9 The "fierce urgency of now" Lusa-Hispanic Cultural Studies, new technology and the future of the profession Melissa A. Fitch The Network is a magical, free place. We are creating a world where anyone, anywhere, may express his or her beliefs, no matter how singular, without fear of being coerced into silence or conformity. I declare the global social space that we are building to be naturally independent of the tyrannies you seek to impose upon us. We will create a civilization of the mind in cyberspace, may it be more humane and fair than the world your governments have made before. Quotes from the "Declaration of Independence of Cyberspace" John Perry Barlow February 8 , 1996 The first week of June of 2020, K-pop fans around the world sprung into action in what was probably the most unexpected, even giddy, example of the sort of "magical" freedom that Barlow imagined back in 1996. They used their prodigious tech skills to flood police and FBI websites in the United States with images and video clips of their favorite K-pop bands singing and dancing. They did this in an effort to thwart the authorities' attempts to get photos that would enable them to identify and prosecute protesters in the Black Lives Matter movement. Later in the month, the K-pop fans struck again, this time joined by their TikTok friends, ordering tickets en masse to President Donald Trump's first campaign rally since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. This time the goal was to put one over on the commander-in-chief, someone who had boasted all week that his rally would have at least 100,000 attendees, and that perhaps even a million people would converge upon Tulsa, Oklahoma to hear him speak inside an arena with vast stretches of empty seats when in fact only a few thousand attended and the overflow seating and stage arranged outside of the venue was quickly dismantled in order to avoid embarrassment. It was too late. One CNN commentator mockingly stated, "[i]t appears the projections for attendance were off by 990,000" (CNN June 20). In spite of this rare demonstration of high-tech global solidarity and several other examples of borderless "freedom" that the internet has occasioned, however, DOI: 10.4324/ 9780367480868-10 172 Melissa A . Fitch most would agree today that the quotes by Barlow above regarding the future of the internet in 1996 seem tragically misplaced. Technology and Big Data have taken over our lives, both personal and professional. Although one hears of the positive transformations that they have delivered and the promises they portend for the future, particularly from organizations like the World Economic Forum and their muchtouted "Fourth Industrial Revolution," the ominous aspects of this transformation , including heightened surveillance and state control, the rise of artificial intelligence, lives endangered by toxic e-waste dump sites, and the