (Luke 1990) and wòh ‘unexpectedness’ (H. Kwok 1984). wo, and wóh both code new and noteworthy information, the difference being whether the source of the information is first-hand perception or second-hand report. The less frequent wòh may be treated as a variant of wo with the falling tone associated with surprise or disapproval (compare àh, 18.3.1). 392 Some analyses go further in systematizing these variants. For Fung (2000), the j- particles indicate restrictive focus (‘only’), and the g- particles a situation which is given. The relationship between the various j- particles and between the g- particles is relatively clear, and can be accounted for by contraction with the various forms of a (18.2.3). Fung also relates the la and lo groups of particles, each with their tonal variants, proposing that all these l- particles express realization of a state. Sybesma and Li (2007) go a step further in ‘dissecting’ the particles, proposing that in addition to the initial consonants and tones, the vowels are associated systematically with meanings. Thus the vowel -o is said to indicate noteworthiness, as seen in lo and wo. 18.2 Syntax of sentence-final particles Syntax of sentence-final particles Particles normally occur in the sentence-final position, as in most of the examples given in section 18.3. However, they may also occur after the sentence topic and at other natural breaks in the sentence. 18.2.1 Topic particles Certain sentence particles, notably àh and lB, may occur after the sentence topic. This possibility is one reflection of the division of the Chinese sentence into topic and comment (4.2). The topic and particle are typically followed by a slight pause (intonation break): 䢆 ഏ ܴΔ ᩒ Գ ଇ ࡋ 䢅 䞧 㗎 Hái Ycnggwok àh, móuh yàhn sihk lc dc yéh ga in England PRT no one eats this CL thing SFP ‘In England, no one eats this kind of thing.’ ࡋ ଡ ࡋΔ אױ䛅 װ Lc go lb, hóyih ló faan heui this CL PRT can take back go ‘As far as this is concerned we can take it back.’ àh and lB serve here to draw attention to the preceding topic. The particles a/àh and lA often serve to fill a pause, for example in lists: ഏ ܴΔ ऄഏ ܴΔ ৫৫ ຟ ⶕ Ycnggwok a, Faatgwok a, douh-douh ddu leng England PRT France PRT there-there all nice ‘England, France, there’s nice scenery everywhere.’ A: ֆᣂ 䢅 ᩅ䞧 㗎˒ Geng-gwaan yiu jouh dc matyéh ga? public-relations need do CL what SFP ‘What does public relations involve?’ 393 18 Sentence particles and interjections B: ᩒᩅ ܑ Գ ؚ㣐ࢵࡅ Δ 嘅Δ ٵ Móuh mat dahkbiht ge, tùhng yàhn dá-háh-jcufe la, nothing special SFP with people greet-DEL SFP ႜ㣐℘ Δଇ㣐䞧 kcng-háh-gái la, sihk-háh-yéh la chat-DEL SFP eat-DEL-stuff SFP ‘Nothing special, just greeting people, chatting to them, eating.’ (film) Note also that such a topic particle does not prevent a different particle from occurring in the sentence-final position: ܃ Léih you ‘You ܴΔ ړ٦ ໞʴ ᄎ १ 䓰 嘅 àh, mhóu joi dáng la! Kéuih xh wúih faan lèih ge PRT don’t again wait SFP s/he not will back come SFP know, you really shouldn’t wait any longer. He’s not coming ໞ la SFP back.’ 18.2.2 Clause-final particles A particle can also appear at other natural breaks in a sentence, notably at the end of a clause. wo in this position draws attention to the following clause: ܃ಖ۰ ⎲Δ ړᇩ ନ Գ ᦫ Léih gei-jyuh wo, mhóu wah béi yàhn tbng you remember SFP don’t say to people hear ‘Now remember, don’t tell anyone.’ Similarly, the evidential particle wóh (18.3.4) may be used after a verb of reporting, before the clause reporting the statement (see 16.5 on indirect speech): ᇩ ⎲Δ ᩒ Գ խ ᙰ ᑻ Kéuih wah wóh, móuh yàhn jung tàuh jéung s/he say SFP not-have person win first prize ‘You know what she said? Nobody won the first prize.’ 18.2.3 Particle combinations 394 Many of the particles can occur together at the end of a sentence, leading to some highly expressive combinations which are characteristic of Cantonese. Although a very large number of permutations are logically possible, the Table 18.2 Particle combinations 1 Adverbial particle 2 Assertion 3 Evaluation/ modification 4 Question/ exclamation sìn ge je/ja, jb tìm lèih(ge/ga) la, la a, a, àh bo gwa há, hó lb ma, ama mb wo, wòh, wóh ak jbk lak/laak lo, ld lok léh Syntax of sentence-final particles combinations actually found and the ordering of particles are relatively restricted.5 The columns in Table 18.2 are intended to indicate possible choices of two to four particles. The adverbial particles sìn and tìm must come first in a combination, followed by ge and lèihga. Following these, one or two particles may occur: one from column 3 and one from column 4. Note that the question and exclamation particles in column 4 and the particles ending with -k in column 3 may only come last in a series. Four consecutive particles occur in the following example: 䛅䦹 ร ԫ ټ 嘅 ໞ ⎲ Kéuih ló-jó daih yat mìhng tìm ge la wo s/he take-PFV number one place too SFP SFP SFP ‘And she got first place too, you know.’ Here tìm is evaluative (‘too’) and ge assertive, la adds currency and wo newsworthiness. Note that the order and selection of particles follows that shown in Table 18.2. Although the four particles are written in their usual forms, they are actually pronounced as tìm ge lo wo, or tìm go lo wo, with the vowel of the last particle wo spreading to one or both the previous two particles.6 Possible combinations of particles are limited by (a) pronounceability and (b) semantic coherence of the combination. For example, la lB is 395 18 Sentence particles and interjections avoided due to the clash of similar sounds, while lèihge gwa does not occur as the assertiveness of lèihge conflicts with the uncertainty expressed by gwa. The force of the combinations is a function of that of each of the two particles as used in isolation. The following are some typical examples of combinations, by no means exhaustive; note that the order of the particles follows Table 18.2. ge la (assertion relevance) ଇ 嘅 ໞ Sihk dak ge la eat can SFP SFP ‘Dinner’s ready.’ ݺ ˩˼́˶˸́̇ ኙ ݺ Ngóh yiu Vincent deui ngóh I want Vincent to me ‘All I want is for Vincent to be ge wo (assertion ړ hóu good good noteworthiness) ܃ԫִ ࡾ ࣟ װΔ Léih yat-yuht heui deng on, you first-month go east coast ‘If you’re going to the East Coast very cold!’ ړଯ 嘅 ⎲ʴ hóu dung ge wo! very cold SFP SFP in January, it’s going to be jB ma (playing down ‘of course’) ۔ֆΚ ܃ړ Lóuhgeng: Léih mhóu (husband) you don’t ‘Don’t you ٦ ၇ 䞧 ໞ joi máaih yéh la again buy things SFP go buying more stuff.’ ۔ധΚ Lóuhpòh: (wife) ݺ ┊㣐 䞥 ቪ Ngóh tái-háh jb ma I look-DEL SFP SFP ‘I’m just going to take a look.’ la wo (current relevance 396 ༉ 嘅 ໞ jauh dak ge la then okay SFP SFP to me.’ (film) noteworthiness) ᆺ ՛ࡦ १䦹 ৢٞ ໞ ⎲ Yihp Síujé faan-jó ekkéi la wo Yip Miss return-PFV home SFP SFP ‘Miss Yip has just gone home!’ leihge wo (explanation discovery) এ ཏຏ ֵΔ এ દֵ 䓰嘅 ⎲ Mhaih póuteng muhk, haih hùhng-muhk leihge wo not-be ordinary wood be red-wood SFP SFP ‘Oh, I see it’s not ordinary wood but rosewood.’ Functions of the particles Combinations of three consecutive particles are common, for example: ܃ Léih you ‘You ᢝ װ嘅 ቪ˒ sck heui ge l’ama? know go SFP SFP SFP do know the way, don’t you?’ (spoken by passenger in car) ge here is assertive, la marks current relevance and Ama seeks confirmation (la and Ama contract to l’Ama: compare the statement Ngóh sCk heui ge la ‘I know the way’). ߊג ᔎं ୖٵ Ֆ גᔎं ᩒ ᩅ Làahmjài tek-bd tùhngmàaih léuihjái tek-bd móuh mat boy kick-ball and girl kick-ball not-have any ։ܑ fanbiht difference ‘Boys play 嘅 䞥 䨂ʴ ge je bo! SFP SFP SFP football and girls play football – what’s the difference?’ Here ge asserts the fact, je plays it down as something unremarkable, and bo invites agreement. More than four particles are rare, though not impossible: C.-S. Leung (2005) reports the occurrence of some seven particles as an extreme case. 18.3 Functions of the particles The particles may usefully be divided according to their functions in terms of speech acts such as questions and assertions. However, this classification is not exclusive: for example, a is by no means restricted to questions. Within each section, particles are listed alphabetically for ease of reference. 18.3.1 Question particles These particles are typically or exclusively used in questions. Of this group, some (e.g. a) may be added to all types of questions, while others such as 397 18 Sentence particles and interjections àh and mB only occur in yes-no questions, their addition turning a statement into a question. a is one of the most frequent particles, appearing especially commonly in questions. a is not sufficient to mark a question by itself, but accompanies interrogative constructions such as A-not-A and copular questions: ܃რ ଉཽ ܴ˒ Léih jeng-xh-jengyi Hbunggóng a? you like-not-like Hong Kong SFP ‘Do you like Hong Kong?’ এএ ಯ䦹ٖ ܴ˒ Kéuih haih-mhaih teui-jó-yau a? s/he be-not-be retire-PFV SFP ‘Has he retired?’ a is so used in most types of question if there is no other question particle present, as seen in the examples of A-not-A (17.1.2), alternative (17.2) and wh-questions (17.3). a is also used to soften the force of statements or confirmations: A: ᩅ ନ Mat yiu béi what need pay ‘You mean you ᙒ 㗎˒ chín gàh? money SFP have to pay?’ B: এ ܴ Haih a yes SFP ‘Yes (I’m afraid so).’ àh has a stronger force than a, and is sufficient to turn a statement into a question (17.1.1). It may suggest surprise, scepticism or disapproval: ٘ ܃ ಖ ˒ܴ ݺ Léih juhng geidak ngóh àh? you still remember me SFP ‘You still remember me?’ ܃۷ ୲࣐ ܴ˒ Léih gú gam yùhngyih àh? you guess so easy SFP ‘You think it’s that easy, do you?’ ⴤ ܃۰ ࠌ 䞧 ܴ˒ Léih lám-jyuh msái jouh yéh àh? you think-CONT no-need do thing SFP ‘I suppose you’re thinking you don’t need to do any work?’ áh is used to check the addressee’s meaning or intention: 398 ܃ Léih you ‘You რ ࡋ ೋ द ڍ 䢅 ܴ˒ jengyi lc jek gáu dd dc áh? like this CL dog more bit SFP like this dog more, is that it?’ ܃ Léih You ‘You ᇩ უ ଇ ᑪڠ လ ܴ˒ ᩒ ംᠲ wah séung sihk Chìuhjau choi áh? Móuh mahntàih say wish eat Chiuchow food SFP no problem said you wanted to eat Chiuchow food, right? No problem.’ Functions of the particles há and hó invite confirmation of a statement or suggestion. Like question tags (17.1.6), these particles may be separated from the sentence by a slight pause. Like tag questions in English, they serve to indicate the presuppositions behind a statement. há presupposes the addressee’s agreement, expecting compliance: ࠁ ܃ ݺ Léih gwaai ngóh you behave I ‘If you’re good, I’ll ༉ ᝑ ਚ גନ ᦫ ܃ 㣐˒ jauh góng gú-jái béi léih tbng há? then tell story for you listen SFP tell you a story, okay?’ (to children) ԫ࣍ এ ᇩ ໞ 㣐˒ Yatye haih gám wah la há? definitely is so say SFP SFP ‘Let’s do as we agreed, okay?’ hó expects the addressee’s confirmation: A: ༓ ⶕ ܴΔ࠻˒ Géi leng a, hó? quite nice SFP SFP ‘Pretty nice, huh?’ B: এ ܴ Haih a is SFP ‘Yes, it is.’ ᠔ سຟ ༓ ڦ 嘅 ࠻˒ Jouh ycsang ddu géi mòhng ge hó? be doctor also quite busy SFP SFP ‘I guess it must be quite a busy life as a doctor?’ léh is used to demonstrate a point and invite agreement or appreciation: ړଇ ়ʴ Hóu sihk léh! good eat SFP ‘Tasty, huh?’ (TV ad.) ೢ 䞧 ଇ Tau yéh sihk steal thing eat ‘Pinching things ړრ ়ʴ Hóu dakyi léh! Very cute SFP ‘You see how cute it is?’ ়ʴ léh! SFP to eat, are you?’ (TV ad.: mother to child) 399 18 Sentence particles and interjections ݺ ഀ ˒় ܴ ړ Ngóh cheung dak hóu ah léh? I sing ADV nice SFP SFP ‘Don’t I sing well?’ mB marks questions with negative presuppositions, i.e. expressing surprise: ٣س ᇩ 嘅 ˒ Scnsaang wah xh dak ge mb? teacher say not okay SFP SFP ‘What, did the teacher say it wasn’t okay?’ It is especially common in rhetorical questions (17.1.1): ݺ ႜ㣐℘ ຟ ନ ˒ ddu xh béi mb? Ngóh kcng-háh-gái I have-DEL-chat also not allow SFP ‘Aren’t I even allowed to have a chat?’ ړ ˒ Kéuih hóu lbk mb? s/he very clever SFP ‘As if he was so clever!’ lB (or nB) follows a noun phrase, with the meaning ‘what about?’: ݺ Հڣ ᠏ ՠΔ ˒ࡋ ܃ Ngóh hah-lín yiu jyun geng, léih lb? I next-year want change job you SFP ‘I’m going to switch jobs next year. How about you?’ A: 䢅 ᵅ ᔄ ஸ ନ Գ ໞ Dc gasc maaih saai béi yàhn la CL furniture sell all to people SFP ‘The furniture has all been sold.’ B: ਮ ߫ ࡋ˒ Ga chb lb? CL car SFP ‘What about the car?’ This usage resembles that of Mandarin ne ࡋ (C. Li and Thompson 1981). wá is used in echo questions (17.1.7), to elicit repetition of a piece of information: ܃༓ழ १ Léih géisìh faan you when return ‘When did you say 400 䓰 ᇩ˒ làih wá? come SFP you were coming back?’ ܃უ រ ᑌ ᖞ ය ູ ᇩ˒ Léih séung dím yéung jíng tìuh yú wá? you wish how manner cook CL fish SFP ‘How did you say you wanted to cook the fish?’ Functions of the particles 18.3.2 Assertive particles ak in assertions conveys a sense of finality. It has two typical uses which might seem to be mutually contradictory but share the same assertiveness: (a) to contradict a statement: A: ܃ 䞧 ܴ˒ Léih xh jouh yéh àh? you not do thing SFP ‘Aren’t you working?’ B: এ ܥΔᦰ ݺጹ Mhaih ak, ngóh duhk-gán-sye not-be SFP I study-PROG-book ‘Yes I am, I’m studying.’ Such a response represents a forceful denial (contrast the response mhaih a which softens the force of the denial). Note the use of mhaih ‘no’ to contradict a negative statement (see 17.1.9). (b) to accept a suggestion, with the implication that the matter is settled: A: ᦫֲ រ ߠ ⎲ Tcngyaht gáu dím gin wo tomorrow nine o’clock see SFP ‘See you at nine tomorrow.’ B: ܥ ړ Hóu ak good SFP ‘Okay, right.’ ge is used for assertions of facts, often marking focus or emphasis: ࡋ ຝ ᖲ ױ ړᔾ 嘅 Lc bouh gbi hóu hó-kaau ge this CL machine very reliable SFP ‘This machine’s very reliable.’ Together with the copula haih, ge forms an emphatic construction (8.1.1, 16.4):7 ݺ এ ඒ ଃᑗΔ এ ඒ ֮ᖂ 嘅 Ngóh haih gaau yamngohk, mhaih gaau màhnhohk ge I be teach music not-be teach literature SFP ‘It’s music I teach, not literature.’ Note that ge precedes all other particles except tìm and sìn which may precede it (18.2.3). The vowel in ge is often reduced to schwa [à], especially when ge is followed by another particle. 401 18 Sentence particles and interjections gé, the same particle with rising intonation, is a more tentative version of ge. It combines the assertion of ge with a sense of uncertainty or reservation, giving two distinct functions: (a) to express puzzlement about a fact: ᚨᇠ 䢆৫ 嘅 Ycnggdi háidouh gé should be-here SFP ‘It should be here.’ (I don’t understand why it’s not here.) រ ᇞ ᄎ 嘅˒ Dím gáai wúih gám gé? how come would so SFP ‘Why is it like this?’ ଯ 嘅ʴ Gam dung gé! so cold SFP ‘It’s so cold!’ (Why?) (b) expressing assertion and reservation at once: ଡ Գ ༓ ᩒ ᦰመ 嘅Δឈྥ Kéuih go yàhn géi lbk gé, sbuiyìhn móuh duhk-gwo s/he CL person quite smart SFP although not-have study-EXP Օᖂ daaihhohk university ‘She’s quite a smart person, although she didn’t go to university.’ ⎲ ܃ය ᖯ ᚨᇠ 嘅Δլመ ֨ ֜ ړ৺ Léih tìuh kíu ycnggdi dak gé, batgwo mhóu taai sam-gap wo your CL trick ought okay SFP but don’t too hasty SFP ‘Your trick should be okay, but don’t be too hasty.’ la, with a mid level tone, serves primarily to emphasize a point of current relevance: ֜ ት ໞΔ ݺ不 ଙ Taai chòuh la, ngóh fan xh dóu too noisy SFP I sleep not PRT ‘I can’t sleep, it’s too noisy.’ ܃ ړ٦ ᦫ ᝑ ໞ Léih mhóu joi tbng kéuih góng la you don’t again listen him speak SFP ‘Don’t take any more notice of him.’ 402 This usage resembles that of Mandarin le Ա, but is less commonly used. lak or laak has a similar force to the ‘current relevance’ meaning of la, with a greater sense of finality: Functions of the particles ߬ે䦹 રΔ ึ࣍ ޏ ݙ ء 䄆 Sanfú-jó gam loih, jengye gói yùhn bún sye lak difficult-PFV so long finally revise finish CL book SFP ‘After so much effort, we’ve finally finished revising the book.’ A: ݺ ႧԺ 䢅 ᦰ Ngóh yiu kàhnlihk dc duhk-sye I need diligent a-bit study-book ‘I need to study harder.’ B: ༉ 䞤 䄆 Gám jauh ngaam laak so then right SFP ‘That’s right, you do.’ lèihga marks an explanation, like the English tags you see or you know: ࡋ ଡ ࠃٵ ݺ 䓰㗎 Lc go ngóh tùhngsih lèihga this CL my colleague SFP ‘This is my colleague, you know.’ As seen in the above example, a sentence ending in lèihga often lacks a copula, so that this particle can take on the role of a copula. lèihga is also used in questions, typically to request an explanation: ᙰ٣ 䢇 ଡ Գ এ ᢰଡ 䓰㗎˒ Tàuhscn gó go yàhn haih bcngo lèihga? just-now that CL person is who SFP ‘Who was that person just now?’ Although most commonly used in the form lèihga, lèih may also combine with other particles, such as jB: ݺ䞢 ཏຏ ֖ࣛ 䓰 䞥 Ngóhdeih póuteng pàhngyáuh lèih jb we ordinary friends SFP SFP ‘We’re just ordinary friends.’ (film) In this context lèih serves to explain the situation and jB plays down the fact (in this case, denying a romantic attachment). 18.3.3 Imperative and persuasive particles These particles are typically used in giving directions, including not only straightforward commands, but also suggestions, requests and advice. The examples of imperative sentences in chapter 19 contain further illustrations of these particles. 403 18 Sentence particles and interjections A may serve as a more tentative form of a in questions, or accompany suggestions: ଡଡ ຟ ߨΔ ߨ ܃ߨ 㣌˒ Go-go ddu jáu, gám léih jáu-xh-jáu a? CL-CL all leave so you leave-not-leave SFP ‘Everybody is leaving, so are you leaving too?’ ݺ ᝑ ଡ ఽയ ନ ᦫ ܃ 㣌ΞΞ Ngóh góng go beimaht béi léih tbng a . . . I tell CL secret for you listen SFP ‘Let me tell you a secret . . .’ lA often accompanies an invitation or request: ᙟঁ ݄ ʴ Chèuihbín chóh la! as-you-please sit SFP ܃ନ Léih béi you give ‘Give me ‘Please take a seat.’ ڍ 䢅 ழၴ ݺʴ dd dc sìhgaan ngóh la! more some time me SFP a bit longer, won’t you?’ 18.3.4 Evidential particles Evidential particles indicate the source and nature of knowledge expressed in the sentence. Ama or Amáh provides an explanation that the speaker should already know, or readily understand: A: ᢰଡ 䓰㗎˒ Bcngo làihga? who SFP ‘Who’s that?’ B: ݺ䞢 Ngóhdeih our ‘Our new ᄅ ۔ច 㣌ቪ san lóuhbáan ama new boss SFP boss, of course.’ Exploiting the suggestion of obviousness, Amáh is often used to make an excuse: 404 A: រ ᇞ ᙈ 嘅˒ Dím gáai gam chìh gé? how come so late SFP ‘How come you’re so late?’ B: ஸ 䢅 䞧 Yiu jouh saai dc yéh need do all CL things ‘I have to finish my work ٣ 㣌ቪ scn amáh first SFP first, don’t I?’ Functions of the particles In questions, it is used to check an assumption, typically one which the speaker regards as obvious: ܃ Léih you ‘You ᢝ sck know know ش ሽᆰ 㣌ቪ˒ yuhng dihnlóuh amáh? use computer SFP how to use the computer, don’t you?’ amáh may have a slight derogatory connotation, as seen in some phrases: ܃এ Léih mhaih you not-be ‘How could 㣌ቪΔຑ এ amáh, lìhn kéuih haih SFP even s/he is you possibly not know ᢰଡ ຟ व˒ bcngo ddu xh jc? who also not know who she is?’ gwa indicates the speaker’s uncertainty about the information in the sentence, like I suppose in British English or I guess in American English. gwa resembles the ‘speculative’ meaning of ba ނin Mandarin. It is most typically used in reply to a question or proposition: A: ܃ Léih you ‘Are ጹ് ܴ˒ gánjbung àh? nervous SFP you nervous?’ B: এ 䧠 Haih gwa yes SFP ‘I suppose so.’ A: ऱՓ Ծ ףᏝ ໞ Dcksí yauh ga ga la taxi again raise price SFP ‘Taxi fares are going up again.’ B: এ 䧠ʴ ڶ ط 嘅ʴ Mhaih gwa! Móuh léihyàuh ge! no SFP not-have reason SFP ‘They’re not, are they?’ lD also suggests that what is said is self-evident. It may be used to invite agreement, cooperation or sympathy. Luke (1990) shows how this particle serves to negotiate endings to conversations and discussions. It may be used, for example, to negotiate a settlement: 405 18 Sentence particles and interjections ༉ ᦗ Gám jauh dak ld so then okay SFP ‘That’ll be all right, won’t it?’ ݺ ᤚ 䞤 ᦗ Ngóh gokdak kéuih m-ngaam ld I feel s/he not-right SFP ‘I feel he’s being unreasonable.’ Idiomatically, lD combines with maih meaning ‘then’ with the additional sense ‘naturally’ (see 16.2.2 and Tang 2008): ܃ ࿇ሒ ᦗʴ Gám léih maih faat-daaht ld! so you then make-money SFP ‘That way you’ll be rich, of course!’ lo, like la, refers to a current situation. It may express resignation or a plea for sympathy: ݺ व រ ጩ ᦗʴ Ngóh mjc dím syun lo! I not-know how act SFP ‘I really don’t know what to do.’ lok is related to lo as lak is to la, being more definitive. It suggests the irrevocability of a situation (H. Kwok 1984): ܃ຟ ެࡳ䦹 ষΔ ٘ ം ݺ ᩅ˒ Léih ddu kyutdihng-jó lok, juhng mahn ngóh jouh mat? You also decide-PFV SFP still ask me what for ‘You’ve made your decision, why ask my opinion?’ ܃۷ ڦ ܃ ܴΔ ݺജ এ ষ Léih gú dak léih mòhng àh, ngóh gau haih lok you guess only you busy SFP I enough am SFP ‘Do you think you’re the only one who’s busy? I am too.’ wo serves to emphasize a noteworthy or ‘newsworthy’ piece of information.8 It has a number of discourse functions relating to this notion. For example, it may indicate a surprising piece of news or discovery: ભ८ ֒䦹 ⎲ʴ Méih-gam scng-jó wo! US dollar rise-PFV SFP 406 ‘Look, the US dollar has gone up!’ wo is also used in reminders; in this function, it may appear either after the reporting verb (18.2.2), or at the end of the sentence: ܃՛֨ 㺳߫ ⎲ wo Léih síu-sam ja-chb you careful drive-car SFP Functions of the particles ‘Drive carefully!’ ᙟঁ ┊ ⎲ʴ Chèuihbín tái wo! As-you-please look SFP ‘Feel free to look.’ (used by shop assistants) wòh, a variant of wo, specifically indicates discovery: ࠐ এ א ݺছ 䓰嘅 ⎲ 嘅 ٵᖂ Yùhnlòih haih ngóh yíhchìhn ge tùhnghohk lèihge wòh after-all is my before LP schoolmate SFP SFP ‘(She) turned out to be my former classmate.’ wóh is a ‘hearsay’ evidential particle, used to indicate reported information, as in reported speech (16.5) and indirect questions (17.4): ᦫፊᇩ ۔ ܃ច ⎲ Tbngmàhn-wah léih lóuhbáan yiu chìhjck wóh hear-say your boss want resign SFP ‘I hear your boss is going to resign.’ ֚ ܫᇩ վֲ ᄎ ᆵॸ ⎲ Tcnhei bougou wah gamyaht wúih lohk-yúh wóh weather report say today will fall-rain SFP ‘According to the weather report, it’s going to rain today.’ 18.3.5 Exclamatory and affective particles These particles add emotional or affective colouring to a statement or exclamation. bo expresses appreciation, as in exclamations of approval: ړ Hóu good ‘Well 䞧 䨂ʴ yéh bo! stuff SFP done!’ إ䞧 䨂ʴ Jeng yéh bo! great stuff SFP ‘Great stuff!’ ᙑ 䨂ʴ Mcho bo! not-bad SFP ‘Not bad!’ এ 䨂ʴ Haih bo! yes SFP ‘Yes, that’s right!’ 407 18 Sentence particles and interjections jB serves to play down an idea, typically a quantity or amount, meaning ‘only’ or ‘just’: এ ԫ ڻ ڍ 䞥 Jihnghaih yat chi gam dd jb only one time so many SFP ‘It’s only just this once.’ ؓ ړ 䞥ʴ ၇ ନ ݺ Hóu pèhng jb! Máaih béi ngóh la very cheap SFP buy for me SFP ‘It’s a bargain! Why don’t you buy it for me?’ jBk has a highly affective value, and is characteristic of children’s and younger women’s speech (M. Chan 2002); it suggests a degree of intimacy, and is only used between close acquaintances: ݺ վֲ ⶕⶕ 唧˒ Ngóh gamyaht leng-xh-leng jbk? I today pretty-not-pretty SFP ‘Do you think I look good today?’ (wife to husband) ܃ᙰ٣ װᢰ Léih tàuhscn heui bcn you just-now go where ‘So where did you go just 唧˒ jbk? SFP now?’ ᣂ ܃ᩅ䞧 ࠃ 唧˒ Gwaan léih matyéh sih jbk? concern you what matter SFP ‘It’s none of your business.’ (rhetorical) 18.3.6 Adverbial particles The particles sìn and tìm have several properties in common: 408 (a) when used as sentence-final particles they retain the high falling tone, which is otherwise not distinguished from the high level tone (1.4); (b) they behave more like adverbs than the other sentence particles: semantically, they have relatively clear meanings (based on ‘first’ and ‘too’ respectively), while syntactically, they precede other particles in combinations (see Table 18.2); (c) both are thought to be modelled on Tai languages, where similar adverbs follow the verb (Matthews 2006b). sìn is related to the adverb sCn ‘first’ (10.3.3). When used as a sentence particle, it has a high falling tone: ʻԫʼ ೄ ٣Δ ݺ װ Dáng (yat) jahn sìn, ngóh yiu heui wait (a) moment SFP I need go ‘Hang on a moment. I need to go to the Functions of the particles ੑ֫ၴ sái-sáu-gaan wash-hand-room washroom.’ It is also used idiomatically with the aspect marker háh (11.2.7) as in tái háh ‘let’s see’: ┊㣐 ྦ ܃ ړړଇ ٣ Tái-háh léih jyú dak hóu-mhóusihk sìn see-DEL you cook ADV good-not-good-eat SFP ‘Let’s see how good your cooking is!’ In questions, it may express reservations about a possible course of action: ܃ᢝᢝ ٣˒ Léih sck-xh-sck jouh sìn? you know-not-know do SFP ‘Do you know how to, though?’ ݺ ڶᩅ䞧 㷂ᑇ ٣˒ Ngóh yáuh matyéh jeuhksou sìn? I have what advantage SFP ‘What’s in it for me?’ (responding to a suggestion) tìm is an emphatic particle meaning ‘too’ or ‘even’. tìm often accompanies the verbal particle màaih (11.3.3) and/or the adverb juhng ‘still’: ۿړ ړ რ ݺΔ ٘ ಬ ୖ क़ Kéuih hóuchíh hóu jengyi ngóh, juhng sung màaih fa tìm s/he seem much like me also send SFP flower too ‘He really seems to like me, he even sent flowers.’ ٘ ֽཾ אױ Juhng hóyíh yàuhséui tìm still can swim too ‘And you can go swimming, too.’ (radio ad.) It is also used ironically on discovering that one has been mistaken, typically together with the verb yíhwàih denoting erroneous belief: এ ˒ ݺ א Haih mb? Ngóh yíhwàih is SFP I think ‘Really? And I thought it এ ܃ಬ 嘅 ʴ haih léih sung ge tìm! is you give that too was you that gave it to me!’ 409 18 Sentence particles and interjections 18.4 Interjections Interjections typically occur preceding a sentence or clause. Like the sentence-final particles, these may be pronounced with the vowel short or prolonged, and with exaggerated intonation patterns. 18.4.1 Place-fillers The adverbial gám (10.1.2) may serve to fill a pause or transition, often together with a particle (18.2.1): ܴΞΞ ⴤ ݺ㣐 ٣ Gám àh . . . dáng ngóh lám-háh sìn So SFP let me think-DEL first ‘Well . . . let me think about it.’ 䢅 ۚ ᔪ䦹Δ ࡋΔ༉ ړଇ 䢅 Dc yuhk yip-jó, gám lb, jauh hóu-sihk dc CL meat marinate-PFV so SFP then good-eat a-bit ‘If you marinate the meat, you see, it tastes better.’ The interjection làh, typically accompanied by a demonstrative gesture, serves to seek the addressee’s attention: 䧷Δ ┊ ܃㣐ʴ Làh, léih tái-háh! PRT you see-DEL ‘You see, just look at that!’ 䧷Δ ݺ䞢 ٣ װ၇ 塲Δ ᇿ۰ १ ৢٞ Làh, ngóhdeih scn heui máaih sung, ganjyuh faan ekkéi PRT we first go buy food next return home ‘Right, first we go and buy some food, then we go home.’ léih wah, literally ‘you say’, is used like you see? to make a point. It takes an indirect question (see 17.4) as its complement: ܃ Léih you ‘You 410 ᇩ এএ ঁֱ ړ ܴ˒ wah haih-mhaih hóu fdngbihn a? say is-not-is very convenient SFP see how convenient it is?’ ܃ᇩ এএ ၞޡ䦹 ࡋ˒ Léih wah kéuih haih-mhaih jeunbouh-jó lb? you say s/he is-not-is improve-PFV SFP ‘Don’t you think she’s improved?’ jCkhaih functions as a conversational place-filler like er, um, etc. It literally means ‘that is’ or ‘I mean’ but is often contracted to jB’eh. Interjections ݺ ⴤΞΞ ܛএΞΞ ݺ嘅 რ৸ এΞΞ Ngóh lám . . . jckhaih . . . ngóh ge yisc haih . . . I think . . . that is . . . my LP meaning is . . . ‘I think . . . er . . . what I mean is . . .’ 18.4.2 Exclamations Aiya! is a negatively charged exclamation, expressing shock or disapproval. Like several sentence particles, it has various alternative forms such as Aiya, Aiyáh and Aiyak:9 ফ䦪ʴ Ծ fiya! Yauh oh again ‘Oh no, I’ve ಖ ᠙ೲ ໞʴ mgeidak daai sósìh la! forget bring key SFP forgotten my keys again!’ ফ䦪ʴ ⇉ ໞʴ fiyáh, xh dihm la! oh not okay SFP ‘Oh no, I can’t deal with this!’ (despairing) ফ䦪Δ࿀ ݺ ڽໞʴ fiyak, tung séi ngóh la! ouch hurt die me SFP ‘Ouch, that really hurts.’ (sudden pain) séi la (alternatively baih la) expresses panic or despair in reaction to bad news or an emergency: ڽໞΔվ ڻኔ ᙈ ࠩ Séi la, gam chi saht chìh dou die SFP this time sure late arrive ‘Oh no, we’re bound to be late this time.’ ኤ ໞΔᩒ ஸ ई Baih la, móuh saai yáu uh-oh SFP not-have all gas ‘Uh-oh, we’re out of gas!’ wa expresses surprise or wonder, often together with the adverb gam ‘so’: Ᏸʴ վඡ ړ塲 嘅ʴ Wa! Gam-máahn gam hóu sung gé! wow tonight so good food SFP ‘Wow! Such a delicious dinner tonight!’ 411 18 Sentence particles and interjections mAt ‘what?’ in questions expressing surprise, often together with the sentence particle mB (18.3.1): ᩅ ܃ व 嘅 ˒ ge mb? Mat léih xh jc what you not know SFP SFP ‘What, you mean you don’t know?’ yí? is an exclamation of surprise: ম˒ ᩅ䞧 䓰㗎˒ Yí? Matyéh lèihga? huh What SFP ‘Hey, what’s this?’ ম˒ ܃ຟ 䢆৫ ܴ˒ Yí? Léih ddu háidouh àh? huh you also here SFP ‘Hey, what are you doing here?’ ChB! is a disparaging particle of onomatopoeic origin, like tut-tut in English: 㯫ʴ ࠌ ᩅ ܃ᝑ 唧ʴ Chb! Sái mat léih góng jbk! SFP need what you say SFP ‘Huh! You don’t have to tell me!’ 㯫ʴ ֟ ᙒ 嘅ʴ Chb! Gam síu chín gé! SFP so little money SFP ‘Huh! Is that all (the money)?’ hóu yéh! is an exclamation of approval: A: վඡ Gam-máahn tonight ‘I’m treating ݺᓮ ଇ堩 ngóh chéng sihk-faahn I invite eat-food you to dinner tonight.’ B: ړ䞧ʴ Hóu yéh! good stuff ‘Great!’ It is also used ironically: ړ ܃ Léih hóu you good ‘Good for 412 䞧ʴ վ ڻ༉ ᅝ ᤢ ܃ yéh! Gam chi jauh dong léih yèhng la stuff this time then count you win SFP you! Let’s say you’ve won this time . . .’ (implying ‘watch out’) Chapter 19 Imperative sentences: commands and requests Imperative sentences are used to give commands and directions. In Cantonese, they are also much used to make requests, in a manner which may seem direct to a Western ear. For example, where English would use a modal verb as in Would you . . . ?, an imperative sentence may be used in Cantonese: ܃䛅 ٝ 䓰 㣌 Léih ló fahn boují làih a you bring CL newspaper come SFP ‘Bring the paper over, will you?’ ᄄ ࣦ ಁ ନ ݺ㣌 Jam bei chàh béi ngóh a pour cup tea for me SFP ‘Pour me a cup of tea, will you?’ Such sentences are appropriate for use between friends and peers; in other contexts it would be usual to add mgDi ‘please’ (see 20.1). Note, however, that the particle A (18.3.3) softens the force of the request, with a similar effect to the English tag. As with questions, imperatives without a particle tend to be abrupt and may be perceived as impolite; the sentence particles thus play an important role in moderating commands and requests. The particle lA is also characteristically used in requests and instructions, and hence appears in many of the examples in this chapter: ܃ᦫ ړ ᝑ ʴ léih mhóu tbng kéuih góng la! you don’t listen him talk SFP ‘Don’t take any notice of him, okay?’ ದߪ ʴ Héi-san la! rise-body SFP ‘Get up!’ 413 19 Imperative sentences: commands and requests 19.1 Second person imperatives In an imperative sentence, the subject pronoun léih ‘you’ may be present or left understood, unlike in English where it is normally dropped: ʻ܃ʼ ၵ ନ ሽᇩ ݺ㣌 (Léih) dakhàahn béi dihnwá ngóh a (you) at-leisure give telephone me SFP ‘Give me a call when you have time.’ Note that if the subject pronoun is dropped, an imperative such as the following becomes ambiguous between you, you (plural) and we (see 19.2). ݶ䢅 ച 䞧 ߨʴ faai-dc jap yéh jáu! fast-ish pack things leave ‘Hurry up and get ready to leave.’ or ‘Let’s hurry up and get ready to leave’ To turn these commands into more polite requests, mgDi ‘please’ may be added (20.1.1). Idioms: sCn (ji) dAk after an imperative serves to reinforce the message: ܃ ୖ ݺ٣ 㗎ʴ Léih dáng màaih ngóh scn dak gá! you wait V-PRT me only okay SFP ‘You’d better wait for me, you know!’ ܃ 䞧 ړ ኬ ٣ 㗎ʴ Léih jouh yéh mhóu gam maahn scn dak gá! you do work don’t so slow only okay SFP ‘Don’t work so slowly, okay?’ The coverb tùhng (ngóh) is also used to reinforce imperatives: ݶ ܃䢅 ٵ ݺϭʴ Léih faai-dc tùhng ngóh laan! you fast-ish for me leave ‘Do me a favour and get out of here!’ 414 ٵ ܃ ᦫ ݺ۰ʴ Léih tùhng ngóh tbng-jyuh! you with me listen-CONT ‘Listen to me, will you?’ tùhng ngóh here does not mean ‘with me’ as it usually would, but suggests ‘for me’ or ‘on my orders’. Like the ironic use of Do me a favour in English, it is by no means polite. First person imperatives In imperatives, the reduplicated adjective (see 10.1.4) serves as an adverb in preference to the adverbial construction with dAk (see 10.1.1): ۔۔ ܃ኔኔ ٵ ݺᝑ ܴ 㣐ʴ Léih lóuh-lóuh-saht-saht tùhng ngóh góng a há! you honest-honest with me say SFP SFP ‘Tell me honestly, will you?’ (film) Another adverbial construction used in imperative sentences is [adjective dC] before the verb: ݶ ܃䢅 䓰 ʴ Léih faai-dc làih la! you fast-ish come SFP ‘Hurry up and come.’ ڰ䢅 不 ⎲ʴ Jóu-dc fan wo! early-ish sleep SFP ‘Go to bed early, okay?’ ړ ܃ ۔ኔ 䢅 ٵ ݺᝑ ໞ ⎲ Léih hóu lóuh-saht dc tùhng ngóh góng la wo you better honest a-bit with me say SFP SFP ‘You’d better tell me honestly.’ Note that the meaning of dC here is not explicitly comparative. By contrast, [adjective di] after the adverbial construction with dAk (10.1.1) has comparative meaning (cf. 9.3): ᇠ ܃ച إ 䢅 ʴ Mgdi léih jap dak jeng dc la! please you dress ADV smart more SFP ‘Couldn’t you dress a bit smarter?’ 19.2 First person imperatives We imperatives (as expressed in English by let’s . . . ) typically include the subject pronoun ngóhdeih: ݺ䞢 װ䢇ঁ ┊㣐 㣌 Ngóhdeih heui góbihn tái-háh a We go that-side look-DEL SFP ‘Let’s go and take a look over there.’ 415 19 Imperative sentences: commands and requests ݺ䞢 װ၇ ᦗ Ngóhdeih heui máaih saam lo we go buy clothes SFP ‘Let’s go and shop for some clothes.’ Note that a sentence particle such as A, lA or lo, seeking cooperation or compliance, often accompanies such an imperative. The adverb bAtyùh ‘rather’ is used in a first or second person imperative to make a suggestion. As an adverb, it may come between subject and verb or before the subject: լݺ ڕ䞢 װം Գ ᦗ Batyùh ngóhdeih heui mahn yàhn lo rather we go ask people SFP ‘Why don’t we go and ask someone?’ ܃լ ݄ ڕ䢆৫ ٣ Léih batyùh chóh háidouh sìn you rather sit here SFP ‘Why don’t you sit here for a moment?’ First person singular imperatives may be formed with dáng ‘let’: ᦫ ݺ Dáng ngóh tbng la let me listen SFP ‘Let me answer the phone.’ (offering to answer phone) ʻʼ ݺ (Dáng) ngóh let me ‘Let me help ᚥ ܃㣌 bdng léih a help you SFP you.’ (offering to help with a task) Note: ‘Let’ in the sense of allowing something to happen is expressed by béi, while dáng expresses a proposal. 19.3 Third person imperatives Imperative sentences in the third person may be expressed by dáng ‘let’: 416 ۞ա ެࡳ ʴ Dáng kéuih jihgéi kyutdihng la! let him self decide SFP ‘Let him think for himself!’ ଡ ˕˕ ۞ա ᙌΔ ړት ᙌ Dáng go bìhbc jihgéi séng, mhóu chòuh séng kéuih let CL baby self awake don’t disturb awake him ‘Let the baby wake up by himself, don’t wake him.’ Third person imperatives Note that dáng as a main verb means ‘wait’, and this meaning is retained to some extent in the imperative usage. [yáu/yáuh dAk pronoun] is an alternative expression for such imperatives. The high rising tone form yáu is often used for emphasis: ط 䞢 ూ ʴ Yáu dak kéuihdeih siu la! let okay them laugh SFP ‘Let them laugh all they like.’ ط װᢰ৫ ຟ ړ Yáu dak kéuih heui bcndouh ddu hóu la let okay him go where also good SFP ‘He can go anywhere he likes.’ Idiomatically, yáu dAk kéuih may also mean ‘let it be’ or ‘don’t worry’: A: Kéuih jouh s/he do ‘Why is he ᩅ䞧 ࢮ ९ Ⴧ ૿ ܴ˒ matyéh laai chèuhng faai mihn a? what pull long CL face SFP pulling such a long face?’ B: ط ʴ Yáu dak kéuih la! let okay him SFP ‘Don’t worry about him!’ Note that kéuih, here as in many idioms, may refer to things as well as to people (5.1): A: ༓ழ ੑᅹ ܴ˒ Géisìh sái-wún a? when wash-dish SFP ‘When shall we do the washing-up?’ B: ط Yáu dak kéuih let okay it ‘Leave it for the ٣ sìn first moment.’ A related idiom is yáuh . . . yáuh, used to contrast pronouns with the implication ‘each to his own’: ܃ Léih you ‘You ڶ yáuh let keep ܃ഀዚΔ ᦰ ݺ ڶ ݺ léih cheung-gd, ngóh yáuh ngóh duhk-sye you sing-song I let me study-book on singing, and I’ll keep on studying.’ 417 19 Imperative sentences: commands and requests 19.4 Negative imperatives The words mhóu and máih serve to introduce negative commands: mhóu is the usual word, while máih is relatively direct and more likely to be used among close friends or peers. With mhóu, the subject pronoun is optional, as it is for positive imperatives: ʻ܃ʼ ړᇩ ନ Գ ᦫ ڶ ݺ䦹 ⎲ʴ (Léih) mhóu wah béi yàhn tbng ngóh yáuh-jó wo! (you) don’t say to people hear I pregnant-PFV SFP ‘Don’t tell anyone I’m pregnant, okay?’ With máih, the pronoun is typically omitted: ᝑ 䞧 ʴ Máih gám góng yéh la! don’t so talk thing SFP ‘Don’t talk like that.’ To make a request more polite, mgDi ‘please’ may precede mhóu: ᇠ ܃ᝑ 䞧 ړ Օ ᜢ Mgdi léih góng yéh mhóu gam daaih sbng la please you say thing don’t so big voice SFP ‘Please don’t talk so loud.’ mhóu is also used in first person plural imperatives (19.2): ݺ䞢 ړ ନ شܓ ܴʴ Ngóhdeih mhóu béi kéuih leihyuhng a! we let’s-not by him exploit SFP ‘Let’s not allow ourselves to be exploited by him!’ mhóu may be contracted in rapid speech to a single syllable móu: ړት ܴʴ Móu chòuh a! don’t noisy SFP ‘Be quiet.’ The positive form of mhóu is hóu which can be used in forceful commands to mean ‘you’d better’: ړ ܃ ᦫ۰ ໞ 㣐ʴ Léih hóu tbng-jyuh la háh! you better listen-CONT SFP SFP 418 ‘You’d better listen carefully!’ máih is an alternative to mhóu, used for short and direct commands, and usually without the subject léih: Զ࠳ ʴ Máih gam baatgwa la! don’t so gossipy SFP Negative imperatives ‘Don’t talk so much gossip, okay?’ Both máih and mhóu can be used without a verb (note the use of the particle jyuh, see 11.2.3): ۰ʴ Máih jyuh! don’t yet ‘Hang on a moment!’ ړʴ Mhóu la! don’t SFP ‘Don’t (do that).’ or ‘Let’s not’ máih is less polite and more abrupt than mhóu, as seen in the contrast: ړଇ Δ ᣄଇ Mhóu sihk la, gam làahnsihk don’t eat SFP so bad-eat ଇ ʴ Máih sihk la! don’t eat SFP ‘Don’t eat it, it tastes so bad.’ ‘Don’t eat that!’ (I told you not to.) Both mhóu and máih can be used in indirect commands, especially after the verb giu ‘tell, instruct’ (19.5): ܃ ߨ ۰ Léih giu kéuih máih jáu jyuh you tell him don’t leave yet ‘Tell him not to leave yet.’ or ‘You told him not to leave yet.’ mhóu yiu, literally ‘don’t want it’, is an instruction to reject or dispose of something: ړ 䢅 ሶ࡙ 塲 ໞʴ Mhóu yiu dc gaakyeh sung la! don’t want CL leftover food SFP ‘Get rid of that leftover food.’ ړ ໞʴ Mhóu yiu kéuih la! don’t want it SFP ‘Get rid of it!’ (note the idiomatic use of kéuih: 5.1) chCnkèih mhóu is a stronger form of prohibition, similar in force to Whatever you do, don’t . . . : Տઙ ړᙑ መ ࡋ ଡ ᖲᄎʴ Chcnkèih mhóu cho gwo lc go gbiwuih! by-all-means don’t miss pass this CL opportunity ‘Make sure you don’t miss this opportunity!’ (radio ad.) 419 19 Imperative sentences: commands and requests 19.5 Indirect commands Indirect or reported commands work like indirect speech in general (16.5). Verbs of commanding such as giu ‘tell’ are followed straightforwardly by a clause containing the reported command: ݺ 䦹 Կ រᤪ 䢆৫ ݺ䞢 Ngóh giu-jó kéuih saam dím jeng háidouh dáng ngóhdeih I tell PFV him three o’clock here wait us ‘I told him to wait for us here at three o’clock.’ The complementizer wah ‘say’ (16.5) can be used optionally to introduce the indirect command: ݺ 䦹 ᇩ ഒ ᆵװ Ngóh giu-jó kéuih wah yiu gcnchìh lohk-heui I tell PFV him say need persist continue ‘I told him to keep at it.’ Also optional is the use of the particle wóh to indicate reported speech (18.3.4) when the source of the command is a third party: ܃ ړᙈ ࠩ ⎲ Kéuih giu léih mhóu chìh dou wóh s/he tell you don’t late arrive SFP ‘She told you not to be late.’ In reporting negative commands, mhóu or máih is retained (see 19.4): ݺ 䦹 ܃ ړ ৺ 嘅 Ngóh giu-jó léih mhóu gam gap ge la I tell-PFV you don’t so hasty SFP SFP ‘I told you not to be in such a hurry.’ ٣س 䦹 ܃䞢 ት 嘅 Scnsaang giu-jó léihdeih máih chòuh ge la teacher tell-PFV you-PL don’t noisy SFP SFP ‘The teacher told you not to make a noise.’ The serial verb construction [wah (béi) pronoun tBng/jC] ‘tell (to) him listen/know’ used to introduce indirect speech (16.5) may also introduce indirect commands: 420 ܃ᇩ ନ ᦫ ړ٦ ؚሽᇩ 䓰 Léih wah béi kéuih tbng mhóu joi dá-dihnwá làih you say to him listen don’t again call-phone come ‘Tell him not call again, okay?’ In this construction, béi may be left out when the indirect object of wah ‘say’ is a pronoun: Indirect commands ᇩ ݺव ܃რ ᢰଡ Wah ngóh jc léih jengyi bcngo tell me know you like who ‘Tell me who you like.’ (ngóh) dDu wah ‘I told you’ is used to remind someone of a command, often ironically: A: ଡ Ֆ Ծ ം ݺ䛅 ᙒ ໞ Go léui yauh mahn ngóh ló chín la CL daughter again ask me take money SFP ‘Our daughter is asking me for money again.’ B: ݺ ຟ Ngóh ddu I also ‘I told you ᇩ ړନ 嘅 wah mhóu béi kéuih ge la say don’t give him SFP SFP not to give it to her.’ 421 Chapter 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address The conventions governing the use of speech in context vary substantially across cultures and languages. These differences are important in that they may lead one culture to find another impolite, whereas in reality each has its own form of politeness. Several such differences exist between English and Cantonese. An important aspect of Chinese politeness is the concept of face (mihn-jí or mín with change of tone), from which we derive expressions such as ‘lose face’ and ‘face-saving’. Face is similar to the Western concept of respect or (self-)esteem, but its social significance is greater, especially for those in higher social positions. Politeness in speech involves concern for one’s own face on the one hand, and for that of the addressee on the other. The main Cantonese expressions are: ନ૿ béi mín (or ᓾ૿ séung mín) ‘give face’ ᩒʻஸʼ૿ móuh (saai) mín ‘lose (all one’s) face’ ᆵ ૿ݺlohk ngóh mín ‘make me lose face’ 㢩ʻݺʼਮ dcu (ngóh) gá ‘make (me) lose face’ Reference to face is also made in various polite formulae such as: ڍ ᓾ ૿ Ddjeh séung mín thank-you give face ‘Thank you for coming.’ (used at formal dinners etc.) 422 haakhei ‘polite’ is found in a number of formulae: ࠌ ড় msái haakhei need-not polite ‘Make yourself at home.’ ړড় mhóu haakhei don’t polite ‘You’re welcome.’ ֜ ܃ড় ໞʴ Léih taai haakhei la! you too polite SFP ‘You’re too kind’ ࠌ ᩅ ড় ܴ˒ Sái mat gam haakhei a? need what so polite SFP ‘Why be so polite?’ Politeness conventions láihmaauh refers to polite behaviour; yáuh láihmaauh is ‘polite’, móuh láihmaauh ‘impolite’. 20.1 Politeness conventions The English speaker used to a straightforward distinction between please and thank you faces difficulty with the corresponding Cantonese expressions. The ubiquitous mgDi is used to mean both ‘please’ and ‘thank you’ (20.1.1), while ‘thank you’ is expressed sometimes by mgDi and sometimes by dDjeh (20.1.2). 20.1.1 Requests mgDi or mgDi léih ‘please’ is used before or after a request: ᇠ ନ ࣦ ֽ ݺ Mgdi béi bei séui ngóh please give cup water me ‘May I have a glass of water, please?’ ᇠ ܃ᚥ ݺ䛅 ଡ 䧯 㣌 Mgdi léih bdng ngóh ló go gcp a please you help me carry CL case SFP ‘Would you help me carry the suitcase, please?’ ݺ ࣦ 咖Δ ᇠ Ngóh yiu bei gafb, mgdi I want cup coffee please ‘A cup of coffee, please.’ ݶ ܃䢅 ݙ Δ ᇠ ܃ Léih faai-dc jouh yùhn la, mgdi léih you fast-ish do finish SFP please you ‘Hurry up and finish, will you?’ 423 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address mgDi is also used to accept an offer: A: 堬堬 അ ܴ˒ Yám-xh-yám bbjáu a? drink-not-drink beer SFP ‘Would you like some beer?’ B: ܴ ړΔᇠ ܃ Hóu a, mgdi léih good SFP thank you ‘Yes, please.’ Here mgDi is appropriate when, for example, a waiter asks whether you want a beer. If speaker A is paying for the beer, dDjeh ‘thank you’ (see below) is called for. hóu sAm léih is a stronger form of request, used when making a critical suggestion: ֨ ړ ܃Δ ړ ᡗ ʴ Hóu sam léih, mhóu gam láahn la! good heart you don’t so lazy SFP ‘Don’t be so lazy, please!’ ֨ ړ ܃Δ ྇㣐ॅ ʴ Hóu sam léih, gáam-háh-fèih la! good heart you lose-DEL-weight SFP ‘Lose some weight, please!’ Requests which are invitations may be preceded by chéng, which as a verb means ‘invite’, or chèuihbín ‘as you like’: ᓮ Ե 䓰 Chéng yahp làih la invite enter come SFP ‘Come in, please.’ ᙟঁ ݄ ⎲ Chèuihbín chóh wo as-you-like sit SFP ‘Please take a seat.’ Note the use of the sentence particle lA (18.3.3) in invitations. 20.1.2 Thanks mgDi is used for small favours, such as serving drinks or dishes. A polite form suitable for more extensive services is mgDi saai, ‘thank you very much’ (adding the quantifying particle saai ‘all’: see 11.3.3). mgDi (saai) is also used in saying ‘no thank you’: 424 A: ٘ ಁ ܴ˒ Juhng yiu-xh-yiu chàh a? still want-not-want tea SFP ‘Would you like more tea?’ B: ໞΔᇠ ]h yiu la, mgdi not want SFP thanks ‘No thanks.’ A: ࠌࠌ ݺᚥ֫ ܴ˒ Sái-msái ngóh bdng-sáu a? need-not-need I help-hand SFP ‘Do you need me to help?’ Politeness conventions B: ࠌ ໞΔᇠ ஸ Msái la, mgdi saai no-need SFP thank-you all ‘No, thank you.’ dDjeh is used to thank people for gifts and major services: A: ࡋ ೋ ᙎ ಬ ନ ܃嘅 Lc jek bcu sung béi léih ge this CL watch send give you SFP ‘This watch is (a gift) for you.’ B: Ᏸʴ ⶕ ړ ܴΔڍ ஸ Wa! Hóu leng a, ddjeh saai Wow so pretty SFP thank-you all ‘Wow, it’s so pretty. Thank you very much.’ This includes metaphorical gifts such as compliments (although these are often played down: see 20.1.4): A: ܃վֲ ⶕ ړ ⎲ʴ Leih gamyaht hóu leng wo! you today very pretty SFP ‘You’re looking great today!’ B: ڍʴ Ddjeh! thank-you ‘Oh, thanks.’ Similarly, a meal provided or paid for by a host is regarded as a gift rather than a service, and calls for dDjeh. When buying goods, the buyer uses mgDi on receiving the goods, while the seller replies with dDjeh on receiving payment. DDjeh saai means ‘thanks for everything’ or serves as a reinforced thankyou. To reply to an expression of thanks, msái (dDjeh/mgDi) ‘no need (for thanks)’ or msái haakhei ‘no need to be so polite’ may be used: A: ڍ ܃塊 堩 Ddjeh léih chaan faahn thank you CL rice ‘Thank you for treating ⎲ wo SFP us to this meal.’ A: ڍ ܃ᚥ֫ Ddjeh léih bdng-sáu thank you help-out ‘Thank you for your help.’ B: ࠌ ڍ Msái ddjeh no-need thanks ‘It’s a pleasure.’ B: ࠌ ড় Msái haakhei no-need polite ‘You’re welcome.’ 425 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address 20.1.3 Apologies deui-mjyuh (lit. ‘I can’t face you’) is a general apology: ኙ۰Δ ݺ Deui-mjyuh, ngóh Sorry I ‘I’m sorry, I didn’t এ ֨ ڶ mhaih yáuh sam not-be have heart mean it.’ (do it on 嘅 ge SFP purpose) To reply to an apology, the following formulae may be used: ጹ Mh gányiu not important ‘Never mind’ ᩒ ࠃ 嘅 Móuh sih ge not-have matter SFP ‘It’s all right.’ deui-mjyuh is also used to apologize for an intrusion, for example in asking directions: ኙ۰Δ ᓮ ം ᇬം 䢆 ᢰ৫ ܴ˒ Deui-mjyuh, chéng mahn sbunmahn-chyu hái bcndouh a? sorry request ask information desk at where SFP ‘Excuse me, could you tell me where the information desk is?’ deui-mjyuh is not used like English sorry? to elicit a repetition. I beg your pardon? is expressed colloquially by Há? MAtyéh wá? (often reduced to mB wá? in casual speech) ‘What’s that?’, ‘What did you say?’ or more politely by the phrase: ᇠ ʻ܃ʼ ٦ ᝑ ԫ ڻ Mgdi (léih) joi góng yat chi please (you) again say one time ‘I beg your pardon?’ Mhóuyisi is an alternative apology, literally meaning ‘I’m embarrassed’ but widely used to admit fault: ړრ৸Δݺ䞢 Mhóuyisi, ngóhdeih sorry we ‘Sorry, our tables are ᡨ ஸ ໞ baau saai la explode all SFP all full.’ (used in restaurants) The phrase màhfàahn léih ‘trouble you’ is a polite expression used to apologize in advance for an intrusion or disturbance: 426 ᅀ ܃ᚥ ء ⛕ ݺ Màhfàahn léih bdng ngóh wán bún sye trouble you help me find CL book ‘Excuse me, could you find a book for me?’ mgDi je gwo or mgDi je-je (lit. ‘please borrow past’) means ‘excuse me’ i.e. ‘would you let me past?’ used when making one’s way through a crowd. Politeness conventions 20.1.4 Compliments Compliments are often made, as in other languages, for the sake of politeness. Traditional Chinese modesty demands that such compliments be rebuffed or played down. There are various strategies for playing down compliments. One is to deny the compliment, for example with a rhetorical question (see 17.3.4 on the rhetorical use of bCndouh ‘where?’): A: ܃టএ ֚ ڶٝ 嘅 ⎲ʴ Léih janhaih yáuh tcnfahn ge wo! you really have talent SFP SFP ‘You’re really talented!’ B: ᢰ৫ এ ࡋ˒ Bcndouh haih lb? where is SFP ‘I don’t think so!’ Alternatively, one can treat the compliment as an exaggeration: A: ܃ Léih you ‘You ᐖࣟᇩ ᝑ ړړ ⎲ʴ Gwóngdeng-wá góng dak hóu-hóu wo! Cantonese speak ADV good-good SFP speak very good Cantonese.’ B: ֜ መᑻ ໞʴ Taai gwojéung la! too over-compliment SFP ‘You’re too kind!’ One may also thank a speaker for a compliment (with dDjeh) before proceeding to play it down. For example, when invited to dinner it is customary to compliment the host lavishly: A: ֜ ޕΔ ݺ䓰䦹 ଉཽ ર ຟ آ Léih Táai, ngóh làih-jó Hbunggóng gam loih ddu meih Lee Mrs I come-PFV Hong Kong so long still not-yet ଇመ ړଇ sihk-gwo gam hóu-sihk eat-EXP so good-eat ‘Mrs Lee, I’ve never had 嘅 塲ʴ ge sung! LP food such good food since I’ve been in Hong Kong!’ B: ڍΔ ֜ ܃ড় ໞʴ Ddjeh, léih taai haakhei la! thank-you you too polite SFP ‘Thank you, but you’re too kind.’ 427 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address The phrase (léih) taai haakhei or gam haakhei ‘you’re so polite’ is also used on receiving gifts. 20.1.5 Introductions An introduction typically takes the following forms: ݺ䓰 տฯ Dáng ngóh làih gaaisiuh let me come introduce ‘May I introduce you?’ (see 19.3 for dáng ‘let’) ʻʼ ݺ䓰 ٵ (Dáng) ngóh làih tùhng let I come for ‘Let me introduce you to چ܃ տฯ léihdeih gaaisiuh you introduce each other.’ ࡋ ۯ এ ՠ Օᖂ ඒ 嘅 ຫ Lc wái haih Léihgeng Daaihhohk ge Chàhn gaausauh this person is Polytechnic university LP Chan professor ‘This is Professor Chan from the Polytechnic University.’ Note that the affiliation precedes the name, with the title last. The parties greet each other with Léih hóu! ‘How do you do?’ or more formally, Hahng wuih ‘Pleased to meet you’. gaaisiuh ‘introduce’ may also appear in a serial construction with sCk ‘know’: ݺ տฯ ନ ܃ᢝ Ngóh gaaisiuh kéuih béi léih sck I introduce him to you know ‘I’ll introduce him to you.’ The formula gwai sing is used to ask a person’s surname: A: ᓮ ം ܃၆ ࡩ ܴ˒ Chéng mahn léih gwai sing a? request ask your honourable name SFP ‘May I ask what your name is?’ 428 B: ݺ ࡩ ᆺ 嘅 Ngóh sing Yihp ge I surname Yip SFP ‘My surname is Yip.’ A person may be addressed using his or her name directly as subject or object of the sentence: Terms of address ᆺ س ᢰ ۩ ܴ˒ hòhng a? Yihp Saang jouh bcn Yip Mr do which profession SFP ‘What do you do for a living, Mr Yip?’ (more formally: jouh sihng hòhng?) 20.2 Terms of address Terms of address are particularly important in view of their use as greetings. For example, children are taught to address (giu) relatives and family friends appropriately. Family members are typically addressed with the appropriate kinship term, often preceded by the prefix a- (20.3). For more formal acquaintances where the surname is used, appropriate forms of address are: ՖՓ Jeh léuihsih ‘Ms Tse’ ຫ سChàhn Saang ‘Mr Chan’ ֜׆Wòhng táai ‘Mrs Wong’ ᢟ᠔ سTàahm ycsang ‘Dr Tam’ (doctor) Ꮵ՛ࡦ Làuh síujé ‘Miss Lau’ ࣥ໑Փ Làhm boksih ‘Dr Lam’ (PhD) ್ࡤ Máh gelèuhng ‘Madam Ma’ (nurse) Where first names are used, they are typically prefixed with a-: a-Wàh, a-Mìhng. Surnames may also be prefixed with a-; most Cantonese surnames have the low-registered tones and undergo the tone change. ຫ Chàhn ႓ Wòhng ॳຫ a-Chán ॳ႓ a-Wóng Sihn ޕLéih ॳ a-Sín ॳ גޕa-Léi-jái ‘Lee-boy’ The same applies to English names: Winnie a-RDní. a-WCní, Ronnie The tone change also occurs with the epithet lóuh ‘old’: ᆺ Yihp ۔ᆺ lóuh-Yíp ‘old Mr Yip’ Note that the word lóuh ‘old’ in these and other terms of address is not offensive, but expresses familiarity and seniority. It is generally used between long-time friends. It also appears in several terms used to address superiors: 429 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address ۔ច lóuhbáan, ۔า lóuhsai ‘boss’ (male or female) ۔ច lóuhbáanlèuhng ‘wife of the boss’ For people whose names are not known, common forms of address include: ٣ سscnsaang ‘sir’ (also a-sèuh, from ‘Sir’) Note that a-sèuh is commonly used for addressing male teachers (especially those in primary and secondary schools) and policemen. ՛ࡦ síujé ‘miss’ (also mCtsìh, from ‘Miss’) ஃແ scfú ‘master’ (used for craftsmen such as decorators, piano tuners, etc., as well as martial-arts teachers) Certain kinship terms are also used generically as terms of address: ॳឥ a-sám ‘uncle’s wife’ (used for older women doing odd jobs such as janitors, hawkers) ॳ a-yc ‘auntie’ (used for women such as a friend’s mother or one’s parents’ friends; ئ܄baak-móuh is more formal) ॳ ܄a-baak ‘uncle’ (used for older men) ॳ࠸ a-sek ‘uncle’ (used for middle-aged men) ॳֆ a-geng ‘grandfather’ (used for elderly men) ॳധ a-pòh ‘grandmother’ (used for elderly women) An alternative is ʻ۔ʼധധ (lóuh) pòh-pó ‘(old) elderly woman’ which should not be confused with ۔ധ lóuh-pòh ‘wife’. ࡤ۔ധ lóuh-ge-pòh ‘old maid’ Օ୮ࡦ daaih gajb ‘big sister’ (i.e. a big shot, leading entertainer, etc.) Օࠍ daaih-lóu ‘big brother’ (i.e. boss, ringleader, etc.) The deferential classifier wái (6.2.4) is used with a quantifier or numeral as a polite form of address. For example, when addressing a formal gathering, gok wái or gam dD wái is used to denote ‘everyone’: ۯ ٺΔ ᦟ० ܃䞢 Gok wái, fenyìhng léihdeih each person welcome you ‘Ladies and gentlemen, welcome.’ 430 ۯ ٺ٣سΔ ۯ ٺՖՓ Gok wái scnsaang, gok wái léuihsih each CL gentleman each CL madam ‘Gentlemen and ladies.’ (Chinese style) ڍ ۯΔ 堬 ࣦʴ yám bei! Gam dd wái, so many people drink glass ‘Have a drink, everyone!’ ᓮ ം ࠟ ۯ 堬 ᩅ䞧 Chéng mahn léuhng wái yám matyéh invite ask two person drink what ‘What tea would (the two of) you like to (used by waiters) 20.3 Kinship terms ಁ ܴ˒ chàh a? tea SFP drink, please?’ Kinship terms Chinese traditionally has a very complex system of kinship terms, distinguishing finely between elder and younger, paternal and maternal relatives. A further distinction is made between terms which are used to refer to relatives (designatives) and those used to address them (vocatives), although in many cases the terms are the same or interchangeable. With social change and the gradual demise of large extended families, this system tends to become simplified in Hong Kong Cantonese, with many speakers making fewer than the full range of distinctions. Pan (1993) discusses the simplification of kinship terms currently happening in China. There is no need for terms addressing one’s aunts or uncles, let alone cousins, if one family has only one child. The same applies to Hong Kong, where most families now have only one to two children. The simplification process is characterized by the retention of paternal terms and the gradual dropping out of terms for distant relatives. Some terms such as a-sám ‘uncle’s wife’ and a-yC ‘mother’s sister’ have acquired generic reference (see 20.2); as a result of the semantic extension, these terms are frequently used as non-kinship terms. On the other hand, some terms referring to very distant relatives which are not used at all may eventually drop out of the system. Moreover, in modern families, in-laws, for example, may be addressed and referred to by name rather than by the numerous kinship terms. chAnchCk is a general term for ‘relatives’: ݺ䞢 䢆 ᄵୂဎ 䢇৫ ڶᘣ൯ 嘅 Ngóhdeih hái Wangdwàh gódouh yáuh chanchck ge we at Vancouver there have relatives SFP ‘We have a lot of relatives in Vancouver.’ 431 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address 20.3.1 Parents and grandparents Like other terms of address, kinship terms are commonly prefixed with a-, especially those for elder relatives: ॳა a-ma ‘mother’ (also màhmA, mAmìh) ॳट a-bàh ‘father’ (also bàhbA, dBdìh; colloquially lóuhdauh ‘dad’) fuhmóuh refers collectively to ‘parents’ (fuh and móuh are formal terms for ‘father’ and ‘mother’, also used in compound expressions such as Móuh-chAnjit ‘Mother’s Day’ and Fuh-chAn-jit ‘Father’s Day’); gAjéung is the formal term used in school settings to refer to students’ parents or guardians. Step-parents are given the prefix gai- (formal) or hauh- (neutral) ‘step-’: ᤉ˂৵ ׀gai/hauh-fuh ‘step-father’ ᤉ˂৵ ئgai/hauh-móuh ‘step-mother’ There are no special terms equivalent to the English step-son, step-daughter, etc. Honorary parents are known by the prefix kai-: ৈᅍ kai-yèh ‘Godfather’ ৈა kai-ma ‘Godmother’ ৈ גkai-jái ‘Godson’ ৈՖ kai-léui ‘Goddaughter’ Note that kai-sailóu ‘Godbrother’ exists but kai-daih is an offensive swear word. AiyA-lóuhdauh and AiyA-a-mA refer to those who act like one’s father and mother respectively. Terms for older relatives distinguish between paternal and maternal lines (see Table 20.1). Table 20.1 Terms for older relatives 432 grandfather grandmother uncle: old uncle’s wife uncle: young uncle’s wife aunt: old aunt: young aunt’s husband Paternal Maternal ॳᅍ ॳ䪔 ॳ܄ ܄ ॳ࠸ ॳឥ ࡤა ࡤࡦ ࡤՁ ॳֆ a-geng ॳധ a-pòh (Օ)ᆱ( ׀daaih)-kaufú ᆱ ئkau-móuh (า)ᆱ( ׀sai)-kaufú ᆱ ئkau-móuh ა yìh-ma ॳ a-yc Ձ yìh-jéung a-yèh a-màh a-baak baak-lèuhng a-sek a-sám ge-ma ge-jb ge-jéung Table 20.2 Terms for siblings and cousins Kinship terms Brother Sister Paternal cousin (uncle’s children only) Maternal cousin (also paternal aunt’s children) Elder ୂୂ gòh-gd ୮ࡦ ga-jb, ࡦࡦ jèh-jb Younger าࠍ sai-lóu ࡢࡢ mùih-múi, าࡢ sai-múi ഘॳୂ tòhng-a-gd (m.) ഘ୮ࡦ tòhng-gajb (f.) ഘݬ tòhng-dái or ഘาࠍ tòhng-sailóu (m.) ഘࡢ tòhng-múi (f.) ।ୂ bíu-gd (m.) ।ࡦ bíu-jé (f.) ।ݬ bíu-dái (m.) ।ࡢ bíu-múi (f.) 20.3.2 Brothers, sisters and cousins Cantonese distinguishes between elder and younger siblings and cousins (see Table 20.2). There is no way to refer to a brother or sister without making this distinction, although the words hCngdaih ‘brothers’ and jímuih ‘sisters’ are used collectively to include both elder and younger siblings: ڶ ܃༓ ڍ ʻଡʼ ݬכ ࡪࡢ ܴ˒ Léih yáuh géi dd (go) hcngdaih jímuih a? you have how many (CL) brothers sisters SFP ‘How many brothers and sisters do you have?’ ݺ䞢 ৢٞ ຑ ڶ ݺԿ ࡪࡢ Ngóhdeih ekkéi lìhn ngóh yáuh saam jímuih we home include me have three sisters ‘There are three sisters in our family.’ The words for cousins are based on the terms for brother and sister with the prefix tòhng- for paternal uncles’ children and bíu- for maternal cousins and also paternal aunts’ children (see Table 20.2). Note the changed tones: ࡢࡢ muih-muih mùihmúi, । ࡢ bíu muih bíumúi, etc. In large families, the brothers and sisters may be numbered, or distinguished by the epithets daaih ‘big’ and sai ‘small’: 433 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address Բୂ yih gd ‘second brother’, i.e. the second eldest of one’s elder brothers; Կࡢ saam múi ‘third sister’, i.e. the third eldest of one’s younger sisters; Օୂ daaih gd ‘big elder brother’, i.e. the eldest of one’s elder brothers; Օ୮ࡦ daaih gajb ‘big elder sister’, i.e. the eldest of one’s elder sisters; าࡦࡦ sai jèhjb ‘little sister’, i.e. the younger of one’s elder sisters. 20.3.3 Relations by marriage There are several terms for spouses, belonging to different registers: ‘husband’ ‘wife’ Formal Neutral Colloquial Ձ֛ jeuhngfe ࡠ chaijí ٣ سscnsaang ֜֜ taaitáai ۔ֆ lóuh-geng ۔ധ lóuh-pòh Traditionally, lóuh-gEng and lóuh-pòh were used only between couples, but these terms are now also used colloquially to refer to others’ spouses. Two different verbs of marriage, ga and chéui, are used depending on whether the object of the verb is a (potential) husband or wife: ݶ ܃ 䢅 ഞ ଡ ۔ധ Léih faai dc chéui faan go lóuh-pòh la you quick bit marry PRT CL wife SFP ‘Hurry up and get yourself a wife.’ ॳ 䦹 ଡ ڶᙒ ۔ֆ A-Ycng ga-jó go yáuh-chín lóuh-geng Ah-Ying marry-PFV CL have-money husband ‘Ah Ying has married a rich husband.’ ॳੳ ् ʻନʼ ݺ A-Lìhng xh háng ga (béi) ngóh Ah-Ling not willing marry (to) me ‘Ah Ling is not willing to marry me.’ 434 While ga and chéui share certain properties, for example both can take the particle dóu as in ga dóu go hóu lóuhgEng ‘manage to marry a good husband’ and chéui dóu go hóu lóuhpòh ‘manage to marry a good wife’, they each have special properties. For example, chéui can also be used with the object sAnpóuh ‘daughter-in-law’, while ga can take the object léui ‘daughter’ with the subject being the girl’s parent(s): ׆ ֜ ᦫֲ ഞ ᄅࣄ Wòhng Táai tcngyaht chéui sanpóuh/sampóuh Wong Mrs tomorrow acquire daughter-in-law ‘Mrs Wong is getting a daughter-in-law tomorrow.’ Kinship terms ್ س Հ ଡ ִ Ֆ Máh Saang hah go yuht ga léui Ma Mr next CL month marry daughter ‘Mr Ma is going to marry off his daughter next month.’ While chéui ‘take a wife’ is a transitive verb, ga can be used intransitively and can take directional particles such as yahp ‘into’ and chBut ‘out’: व ༓ Ե ᎌ ॰ yahp hòuh mùhn Kéuih xh jc géi hahn ga s/he not know how desire marry into rich family ‘She wants very much to marry into a rich family.’ ݺ ଡ Ֆ ึ࣍ נ װໞ Ngóh go léui jengye ga dak chbut heui la my CL daughter finally marry able out go SFP ‘My daughter finally got married off.’ The terms for brother-in-law and sister-in-law take account of the distinctions between elder and younger siblings, giving a number of terms corresponding to the two in English: ࡦ֛ ॳდ ࡢ֛ ݬഡ jéfe ‘elder sister’s husband’ a-sóu ‘elder brother’s wife’ muihfe ‘younger sister’s husband’ daihfúh ‘younger brother’s wife’ A further set of terms refers to a spouse’s siblings: Օ܄ Օᆱ ࠸ג ᆱג ࡤ؊ Օ ࡤג ג daaih baak ‘husband’s older brother’ daaih káuh ‘wife’s older brother’ sek-jái ‘husband’s younger brother’ káuh-jái ‘wife’s younger brother’ ge laai ‘husband’s older sister’ daaih-yìh ‘wife’s older sister’ ge-jái ‘husband’s younger sister’ yc-jái ‘wife’s younger sister’ Terms for parents-in-law reflect the traditional practice of the wife living with the husband’s family. Hence, the terms with which a woman refers 435 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address to her parents-in-law have the prefix gA- ‘home’, while those used by the husband have the prefix ohk or oih: ‘husband’s father’ ‘husband’s mother’ ‘wife’s father’ ‘wife’s mother’ Formal Neutral ୮ֆ ୮ധ ࢂ׀ ࢂئ ۔ᅍ ؊؊ ؆׀ ؆ئ ga-geng ga-pó ngohk-fú ngohk-móu lóuh-yèh làaih-láai ngoih-fú ngoih-móu While the formal terms are not used for direct address but for referring to the individuals (i.e. as designatives: see 20.3), the neutral terms can serve both purposes (as designatives and vocatives). A common practice in modern families is to use the same address terms as one’s spouse does, simply mAmìh for ‘wife’s mother’ or ‘husband’s mother’. Ex-spouses are denoted by the prefix chìhn (yahm/douh): ছٚՁ֛ chìhn-yahm-jeuhngfe, ছ֛ chìhn-fe ‘ex-husband’ ছٚ֜֜ chìhn-yahm-taaitáai, ছࡠ chìhn-chai ‘ex-wife’ ছ৫ߊ֖˂Ֆ֖ chìhn douh làahmyáuh/léuihyáuh ‘ex-boyfriend/girlfriend’ 20.3.4 Children and grandchildren One’s children are known collectively as jái-léui (lit. ‘son-daughter’). Elder and younger sons and daughters may be distinguished by daaih ‘big’ and sai ‘small’: ݺଡ Օ ג ngóh go daaih jái my CL big son ‘my elder son’ ଡ า Ֆ kéuih go sai léui her CL small daughter ‘her younger daughter’ The youngest child is known colloquially as lAai-jái (lit. ‘last son’) ‘youngest son’ or lAai-léui (lit. ‘last daughter’) ‘youngest daughter’. Following the patrilinear system, grandchildren are treated differently according to whether they are one’s son’s or one’s daughter’s children. The prefix ngoih- ‘outside’ indicates that a daughter’s children do not belong to one’s own family, as in the terms used for one’s wife’s parents: 436 ‘grandson’ ‘granddaughter’ Son’s child Daughter’s child ୪ syen ୪Ֆ syenléui ؆୪ ngoih-syen ؆୪Ֆ ngoih-syenléui A similar distinction is made in the case of nephews and nieces: ‘nephew’ ‘niece’ Brother’s child Sister’s child ᯗ ját or ᯗ גjaht-jái Ֆ jaht-léui ྻʻגʼ yìh-sang(-jái) ྻՖ yìh-sangléui Kinship terms 20.3.5 Kinship dyads A kinship dyad is a pair of juxtaposed kinship terms used to denote two relatives as a unit. The dyads are generally preceded by léuhng ‘two’ denoting a pair: ࠟֆധ ࠟ׀ ࠟࡢכ ࠟᅍ୪ ࠟധგ léuhng léuhng léuhng léuhng léuhng geng-pó ‘husband and wife’ fuhjí ‘father and son’ hcngmúi ‘brother and (younger) sister’ yèhsyen ‘grandfather and grandchild’ pòh-sck ‘mother-in-law and daughter-in-law’ In this context léuhng ‘two’ does not require a classifier, a feature which distinguishes the dyad construction from others such as noun compounds. The kinship terms used are generally made up of shortened (one-syllable) forms of the regular designative terms, with the second syllable usually taking the changed tone: ۔ֆ lóuhgeng ‘husband’ ۔ധ lóuhpòh ‘wife’ ࠟֆധ léuhng geng-pó ئᘣ móuhchan ‘mother’ Ֆ léui ‘daughter’ ࠟئՖ léuhng móuh-léui The same pattern can be extended to non-kin dyads such as: ۔ஃ lóuhsc ‘teacher’ ᖂ سhohksaang ‘pupil’ ࠟஃ سléuhng sc-sang ‘teacher and pupil’ (note the shortened vowel of sAng) These forms are often used in apposition to a pronoun: ݺ䞢 ࠟ ֆധ ᐶ ឺᆬ Ngóhdeih léuhng geng-pó chaang tóigeuk we two husband-wife prop table foot ‘The two of us are having an intimate meal together.’ Certain dyads have become generalized in meaning: hCngdaih ‘brothers’ (made up of the literary terms hCng ‘elder brother’ and daih ‘younger brother’) is used to refer to one’s buddies (including those in a triad society), while jímúi ‘sisters’ can refer to close female friends (such those assisting the bride on her wedding day). 437 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address ݺ䞢 ԫ Գ ࠟ ݬכ Ngóhdeih yat sai yàhn léuhng hcngdaih we one life people two brothers ‘The two of us are just like brothers.’ ࡪࡢ 嘅Δ່ ጹ 嘅 এ ܃ᚥ ݺΔ Jouh jímúi ge, jeui gányiu ge haih léih bdng ngóh, be sisters SFP most important LP is you help me ݺᚥ ܃ ngóh bdng léih I help you ‘To be sisters [close friends], the most important thing is to help each other.’ Note the reciprocal construction (léih . . . ngóh, ngóh . . . léih, see 5.3) which combines naturally with kinship dyads as in the above example. 20.4 Greetings The traditional greeting léih hóu (ma)? ‘How are you?’ (corresponding to Mandarin nM hKo (ma)? ړ܃ʻႯʼ˒) is now relatively formal, used between strangers, for example, at the first encounter and acquaintances rather than friends or family. Closer acquaintances may be greeted by enquiries such as: ່२ Jeuigahn recently ‘How’ve រ ܴ˒ dím a? how SFP you been?’ ᩅ䞧 Matyéh what ‘What’s ᛩቼ ܴ˒ wàahn-gíng a? situation SFP up?’ (slang) Acquaintances may also be greeted by their name alone, often preceded by the personal prefix a-, e.g. a-Wóng! Similarly, family members are greeted with their kinship term: a-bàh, a-mA, etc. Greetings appropriate for specific occasions and times of day include: 438 ڰඣ jóu sàhn early morning ‘good morning’ ᦟ० ʻ܃ʼ fen-yìhng (léih) welcome (you) ‘welcome’ ڰ䧒 jóu táu early rest ‘good night’ ඡ ڜ máahn dn evening peace ‘good night’ (formal) ٦ ߠ joi gin again see ‘goodbye’ (formal; many speakers use ਈਈ baai-baai) ԫ ሁ ႉ ଅʴ Yat louh seuhn feng! one road follow wind ٦ ᄎ joi wuih again meet ‘goodbye until next time’ (used in broadcasting) Greetings ‘Have a smooth journey.’ Many conventional greetings seem uninformative and puzzlingly redundant to the English speaker. A well-known example is the greeting: ଇ䦹 堩 آ ܴ˒ Sihk-jó faahn meih a? eat-PFV rice not-yet SFP ‘How are you?’ (lit. ‘Have you eaten yet?’) The appropriate answer is Sihk-jó la, mgDi ‘Yes, thank you’. This greeting is thus comparable to the British English Lovely day, isn’t it?, with eating replacing the weather as the default topic of conversation. The verb for sending regards via an intermediary is mahn-hauh: ܃ಖ۰ ᚥ ݺംଢ ୂୂ ܃ ⎲ Léih gei-jyuh bdng ngóh mahn-hauh léih gòhgd wo you remember help me ask-greet your brother SFP ‘Remember to give my regards to your [elder] brother.’ ڍ ړ Գ ംଢ ⎲ ܃ Hóu dd yàhn mahn-hauh léih wo very many people ask-greet you SFP ‘A lot of people sent their regards to you.’ gEnghéi or gEnghéi léih (-deih) ‘congratulations’ is suitable for occasions such as weddings, births, promotions and graduations. Greetings for special occasions include the following for birthdays: ֲس ݶᑗʴ Saangyaht faailohk! birthday happiness ‘Happy Birthday!’ At weddings the couple may be wished: ᄅദ ݶᑗʴ San fan faailohk! newly-wed happiness ‘Congratulations!’ 439 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address ఴ ܃䞢 ػ ᙰ ࠩ ۔ʴ Jek léihdeih baahk tàuh dou lóuh! bless you-PL white hair until old ‘May you always be happy together.’ Such greetings should be replied to with dDjeh ‘thank you’. For New Year (Western or Chinese) one may say: ᄅݶڣᑗ San lìhn faailohk! ‘Happy New Year!’ For Chinese New Year, a large number of four-character set phrases are used, the most famous being: ஐ ࿇ ತʴ Genghéi faat chòih! congratulations make wealth ‘Have a prosperous year!’ This greeting may be followed by a request for a red packet of lucky money (laih-sih), which is traditionally given by married people to children, employees or close acquaintances: ܓਢ ຐ ࠐʴ Laih-sih dauh lòih! lucky-money elicit come ‘Lucky-money time!’ Other New Year’s greetings are tailored to the addressee: سრ ᘋၼʴ Saang-yi hcnglùhng! business prosperous ‘May your business prosper.’ (addressed to businessmen) ᖂᄐ Hohkyihp study-career ‘All the best ၞޡʴ jeunbouh! improve with your studies.’ (addressed to students) ߪ᧯ ൈʴ Santái gihnhdng! body healthy ‘Wishing you good health.’ (addressed to elderly people) 440 ֨ უࠃګʴ Sam séung sih sìhng! heart wish thing accomplish ‘May your heart’s wishes come true.’ To reply to these formulae one may reply: Օ୮ ᇩ Daaihga gám wah everyone so say 20.5 Telephone expressions ‘The same to you, too.’ Telephone expressions Wái is used to initiate contact on the telephone: ˒ এএ ຫ س ܴ˒ Wái? Haih-maih Chàhn Saang a? hello is-not-is Chan Mr SFP ‘Hello? Is that Mr Chan?’ chéng mahn ‘may I ask’ is a polite way to initiate a request: ᓮ ം Ꮵ ᠔ س䢆䢆৫ ܴ˒ Chéng mahn Làuh ycsang hái-xh-háidouh a? request ask Lau doctor here-not-here SFP ‘Is Dr Lau there, please?’ ᓮ ം ᢰଡ ⛕ ܴ˒ Chéng mahn bcngo wán kéuih a? request ask who call her SFP ‘May I ask who’s calling?’ Replies and excuses include: ۩ ၲ䦹 ⎲ Kéuih hàahng hdi-jó wo s/he walk away-PFV SFP ‘He just stepped out.’ ၲጹᄎ ⎲ Kéuih hdi-gán-wúi wo s/he hold-PROG-meeting SFP ‘She’s in a meeting.’ Other common replies include: 䢆৫ ⎲Δױאױ ఎ ܅ሽᇩ ܴ˒ Kéuih xh háidouh wo, hó-xh-hóyíh làuhdai dihnwá a? s/he not here SFP can-not-can leave telephone SFP ‘She is not here. Could you leave your number?’ ױאױ ᝑ܅ ⛕ ᩅ䞧 ࠃ ܴ˒ Hó-xh-hóyíh góng-dai wán kéuih matyéh sih a? can-not-can leave-down find him/her what matter SFP ‘Could you leave a message?’ 441 20 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address ݺ ᠏ᙰ ܃㣌 Ngóh jyun-tàuh fek faan léih a I turn-head reply back you SFP ‘I’ll call you back in a moment.’ If a call comes in the middle of a telephone conversation, one can say: ኙ۰Δ ڶሽᇩ Ե 䓰Δ ᇠ ܃ Deui-mjyuh, yáuh dihn-wá yahp làih, mgdi léih dáng-dáng sorry have phone enter come please you wait-wait ‘Sorry, a call is coming in. Hold on a moment, please.’ Responses to a person who has dialled the wrong number include: ᓮ ം ؚ ܃༓ ᇆ ሽᇩ ܴ˒ Chéng mahn léih dá géi houh dihn-wá a? please ask you dial what number phone SFP ‘May I ask what number you dialled?’ ኙ۰Δ ؚᙑ ⎲ Deui-mjyuh, dá cho wo sorry dial wrong SFP 20.6 ‘Sorry, (you’ve got the) wrong number.’ Trendy language and code-mixing The rise of chìuhyúh ᑪ ‘trendy language’ in Cantonese is a phenomenon that has received a great deal of attention in the media since around 2008. 1 These trendy expressions are frequently used in young people’s every day language and all forms of the communication and media including email, texting, blogs, chats, newspapers, broadcasts. Traditionally, chìuhyúh ᑪ refers to the Chiu Chow (Chaozhou) dialect, as in chìuhyúh jamseun wúih ‘Chiu Chow Baptist Church’. The term chìuh has taken on a new meaning ‘trendy’ based on chìuh meaning ‘wave’ or ‘tide’ as in: ᑪԳ chìuh yàhn ‘trendy, fashionable figure’ ᑪა chìuh ma ‘fashionable mother’ ᑪᡨ chìuh baau ‘ultra-trendy’ 442 Topping the chìuhyúh bóng ᑪ ‘billboard of trendy language’ in 2009 was lBng-mòuh ᑓ ‘teen model’, formed by analogy with lBng-jái ‘kid’, with mòuh drawn from mòuh-dahk-jìh ‘model’ (originally a loanword from English). Many trendy expressions contain an element derived from English, such as sCng-lB, originally referring to progressing to the next level in a video game, but since extended to any kind of upgrading or rise in status: ԳԳ ຟ ඨ ֒ࡋ Yàhn-yàhn ddu mohng scng-lb person-person all hope rise-level ‘Everyone hopes to be upgraded.’ Trendy language and code-mixing English letters are also recruited as in Du-jéui ‘open one’s mouth into an “O” shape in shock’: ଡ ડྥ ᡨษΔ ٤ ˢஸᏯ Go jyúchìh dahtyìhn bauchdu, chyùhn-chèuhng du-saai-jéui suddenly swear whole-audience O-all-mouth CL MC ‘The MC suddenly let out an expletive and the entire audience was shocked.’ Code-mixing is another feature of contemporary Cantonese spoken in Hong Kong. Bilingual speakers who use Cantonese and English on a daily basis have a natural tendency to use English words and phrases in their Cantonese while English words can take Cantonese aspect markers and verb particles such as fAan (see V. Yip and Matthews 2001: ch. 25; B. Chan 2003): ԫ ೄ ̇˸̋̇ ଡ ̀˸̆̆˴˺˸ ନ ܃ text faan go message béi léih yat ján one moment text back CL message to you ‘I’ll text you back a message in a moment.’ Even morphological processes such as infixation can be applied to English words: ̆̂̅ ᩅ䞧 ̅̌ 唧˒ sd matjéh rìh jbk sor(ry) what (sor)ry SFP ‘What do you mean, sorry?’ (film) Here, the two syllables in the English word sorry are separated by the Cantonese morpheme mAtjéh ‘what’ used as an infix (2.2.3) to question the necessity of the apology. Bilingual speakers have the advantage of being able to draw on the resources of two systems. Such speakers often feel that the most natural way to express certain things is to mix elements from both languages, and T. Leung (2001) argues that this is often the optimal solution. Similarly, bilingual children are able to express more complex ideas by pooling resources from the two languages (Yiu 2005). 443 Chapter 21 Numerals and times 21.1 Numerals Numerals are formed in an entirely regular way in a decimal fashion, with 11 being sahp-yAt ‘ten-one’, 22 being yihsahp-yih ‘two-ten-two’, etc. This regularity, together with the use of one syllable per digit, is said to facilitate counting in Chinese. Compound numbers are formed in the same order as in English: ‘36’ ԿԼք saamsahp-luhk thirty-six Table 21.1 Numerals 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 444 ԫ Բ Կ ն ք Ԯ Զ Լ yat yih, ࠟ léuhng saam sei nuh/wh1 luhk chat baat gáu sahp 100 ԫ ۍyat baak 1,000 ԫՏ yat chcn 10,000 ԫᆄ yat maahn 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Լԫ ԼԲ ԼԿ Լ Լն Լք ԼԮ ԼԶ Լ ԲԼ sahpyat sahpyih sahpsaam sahpsei sahpnuh/sahpwh sahpluhk sahpchat sahpbaat sahpgáu yihsahp 1,000,000 ԫۍᆄ yat baak maahn 100,000,000 ԫᏙ yat yck 1,000,000,000 ԼᏙ sahp yck ‘124’ ԫ ۍ ԲԼ yihsahp-sei yat baak one hundred twenty-four ‘3,650’ Կ Տ ք ۍ նԼ saam chcn luhk baak nuhsahp three thousand six hundred fifty Numerals Where a zero appears before a final digit from 1 to 9, the zero (lìhng) must be pronounced: ‘104’ ԫ ۍ ሿ yat baak lìhng sei one hundred zero four ‘6,008’ ք Տ ሿ Զ luhk chcn lìhng baat six thousand zero eight lìhng ‘zero’ is also used in some newly coined expressions such as: ሿᏺ९ lìhng jangjéung ‘zero growth’ ሿᖲᏝִ၄ૠቤ lìhng gbiga yuhtfai gaiwaahk ‘zero price mobile phone plan’ (i.e. a monthly plan that allows one to buy a mobile phone for $0) Above 10,000 (yAt maahn), Cantonese speakers count in tens of thousands (maahn) rather than thousands (chCn): ‘15,000’ ‘130,000’ ԫᆄնՏ yat maahn nuh chcn ԼԿᆄ sahpsaam maahn There is no word for a million (expressed by yAt baak maahn). The number yAt yCk is one hundred million (100,000,000), which is much used in financial reports. One billion (1,000,000,000) is thus sahp yCk. Idiom: maahn yAt, literally an expression of the odds 10,000:1, is used to mean ‘just in case’: ᆄ ԫ ⛕ ܃ ଙ 䞧 Δ ش אױ۰ Maahn yat léih wán xh dóu yéh jouh, hóyíh yuhng-jyuh 10,000 1 you find not succeed work do can use CONT ݺ䢅 ᙒ ٣ ngóh dc chín sìn my CL money first ‘Just in case you can’t find any work, you can use my money for the time being.’ 445 21 Numerals and times 21.1.1 Decimals and figures The decimal point is read as dím: 0.2 3.2 ሿរԲ lìhng dím yih ‘zero point two’ ԿរԲ saam dím yih ‘three point two’ When referring to sums of money, the decimal point is read as go: $3.2 ԿଡԲ saam go yih ‘three dollars twenty’ or Կ ಈ ሿ ࠟ ශʻʼ Saam man lìhng léuhng hòuh(-jí) three dollars and two dime ‘three dollars twenty cents’ 22.5 ֥Բរն yah-yih dím nuh ‘twenty-two point five’ $22.5 ֥Բ ଡ ת yah-yih go bun twenty-two CL half or ‘twenty-two and a half’ ֥Բ ಈ ʻሿʼ ն ශʻʼ yah-yih man (lìhng) nuh hòuh(-jí) twenty-two dollars and five dime ‘twenty-two dollars, fifty cents’ The term hòuh refers to a 10 cent coin. In decimal figures beginning with one, yAt is typically left out: 446 $1.30 ଡԿ go saam ‘one dollar and thirty cents’ 1.5 hours ʻԫʼ ଡ ᤪ תʻᙰʼ (yat) go bun jeng(tàuh) one CL half hour ‘one and a half hours’ or ‘an hour and a half’ 1.5 months ʻԫʼ ଡ ִ ת (yat) go bun yuht one CL half month ‘one and a half months’ or ‘a month and a half’ 1.5 years ʻԫʼ ת ڣ yat lìhn bun (not *yAt go bun lìhn) one year half ‘one and a half years’ or ‘a year and a half’ In colloquial Cantonese, money is often referred to as séui ‘water’, as in: ԫ 䨒 ֽ yat gauh séui one CL water Numerals ‘$100’ ᚥ ݺ৫ ֽ Bdng ngóh dohk séui help me acquire water ‘Help me get money.’ (slang; usually by means of borrowing) ݶ 䢅 ᒓ ֽ Faai dc bohng séui quick bit pay water ‘Pay me quickly.’ (slang) ړᲧֽ 㗎 Kéuih hóu daahp-séui ga s/he very heap water SFP ‘She’s got lots of money.’ yAt maahn (ten thousand dollars) is referred to as yAt lAp and one million, i.e. yAt baak maahn as yAt baak lAp, where lAp is the classifier for small rounded objects (as in yAt lAp tàihjí ‘a grape’.) 21.1.2 Abbreviations The compound numbers are readily abbreviated in informal speech, especially in quoting prices. [yihsahp numeral] ‘twenty something’ is often contracted to [yah/yeh-numeral]: ‘22’ ԲԼԲ yihsahp-yih ‘24’ ԲԼ yihsahp-sei ֥Բ yah/yeh-yih ֥ yah/yeh-sei Similarly, in numbers from 30 onwards, the word sahp ‘ten’ is reduced to ah: ‘34’ ԿԼ saamsahp-sei ܴ֓ sà’ah-sei ‘41’ Լԫ seisahp-yat ܴԫ sei’ah-yat ‘56’ նԼք nuhsahp-luhk նܴք nuh’ah-luhk For numbers over one hundred which end in sahp ‘tens’, sahp can be left out: ‘120’ ʻԫʼۍԲʻԼʼ (yat) baak-yih(sahp) ۍԲ baak yih ‘180’ ʻԫʼۍԶʻԼʼ (yat) baak-baat(sahp) ۍԶ baak baat ‘240’ ԲۍʻԼʼ yih baak sei(sahp) Բۍ yih baak sei ‘650’ քۍնʻԼʼ luhk baak nuh(sahp) քۍն luhk baak nuh 447 21 Numerals and times For numbers over one thousand which end in baak ‘hundreds’, baak can be left out: ‘1,300’ ʻԫʼՏԿʻۍʼ (yat) chcn saam (baak) ՏԿ chcn saam ‘4,800’ ՏԶʻۍʼ sei chcn baat (baak) ՏԶ sei chcn baat For numbers over ten thousand which end in chCn ‘thousands’, chCn can be left out: ‘17,000’ ‘86,000’ ʻԫʼᆄԮʻՏʼ (yat) maahn chat (chcn) ԶᆄքʻՏʼ baat maahn luhk (chcn) ᆄԮ maahn chat 21.1.3 Approximations A number of terms may be added to a numeral to estimate an approximate figure. Of these, daaihkoi ‘approximately’ precedes the number, whereas jóyáu ‘about’ follows, both sometimes being used together: Օ概 daaihkoi approximately ‘about twenty ԲԼ ଡ ড়Գ ؐ׳ yihsahp go haakyàhn jóyáu twenty CL guests left-right guests’ dóu and gam seuhng há, all meaning ‘thereabouts’, follow the number (behaving like localizers, as discussed in 7.2.2): Լ ᄣ ଙ seisahp seui dóu forty years about ԫ Տ ಈ yat chcn man one thousand dollar ‘$1,000, give or take ‘about forty, forty-ish’ Ղ Հ gam seuhng há so above below a bit’ Juxtaposition of two adjacent numbers is also widely used to ‘hedge’: ڶԿ ଡ Գ ڶᘋᔊ Yáuh saam sei go yàhn yáuh hingcheui have three four CL people have interest ‘Three or four people are interested.’ 448 ք Ԯ Տ ಈ ଙ luhk chat chcn man dóu six seven thousand dollar there ‘around $6,000–7,000’ ݺ ┊䦹 ԫ ࠟ ء 䞥 Ngóh tái-jó yat léuhng bún sye je I read-PFV one two CL book SFP ‘I’ve only read one or two books.’ Numerals héimáh ‘at least’ sets a lower boundary: ದᒘքԼଡԳ héimáh luhksahp go yàhn ‘at least sixty people’ Yàuh . . . jidou/ji/dou . . . (or simply X ji Y or X dou Y) is used to give a range of figures ‘from . . . to . . .’: ʻطʼរ۟քរ (yàuh) sei dím ji luhk dím ‘from four to six o’clock’ ʻطʼԼ۟Լնᄣ (yàuh) sahp ji sahpnuh seui ‘from ten to fifteen years old’ There are several ways to express approximate numbers, some of which lack an idiomatic translation equivalent in English: Լ༓৫ sahpgéi douh ‘ten-and-a-few degrees’ ۍ༓ଡԳ baak-géi go yàhn ‘one hundred-odd people’ Տሿಈ chcn-lèhng man ‘a thousand-odd dollars’ ༓Լಈ géi sahp man ‘a few tens of dollars’ ༓ۍଡԳ géi baak go yàhn ‘a few hundred people’ These forms are also used to estimate someone’s age, typically with the abbreviated forms of numerals (see above): ֥ሿᄣ yah-lèhng seui ‘twenty-something (years old)’ ܴ֓༓ᄣ sà’ah-géi seui ‘thirty-something’ ༓Լᄣ géi-sahp seui ‘a few tens of years old’ (usually middle age and over) In colloquial usage, thirty years of age or above can be referred to as sAam jBung ‘thirty’, sAam jBung géi (yéh) ‘thirty something’ and forty years old as sei jBung, etc., where jBung is a classifier as in yAt jBung jí ‘a piece of paper’: ۔႓ Lóuh Wóng old Wong ‘Mr Wong is վ ڣք ് 嘅 ໞ gam lìhn luhk jbung ge la this year six CL SFP SFP sixty years old this year.’ 21.1.4 Cardinal numbers The numeral appears before countable nouns, normally followed by the appropriate classifier (see 6.2.1): 449 21 Numerals and times Կ ଡ ִ saam go yuht three CL month ‘three months’ ք ೋ द luhk jek gáu six CL dog ‘six dogs’ Note the following expressions which are similar in form but have very different meanings depending on whether the classifier is included: ԫִ yat yuht ‘January’ ԫଡִ yat go yuht ‘one month’ ԼԲִ sahpyih yuht ‘December’ ԼԲଡִ sahpyih go yuht ‘twelve months’ An alternative order, with [numeral classifier] phrase following the noun, is used especially in contexts such as inventories, in buying and selling, and in recipes: ᇠΔ ग़ᥞ ԫ ְΔ ߤፍ Mgdi, yiu gaailáan yat gan, dauhfuh please want gailan one catty tofu ‘I’ll have a catty of gailan and two cakes ףई ԫ Ga sihyàuh yat add soy-sauce one ‘Add a spoonful of ࠟ 䨒 léuhng gauh two cake of tofu, please.’ ᢈ gang spoon soy sauce.’ (recipe) 21.1.4.1 yih vs. léuhng ‘two’ Of the two distinct words for ‘two’, yih is used in counting and in compound numbers such as yihsahp ‘twenty’ and yih baak ‘two hundred’, etc.: ԫ, Բ, Կ, yat, yih, saam ‘one, two, three . . .’ ףԲ ga yih ‘add two’ ଊԲ sìhng yih ‘times two’ ྇Բ gáam yih ‘minus two’ ೈԲ chèuih yih ‘divided by two’ รԲ daih yih ‘number two, second’ (not *daih léuhng) léuhng is used to quantify nouns: 450 ࠟଡԳ léuhng go yàhn ‘two people’ ݺ䞢ࠟଡ ngóhdeih léuhng go ‘the two of us’ ࠟរᤪ léuhng dím jeng ‘two o’clock’ ࠟጟ ۏleuhng júng máih ‘two kinds of rice’ Exceptions are found in literary phrases such as yih yàhn saigaai ‘two people’s world’ (referring to a happy couple engrossed in their own world) and yih yàhn tou chAan indicating a dinner for two. Numerals In counting money, yih is called for in some contexts and léuhng in others, while at times either term can be used. léuhng is used for units of money such as mAn ‘dollar’ and hòuhjí ‘cents’: ‘20 cents’ ࠟශ léuhng hòuhjí ‘$2’ ࠟಈ léuhng man ‘$20’ ԲԼಈ yihsahp man (not *yih hòuhjí) (not *yih mAn) (not *léuhngsahp mAn) However, for $200, $2,000 and $20,000 both léuhng and yih may be used: ‘$200’ ࠟ/Բۍಈ léuhng/yih-baak man ‘$2,000’ ࠟ/ԲՏಈ léuhng/yih-chcn man ‘$20,000’ ࠟ/Բᆄಈ léuhng/yih-maahn man ‘$22,222’ ԲᆄԲՏԲۍԲԼԲಈ yih maahn yih chcn yih baak yihsahp-yih man The word mA is often used to enumerate things that are doubled or come in a pair, e.g. twins are called mA tDi, the expression dá-mA làih means ‘come in a pair’: 䞢 এ ᪵س ࡢࡪ˂ݬכ Kéuihdeih haih ma-saang hcngdaih/jímúi they are twin-birth brothers/sisters ‘They are twin brothers/sisters.’ ڶኙ ᪵˂גՖ Kéuih yáuh deui ma-jái/léui s/he has CL twin-son/daughter ‘She has a pair of twin sons/daughters.’ ݺ ٵ ܃᪵ᔮ Ngóh tùhng léih ma-pdu I with you twin-bed ‘I share a bed with you.’ រᇞ վ ଡ ִ ؚ᪵ 䓰 嘅 ִ 嘅Λ Dímgáai gam go yuht ge yuht-git daan dá-ma lèih gé? why this CL month LP month-end statement pair come SFP ‘How come this month’s statement comes in duplicate?’ mA ‘twin’ is also used to refer to two identical digits, for example 00 may be read as mA lìhng and 33 as mA sAam; similarly, 228899 is mA yih mA baat mA gáu. 451 21 Numerals and times 21.1.5 Ordinal numbers Numbers such as first, second, etc. are formed regularly by preceding the number word with daih ‘number’: ร ԫ daih yat number one ‘first’ ร Բ daih yih number two ‘second’ ร ݠ daih mbi the last ‘last’ ร ք ტ daih luhk gám number six sense ‘sixth sense’ The phrase daih yAt ‘number one’ is also used idiomatically to mean ‘the best’ or ‘the leading’: ٤ ཽ ร ԫ 嘅 Ꭼ۩ Chyùhn góng daih yat ge ngàhnhòhng whole harbour number one LP bank ‘Hong Kong’s leading bank’ The phrase daih yih ‘number two’ is also used to mean ‘another’ (compare the adverb daih yih sìh ‘another time, in the future’, 10.3.3): 䞢 ۖ୮ Kéuihdeih yìhga they now ‘Now they have ⛕ ร Բ ଡ ᠔س yiu wán daih yih go ycsang must find number two CL doctor to look for another doctor.’ daih may be questioned with géi ‘how (many)?’ (17.3.8): ࡋ ଡ এ ܃ร ༓ ଡ ܴ גΛ Lc go haih léih daih géi go jái a? this CL is your number what CL son SFP ‘Which son of yours is this?’ ܃ร ༓ ࡋ ┊ ڻ Léih daih géi chi tái lc you number what time see this ‘How many times have you seen 452 ଡ ᠔ܴ سΛ go ycsang a? CL doctor SFP this doctor?’ Note that these questions are difficult to translate due to the lack of an expression meaning which number? in English. For example, the translation ‘how many times before?’ for daih géi chi is thus not strictly accurate because the Cantonese question would include the current visit to the doctor in the expected answer. Numerals 21.1.6 Fractions and percentages Fractions of the form X /Y are expressed using Y fahn X or Y fahn jC X, as follows (note that the order of the numerals is the reverse of the English): ç é ¼ ¾ Կٝʻհʼԫ ԿٝʻհʼԲ ٝʻհʼԫ ٝʻհʼԿ saam fahn (jc) yat ‘one-third’ saam fahn (jc) yih ‘two-thirds’ sei fahn (jc) yat ‘a quarter’ sei fahn (jc) saam ‘three-quarters’ For example: 䢇 ᙒ Gó bat chín that CL money ‘Three-quarters ߠ䦹 ٝ Կ mgin-jó sei fahn saam lose-PFV four part three of that money went missing.’ Fractions may also be used in the possessive construction with ge (6.3): ݺ এ ٝ ԫ 嘅 Գՠ 嘅Կ Ngóh ge yàhngeng haih kéuih ge saam fahn yat I that salary is s/he LP three part one ‘My salary is a third of his.’ yAt bun ‘half’ is used similarly: ԫ תᖂس ᩒ Ղഘ Yat bun hohksaang móuh séuhng-tòhng one half student not-have up-class ‘Half of the students did not attend class.’ Percentages are expressed in the same form as fractions, with the phrase baak fahn jC ‘per cent’ followed by the numeral: ઌኙ ᛘ৫ ۍٝհ ԶԼք Sbungdeui sapdouh baak-fahn-jc baatsahp-luhk relative humidity hundred-part eighty-six ‘The relative humidity is 86 per cent.’ ഏ ᑔᏝ ֒䦹 ۍٝհ ԲԼ Ycnggwok làuhga scng-jó baak-fahn-jc yihsahp England house-price rise-PFV hundred-part twenty ‘The price of flats in England has risen by 20 per cent.’ 453 21 Numerals and times An alternative way to express percentages is in tenths, using sìhng: 20% ࠟ ګ léuhng sìhng two tenth ‘20 per cent’ or ۍ ٝ հ ԲԼ baak fahn jc yihsahp hundred part of twenty 65% ք ګ ת luhk sìhng bun six tenth half ‘65 per cent’ or ۍ ٝ հ քԼ ն baak fahn jc luhksahp nuh hundred part of sixty five 90% ګ gáu sìhng nine tenth ‘90 per cent’ or ۍ ٝ հ Լ baak fahn jc gáusahp hundred part of ninety These expressions are used as in the following: ່२ ईᏝ ၓ䦹 ԫ Jeuigahn yàuh-ga diht-jó yat recently oil-price fall-PFV one ‘Oil prices have recently fallen ګ sìhng tenth by 10 per cent.’ This construction is also used to express probabilities: ࡋ ጟ ఐ Կ ګ ᖲᄎ ړ Lc júng behng dak saam sìhng gbiwuih hóu faan this CL illness just three tenths chance good return ‘This disease has only a 30 per cent chance of recovery.’ Discounts are also expressed in tenths, but in terms of the fraction to be paid, rather than the fraction discounted as in English: ݺ ନ Զ މ ܃ Ngóh béi baat jit léih I give eight discount you ‘I’ll give you 20 per cent off.’ (used by retailers to regular customers) ࡋ ၴ ֆ վֲ Lc gaan gengsc gamyaht this CL store today ‘This store is offering 25 454 ٤ Ԯն މ chyùnchèuhng chat-nuh jit whole-stock seven-five discount per cent off today.’ The idiom gáu sìhng gáu ‘99 per cent likely’ expresses a near certainty: ݺ䞢 ګ ᙁ 嘅 䄆 Ngóhdeih gáu sìhng gáu sye ge laak we nine tenth nine lose SFP SFP ‘We’re bound to lose anyway.’ Numerals sahp chi yáuh gáu chi ‘nine times out of ten’ functions as an adverbial phrase, much as in English: Լ ڻ ڶ ڻ ຟ 䢆৫ Kéuih sahp chi yáuh gáu chi ddu xh háidouh s/he ten times have nine times also not here ‘Nine times out of ten he’s not there.’ In written Cantonese, the term ֣ טbAsCn is the transliteration for English per cent, but in spoken Cantonese the loan-word pehsBn is generally used instead, with the classifier go: վ Gam this ‘This ଡ ִ ຏ ף䦹 ԫ ଡ ̃˸̅ ˶˸́̇ go yuht tengjeung ga-jó yat go pehsbn CL month inflation increase-PFV one CL per cent month’s inflation (rate) has increased by 1 per cent.’ 21.1.7 Lucky and taboo numbers Numbers are endowed with both positive and negative connotations. The number sei ‘four’ is avoided because it sounds like séi ‘die’ (to the extent that some buildings lack a fourth floor between the third and fifth, or call the fourth floor 3A). sahpsei ‘fourteen’ is worse still, because of its phonetic resemblance to saht séi ‘certainly die’. By contrast, baat ‘eight’ is favoured because it rhymes with faat ‘produce’, as in faat daaht or faat chòih ‘make money’. yih ‘two’ resembles yih ‘easy’. Similarly, sAam ‘three’ is lucky because it resembles sAang ‘alive’ and sAangyi ‘business’, and gáu ‘nine’ is associated with chèuhng-gáu ‘long-lasting’. Luhk ‘six’ is associated with louh ‘road’, and yAt ‘one’ is associated with yaht ‘day’. Vehicle licence plates often display these preferences: 328 ԿԲԶ saam yih baat سრ ʻ࣐ʼ ࿇ saangyi (yih) faat business (easy) make-money 168 ԫքԶ yat luhk baat ԫ ሁ ࿇ yat louh faat one way make-money ‘make money all the way’ 455 21 Numerals and times 118 ԫԫԶ yat yat baat 9888 ԶԶԶ gáu baat baat baat ֲ ֲ ࿇ yaht yaht faat day day make-money ‘make money every day’ Ն ࿇࿇࿇ gáu faat faat faat long prosper-prosper-prosper Partly for the same reason, prices often end in 0.88 or 0.99. 21.2 Days and months The days of the week from Monday to Saturday are expressed by sCngkèih or láihbaai ‘week’ suffixed with the numbers one to six: ਣཚԫ˂៖ਈԫ scngkèih-yat/láihbaai-yat ‘Monday’ ਣཚԲ˂៖ਈԲ scngkèih-yih/láihbaai-yih ‘Tuesday’, etc. The exception is sCngkèih-yaht/láihbaai-yaht ‘Sunday’ (note that only a difference of tone distinguishes sCngkèih-yAt ‘Monday’ from sCngkèih-yaht ‘Sunday’). Note that yAt go sCngkèih/láihbaai refers to ‘one week’. The months are also known by numbers, but the numeral precedes the word yuht ‘month’: yAt yuht ‘January’, yih yuht ‘February’ and so on quite regularly to sahpyih yuht ‘December’. Stages within months may be expressed by tàuh ‘head’/chD ‘beginning’, jEng ‘middle’ and méih ‘tail’/dái ‘bottom’ both referring to ‘end’: ִᙰ sei yuht tàuh ‘(at) the beginning of April’ (cf. the adverb hDitàuh ‘at first’) քִॣ luhk yuht chd ‘(at) the beginning of June’ (cf. héichD ‘at first’) քִխ luhk yuht jeng ‘(in) mid-June’ Զִࢍ baat yuht dái or Զִ ݠbaat yuht méih ‘(at) the end of August’ (cf. jeui méih ‘the very end’) The words for ‘today’, ‘tomorrow’, etc., treat the future as behind (hauh) and the past as in front (chìhn): 456 վֲ gamyaht ‘today’ վඡ gammáahn ‘tonight’ 䈺ֲ kàhmyaht or ༈ֲ chàhmyaht ‘yesterday’ 䈺ඡ kàhmmáahn or ༈ඡ chàhmmáahn ‘last night’ ᦫֲ tcngyaht ‘tomorrow’ ᦫඡ ছֲ ছඡ ৵ֲ ৵ඡ tcngmáahn ‘tomorrow night’ chìhnyaht ‘the day before yesterday’ chìhnmáahn ‘the night before last night’ hauhyaht ‘the day after tomorrow’ hauhmáahn ‘the night after tomorrow night’ Days and months These five terms may be extended by one day in either direction by adding daaih: Օছֲ daaih chìhnyaht ‘the day before the day before yesterday’ Օছඡ daaih chìhnmáahn ‘the night before the night before last’ Օ৵ֲ daaih hauhyaht ‘the day after the day after tomorrow’ Any of these expressions may combine with times of day, for example: 䈺ֲཛ ڰkàhmyaht jcujóu ‘yesterday morning’ ᦫֲՀච tcngyaht hahjau ‘tomorrow afternoon’ Certain common combinations have a short form: վཛ gam jcu ‘this morning’ ᦫཛ tcng jcu ‘tomorrow morning’ However kàhm jCu ‘yesterday morning’ does not exist. 21.2.1 Dates The order in dates is the reverse of the English, beginning with the year and ending with the day: Բ ሿ Բ ሿ ڣԼԲ ִ Լ ᇆ Yih lìhng yih lìhng lìhn sahpyih yuht sahpsei houh two zero two zero year twelve month fourteen day ‘The fourteenth of December, 2020.’ This ordering resembles the form of addresses, in which the place name comes before the street address: in each case, the more general term precedes the more specific one. Decades are denoted by lìhndoih ‘era’ and centuries by saigéi: քԼ זڣluhksahp lìhndoih ‘the 1960s’ ԲԼԫધ yihsahp-yat saigéi ‘the twenty-first century’ 457 21 Numerals and times The expressions baatsahp hauhψԶԼ৵ω‘post-80s’ and gáusahp hauh ψԼ৵ω‘post-90s’ became popular in Hong Kong to refer to twentysomething and other young adults (relative to 2010) born in the 1980s and 90s. The term originally came from the Mandarin equivalent used in mainland China to refer to young writers born after the 1980s and 90s, and was subsequently generalized to other young people. ց؟ ሏ۩ ࢙ྥ נ Օ ޅ yùhndaan yàuh-hàhng fatyìhn chbutyihn daaih pai New Year Day demonstration suddenly appear large group ψԶԼ৵ω baatsahphauh post-80s ‘At the New Year’s Day demonstration, there suddenly appeared a large group of post-80s-born young people.’ 21.3 Times of day To count the hours, the classifier go is used, or in colloquial Cantonese lAp, the classifier for small round objects (as in yAt lAp yeuhkyún ‘a pill’) is used: ࠟ ଡ ᤪ léuhng go jeng two CL hour ‘two hours’ Կ ศ ᤪ saam lap jeng three CL hour ‘three hours’ (colloquial) To specify the hours of day dím (jEng) is used: ‘4:00’ រʻᤪʼ sei dím (jeng) To ask the time, géi dím is used: ۖ୮ ༓ រ ܴ˒ Yìhga géi dím a? now how hour SFP ‘What time is it now?’ ༓ រ ʻᤪʼ ၲᄎ ܴ? Géi dím (jeng) hdi-wúi a? how time (hour) hold meeting SFP ‘What time is the meeting?’ The half-hour is expressed by bun ‘half’ following the hour: 458 ‘9:30’ រ תgáu dím bun Between half-hours, Cantonese speakers tell the time in terms of five-minute intervals, called jih (‘digits’, referring to the marks on the clock-face), counted from the preceding hour: Times of day ‘7:20’ Ԯរଡ ڗchat dím sei go jih ‘9:40’ រԶଡ ڗgáu dím baat go jih Using this formula, the words go jih are often omitted: ‘8:15’ ԶរԿ baat dím saam Note that léuhng dím nUh ‘two hours five’ therefore means ‘2:25’, not ‘2:05’ which would be léuhng dím yAt (go jih). Similarly, stages in the hour are expressed by daahp and the number of jih past the hour: ᔏԿ daahp saam ‘at quarter past’ ᔏԼԲ daahp sahpyih ‘on the hour’ Where precision is required, the minutes (fAnjEng or simply fAn) can be spelled out: ‘10:56’ ԼរնԼք։ sahp dím nuhsahp-luhk fan Twelve o’clock at night is usually called simply sahpyih dím, although a word bunyeh or bunyé ‘midnight’ exists. There are many different ways to express times from 0:01 a.m. to 0:59 a.m.: ‘0.10 a.m.’ ሿழ˂ରඣ Լ ։ lìhng sìh/lìhng sàhn sahp fan zero o’clock/morning ten minutes or ࡙ ԼԲ រ Լ ։ sam yeh sahpyih dím sahp fan deep night twelve o’clock ten minutes Note that lìhng sàhn ‘zero morning’ can be used for any time at or after midnight. Times which might be understood as morning or evening may be preceded by jCujóu ‘morning’ or yehmáahn ‘evening’: ཛڰ ք រ ת jcujóu luhk dím bun morning six o’clock half ‘six-thirty in the morning’ ࡙ඡ Լ រᤪ yehmáahn sahp dím jeng evening ten o’clock ‘ten o’clock at night’ 459 21 Numerals and times When a time of day is combined with a day of the week or month, the order follows that of dates, with the more general term coming first: ਣཚֲ រ scngkèih-yaht sei dím Sunday four o’clock ‘four o’clock on Sunday’ As adverbial expressions, all these expressions of time usually come between the subject and the verb: ݺ䞢 ᦫֲ ք រ ߠ Ngóhdeih tcngyaht luhk dím gin we tomorrow six o’clock see ‘We’ll meet at six o’clock tomorrow.’ Alternatively the time expression can come first, serving as sentence topic: ᦫֲ ք រ 䢆 Օᄎഘ ߠ Tcngyaht luhk dím hái Daaih-Wuih-Tòhng gin tomorrow six o’clock at City Hall see ‘(We’ll) meet at the City Hall at six o’clock tomorrow.’ 460 Appendix: Romanization systems Initial consonants Yale IPA LSHK ( Jyutping) b p m f d t n l @ k n@ h j ch s y @w kw w p ph m f t th n l k kh 9 h ts tsh s j kw kwh w b p m f d t n l @ k n@ h z c s j @w kw w 461 Appendix: Romanization systems Final consonants Yale IPA LSHK (Jyutping) m n n@ p t m n 9 p> t> m n n@ p t k k> k Vowels 462 Yale IPA LSHK (Jyutping) i i (before n@, k) yu u u (before n@, k) e o eu eu (before n, t) a (with final consonant) a (no final consonant) aa iu eui ui ei oi ou ai au aai aau i = y u ) + ' œ " $ a— a— iu "y uy ei 'y ou $i $u a—i a—u i i yu u u e o oe eo a aa aa iu eoi ui ei oi ou ai au aai aau Tones (illustrated with the syllable u) Yale IPA LSHK (Jyutping) Pitch contour e ù ú u ùh úh uh 55 53 25 33 21/11 23 22 u1 u1 u2 u3 u4 u5 u6 high level high fall high rise mid level low fall low rise low even Appendix: Romanization systems Notes: Yale refers to the Yale romanization system as adopted in this book, in which the high falling tone is not used, the words concerned being shown with a high level tone. LSHK stands for the romanization scheme proposed and adopted by the Linguistic Society of Hong Kong in 1993 (S.-W. Tang et al. 2002). The descriptions in parentheses explain the condition under which the sound is used: for example, in the table for vowels, the romanized form i is generally pronounced as IPA [i]; however, it is pronounced as IPA [=] before ng and k. 463 Glossary of grammatical terms This grammar uses a minimum of technical terms, most of which are established in the study of European languages. These are supplemented where necessary by terms drawn from Chinese linguistics, especially from studies of Mandarin Chinese, and occasionally from general linguistics and language typology. Terms which are not explained where they occur in the main text are glossed here. 464 Adjectives are words describing qualities or characteristics of nouns, such as good, red and poor. The grammatical status of adjectives is less clear in Cantonese than in European languages, as they resemble verbs in most respects (see 3.1.1, also Francis and Matthews 2005). Adverbs are words which qualify verbs, describing either the manner of an action (predicate adverbs, such as quickly or well) or its circumstances (sentence adverbs, such as today or probably). Adverbial constructions and phrases are those which perform the function of an adverb, without actually containing an adverb. This applies to many prepositional phrases in English (e.g. for a change) and to several constructions in Cantonese (see 10.4). An antecedent is a word or phrase to which a pronoun refers back, as in John is proud of himself where John is the antecedent of the reflexive pronoun himself. A phrase in apposition is appended to another phrase to provide additional information about it, such as my best friend in John, my best friend, has left. Aspect is a grammatical category involving different ways of viewing and describing events, states or processes. Aspect distinguishes the time relations expressed by verbs, but in a different way from tenses, which relate the time of the events described to the time of speech. Aspects describe an event as ongoing or complete, rather than past, present or future. The distinction between the English progressive and simple forms as in I was talking to her this morning vs. I talked to her this morning is considered to be one of aspect rather than of tense, since both sentences refer to the same time in the past (see tense below and 11.1). Aspiration is an important phonological characteristic (technically a distinctive feature; see below) of Cantonese consonants, consisting phonetically of an emission of air immediately after oral release as the consonant is formed. This feature is normally present in English consonants such as p, t and k, but it is not a distinctive feature, as it is the lack of voicing which distinguishes these sounds from b, d and g. In Cantonese, aspiration is the relevant distinctive feature distinguishing p [ph] from b [p], t [th] from d [t] and k [kh] from g [k] (see 1.1). Attributive adjectives are those used within a noun phrase to identify or describe the noun, as in the blue book. Attributive clauses are clauses used to specify an attribute of the following noun. Whereas in a typical relative clause the noun plays a particular grammatical role in the modifying clause (such as the object role in Dickens is the author I mentioned), in an attributive clause the connection between the clause and the noun needs to be established based on the context, as in Dickens is one author where I prefer to see the movie (see 15.4). Auxiliaries are verbs which are only used together with another verb, and carry a grammatical meaning or function, like have in we have finished. The main auxiliaries in Cantonese are modals, like yCnggDi ‘should’ (12.1) and yáuh ‘have’ when used before a verb (11.2.6). Baby-talk is the variety of language used to converse with small children, characterized by diminutive forms such as doggie and reduplicated expressions such as choo-choo (train). Causative constructions are those which express causation of an event or state of affairs. In English and Cantonese, they involve auxiliary verbs such as make in English make them wait (see 8.5). Classifiers are an important class of word which ‘classify’ nouns by features such as shape, size and function. They are used in counting, as in four pairs of shoes and forty head of cattle, but are used much more extensively than their English counterparts and are required in many contexts (see 6.2). A clause is part of a complex sentence, containing a subject and a verb. See also subordinate clause. Code-mixing is the use of two languages in the same sentence, as in premAtgwái-sent a? ‘What’s the point in presenting?’ (20.6). Glossary of grammatical terms 465 Glossary of grammatical terms 466 Comparative constructions are those which compare two noun phrases with respect to a quality, as in Diana is taller than Charles. Complementation refers to the syntactic pattern appropriate to follow a particular word, as the English verb promise takes an infinitive in promise to improve. Complementizers are words which introduce a clause as a complement to a main verb, such as that in English ‘We know that there’s a problem’ and waa in Cantonese (16.5). Complements of verbs (8.5) and adjectives (9.4) are the types of clause or phrase appropriate to follow those particular items. Compounding is the combination of two or more words, each of which exists independently, to form a new word, as in wine-bar (2.3). Concessive clauses and constructions are those which concede or admit a point, which is usually counteracted by a following clause. Typically, they are introduced by a concessive conjunction such as although (see 16.2.4). Conditional clauses, normally introduced by if in English, state a condition under which the following clause holds. Full conditional sentences contain both an antecedent (if ) clause and a consequent (then) clause (see 16.3), as in If we have time, (then) I’ll show you the way. Continuous refers to the aspect expressed by jyuh in Cantonese. Although this term is also used for the English progressive (-ing) form, the continuous aspect as expressed by jyuh differs from the progressive expressed by gán: the continuous describes static situations and the progressive dynamic ones (see 11.1 and 11.2.3). Contraction is a form of abbreviation whereby a word or phrase is shortened by loss of a vowel, consonant or syllable; for example, did not is reduced to didn’t (see 18.1.1, 21.1.2). Coordination is the joining of phrases or clauses, whether by conjunctions such as and or by juxtaposition as in many Cantonese constructions (see 16.1). Copular verbs are those such as English be whose primary function is to link two noun phrases (see 8.1.1). Correlative constructions use the same word to link two clauses, giving a parallel sentence structure as in the more . . . the more . . . (see 9.3.1). Counterfactual clauses are those expressing propositions which are known to be untrue. The most typical case is in a conditional sentence of the kind If I had known, I would have come in which it is implied that the speaker did not know and did not come (16.3.2). Coverbs in Chinese are a subclass of verbs, so called because they are typically used together with another verb, often corresponding to prepositions in English (see 3.1.3). Declination is the gradual decline in pitch as a sentence is spoken. In tonal languages, it entails that a given tone, such as the mid level tone, will be pronounced at a progressively lower pitch over the course of the sentence. Definiteness is the semantic notion expressed by the in English. A noun phrase is definite when it is clear what particular entity it refers to (see 6.1, 6.2). Delimitative is the aspect expressed by háh in Cantonese (11.2.7), meaning to do something ‘for a while’. The closest equivalent in English is the use of a verb as a noun as in have a chat. Demonstratives are words used to pick out entities in time and space, including the adjectives this and that and adverbs such as here and then. Designative terms are the kinship terms used to refer to one’s relatives, but not necessarily to address them; see vocatives. Directional verbs (8.3.1) and particles (11.3.1) are words denoting direction of movement. While these two categories overlap to some extent, some words function only as directional verbs, others only as directional particles following a verb (see 11.3.1). Distinctive features are an important concept in phonology, referring to those aspects of pronunciation which distinguish one sound from another. In English, the distinctive feature difference between pat and bat is that the [b] sound is voiced, while [p] is not (see 1.1.1). Echo questions are those which elicit repetition of an item from a previous sentence spoken by another speaker. They have distinctive forms, such as You did WHAT? in which the word what is strongly stressed and is not moved to the beginning of the sentence as in an ordinary question. Echo questions are expressed in Cantonese by intonation and by particles (17.1.7). Epistemic modality is the meaning expressed by modal verbs such as must in You must be Mr Brown, where must indicates that the identity of the addressee is being inferred (see 12.1.3, 12.2.2). Ergative verbs are a class of intransitive verbs denoting a change of state or location, which the subject undergoes, rather than an action which the subject performs. Examples in English are The window broke (compare I broke the window where the window is the object) and The sign fell down, where the fall is not initiated by the sign (see 4.1.2). Evidential expressions concern the source of the information contained in a sentence, e.g. the particle wóh indicating hearsay information (18.3.4). Glossary of grammatical terms 467 Glossary of grammatical terms 468 Excessives are forms or constructions with the meaning ‘too’ as in too fast (see 9.3.4). Existential constructions denote the existence of something. In many languages, existential expressions are closely related to possessive ones, the same word (yáuh in Cantonese) meaning both ‘have’ and ‘there is’ (see ch. 14). Existential quantifiers are expressions such as something and sometimes. Experiential aspect (11.2.5) expresses an action which has been experienced at least once before. It corresponds to one of the meanings of the present perfect in English, as in Have you seen this film?, but contrasts with the perfective expressed by jó. Expletives are ‘empty’ words without content. The term is used for (i) swear words such as (what) the hell and Cantonese gwái (2.2.3, 9.1.3) which serve to give emphasis; (ii) meaningless pronouns such as it in It’s raining, which serves simply to fill the subject position; such pronouns do not exist in Cantonese. Finals are the endings of syllables, such as -An in sAn ‘new’ and -Aai in gAai ‘street’, which may occur with various initials (1.3). Generic terms are those which denote a class of items rather than a specific individual, such as gardeners in Gardeners are hard to come by. Grammaticalization is the process by which lexical items (content words) become grammatical morphemes (function words or prefixes/suffixes). Habitual aspect refers to a regular, repeated activity. In English the form used to as in I used to go to the cinema on Saturdays expresses habitual aspect, but is restricted to the past, whereas habitual forms of the verb in Cantonese may equally apply to the present (see 11.2.9). Homonyms are words which have the same form but different (and unrelated) meanings, like trip ‘journey’ and trip ‘fall over’. Homophones sound alike but are spelled differently, as in the case of ate and eight. Hyperbole is a figure of speech involving exaggeration, as in I’ve told you a thousand times. Hypercorrection is a type of error induced by misplaced notions of correctness. For example, English speakers who do not pronounce h in casual speech may take care to pronounce it in formal environments, leading to overuse of h in words where it does not belong, such as apple. Imperative sentences express commands and requests, as in Hurry up! or Please tell me the answer. Impersonal constructions are those which lack a specific subject, as in There’s no need to exaggerate. Inalienable possession refers to a possessive construction where the item possessed belongs intrinsically or permanently to the possessor, typical cases being body parts and kinship terms. These items may be marked differently from alienable items in possessive constructions (see 6.3). Incorporation is a form of compounding in which a noun or other item becomes part of the verb. In verb–object compounds, the object is incorporated, losing part of its original meaning in the process (2.3.3, 8.2.4). Indirect speech is speech which is reported or quoted by another speaker. Indirect questions are questions relayed by one speaker to another, as in She asked me how much I needed which reports the question How much do you need? Indirect commands are the reported counterpart of imperative sentences, e.g. I told you to be quiet reports the command Be quiet! Infixes are words or inflections inserted within a word rather than at the beginning or end. In Cantonese and English, the main examples involve expletive words, as in abso-blooming-lutely! (see 2.2.3, 9.1.3, 17.3.2). Intonation refers to the variation in pitch during the course of a sentence. It should be distinguished from tone which, in tonal languages such as Chinese, is the inherent pitch pattern of words or syllables. Inversion is when two words or phrases exchange their position, as in Will he come?, an inversion of He will come. Lexical borrowing is the adoption of words from a foreign language. The term is something of a misnomer in that ‘borrowed’ words are rarely returned to the ‘lending’ language. The lexicon is the vocabulary of a language, as opposed to its grammar. Localizers are a class of word used to specify location in space or time, such as chìhnmihn ‘in front (of)’ (see 3.1.4, 7.1.1). Locative expressions denote location in space. Modality is the linguistic expression of notions such as possibility, necessity and probability, all to some extent hypothetical rather than factual. Modals are verbs or auxiliaries which express modality, such as must and may in English. Morphemes are the smallest meaningful units in a language. Morphology is the study of the formation of words, including affixation and compounding. Nasal sounds are those in which air is emitted through the nose, causing the nasal cavity to resonate. The nasal consonants in English and Cantonese are m, n and ng. Negative polarity contexts are notionally negative environments in which negative polarity items such as ever and anywhere in English occur. Such contexts are as follows: Glossary of grammatical terms 469 Glossary of grammatical terms 470 (a) following a negative predicate, as in I don’t think he’ll ever succeed; (b) in a question, as in Will he ever succeed?; (c) in the ‘if’ clause of a conditional sentence, as in If he ever succeeds . . . In Cantonese, question words used in negative polarity contexts may have an indefinite sense: for example, bCndouh ‘where’ can mean ‘anywhere’ (see 13.4). The noun phrase is the noun and any modifiers, such as demonstratives and classifiers, which accompany it. Technically, the subject or object of a sentence is a noun phrase, even if it consists of only a single noun or pronoun, as in John saw me where both John and me constitute noun phrases. The object is the noun phrase immediately following the verb. A direct object is typically affected by the action denoted by the verb; there are also directional objects such as home in go home in Cantonese (8.2.1). An indirect object (8.2.2) is a second object, being indirectly affected by the action, such as her in Give her a break. Particles (3.1.7) are miscellaneous classes of words with grammatical function. Verbal particles (11.3) resemble those of phrasal verbs in English, such as away in throw away. Sentence or utterance particles are an important class of particles in Cantonese which have no direct counterpart in English (see ch. 18). Passive constructions are those in which the subject undergoes some action, corresponding to the object of a simple (active) sentence. Thus the passive sentence John was sacked by the company corresponds to The company sacked John, the verb taking a special passive form (8.4). Indirect passives are those when the subject of the passive does not correspond to the direct object, as in I had a tooth extracted (8.4.1). Perfective aspect, encoded in Cantonese by the particle jó (11.2.4), expresses the notion of a complete event. It should not be confused with either past tense or perfect as instantiated in English, although its range of use overlaps with both. A phoneme is the smallest segment of sound that can be distinguished by their contrast within words, e.g. [p] in pit and [b] in bit are phonemes which can differentiate the two words. Phonology is the study of the abstract sound system of a language. It differs from phonetics in considering classes of sounds and their behaviour in various environments rather than focusing on the physical properties of individual sounds in isolation. As an example of the difference, aspiration is a purely phonetic feature in English, but a phonological one in Cantonese. Pleonastic use of a word (from the Greek ‘filling out’) is the reinforcement of one expression by another with similar meaning, for example, gám ‘so’ used with hóuchíh ‘seem’ (10.1.2). Predicative adjectives are used to assert that something has a certain quality or characteristic, as in The house is dirty. Contrast attributive. Prefixes are items which do not exist independently, but only occur attached at the beginning of another word, such as un- in undo. Cantonese has a few prefixes such as the personal a- in names, e.g. A-Húng (2.2.1). Prepositions are a class of words which indicate the spatial, temporal or other relationships between noun phrases. In Cantonese, the role of prepositions is played largely by verbs and coverbs (3.1.3). Postpositions are the equivalent of prepositions, but follow the noun; the use of localizers following nouns resembles that of postpositions (3.1.4). Presuppositions are the assumptions behind a statement or question, as yet in Have you seen the queen yet? implies that the addressee will see the queen at some point. Productive processes and constructions are those by which new words and sentences may be created: for example, under- is a productive prefix as we may coin new words such as under-described meaning ‘insufficiently described’. Progressive aspect, as expressed by gán, resembles the English progressive form -ing as in she’s reading, describing an ongoing action. The Cantonese progressive is much more restricted in usage, however (11.2.2). Quantifiers are terms which refer not to individual entities but to classes or quantities of them. All, most, some and none are typical quantifiers; see chapter 14. Reciprocal constructions express the meaning ‘each other’. Cantonese lacks reciprocal pronouns, expressing this meaning through adverbs and special constructions (5.3). Reduplication is a feature of morphology whereby a word or syllable is doubled, sometimes with slight modifications. It often serves to intensify or modify the meaning of adjectives, as in English teeny-weeny. In Cantonese, however, it also has numerous grammatical functions (2.1), such as in forming adverbs (10.1.4), quantifiers (14.1.2) and questions (17.1.2). Reflexive pronouns are those which must refer back to a noun phrase earlier in the sentence, such as herself, myself, etc. (5.2). Relative clauses are a form of subordinate clause serving to modify a noun phrase, as in the story that you liked. Free relatives lack a noun as their head, as in (I’ll do) whatever you say, leaving the denotation of the clause ‘free’. Resultative constructions express the state which results from an action, typically as complements to a verb, as in to squash the grass flat, or to Glossary of grammatical terms 471 Glossary of grammatical terms 472 an adjective, as in bored to death. In Cantonese, resultative particles following verbs (11.3.2) have a similar function. Rhetorical questions take the form of a question but do not expect an answer, typically serving to make a point. How should I know? and Who cares? are examples; Cantonese makes extensive use of rhetorical questions (see ch. 17). Right-dislocation refers to the appearance of an item at the end of a sentence, i.e. to the right of where it would normally belong. It is a feature of casual speech, as in She’s pretty smart, that girl or They’ve gone, probably (4.1.3). Serial verb constructions (8.3) are a distinctive pattern in Chinese syntax, in which two or more verbs are juxtaposed without any conjunction. They resemble constructions such as Come say hello in American English, or Go and have a drink in British English. Stative verbs (8.1.2) are verbs such as know and live which refer to states of affairs rather than to actions or events. In Cantonese, it is difficult to distinguish between stative verbs and adjectives (3.1.1). Subject is a grammatical role performed by a noun phrase with respect to a predicate. The subject of a sentence is normally a noun phrase, combining with a predicate to form a sentence. In both English and Cantonese, the subject precedes the verb. Other properties of subjects depend on the language concerned: in English, it is the subject which determines the form of agreement on the verb, while in Cantonese, the antecedent of a reflexive pronoun must normally be a subject (5.2). Subject orientation refers to the behaviour of items such as the reflexive pronoun jihgéi which obligatorily or preferentially refer back to the subject of the sentence (5.2.1). Subordinate clauses are clauses containing a sentence and a conjunction, which are subordinate to (dependent on) the main clause (16.2). A subordinate clause, such as because there’s no time, cannot be used alone as an independent sentence. Suffixes are items (usually single syllables) which do not occur independently, but are attached at the ends of words, such as -ist in typist; Cantonese has relatively few suffixes (2.2.2). Superlatives are forms of adjectives or adverbs expressing the meaning ‘most’, such as the fastest and the most expensive (see 9.3.5). Syllable structure refers to the way in which sounds are combined to form syllables. For example, English allows consecutive consonants such as st as in stop and fl as in flat, whereas Cantonese does not (see 1.3). Syntax is the way words are put together to form sentences: the rules of sentence structure. Tags are attached to statements to form questions, such as isn’t it in It’s a shame, isn’t it? (17.1.6) and suggestions, as in Let’s go, shall we? Tense is the grammatical expression of location in time. Cantonese lacks tense in this sense, as time is expressed by adverbs (10.3.3) and by aspect (11.1). Tone is the pitch assigned to each syllable of a word (1.4). Tone in Cantonese is a distinctive feature, making the distinction between words as in yAt ‘one’ with a high tone versus yaht ‘day’ with a low level tone. It should not be confused with tone of voice (see also intonation). Tone change is the phenomenon whereby the original tone changes in certain contexts, typically to a high rising tone, e.g. mùhn ‘door’ becomes mún in hauh-mún ‘back door’ (1.4.2). Topic refers to a prominent phrase, typically a noun phrase, at the beginning of the sentence. Related to the notion ‘topic of a conversation’, the sentence topic establishes what the sentence is about, or sets the background against which the rest of the sentence is to be understood. It is distinct from the subject as topics may have grammatical roles other than that of subject (4.2). Topicalization is the promotion of some element of the sentence to the topic position, as in John, I really can’t stand in which the object John is topicalized (4.2.1). Transitive verbs are those which take or require a direct object. In Cantonese, many verbs are transitive whose counterparts in English are intransitive; in particular, verbs of motion such as heui ‘go’ may take objects (see 8.2.1). Typology is the study of language types, in which languages are compared in terms of their structural similarities, regardless of their historical relationships. The classifications of Cantonese as an isolating language (ch. 2) and as a topic-prominent language (4.2) are typological concepts. Unreleased consonants are formed as if to pronounce a stop, but without the release of air which accompanies a stop. In Cantonese p, t and k are unreleased when they come at the end of a syllable. Verb–object compounds (2.3.3, 8.2.4) are set combinations of a verb and an object in which the object loses some of its original meaning, e.g. duhk-syE ‘to study’ where the object syE ‘book’ lacks any direct reference to books. The verb phrase contains the verb, its objects (eat rice, lend him money) and any adverbs modifying it (as in walk fast). Vocatives are terms used to address people, such as Sir or darling. In some cases Cantonese has distinct terms used to address people (vocatives) and to refer to them (designatives; see 20.3). Voicing is a phonetic feature of consonants, b being voiced in bit and p voiceless in pit. It is a distinctive feature in English, but not in Cantonese (see aspiration and 1.1). Glossary of grammatical terms 473 Notes Introduction 1 The priority of speech in descriptive linguistics is based on three main considerations: (i) many of the world’s languages lack any written form; (ii) historically, all languages were spoken before they came to be written; (iii) children learn to speak a language before they can read or write: moreover, the written language must be consciously taught, whereas children do not need to be taught to speak their first language. 2 3 4 Dialects belonging to other groups are spoken in parts of Guangdong province, such as Chiuchow (belonging to the southern Min group) in the east and Hakka in the northeast. Standard written Chinese refers to the written form of Mandarin (Putonghua) which is taught in schools and used in academic contexts. It is based on the northern variety of Mandarin spoken in Beijing. The use of numbers to represent tones is not entirely arbitrary: 1, 2 and 3 by convention refer to high register tones and 4, 5 and 6 low register tones, following a traditional classification (see Chao 1947). However, the lowest pitch is represented by tone 4 rather than tone 6. 1 1 2 474 Phonology: the Cantonese sound system The Yale symbols in the book appear in italics whereas the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) symbols are given in square brackets. According to experiments conducted by Professor Eric Zee, the alveolar consonants before eu/eui retain their place of articulation, although 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 simultaneous palatal contact may give the consonants a palatal quality. Full palatalization, as in séung [/œ9], is characteristic of non-native speakers such as Mandarin and English speakers. By contrast, before yu these consonants are fully palatalized in Cantonese. It has been observed that young female speakers are more likely to produce the palatalized variants, consistent with the role of female speakers as innovators in language change. In certain mainland varieties of Cantonese -k and -t are merged, both being pronounced as unreleased -t. Moreover, the merger of -p, -t and -k is very common in other Chinese dialects, such as the Shanghai dialect. The ‘correct’ forms may be traced etymologically: for example, the Mandarin cognate of Dn ‘peace’ is An, without a nasal consonant, whereas the cognate of ngàuh ‘cow’ is niú, with the nasal initial n corresponding to Cantonese ng. The Jyutping romanization system developed by the Linguistic Society of Hong Kong does make this distinction, writing aa in open syllables as in faa1 ‘flower’. The transcription of diphthongs follows Zee (1999), with the exception of oi and ui which we transcribe as ['y] and [uy] respectively to reflect the usual pronunciation in which the diphthongs are pronounced with rounded lips throughout. Consonant clusters may occur in onomatopoeic words, such as blCngblàhng ‘tumbling’ and the sound klCk-klAk, and are sometimes retained in loan-words borrowed from English, although the clusters are normally simplified in the course of borrowing. Some linguists (e.g. Y.-S. Cheung 1969) have reported distinctions between words with high level and high falling tones. In Guangzhou and other varieties of Cantonese spoken in Guangdong province, the tone at issue is often pronounced as high falling; however, the high level and high falling variants are not claimed to be distinctive in recent studies. A consequence of this variation is that Cantonese speakers have difficulty distinguishing the high level and falling tones in Mandarin (M. Wong 1982). While the conventional scale involves five pitch levels, only four are strictly necessary to differentiate the tones (see K.-H. Cheung 1986). In a four-level system, the high level tone would be 44, and high rising 24. Acoustic experiments by Professor Eric Zee have confirmed this observation. See also K. Wu (1989: 173) and Bauer (1998: 33). In Cantonese vocal music such as Canto-pop, it is the tonal target (the end-point of a tone), rather than the tonal onset, which is relevant for the matching between tone and melody (M. Chan 1987: 30). Notes 475 Notes 12 Chen and Wang (1975) is a classic study demonstrating the gradual progression of sound change through the vocabulary, which the authors term lexical diffusion. The evidence is from Chinese dialectology, supported by observations from Swedish and English. 2 1 2 3 All the -fa suffixed compounds with disyllabic stems prefer to have the objects preposed in the jBung construction (8.3.3), i.e. the preferred order is [jBung NP verb fa]. However, some compounds with monosyllabic stems such as fó-fa ‘incinerate’ are often used with a preposed object while others like méih-fa gA-gBui ‘beautify the home’ and luhk-fa wàahn-gíng ‘make the environment green’ can have the objects following the -fa compound. -fa suffixation is another example of English influence on Chinese. See P. Lee and Chin (2007), also Yu (2007b: 134–5) on the morphophonological alignment of gwái ‘devil’ as an infix. A rich variety of expletive words ranging from mild to severe vulgarity can appear in the same position as gwái ‘devil’. The milder expletives include the English letters Q and X. 3 1 2 3 476 Word structure: morphology and word formation Syntactic categories: parts of speech in Cantonese Some syntacticians, such as McCawley (1988), treat words such as after, before and since as prepositions which take either a noun phrase or a clause as their complement. Under this analysis, they belong to only one syntactic category even though they may also function as conjunctions. McCawley (1992) suggests that so-called auxiliaries in Mandarin are simply verbs which are subcategorized for a clause. Yip and Matthews (2007b) show that bilingual children’s use of English verb particle constructions is influenced by the Cantonese counterparts, and vice versa. For example, Cantonese–English bilingual children tend to place the particle immediately after the verb as in she wake up me, and occasionally separate the verb and particle in Cantonese as in báai kéuih dAi ‘put her down’. These interactions suggest that bilingual children make an identification between English verb particle constructions and the Cantonese counterparts (H.-Y. Wong 2010). 4 1 2 3 Notes This should not be taken to imply that the notion of subject is inapplicable or unimportant in Chinese grammar, as is sometimes suggested. The possibility of omitting the subject is subject to constraints (see 5.1.1) and omitted subjects are treated in many analyses as null elements, i.e. as playing a role in the structure of the sentence even though they are not overtly present. This observation is due to O’Melia (1941). Experiments show that the topicalized OSV sentence is processed more quickly than the SVO counterpart (Matthews and Yeung 2001). Topic chains were first discussed by Tsao (1979); their structure is examined in Shi (1989, 2000). 5 1 Sentence structure: word order and topicalization Pronouns Both yàhn and yàhndeih can be used interchangeably when the reference intended is generic ‘people’: რ ᖂ Գʻ䞢ʼ ഀዚ Kéuih jengyi hohk yàhn(deih) cheung-gd s/he like imitate people sing-song ‘She likes to imitate people singing.’ ݺ უ ନ Ngóh xh séung béi I not want let ‘I don’t want people 2 Note that while Mary is the direct object in English, in the Cantonese sentence Mary also serves as the subject of fAan within the serial verb construction. The example is thus consistent with the subject-orientation of jihgéi. 6 1 Գʻ䞢ʼ वሐ yàhn(deih) jcdou people know to know.’ The noun phrase An exception is the numeral construction in which [numeral classifier] follows the noun (21.1.1). This construction is used especially for commodities, and emphasizes the number, for example in advertising: 477 ᙰ ᑻ ಬ ᖲป ࠟ ് Tàuh jéung sung gbipiu léuhng jbung head prize send air-ticket two CL ‘The first prize is two free air tickets.’ (radio ad.) Notes 2 3 4 5 6 The exact number depends on (a) variation between dialects and individuals, and (b) whether classifiers used in written Chinese are included. Since these are dealt with in works on Mandarin, they are omitted here, as are some classifiers used in Malayan Cantonese (Killingley 1982b, 1983). This distinction is made in Killingley (1983), a thorough study of the syntax and semantics of classifiers in Malayan Cantonese, using componential analysis for the semantics. Her discussion reveals substantial differences from Hong Kong Cantonese in the usage of individual classifiers; for example, jek is applied to fruits such as pìhnggwó ‘apple’ which would take go in Hong Kong Cantonese. Killingley (1982b), a glossary of classifiers, reveals numerous such differences. While the distinction between these mensural and sortal classifiers is relatively clear, it does not divide the classifiers themselves into two discrete groups. Strictly speaking, the distinction is between mensural and sortal uses of classifiers, as the same classifier may serve both functions at different times. For example, gauh is the classifier for sehk ‘stone, rock’ but also used as a measure as in yAt gauh fAan-gáan ‘a lump of soap’; yAt faai denotes ‘a slice’ as in yAt faai yùhsAang ‘a slice of sashimi’ but is also used as the type classifier for vertical, thin surfaces such as yAt faai bou ‘a cloth’. Strictly speaking, the functional parallel here is misleading in that one is a pronoun, genuinely substituting for the noun phrase, while in Cantonese the head noun may be deleted leaving the classifier behind. As a result of this difference, one cannot say *this one picture but one may say either nC fEk ‘this one’ or nC fEk wá ‘this picture’. This idiom serves as a predicate, as in: ݺ ދᇷ ؈ඓΔ టএ ԫ ླྀ ณෝ ໞ Ngóh tàuhjc satbaaih, janhaih yat hok ngáahnleuih la I invest fail really one bowl tear SFP ‘My investment has failed, this time I’m really in trouble.’ 8 1 478 The verb phrase The development of dative constructions in children’s Cantonese is examined by A. Chan (2010) and C. Gu (2010). It is found that both 2 monolingual and bilingual children have difficulty with the double object construction, producing frequent non-target forms in which they place the indirect object before the direct as in YèhsDu béi ngóh chín ‘Jesus gives me money.’ This word order alternation is a stylistic phenomenon comparable to Heavy Noun Phrase Shift in English: for example, the order (b) below is used to avoid the clumsiness of (c): Notes (a) I put the articles on the table. (b) I put on the table all the articles I could find on Cantonese grammar. (c) I put all the articles I could find on Cantonese grammar on the table. 3 Some speakers use this double object construction with additional verbs such as sung ‘send, give as a present’ and wàahn ‘return’: ಬ ء ݺ Kéuih sung bún sye ngóh s/he send CL book me ‘She gave me a book (as a gift).’ ݶ 䢅 ᝫ ය ᠙ೲ ݺ Faai dc wàahn faan tìuh sósìh ngóh quick a-bit return back CL key me ‘Return the key to me quickly.’ 4 5 6 One analysis suggested by S.-W. Tang (1998) treats the double object construction with béi as a special case of the serial verb construction, with the second béi being deleted because it sounds identical to the verb béi. Consistent with this analysis, many children produce constructions of the form [béi object béi indirect object], which according to S.-W. Tang (1998) represents the underlying form of the double object construction (A. Chan 2003, 2010; C. Gu 2007, 2010). S.-W. Tang (1998) treats béi in this function as a preposition, but as with the coverbs (3.1.3), it is difficult to show this to be the case, since constructions such as sung . . . béi could equally well be serial verb constructions. Y.-H. Li (1990) attributes this repetition to the notion of structural Case: every noun phrase must be assigned Case by an adjacent verb, hence the verb must appear twice to assign Case to both the direct and the adverbial object. héi ‘up’ is sometimes considered a directional verb, but does not participate in the patterns with heui and làih like the others listed in 8.3.1, with the exception of a few literary phrases such as héi làih ‘pull up one’s 479 spirits’. Used as a verbal complement, héi làih gives the meaning ‘whenever’ as in: Notes ూ ದ䓰 ଡ ᑌ ړก Kéuih siu héi làih go yéung hóu tìhm s/he smile up-come CL appearance very sweet ‘She looks sweet when she smiles.’ héi is used as a verbal particle, as in gwa héi ‘hang up’ (11.3.1) and as a transitive verb, as in héi láu/Ek ‘build flats/houses’, héi-sAn ‘risebody get up’. 7 8 The indirect passive is found in a number of East and Southeast Asian languages, including Japanese, Vietnamese and Thai (Siewierska 1984). C.-T. Huang (1982) analyses the underlying structure of the Mandarin sentences with retained objects as [(V NP) NP] where [V NP] is a complex predicate taking the second post-verbal NP as semantic object. 9 1 2 3 4 Yue-Hashimoto (1997) found evidence for syntactic change in progress, with younger and more educated speakers increasingly using the béi construction. For arguments that Chinese does not distinguish finite and non-finite verbs, see Hu, Pan and Xu (2001). These constructions and the learning problems to which they give rise are analysed in V. Yip and Matthews (1992) and Yip (1995). C.-R. Huang (1993) provides arguments that these apparent counterparts of English Tough Movement as in hard to please are lexical rather than syntactic in nature. 11 1 2 480 Adjectival constructions: description and comparison Aspect and verbal particles We assume Comrie’s (1985) definition of tense as the grammaticalized expression of location in time. The time adverbs discussed in chapter 10 are lexical rather than grammatical while the aspect markers discussed in this chapter do not consistently or primarily locate events in time. As defined by Comrie (1976), aspect involves different ways of viewing the internal structure of a situation. 3 4 5 6 H.-N. Cheung (1997) and B.-C. Kwok and Kataoka (2006) traced the origin and historical development of the perfective marker jó back to the earliest available Cantonese texts. The earliest appearance of jó is found in Williams (1856, 2001) written as ॴ, which is taken as ‘a sign of the past tense, placed after the verb like hCu’ (Williams 1856: 26). ⭪ hCu was used as the perfective marker around 1840 and gradually disappeared around 1940. jó became popular in the 1930s. On the evidential meanings associated with experiential aspect in Cantonese and other Chinese dialects, see Chappell (2001). Yiu (2005) investigates the syntax and semantics of twelve Cantonese directional verbs using the cognitive approach. The meanings of directional verbs are shown to be extended from spatial domains to abstract, non-spatial domains to express temporal, geographical, social, discourse and modal meanings. The logical properties of saai are discussed in T. Lee (1987), S.-W. Tang (1996) and P. Lee (2004). 12 1 Notes Modality: possibility and probability sCk as a transitive verb means to know someone: ݺ ᢝ䦹 Լ ڣ Ngóh sck-jó kéuih sahp lìhn I know-PFV her ten years ‘I’ve known her for ten years.’ sBuiyiu ‘need’ and yiu ‘want’ are used as verbs in the following: ړᏁ ԫ ٝ ՠ Kéuih hóu sbuiyiu yat fahn geng s/he very need one CL job ݺ ࣦ 㗎 Ngóh yiu bei gafb I want cup coffee ‘He needs a job very much.’ ‘I want a cup of coffee.’ oi, the word for ‘love’ can also mean ‘want’ and is often used in places where yiu occurs: ࡋ ء ݺ ფ˂ 嘅 ໞΔ אױ᭧䦹 Lc bún sye ngóh xh oi/yiu ge la, hóyíh dám-jó kéuih this CL book I not want SFP SFP can dump-PFV it ‘I don’t want this book any more; it can be disposed of.’ 481 䢇 ଡ ࢪ ფ˂ 䓰 ᩅ 㗎Λ Gó go fóng oi/yiu lèih jouh mat ga? that CL room want come do what SFP ‘What is that room for?’ Notes msái ‘don’t need’ is used as a verb in the following: ┊ ࡋ ء ࠌ ڍ ړ ழၴ 䞥 hóu dd sìhgaan jb Tái lc bún sye msái read this CL book doesn’t-need very much time SFP ‘Reading this book doesn’t take a lot of time.’ 14 1 Quantification in Chinese is discussed in T. Lee (1986), a theoretical study of Mandarin dDu ຟ which is largely applicable to Cantonese dDu. (Note that Cantonese dDu, however, may have the meaning ‘also’, corresponding to Mandarin yB Ո: see 10.3.2.) 15 1 2 3 4 5 482 Quantification and existential sentences Relative and noun-modifying clauses Chinese languages are virtually unique in the co-occurrence of SVO basic order with pronominal relatives. Part of the explanation for the exceptional status of Chinese in this regard lies in the fact that relative clauses follow a consistent pattern of pronominal modification. Indeed, it can be argued that there is a continuum from adjectival modification to relative clauses, with some structures being of indeterminate or intermediate status as between adjectival modifiers and relative clause (V. Yip and Matthews 2007b: 176). Across languages, prenominal relative clauses in general display low tolerance for non-restrictive interpretations (Lehmann 1984). Although this analysis leads to some problems when applied to adult language, there is some evidence that children adopt such an analysis in the early stages of producing relative clauses (Matthews and Yip 2002; V. Yip and Matthews 2007a). As the term ‘resumptive’ suggests, such pronouns usually appear in relative clauses following the antecedent. However, a similar strategy is used in Chinese despite the forward reference of the pronoun. The use of resumptive pronouns follows the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy (Keenan and Comrie 1979), being required for indirect object and positions below it on the Hierarchy, optional in the case of direct objects, and prohibited in the case of subject relatives. 16 1 2 2 3 2 Questions The pitch contours of intonation questions, compared with the corresponding statements, are shown in spectrograms in K.-Y. Wu (1989: 174ff.). The rising intonation is carried by the final syllable, whatever its inherent tone: the rising tones are intensified, while in the case of the low falling tone, the rise begins after the fall. In addition, the overall pitch level of an intonation question is raised slightly relative to the corresponding statement. The grammaticalization of wá is discussed by Chui (1988). Similarly, the Taiwanese verb kong ‘say’ is used as a sentence-final particle as well as a complementizer (X.-Z. Z. Wu 2004). C.-H. Cheung (2008) investigates wh-fronting phenomena in Mandarin and proposes a theoretical account that treats preposed wh-questions and the parasitic gap construction on a par with clefted questions in English, as in ‘which one is it that you like?’ 18 1 Coordination and subordinate clauses This usage results in a common error in Chinese learners’ English: The reason is because . . . . Bloom (1981) noted the lack of distinctions between types of conditional in Chinese and postulated corresponding cognitive differences between Chinese and English speakers. These findings are disputed by Au (1983) and in much subsequent research. 17 1 Notes Sentence particles and interjections The precise number depends on the treatment of related particles such as a/àh/ak. If all related forms differing in tone are treated as distinct particles, there are around thirty as given in H. Kwok (1984). Counting all variants, Yau (1965) identified some 206 forms. In testing this claim using recordings, M. Chan (1998) reports a maximum duration of 0.9 seconds for the particle mB. 483 Notes 3 These variants can be attributed to tonal particles, having no phonetic form apart from tone, combining with other particles. Based on Chao’s (1968: 812) analysis of sentence-final intonation patterns in Mandarin as tonal particles, Law (1990) proposed three such tonal particles: (a) the high tone as in A, lA and lD: a tonal ‘weakener’ indicating hesitancy; (b) the low falling tone as in àh and wòh: a tonal ‘strengthener’ indicating disapproval or abruptness; (c) the high rising tone, which does not affect particles specifically, but is used in echo questions (see 1.4.3, 17.1.7). 4 5 6 7 Both formal and functional arguments support the assumption made in H. Kwok (1984) and elsewhere that these forms are contractions. On the one hand, combinations such as ge a and je àh do not occur, a fact which is unexpected in terms of their functions but follows given the assumption that ga and jàh are contracted realizations of these combinations. Functionally, the contracted forms have the combined characteristics of the individual particles; for example, ga replaces ge in questions which would typically end with a. Similar arguments follow gAma]. for other combinations such as [ge Ama H. Kwok (1984) gives seventy-four possible combinations of two or three particles, of which sixty-eight actually occur in her corpus. Note that this is a small figure compared to the theoretically possible number of permutations given the thirty basic particles recognized by Kwok (p. 8). The vowel of tìm is unaffected since -om is not a possible final (1.3.1). Law (1990) suggests that all uses of ge as particle involve the haih . . . ge construction, with the copula haih being optionally deleted. This is plausible in so far as haih can be omitted in most other constructions (see 8.1.1), such as: ࡋ ଡ ʻএʼ ݺาࠍ 䓰㗎 Lc go (haih) ngóh sailóu làihga this CL (is) my brother SFP ‘This is my [younger] brother.’ 8 9 484 This characterization is due to Luke (1990). The sense of wo can also be described as mirative (expressing surprise: Matthews 1998). Since languages often use the same or related forms to express mirative and hearsay functions (Delancey 1997), the close relationship between wo and wóh is a natural one. This observation is due to Chui (1988). Note that the alternation between Aiya/AiyA/Aiyak/Aiyáh supports the analysis of the sentence particles a/A/ak/áh as variants of a single particle (see 18.1.1). If these particles were unrelated, we would not expect a parallel set of variants of the exclamation Aiya. 20 1 Cantonese speech conventions: politeness and terms of address Recent publications on chìuhyúh ᑪ ‘trendy language’ includeπଉཽ ᑪᖂڗρ‘Flash Cards of Trendy Expressions in Hong Kong Cantonese’ by ᤕటట (‘So Real Real’) in 2008. The structure of chìuhyúh ᑪ is analysed in Au Yeung (2009) and Tang (2009b). 21 1 Notes Numerals and times The form Wh is commonly heard as a result of the change from syllabic ng to m, being used especially by speakers who do not use initial ng (1.5). 485 References 486 Aitchison, J. 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References 497 Index (English and Yale romanization) This index includes: (a) grammatical terms which are used in the grammar or commonly used in reference grammars or descriptions of Chinese (see the Glossary for explanations of these terms); (b) English grammatical words such as all; (c) Cantonese words which have a grammatical function or whose syntactic properties are described in the grammar. The alphabetical ordering of Cantonese forms ignores the h marking low tones; for example, Xh precedes meih. Words differing only in tone are given in the conventional order: high level, high rising, mid level, low falling, low rising, low level. 498 A 㣌 particle 18.2.3, 18.3.3, 19.1 a ܴ particle 17, 18.2.1, 18.2.3, 18.3.1 a- ॳ prefix 2.2.1, 17.3.1, 20.2, 20.3.1, 20.4 àh ܴ particle 17.1.1, 18.2.1, 18.2.3, 18.3.1 áh ܴ particle 18.3.1 ability 12.1.2 address, terms of 20.2 addresses 21.2.1 adjectives 3.1.1, 9 attributive 9.1.2 comparison of 9.3 compound 2.3.2 modification of 9.1.3 predicative 9.1.1 reduplication of 2.1.2, 3.1.1, 9.2 status of 3.1.1 adverbs 3.1.6, 10 comparison of 10.2 modal 12.2 predicate 10.1 sentence 10.3 time 10.3.3 affect 18.1, 18.3.5 after 7.2.2, 16.2.1 Aiya ফ䦪 interjection 18.4.2 ak ܥparticle 18.3.2 all 11.3.3, 14.1 also 10.3.2 although 16.2.4 always 10.3.4, 14.1.1 Ama 㣌ቪ particle 18.3.4 any 13.4, 14.1.5 apologies 20.1.3 apposition 6.1.3, 20.3.5 approximations 21.1.3 articles 6.1 aspect 11.1, 11.2 continuative 11.2.8 continuous 11.2.3 delimitative 11.2.7 experiential 11.2.5 habitual 11.2.9 inchoative 11.2.8 perfective 11.2.4 progressive 11.2.2 aspiration 1.1.1 associative construction 6.3.3 attributive clauses 15.5 auxiliaries see modal verbs; 3.1.2, 11.2.6 baby-talk 2.1.3 bAt լ ‘not’ 13 bAtgwo լመ ‘however’ 13.3.2, 16.1.3 bAtyùh լ‘ ڕrather’ 19.2 because 16.2.2 before 7.2.2, 16.2.1 béi ନ ‘to’ with indirect objects 8.2.2 in indirect speech 16.5, 19.5 as passive marker 8.4 béigaau ֺለ ‘rather’ 9.3 béi(héi) ֺʻದʼ ‘than’ 9.3, 10.2 bCn ᢰ ‘any’ 14.1.5 ‘where’ see bCndouh ᢰ৫ ‘which’ 6.2.1, 17.3.3, 17.3.9 bCndouh ᢰ৫ ‘where’ 17.3.4, 20.1.4 bCngo ᢰଡ ‘who’ 17.3.1 bo 䨂 particle 18.3.5 bDng ᚥ ‘help’ 3.1.3, 8.3 both 8.2.3, 14.1.1, 16.1.1 búnlòih ‘ ࠐءoriginally’ 10.3.3, 11.1 retrospective/counterfactual 12.1.1, 12.1.4, 16.3.2 categories, syntactic 3 causative constructions 8.5.1 chA-mdD ‘ ڍabout’ 9.3.2, 10.1.3 chAn ᘣ adversative/habitual particle 11.3.4, 14.1.4 chB 㯫 interjection 18.4.2 chéng ᓮ ‘please’ 20.1.1, 20.5 chèuihbín ᙟঁ ‘as you like’ 14.1.5, 20.1.1 chèuihfBi ೈॺ ‘unless’ 16.3.3 chèuihjó . . . jCngoih ೈ䦹Ξհ؆ ‘apart from’ 16.2 chèuihsìh ೈழ ‘any time’ 14.1.5 chBut ‘ נout’ directional verb 8.2.1, 8.3.1 verbal particle 8.1.3, 11.3.1, 12.3.1, 20.3.3 chButbihn ‘ ঁנoutside’ 7.1 chìhn ছ ‘ago’ 10.4, ‘ex’ 20.3.3 chìhnbihn ছঁ ‘in front (of)’ 7.1.1 chCu gwo ၌መ ‘more than’ 14.2.1 cho ᙑ ‘wrongly’ 11.3.2 chùhnglòih ൕࠐ ‘never’ 13.3.1 chyùhnbouh ٤ຝ ‘whole’ 14.1.1 classifiers 3.1.5, 6.2 in relative clauses 15.3 mensural 6.2.2 possessive 6.3.2 reduplicated 2.1.1, 8.2.3, 14.1.2 sortal 6.2.3 syntax and usage of 6.2.1, 17.3.3, 21.1.4 verbal 6.2.5 cleft sentences 8.1.1, 16.4 code-mixing 20.6 colour terms 9.2.2, 9.2.3 commands 19 indirect 19.5 comparison of adjectives 9.3 of adverbs 10.2 equal 9.3.2 of quantities 14.2.1 complementizers 16.5, 19.5 complements, complementation of adjectives 9.4 of verbs 8.5.3, 16.5 compliments 20.1.4 compound nouns 2.3.1 compounding 2.3 concessive constructions 16.2.4 conditionals 16.3 explicit 16.3.1 implicit 16.3.2 negative 16.3.3 congratulations 20.4 conjunctions 3.1.8, 16.1, 16.2 consonants 1.1 initial 1.1.1 unreleased 1.1.2 contraction 1.4.2.1, 2.1.2 of numerals 21.1.2 of particles 18.1.1 conversion 3 coordination 16.1 coverbs 3.1.3, 7, 7.2.1 daaih bá Օ‘ ނplenty’ 14.2 daaihgA Օ୮ ‘everyone’ 5.3, 14.1.1 daahnhaih ܀এ ‘but’ 16.1.3, 16.2.4 dAi ‘ ܅down’ 11.3.1 dái ࣂ ‘worth, deserving’ 9.4.2 daih ร ‘number’ 21.1.5 dAk adverbial 3.1.3, 10.1.1 modal (potential) 12.3, 17.1.4, 19.3 resultative 8.5.3 dAk jaih ዩ ‘a bit too’ 3.1.1, 9.3.4 dAk-mdAk ‘okay?’ 17.1.6 dAkhàahn ၵ ‘free’ 9.4.1 dahk dAng ࿆ ‘specially’ 10.4 dáng ‘until’ 16.2.1 dáng ‘let’ 19.2, 19.3, 20.1.5 dates 21.2.1 days of the week 21.2 declination 1.4.3 definiteness 4.2.5, 6.1, 6.2.1, 14.3.1 déi 䞢 ‘-ish’ 2.2.2.2 in adverbial constructions 10.1.2, 10.1.4, 19.1 with reduplicated adjectives 2.1.2, 9.2.2 deih 䞢 plural suffix 2.2.2, 5.1 demonstratives 6.1.2, 6.1.3, 6.2.1, 15.3 deui ኙ ‘pair’ 6.2.1 deui ኙ ‘towards’ 3.1.3, 7.2.1 deuimihn ኙ૿ ‘opposite’ 7.1.1 deuimjyuh ኙ۰ ‘sorry’ 20.1.3 Index (English and Yale romanization) 499 Index (English and Yale romanization) dC 䢅 as classifier 6.1, 6.2, 15.3 in comparatives 9.3, 10.2, 14.4.12.1 in imperatives 19.1 in questions 17.1.2 dCk ऱ possessive/linking particle 6.3.1, 15.2, 16.4 dím jC រव ‘what do you know’ 17.6 dím(yéung) រʻᑌʼ ‘how’ 17.3.7 dím gáai រᇞ ‘why’ 17.3.6 dím (jEng) រʻᤪʼ ‘o’clock’ 21.3 dím syun រጩ ‘what now’ 17.6 dihm ⇉ resultative particle 11.3.2, 12.3.3 dihng ࡳ ‘ready’ 8.3.2, 11.3.2 dihng(haih) ࡳʻএʼ ‘or’ 17.2 direction 7.1.3, 8.3.1 directional particles 11.3.1 directional verbs 8.3.1 disjunction 16.1.4, 17.2 distance 7.1.2 dit ၓ ‘fall’ 4.1.2 dD ‘ ڍmuch/many’ 14.2, ‘more’ 14.2.1 dDjeh ڍ ‘thank you’ 20.1.2, 20.1.4 dDng ᅝ ‘while’ 16.2.1 dong . . . haih ᅝΞএ ‘treat . . . as’ 8.1.1 dDsou ڍᑇ ‘probably’ 12.2.1, ‘mostly’ 14.2.2 dDu ຟ ‘also’ 10.3.2, ‘any’ 13.4, ‘all’ 10.3.4, 14.1.1 in lists 16.1.2 ‘still’ 16.2.4, 16.3.1 dóu ଙ verbal particle 8.2.3, 11.3.2, 12.3.3 dou ࠩ ‘until’ 7.2.1 as conjunction 8.4.2, 8.5.3, 9.1.3, 16.2.1 dou ࠩ verbal particle 8.3.1, 11.3.2 douh ৫ localizer 6.2.3, 7.1 douh-douh ৫৫ ‘everywhere’ 14.1.2 double objects 8.2.2 each 10.3.4, 14.1.4 echo questions 1.4.3, 17.1.7 either . . . or 16.1.4, 17.2 English, loan-words from 20.6 excessives 9.3.4 exclamations 17.6, 18.3.5, 18.4.2 existential constructions 4.2.5, 14.3, 17.1.5 existential quantification 14.3 experiential aspect 11.2.5, 13.3.1, 17.1.5 expletives 2.2.3, 9.1.3 500 fAan १ ‘return’ directional verb 8.3.1 verbal particle 11.3.1 fáan- ֘ prefix 2.2.1 fáanyìh ֘ۖ ‘on the contrary’ 16.1.3 face 20 fahn ٝ ‘part’ 14.2.2, 21.1.6 fBi ॺ ‘not’ 13 fBisèuhng (jC) ॺൄʻհʼ ‘extremely’ 9.1.3 finals 1.3.1 fDngbihn ֱঁ ‘convenient’ 9.4.1 fractions 21.1.6 frequency 8.2.5, 10.3.4 gaaisiuh տฯ ‘introduce’ 20.1.5 gaau ඒ ‘teach’ 8.2.2 gAm վ ‘this’ 6.1 gAmyaht վֲ ‘today’ etc. 21.2 gám ཊ modal verb ‘dare’ 12.1.5 gám adverbial 10.1.2 as interjection 18.4.1 gam ‘so, as’ 9.1.3, 9.3, 10.1.3, 10.2 gam dD ‘ ڍso many’ in superlatives 9.3.5 gam jaih ዩ ‘virtually’ 10.1.3 gam loih ર ‘so long’ 16.2.1 gAn ᇿ ‘follow(ing)’ 3.1.3, 7.2.1 gAnjyuh ᇿ۰ ‘next’ 16.1.3 gán ጹ progressive aspect marker 3.1.3, 11.1, 11.2.1, 11.2.2 gang gA ‘ ףޓeven more’ 9.3.1 gau ജ ‘enough’ 9.1.3 ‘also’ 10.3.2 in comparatives 9.3.3, 10.2 gáyùh ‘ ڕsuppose’ 16.3.1 gé 嘅 particle 18.3.2 ge 嘅 linking particle 6, 6.3, 9.1.2 in relative clauses 15.2 as sentence particle 16.4, 18.2.3, 18.3.2 ge sìhhauh 嘅ழଢ ‘when’ 16.2.1 géi ༓ ‘quite’ 9.1.3 ‘how’ 17.3.7 ‘how many’ 21.1.5 gei ബ ‘send’ 8.2.2 géidD ༓‘ ڍhow many/how much’ 17.3.8 géiloih ༓ર ‘how long’ 17.3.5 géisìh ༓ழ ‘when’ 17.3.5 geiyìhn ਝྥ ‘since’ 16.2.2 gin ߠ ‘see’ 8.1.3 gCng ᆖ ‘via’ 7.1.3 gitgwó ࣠ conjunction 16.1.3 giu ‘ call’ 8.2.2 gó 䢇 ‘that’ 6.1.2, 15.3 go ଡ classifier 6.2.2 góbihn, gódouh 䢇ঁʿ 䢇৫ ‘there’ 7.1 gójahnsìh 䢇ೄழ ‘then’ 10.3.3.1, ‘when’ 16.2.1 góng ᝑ ‘say’ 10.4.1, 16.5 grammatical relations 4.1, 8.2, 15.5 greetings 20.4 gwa 䧠 particle 18.2.3, 18.3.4 gwaan ክ habitual 11.2.9 gwái (expletive) as infix 2.2.3 with adjectives 9.1.3 gwo መ ‘pass’ comparative ‘than’ 9.3, 10.2 directional verb ‘over’ 8.3.1 experiential aspect marker 11.1, 11.2.5, 13.3.1, 17.1.5 in questions 17.1.4, 17.1.5 verbal particle 11.3.1 with excessives 9.3.4 gwotàuh መᙰ ‘too’ 9.3.4 há 㣐 particle 18.3.1 háh 㣐 delimitative aspect marker 2.1.2, 10.3.3.3, 11.2.7, 18.3.6 haakhei ড় ‘courtesy’ 20, 20.1.4 hahbihn Հঁ ‘under’ 7.1.1 hái 䢆 ‘(be) at’ 3.1.3, 7.1 háidouh 䢆৫ ‘be here’ locative 7.1, 20.5 progressive 11.2.2 haih এ ‘be’ 8.1.1, 17.3.9 ‘yes’ 17.1.8, 17.1.9 haih . . . dDu এΞຟ insistent 8.1.1, ‘every’ 14.1.1 haih . . . ge এΞ嘅 emphatic 8.1.1, 16.4 haih-mhaih এএ 14.1.1, 17.1.3, 17.1.6, 17.4 háng ् ‘willing’ 12.1.5 hángdihng ्ࡳ ‘certainly’ 12.2.2 hauh ৵ ‘after’ 10.4 héi ದ ‘up’ 2.2.2.3, 11.3.1 héi-séuhng-làih ದՂ䓰 ‘begin’ 11.2.8 heui ‘ װgo’ 8.2.1, 8.3.1 héung 㫠 ‘at’ 3.1.3, 7.1 heung ‘ ٻtowards’ 3.1.3, 7.1.3 híu ᖠ ‘be able’ 12.1.2 hó ࠻ particle 18.3.1 hDi ၲ ‘away’ directional particle 11.3.1 habitual aspect marker 11.2.9 hólàhng ױ౨ ‘perhaps’ 12.2.1, ‘possible’ 9.4.1 homonyms, homophony 2.2.2.1 hóu ‘ ړvery, good’ with adjectives 3.1.1, 9.1 as prefix 2.2.1 as verbal particle 11.3.2 in commands 19.4 hóuchíh ‘ ۿړseem’ 10.1.2, 12.1.5 hóu chói ړ ‘fortunately’ 10.3.1 hóu dD ‘ ڍړmuch’ 9.3.1, 14.2, 14.2.1 hóu-mhóu ړ ړ17.1.3, 17.1.6, 17.4 hóu síu ‘ ֟ړlittle, rarely’ 10.3.4 how? 17.3.7 how many, how much? 17.3.8 hóyíh ‘ אױcan’ 12.1.1 hypercorrection 1.1.3, 1.5, 1.5.1 Index (English and Yale romanization) if 16.3, 16.3.1 imperatives 5.1.1, 19 incorporation of object 2.3.3, 8.2.4 indirect speech 16.5, 17.4, 19.5 infixed forms 2.2.3, 9.1.3, 17.3.2 initials 1.3.1 interjections 18.4 interrogatives 17 intonation 1.4.3, 17.1.7, 18.1.1 introductions 20.1.5 inversion 4.1.2, 8.5.4, 9.3.5 jauh ༉ conjunction 16.1.3, 16.3.1 jauh gám ༉ 10.1.2 jauhsyun ༉ጩ ‘even if’ 16.3.1 jB, je 䞥 particles 10.3.2, 18.2.3, 18.3.5 jBk 唧 particle 18.3.5 jeui ່ ‘most’ 9.3.5, 10.2 jeuhn(leuhng) ጐʻၦʼ ‘as far as possible’ 10.2 jBung ് classifier 6.2.3 jBung ല ‘put’ 2.2.2.3, 7.1.4, 8.3.3 jC व ‘know’ 8.1.4 ji ۟ ‘most’ 9.3.5, 10.2 jCchìhn հছ ‘before’ 7.2.2, 16.2.1 jihchùhng ۞ൕ ‘since’ 16.2.1 jCgAan հၴ ‘between’ 7.1.1 jChauh հ৵ 7.2.2, 16.2.1 jCkhaih ܛএ interjection 18.4.1 jihkdAk ଖ ‘worth’ 9.4.2 jCloih հփ ‘within (time)’ 7.2.2 jíng ᖞ ‘make’ 8.5.1 jihng ໍ ‘remain’ 11.3.2 jiu ᅃ ‘follow’ 7.2.1, 10.4.1 jí yiu ‘as long as’ 12.1.3, 12.1.6 jó 䦹 perfective aspect 11.1, 11.2.4, 11.2.5.1, 13.3.1, 16.3.1.1 in questions 17.1.4, 17.1.5 jouh ‘do’ 20.1.5 in serial construction 8.2.2, 8.3 jouh mAtyéh ᩅ䞧 17.3.6 jEng (gAan) խʻၴʼ 7.1 júngjC ᜔հ conjunction 12.1.6 juhng ٘ ‘still’ 10.3.3.2, 13.3.1, 18.3.6 in comparatives 9.3.1, 10.2 juhngyáuh ٘ ڶconjunction 16.1.3 jyuh ۰ continuous aspect 11.1, 11.2.3 in negative sentences 13.3.1, 19.4 káhn २ ‘near’ 7.1.1 kéuih ‘he/she’ 5.1, 8.3.3 kinship terms 2.1.3.1, 2.2.1, 20.3 dyads 20.3.5 501 Index (English and Yale romanization) 502 lA particle 16.1.2, 18.2.1, 18.3.3, 19.1 la ໞ particle 17.1.4, 18.3.3 làh 䧷 interjection 18.4.1 làahn ᣄ ‘difficult’ 2.2.1, 9.4.1 làih 䓰 ‘come’ 8.2.1, 8.3.1 as complement of purpose 16.2.3 lak 䄆 particle 18.3.2 lám ⴤ ‘think’ 8.1.4, 11.2.3 làhnggau ౨ജ ‘able’ 12.1.2 lB ࡋ particle 16.3.1, 18.2.1 léh ় particle 18.3.1 léih ‘ ܃you’ 5.1, 19.1 lèihge/lèihga ܃嘅˂܃㗎 particle 18.2.3, 18.3.2 léuihbihn 㠪ঁ ‘inside’ 7.1 léuhng ࠟ ‘both’ 14.1.1, ‘two’ 11.2.7, 20.3.5, 21.1.4.1 lC, lBi, nC ࡋ ‘this’ 1.5, 6.1.2, 6.1.3 lCbihn, lCdouh ࡋঁʿ ࡋ৫ ‘here’ 7.1 lìhn ຑ ‘even’ 11.3.3, 14.1.1 lìhngyún ኑᣋ ‘rather’ 12.1.6 lihng ‘ חmake’ 8.5.1 lists 16.1.2, 18.2.1 lD ᦗ particle 16.2.2, 18.3.4 localizers 3.1.4, 7.1.1 location 7.1.1, 7.2 lok ষ particle 18.3.4 lohk ᆵ ‘(go) down’ 8.3.1, 11.3.1 lohk-heui ᆵ‘ װcontinue’ 8.3.1, 11.2.8 lóuh ‘ ۔old’ 2.2.1, 20.2 m- negative prefix 2.2.1, 13.1 Xh ‘not’ 12.3.3, 13.2, 13.3 in questions 17.1.2, 17.1.8 ma Ⴏ particle 17.1.1, 20.4 màaih ୖ directional particle 11.3.1 directional verb 8.3.1 quantifying particle 11.3.3, 18.3.6 máih ‘don’t’ 13.3.3, 19.4 maih conjunction 16.2.2, 18.3.4 Mandarin see Introduction grammar 6.1.1, 8.4, 11, 15.2, 18 morphology 2.2.2.1, 2.3.1 phonology 1.4 mAt(yéh) ᩅʻ䞧ʼ ‘what’ 2.2.3, 17.3.2 mB particle 17.1.1, 18.3.1 measure words see classifiers meih ‘ آnot yet’ 13.3.1, 16.2.1 forming questions 17.1.4, 17.1.9 meih bCt ‘ ؘآnot necessarily’ 12.2.2 mgDi ᇠ ‘please/thank you’ 19.1, 20.1.1, 20.1.2 mhaih এ ‘not’ in conditionals 16.3.3 negative copula 13.3.2, 14.1.1 ‘no’ 17.1.8 mhóu ‘ ړdon’t’ 13.3.3, 19.4 mhóuyisi ړრ৸ ‘sorry’ 20.1.3 mjai ࠫ ‘unwilling’ 12.1.5 Xh jC व ‘not know’ 14.3.1 mjC géi व༓ ‘incredibly’ 9.1.3, 17.6 mjí, Xh dAan jí ʿ ‘ not only’ 13.3.1 modal adverbs 12.2 modal verbs/auxiliaries 3.1.2, 12.1 modality 12 modification of adjectives 9.1.3 of adverbs 10.1 months 21.2 morphology 2 motion 8.3.1, 11.3.1 mòuh ྤ ‘without’ 13.3.4 mòuhleuhn ྤᓵ ‘whether’ 13.3.4, 16.2.4 mòuhwaih ྤᘯ ‘no point’ 13.3.4 móuh ᩒ negative existential verb 14.3.2, 17.1.8, 17.1.9 in comparatives 9.3.3, 10.2 in compounds 2.3.2 negating verbs 11.2.4, 11.2.6, 13.3 móuh dAk ᩒ ‘cannot’ 12.3.2 msái ࠌ ‘no need’ 12.1.3, 17.1.8, 20.1.2 msBui-yiu Ꮑ ‘no need’ 12.1.3 msíu ֟ ‘quite a few’ 14.2 mtEng ຏ ‘as if’ 17.6 múih ‘ ޢeach’ 10.3.4, 14.1.4 múih chi ‘ ڻޢevery time’ 10.3.4, 11.3.4, 14.1.4 names 2.2.1, 5.1.1, 8.2.2, 20.2 nasals 1.1.3 necessity 12.1.3, 12.2.2 negation 13 adjectival 13.2 double 13.5 indefinite 13.4 lexical 13.1 verbal 13.3 neither . . . nor 16.1.4 never 13.3.1 ngóh ‘ ݺI, me’ 1.1.3, 5.1 ngóhdeih ݺ䞢 ‘we, us’ 5.1, 19.2 nouns, noun phrases 6 numerals 21.1 objects 8.2 adverbial 8.2.5 direct and directional 8.2.1 incorporated 2.3.3, 8.2.4 indirect 8.2.2 quantified 8.2.3, 11.2.1 obligation 12.1.4, 13.5 omission of pronouns 4.2.6, 5.1.2 onomatopoeia 1.3.1, 2.1.3, 9.2.3 palatalization 1.1.1 particles 3.1.7 adversative 11.3.4 directional 11.3.1 quantifying 11.3.3 resultative 11.3.2 sentence/utterance 17.1.1, 18 verbal 2.2.2.3, 11.3 parts of speech 3 passives 4.2.1, 8.4 indirect 8.4.1 resultative 8.4.2 peiyùh ᤝ‘ ڕfor example’ 16.3.2 percentages 21.1.6 perception 8.1.3, 12.3.1 permission 12.1.1, 12.3.1 phonemes 1 politeness 19, 20 possessive constructions 6.3, 14.3 possibility 12.1.1, 12.2.1, 12.3.2 postpositions 3.1.4, 7.2.2 potential 11.3, 12.3.1 pragmatics 18.1, 20.1 preference 12.1.6 prefixes 2.2.1 prepositions 3.1.3, 7.1, 8.3 presuppositions 17.1 pronouns 5 omission of 4.2.6, 5.1.1, 19.1 personal 5.1 reflexive 5.2 resumptive 15.4 purpose 7.2, 16.2.3 questions of 17.3.6 quantifiers 4.1.1, 8.2.3, 14, 17.1.3 question words 13.4, 15.5, 16.2.4, 17.3 questions 17 A-not-A 17.1.2 alternative (disjunctive) 17.2 direct vs. indirect 17.4 echo 17.1.7 exclamatory 17.6 existential 17.1.5 fronted 17.3.9 manner 17.3.7 multiple 17.5 particle 17.1.1, 18.3.1 purpose/reason 17.3.6 responses to 17.1.8, 17.1.9 rhetorical 2.2.3, 13.6, 17, 17.1.1, 17.3.4, 20.1.4 tag 17.1.6 wh- 17.3 yes/no 17.1 reciprocals 5.3, 20.3.5 reduplication 1.4.2.2, 2.1 of adjectives 2.1.2, 9.2 of adverbs 10.1.4, 19.1 of classifiers 6.2.1, 14.1.2 of nouns 10.3.4, 14.1.2 in questions 17.1.2 of verbs 2.1.2, 3.1.1, 11.2.7 reflexives 5.2 relative clauses 15 internally-headed 15.3 restrictive vs. non-restrictive 15.1 with classifier 15.3 with ge 嘅 15.2 relatives 20.3 register see Introduction reported speech 16.5, 17.4, 19.5 requests 20.1.1 responses to questions 17.1.8, 17.1.9 resultative constructions 8.4.2, 8.5.2, 8.5.3, 8.5.4 resultative particles 11.3.2 right-dislocation 4.1.3, 10.3.1, 12.1, 12.2 romanization see Introduction saai ஸ ‘all’ (quantifying particle) 11.3.3, 20.1.2 sái ࠌ ‘need’ 12.1.3 sái mAt ࠌᩅ ‘what’s the point?’ 17.3.6 sandhi (tone) 1.4.2 saht ኔ ‘definitely’ 12.2.2 sé dAk ඍ ‘willing to part with’ 12.3.1 séi ‘ ڽdie’ verb 4.1.2 with adjectives 9.1.3 verbal particle 11.3.2 semivowels 1.1.1 sèhng ‘ ګthe whole’ 14.1.1 sèhngyaht ‘ ֲګalways’ 10.3.4 serial verbs 3.1.3, 8.2.2, 8.3, 11.2.3, 16.5, 19.5 sBsíu ࠄ֟ ‘a little’ 14.2 sBuiyìhn ឈྥ ‘although’ 16.2.4 sBui yiu Ꮑ ‘need’ 12.1.3 séung უ ‘want, wish’ 12.1.5 séuhng Ղ ‘up’ (directional verb) 8.3.1 seuhng(bihn) Ղঁ ‘above’ 7.1.1 sihdaahn ਢ‘ ܀at random’ 14.1.5 sCk ᢝ ‘know’ 8.1.4, 12.1.2, 17.1.4 sCk dAk ᢝ ‘know how’ 12.1.2 sCn ٣ ‘first’ 10.3.3.3; ‘only’ 16.3.2, 16.4, 19.1 sìn ٣ particle 18.3.6 since 16.2.1, 16.2.2 -sing ࢤ suffix 2.2.2.1, 2.2.2.2 sìhng, sèhng ګ11.3.2 in how questions 17.3.7 in manner descriptions 3.1.1, 10.1.2 sìhng ‘ ګtenth’ 21.1.6 síu ֟ ‘little’ 14.2, 14.2.1 síu-síu ֟֟ ‘a little’ 9.3.1, 14.2 slang 2.3.3, 6.2.4, 20.6 Index (English and Yale romanization) 503 Index (English and Yale romanization) só ࢬ relative marker 15.2 só yáuh (ge) ࢬڶʻ嘅ʼ ‘all’ 14.1.3 sóyíh ࢬ‘ אso, therefore’ 16.1.3, 16.2.2 sometimes 14.3.1 somewhere 14.3.1 sound changes 1.5, 5.1 specificity 6.2.1 subject 4.1 double 4.2.2 subordinate clauses 16.2 suffixes 2.2.2 suggestions 19.2 sung ಬ ‘send, give’ 8.2.2 superlatives 9.3.5, 10.2 syllabic nasals 1.1.4 syllable structure 1.3 syun (haih) ጩʻএʼ ‘count (as)’ 8.1.1 taai ֜ ‘too’ 9.3.4, 10.2, 20.1.4 taboo numbers 21.1.7 tags, tag questions 17.1.6, 18, 18.3.1 tái ┊ ‘look, watch’ 8.1.3, 8.2.4 telephone expressions 20.5 tense 10.3.3, 11.1 thanks 20.1.2 tìm particle 1.4, 18.2.3, 18.3.6 time adverbs 10.3.3 and aspect 11, 11.1 conjunctions 16.2.1 of day 21.3 tones 1.4 basic/lexical 1.4.1, 1.5.2 changed 1.4.2, 2.3.1, 9.2.1, 9.2.2, 11.2.7, 20.2 too 9.3.4, 10.2, 18.3.6 topic 4.2, 18.2.1 vs. subject 4.2 topic chains 4.2.6 topic-prominence 4.2 topicalization 4.2.1, 4.2.2 of object 2.3.3, 4.2.1, 8.2.4 secondary 4.2.3 of verbs 4.2.4 transitivity 8.2.1, 8.5.2, 11.3.3 translation 3.1, 17.1.7, 18.1 tùhng ‘ ٵwith, and’ 7.2.1 in comparatives 9.3.2 as conjunction 16.1.1 as coverb 3.1.3, 8.3.2 tùhngmàaih ‘ ୖٵand’ 16.1.2 typology 2, 4.1, 4.2 unaccusative see verbs, ergative unless 16.3.3 504 variation, phonological 1.1.3, 1.5, 5.1 verb–object compounds 2.3.3, 8.2.4, 8.4.1, 17.1.5 verbal aspect 3.1.1, 11.1 verbs 8 of cognition 8.1.4 ergative 4.1.2 fronting of 4.2.4 of perception 8.1.3 repetition of 8.5.3, 10.1.1 serial 8.3 stative 2.1.2, 3.1.1, 8.1.2 transitive vs. intransitive 8.2.1 voicing 1.1.1 volition 12.1.5 vowels 1.2 length 1.2.2 quality 1.2.1 wá ᇩ particle 17.1.7, 18.3.1 wa! Ᏸ interjection 18.4.2 wah ᇩ ‘say’ 16.3.1, 16.5, 19.5 waaih ᡏ resultative particle 11.3.2 waahkjé ࢨृ ‘either . . . or’ 16.1.4 ‘maybe’ (adverb) 12.2.1 wái ۯclassifier 6.2.4, 20.2 wái interjection 20.5 waih(jó) ʻ䦹ʼ conjunction 16.2.3 preposition 7.2 wán ⛕ ‘look for’ 3.1.3 in serial construction 8.3 wàhn verbal particle 11.3.2 weather verbs 4.1.2 wh-questions 17 negative 13.6 what? 17.3.2 whatever 15.6, 16.2.4 when? 17.3.5 whenever 11.3.4 where? 17.3.4 wherever 15.6, 16.2.4 whether 16.2.4, 17.4 which? 17.3.3 while 16.2.1 who? 17.3.1 whoever 15.6, 16.2.4 why? 17.3.6 wíhngyúhn ة ‘forever’ 13.3.1 wo, wóh, wòh ⎲ particles 16.5, 17.4, 18.2.1, 18.2.2, 18.3.4, 19.5 word formation 2 word order 4.1, 15, 16.2 word structure 2 wúih ᄎ ‘will, would’ 10.3.3.3, 12.1.1, 16.3.1 yahmhòh ٚ۶ ‘any’ 14.1.5 yAnwaih ڂ ‘because (of)’ 7.2.1, 16.2, 16.2.2 yàhndeih Գ䞢 ‘people’ 5.1 yahp Ե directional verb 8.2.1, 8.3.1 yahpbihn Եঁ ‘inside’ 7.1.1 yAt ԫ ‘one’ 6.1, 21.1 with adverbial objects 8.2.5 with reduplicated verbs 2.1.2, 11.2.7 yAt . . . yAt ԫΞԫ ‘one by one’ 10.4 yAt . . . jauh ԫΞ༉ ‘as soon as’ 16.2.1 yAt louh . . . yAt louh ԫሁΞԫሁ ‘. . . while . . .’ 16.2.1 yAtdihng ԫࡳ ‘definitely’ 12.1.3, 12.2.2 yAthaih . . . yAthaih ԫএΞԫএ ‘either . . . or’ 16.1.4, 17.2 yAtyeuhng ԫᑌ ‘equally’ 9.3.2 yáu dAk ط ‘let’ 19.3 yàuh ‘ طfrom’ 7.1.2, 10.3.3.3 yáuh ‘ ڶhave’ existential verb 4.2.5, 4.2.6, 14.3 in comparatives 9.3.3, 14.3.1 in compounds 2.3.2 with adjectives 14.3.1 with verbs 11.2.6, 14.3.1 yáuh dAk ڶ ‘can’ 12.3.2, 17.1.5 yáuh-móuh ڶᩒ 14.3 in comparatives 9.3.3, 10.2, 14.3.1 in questions 17.1.5 yauh . . . yauh ԾΞԾ ‘both . . . and’ 16.1.1 ‘neither . . . nor’ 16.1.4 yí? ম interjection 18.4.2 yih Բ ‘two’ 21.1.4.1 yíhchìhn אছ ‘before’ 10.3.3.1 yíhhah אՀ ‘below’ 7.2.2 yíh-ngoih א؆ ‘beyond’ 7.2.2 yíhseuhng אՂ ‘above’ 7.2.2 yíhwàih א ‘believe’ 8.1.4, 18.3.6 yCkwaahk ‘ ࢨލor’ 17.2 yìhnhauh ྥ৵ ‘afterwards’ 16.1.3 yCnggDi ᚨᇠ ‘should’ 12.1.4 yiu ‘need, want’ 12.1.3 yiu làih 䓰 ‘for the purpose of’ 16.2.3 yùhgwó ‘ ࣠ڕif’ 16.3, 16.3.1 yùhn ‘ ݙfinish’ 11.3.2, 16.2.1 yuhng ‘ شuse’ 3.1.3, 8.3.2, 16.2.3 yùhngyih ୲࣐ ‘easy’ 9.4.1 yuhnyi ᣋრ ‘willing’ 12.1.5 yuht . . . yuht ။Ξ။ ‘the more . . . the more’ 9.3.1 yuht làih yuht ။䓰။ ‘more and more’ 9.3.1, 10.2, 14.2.1 Index (English and Yale romanization) 505 Index (Chinese characters) This index lists Cantonese characters by the number of strokes used to write each character, in the style of traditional Chinese-character indices. Within each group, words are ordered alphabetically following the Yale romanization. 1 ԫ yAt ‘one’ 6.1, 21.1 with adverbial objects 8.2.5 with reduplicated verbs 2.1.2, 11.2.7 ԫΞԫ yAt . . . yAt ‘one by one’ 10.4 ԫࡳ yAtdihng ‘definitely’ 12.1.3, 12.2.2 ԫএΞԫএ yAthaih . . . yAthaih ‘either . . . or’ 16.1.4, 17.2 ԫΞ༉ yAt . . . jauh ‘as soon as’ 16.2.1 ԫሁΞԫሁ yAt louh . . . yAt louh ‘while’ 16.2.1 ԫᑌ yAtyeuhng ‘equally’ 9.3.2 2 ᩅʻ䞧ʼ mAt(yéh) ‘what’ 2.2.3, 17.3.2 Բ yih ‘two’ 21.1.4 Գ䞢 yàhndeih ‘people’ 5.1 Ե yahp directional verb 8.2.1, 8.3.1 Եঁ yahpbihn ‘inside’ 7.1.1 ԾΞԾ yauh . . . yauh ‘both . . . and’ 16.1.1 ‘neither . . . nor’ 16.1.4 3 Օ ނdaaih bá ‘plenty’ 14.2 Օ୮ daaihgA ‘everyone’ 5.3, 14.1.1 Հঁ hahbihn ‘under’ 7.1.1 Ղ séuhng ‘up’ (directional verb) 8.3.1 Ղঁ seuhng(bihn) ‘above’ 7.1.1 506 4 լ bAt ‘not’ 13 լ ڕbAtyùh ‘rather’ 19.2 լመ bAtgwo ‘however’ 13.3.2, 16.1.3 ֺʻದʼ béi(héi) ‘than’ 9.3, 10.2 ֺለ béigaau ‘rather’ 9.3 ֘ fáan- prefix 2.2.1 ֘ۖ fáanyìh ‘on the contrary’ 16.1.3 ֱঁ fDngbihn ‘convenient’ 9.4.1 տฯ gaaisiuh ‘introduce’ 20.1.5 վ gAm ‘this’ 6.1 վֲ gAmyaht ‘today’ etc. 21.2 հփ jCloih ‘within (time)’ 7.2.2 հছ jCchìhn ‘before’ 7.2.2, 16.2.1 հ৵ jChauh ‘after’ 7.2.2, 16.2.1 հၴ jCgAan ‘between’ 7.1.1 խʻၴʼ jEng (gAan) ‘in the middle’ 7.1 ᩒ móuh negative existential verb 14.3.2, 17.1.8, 17.1.9 in comparatives 9.3.3, 10.2 in compounds 2.3.2 negating verbs 11.2.4, 11.2.6, 13.3 ᩒ móuh dAk ‘cannot’ 12.3.2 ֟ síu ‘little’ 4.2, 14.2.1 ֟֟ síu-síu ‘a little’ 9.3.1, 14.2 ֜ taai ‘too’ 9.3.4, 10.2, 20.1.4 wàhn verbal particle 11.3.2 5 ࠐءbúnlòih ‘originally’ expressing time 10.3.3.1, 11.1 retrospective/counterfactual 12.1.1, 12.1.4, 16.3.2 נchBut ‘out’ directional verb 8.2.1, 8.3.1 verbal particle 8.1.3, 11.3.1, 12.3.1, 20.3.3 ঁנchButbihn ‘outside’ 7.1 giu ‘call’ 8.2.2 װheui ‘go’ 8.2.1, 8.3.1 אױhóyíh ‘can’ 12.1.1 ױ౨ hólàhng ‘perhaps’ 12.2.1 ‘possible’ 9.4.1 jí yiu ‘as long as’ 12.1.3, 12.1.6 חlihng ‘make’ 8.5.1 آmeih ‘not yet’ 13.3.1, 16.2.1 forming questions 17.1.4, 17.1.9 ؘآmeih bCt ‘not necessarily’ 12.2.2 ة wíhngyúhn ‘forever’ 13.3.1 طyàuh ‘from’ 7.1.2 ط yáu dAk ‘let’ 19.3 אՀ yíhhah ‘below’ 7.2.2 אՂ yíhseuhng ‘above’ 7.2.2 א؆ yíh-ngoih ‘beyond’ 7.2.2 אছ yíhchìhn ‘before’ 10.3.3 א yíhwàih ‘believe’ 8.1.4, 18.3.6 شyuhng ‘use’ 3.1.3, 8.3.2, 16.2.3 6 㣌 A particle 18.2.3, 18.3.3, 19.1 㣌ቪ Ama particle 18.3.4 㣐 há particle 18.3.1 㣐 háh delimitative aspect marker 2.1.2, 11.2.7, 18.3.6 ٤ຝ chyùhnbouh ‘whole’ 14.1.1 ڍdD ‘much/many’ 14.2, ‘more’ 14.2.1 ڍᑇ dDsou ‘probably’ 12.2.1, ‘mostly’ 14.2.2 ڍ dDjeh ‘thank you’ 20.1.2, 20.1.4 ٝ fahn ‘part’ 14.2.2, 21.1.6 ٻheung ‘towards’ 3.1.3, 7.1.3 ړhóu ‘very, good’ with adjectives 3.1.1, 9.1 as prefix 2.2.1 as verbal particle 11.3.2 in commands 19.4 ֟ړhóu síu ‘little, rarely’ 10.3.4 ۿړhóuchíh ‘seem’ 10.1.2, 12.1.5 ڍړhóu dD ‘much’ 9.3.1, 14.2, 14.2.1 ړ hóu chói ‘fortunately’ 10.3.1 ړ ړhóu-mhóu ‘whether to’ 17.1.3, 17.1.6, 17.4 ۟ ji ‘most’ 9.3.5, 10.2 ۞ൕ jihchùhng ‘since’ 16.2.1 ٘ juhng ‘still’ 10.3.3.2, 13.3, 13.3.1, 18.3.6 in comparatives 9.3.1, 10.2 ٘ ڶjuhngyáuh conjunction 16.1.3 ۔lóuh ‘old’ as prefix 2.2.1, 20.2 ڽséi ‘die’ verb 4.1.2 with adjectives 9.1.3 verbal particle 11.3.2 ګsèhng ‘the whole’ 14.1.1 ګsìhng ‘tenth’ 21.1.6 ګsìhng, sèhng 11.3.2 in ‘how’ questions 17.3.7 in manner descriptions 10.1.2 ֲګsèhngyaht ‘always’ 10.3.4 ٣ sCn ‘first’ 10.3.3.3, ‘only’ 16.3.2, 16.4 ٣ sìn particle 18.3.6, 19.1 ٵtùhng ‘with, and’ 7.2.1 in comparatives 9.3.2 conjunction 16.1.1 as coverb 3.1.3, 8.3.2 ୖٵtùhngmàaih ‘and’ 16.1.2 ٚ۶ yahmhòh ‘any’ 14.1.5 ڂ yAnwaih ‘because (of)’ 7.2.1, 16.2, 16.2.2 ڶyáuh ‘have’ existential verb 4.2.5, 4.2.6, 14.3 in comparatives 9.3.3, 14.3.1 in compounds 2.3.2 with adjectives 14.3.1 with verbs 11.2.6, 14.3.1 ڶᩒ yáuh-móuh 14.3 in comparatives 9.3.3, 10.2 in questions 17.1.5 ڶ yáuh dAk ‘can’ 12.3.2, 17.1.5 ࣠ڕyùhgwó ‘if’ 16.3, 16.3.1 7 ܴ a particle 17, 18.2.1, 18.2.3, 18.3.1 ܴ áh particle 18.3.1 ܴ àh particle 17.1.1, 18.2.1, 18.2.3, 18.3.1 ܥak particle 18.3.2 ܀এ daahnhaih ‘but’ 16.1.3, 16.2.4 ܅dAi ‘down’ 11.3.1 १ fAan directional verb 8.3.1 verbal particle 11.3.1 ףޓgang gA ‘even more’ 9.3.1 ߠ gin ‘see’ 8.1.3 ݦඨ hBimohng ‘hope’ 12.1.5 ܛএ jCkhaih interjection 18.4.1 ۰ jyuh continuous aspect marker 11.1, 11.2.3 as particle in negative sentences 13.3.1, 19.4 २ káhn ‘near’ 7.1.1 kéuih ‘he/she’ 5.1, 8.3.3 ܃léih ‘you’ 5.1, 19.1 ޢmúih ‘each’ 10.3.4, 14.1.4 ڻޢmúih chi ‘every time’ 10.3.4, 11.3.4, 14.1.4 ݺngóh ‘I, me’ 1.1.3, 5.1 ݺ䞢 ngóhdeih ‘we, us’ 5.1, 19.2 ۯwái classifier 6.2.4, 20.2 ࢨލyCkwaahk ‘or’ 17.2 ݙyùhn ‘finish’ 11.3.2, 16.2.1 Index (Chinese characters) 507 Index (Chinese characters) 508 8 ॳ a- prefix 2.2.1, 17.3.1, 20.2, 20.3.1, 20.4 ࣂ dái ‘worth, deserving’ 9.4.2 ऱ dCk possessive/linking particle 6.3.1, 15.2, 16.4 ࡳ dihng ‘ready’ 8.3.2, 11.3.2 ࡳʻএʼ dihng(haih) ‘or’ 17.2 ࠩ dou ‘until’ 7.2.1 as conjunction 8.4.2, 8.5.3, 9.1.3, 16.2.1 ࠩ dou verbal particle 8.3.1, 11.3.2 ॺ fBi ‘not’ 13 ॺൄʻհʼ fBisèuhng (jC) ‘extremely’ 9.1.3 gám adverbial 10.1.2 as interjection 18.4.1 as predicate 10.1.2 gam ‘so, as’ 9.1.3, 9.3, 10.1.3, 10.2 ڍgam dD ‘so many’ in superlatives 9.3.5 ዩ gam jaih ‘virtually’ 10.1.3 ર gam loih ‘so long’ 16.2.1 ् háng ‘willing’ 12.1.5 ्ࡳ hángdihng ‘certainly’ 12.2.2 ࠻ hó particle 18.3.1 व jC ‘know’ 8.1.4 䦹 jó perfective aspect marker 11.1, 11.2.4, 16.3.1.1 in questions 17.1.4, 17.1.5 ࡋ lB particle 16.3.1, 18.2.1 ࠟ léuhng ‘both’ 14.1.1 ‘two’ 11.2.7, 20.3.5, 21.1.4.1 ࡋ lC, lBi, nC ‘this’ 1.5, 6.1.2, 6.1.3 ࡋঁʿ ࡋ৫ lCbihn, lCdouh ‘here’ 7.1 ࠌ sái ‘need’ 12.1.3 ࠌᩅ sái mAt ‘what’s the point?’ 17.3.6 ࠄ֟ sBsíu ‘a little’ 14.2 ࢤ -sing suffix 2.2.2.1, 2.2.2.2 ࢬ só relative marker 15.2 ࢬ אsóyíh ‘so, therefore’ 16.1.3, 16.2.2 ࢬڶʻ嘅ʼ só yáuh (ge) ‘all’ 14.1.3 ࢨृ waahkjé ‘either . . . or’ 16.1.4 ‘maybe’ (adverb) 12.2.1 9 ফ䦪 Aiya interjection 18.4.2 ছ chìhn ‘ago’ 10.4 ছঁ chìhnbihn ‘in front (of)’ 7.1.1 䞢 déi ‘-ish’ in adverbial constructions 10.1.2, 10.1.4, 19.1 with reduplicated adjectives 2.1.2, 9.2.2 䞢 deih plural suffix 2.2.2, 5.1 ৫ douh localizer 6.2.3, 7.1 ৫৫ douh-douh ‘everywhere’ 14.1.2 ਝྥ geiyìhn ‘since’ 16.2.2 ড় haakhei ‘courtesy’ 20, 20.1.4 এ haih ‘be’ copular verb 8.1.1, 17.3.9 ‘yes’ 17.1.8, 17.1.9 এΞຟ haih . . . dDu insistent 8.1.1, ‘every’ 14.1.1 এΞ嘅 haih . . . ge emphatic 8.1.1, 16.4 এএ haih-mhaih interrogative 14.1.1, 17.1.3, 17.1.6, 17.4 ৵ hauh ‘after’ 10.4 㫠 héung ‘at’ 3.1.3, 7.1 ় léh particle 18.3.1 ষ lok particle 18.3.4 máih ‘don’t’ 13.3.3, 19.4 maih conjunction 16.2.2, 18.3.4 mB particle 17.1.1, 18.3.1 ਢ ܀sihdaahn ‘as you like’ 14.1.5 ಬ sung ‘send, give’ 8.2.2 ʻ䦹ʼ waih(jó) conjunction 16.2.3 preposition 7.2 ম yí? interjection 18.4.2 yiu ‘need, want’ 12.1.3 䓰 yiu làih ‘for the purpose of’ 16.2.3 10 ନ béi ‘to’ with indirect objects 8.2.2 in indirect speech 16.5, 19.5 as passive marker 8.4 ڍchA-mdD 9.3.2, 10.1.3 㯫 chB interjection 18.4.2 ೈॺ chèuihfBi ‘unless’ 16.3.3 ೈழ chèuihsìh ‘any time’ 14.1.5 ೈ䦹Ξհ؆ chèuihjó . . . jC-ngoih ‘apart from’ 16.2 ࿆ dahk dAng ‘specially’ 10.4 ଙ dóu verbal particle 8.2.3, 11.3.2, 12.3.3 ଡ go classifier 6.2.2 gwái (expletive) as infix 2.2.3 with adjectives 9.1.3 ದ héi ‘up’ 2.2.2.3, 11.3.1 ದՂ䓰 héi-séuhng-làih ‘begin’ 11.2.8 ଖ jihkdAk ‘worth’ 9.4.2 唧 jBk particle 18.3.5 ౨ജ làhnggau ‘able’ 12.1.2 ຑ lìhn ‘even’ 11.3.3, 14.1.1 ୖ màaih directional particle 11.3.1 directional verb 8.3.1 quantifying particle 11.3.3, 18.3.6 m- negative prefix 2.2.1, 13.1 Xh ‘not’ 12.3.3, 13.2, 13.3 in questions 17.1.2, 17.1.8 ֟ msíu ‘quite a few’ 14.2 ړmhóu ‘don’t’ 13.3.3, 19.4 ࠫ mjai ‘unwilling’ 12.1.5 व Xh jC ‘not know’ 14.3.1 ࠌ msái ‘no need’ 12.1.3, 17.1.8, 20.1.2 এ mhaih ‘not’ in conditionals 16.3.3 negative copula 13.3.2, 14.1.1 ‘no’ 17.1.8 ຏ mtEng ‘as if’ 17.6 ᇠ mgDi ‘please/thank you’ 19.1, 20.1.1, 20.1.2 Ꮑ msBui-yiu ‘no need’ 12.1.3 ړრ৸ mhóuyisi ‘sorry’ 20.1.3 ʿ mjí, Xh dAan jí ‘not only’ 13.3.1 ஸ saai ‘all’ (quantifying particle) 11.3.3, 20.1.2 ୲࣐ yùhngyih ‘easy’ 9.4.1 11 ൕࠐ chùhnglòih ‘never’ 13.3.1 ร daih ‘number’ 21.1.5 dAk adverbial 3.1.3, 10.1.1 modal (potential) 12.3, 17.1.4, 19.3 resultative 8.5.3 ၵ dAkhàahn ‘free’ 9.4.1 dAk-mdAk ‘okay?’ 17.1.6 䢅 dC as classifier 6.1, 6.2, 15.3 in comparatives 9.3, 10.2, 14.2.1 in imperatives 19.1 in questions 17.1.2 ⇉ dihm resultative particle 11.3.2, 12.3.3 ຟ dDu ‘also’ 10.3.2 ‘any’ 13.4 ‘all’ 10.3.4, 14.1.1 in lists 16.1.2 ‘still’ 16.2.4, 16.3.1 ඒ gaau ‘teach’ 8.2.2 ജ gau ‘enough’ 9.1.3 ‘also’ 10.3.2 in comparatives 9.3.3, 10.2 ڕgáyùh ‘suppose’ 16.3.1 ബ gei ‘send’ 8.2.2 䧠 gwa particle 18.2.3, 18.3.4 䞥 jB, je particles 10.3.2, 18.2.3, 18.3.5 ് jBung classifier 6.2.3 ല jBung ‘put’ 2.2.2.3, 7.1.4, 8.3.3 jouh ‘do’ 8.2.2, 8.3, 20.1.5 ᩅ䞧 jouh mAtyéh ‘what for’ 17.3.6 lA particle 16.2.1, 18.2.1, 18.3.3, 19.1 ඍ sé dAk ‘willing to part with’ 12.3.1 tìm particle 1.4, 18.2.3, 18.3.6 12 ၌መ chCu gwo ‘more than’ 14.2.1 dáng ‘until’ 16.2.1 dáng ‘let’ 19.2, 19.3, 20.1.5 ၓ dit ‘fall’ 4.1.2 ཊ gám modal verb ‘dare’ 12.1.5 嘅 ge linking particle 6, 6.3, 9.1.2 in relative clauses 15.2 as sentence particle 16.4, 18.2.3, 18.3.2 嘅 gé particle 18.3.2 ༓ géi ‘quite’ 9.1.3 ‘how’ 17.3.7 ‘how many’ 21.1.5 ༓ ڍgéidD ‘how many/how much’ 17.3.8 ༓ર géiloih ‘how long’ 17.3.5 ༓ழ géisìh ‘when’ 17.3.5 ࣠ gitgwó conjunction 16.1.3 መ gwo ‘pass’ comparative ‘than’ 9.3, 10.2 directional verb ‘over’ 8.3.1 experiential aspect marker 11.1, 11.2.5, 13.3.1 in questions 17.1.4, 17.1.5 verbal particle 11.3.1 with excessives 9.3.4 መᙰ gwotàuh ‘too’ 9.3.4 䢆 hái ‘(be) at’ 3.1.3, 7.1 䢆৫ háidouh ‘be here’ locative 7.1, 20.5 progressive 11.2.2 ၲ hDi directional particle 11.3.1 habitual aspect marker 11.2.9 ༉ jauh conjunction 16.1.3, 16.3.1 ༉ጩ jauhsyun ‘even if’ 16.3.1 ༉ jauh gám 10.1.2 ່ jeui ‘most’ 9.3.5, 10.2 ໍ jihng ‘remain’ verbal particle 11.3.2 ໞ la particle 17.1.4, 18.3.3 ྤ mòuh ‘without’ 13.3.4 ྤᓵ mòuhleuhn ‘whether’ 13.3.4, 16.2.4 ྤᘯ mòuhwaih ‘no use’ 13.3.4 ┊ tái ‘look, watch’ 8.1.3, 8.2.4 wái interjection 20.5 ⎲ wo, wóh, wòh particles 16.5, 17.4, 18.2.1, 18.2.2, 18.3.4, 19.5 ྥ৵ yìhnhauh ‘afterwards’ 16.1.3 ။Ξ။ yuht . . . yuht ‘the more . . . the more’ 9.3.1 ။䓰။ yuht làih yuht ‘more and more’ 9.3.1, 10.2, 14.2.1 13 ᅝ dDng ‘while’ 16.2.1 ᅝΞএ dong . . . haih ‘treat . . . as’ 8.1.1, 8.2.2 Index (Chinese characters) 509 Index (Chinese characters) ᇿ gAn ‘follow(ing)’ 3.1.3, 7.2.1 ᇿ۰ gAnjyuh ‘next’ 16.1.3 ᆖ gCng ‘via’ 7.1.3 䢇 gó ‘that’ 6.1.2, 15.3 䢇ೄழ gójahnsìh ‘then’ 10.3.3.1, ‘when’ 16.2.1 䢇ঁʿ 䢇৫ góbihn, gódouh ‘there’ 7.1 ᅃ jiu ‘follow’ 7.2.1, 10.4.1 䧷 làh interjection 18.4.1 㠪ঁ léuihbihn ‘inside’ 7.1 ᆵ lohk ‘(go) down’ 8.3.1, 11.3.1 ᆵ װlohk-heui ‘continue’ 8.3.1, 11.2.8 Ⴏ ma particle 17.1.1, 20.4 უ séung ‘want, wish’ 12.1.5 ᇩ wá particle 17.1.7, 18.3.1 ᇩ wah ‘say’ 16.5, 19.5 ⛕ wán ‘look for’ 3.1.3, 8.3 ᄎ wúih ‘will, would’ 10.3.3.3, 12.1.1, 16.3.1 14 ኙ deui ‘pair’ 6.2.1 ኙ deui ‘towards’ 3.1.3, 7.2.1 ኙ૿ deuimihn ‘opposite’ 7.1.1 ኙ۰ deuimjyuh ‘sorry’ 20.1.3 ጹ gán progressive aspect marker 3.1.3, 11.1, 11.2.1, 11.2.2 ክ gwaan habitual aspect 11.2.9 ጐʿ ጐၦ jeuhn, jeuhnleuhng 10.2 䄆 laak particle 18.3.2 ኑᣋ lìhngyún ‘prefer, rather’ 12.1.6 ኔ saht ‘definitely’ 12.2.2 Ꮑ sBui yiu ‘need’ 12.1.3 ጩʻএʼ syun (haih) ‘count (as)’ 8.1.1 15 䨂 bo particle 18.3.5 ᓮ chéng ‘please’ 20.1.1, 20.5 ᙟঁ chèuihbín ‘as you please’ 14.1.5, 20.1.1 ⴤ lám ‘think’ 8.1.4, 11.2.3 ᑵ suhk ‘familiar’ 8.1.2 Ᏸ wa! interjection 18.4.2 510 16 ᘣ chAn adversative/habitual particle 11.3.4, 14.1.4 ᙑ cho ‘wrongly’ 11.3.2 ᖠ híu ‘be able’ 12.1.2 ᖞ jíng ‘make’ 8.5.1 17 ᚥ bDng ‘help’ 3.1.3, 8.3 រव dím jC ‘what do you know?’ 17.6 រʿ រᑌ dím, dím yéung ‘how’ 17.3.7 រᇞ dím gáai ‘why’ 17.3.6 រጩ dím syun ‘what now?’ 17.6 រʻᤪʼ dím (jEng) ‘o’clock’ 21.3 ᝑ góng ‘say’ 10.4.1, 16.5 ᜔հ júngjC conjunction 12.1.6 ឈྥ sBuiyìhn ‘although’ 16.2.4 ᚨᇠ yCnggDi ‘should’ 12.1.4 18 ᢰ bCn ‘any’ 14.1.5 ‘where’ see ᢰ৫ bCndouh ‘which’ 6.2.1, 17.3.3 ᢰ৫ bCndouh ‘where’ 17.3.4, 20.1.4 ᢰଡ bCngo ‘who’ 17.3.1 䓰 làih ‘come’ 8.2.1, 8.3.1 as complement of purpose 16.2.3 䓰嘅˂䓰㗎 lèihge/ lèihga particle 18.2.3, 18.3.2 19 ᣄ làahn ‘difficult’ complementation with 9.4.1 as prefix 2.2.1 ᢝ sCk ‘know’ 8.1.4, 12.1.2, 17.1.4 ᢝ sCk dAk ‘know how’ 12.1.2 ᡏ waaih resultative particle 11.3.2 ᣋრ yuhnyi ‘be willing’ 12.1.5 20 ᤝ ڕpeiyùh ‘for example’ 16.3.2 22 ᦗ lD particle 16.2.2, 18.3.4
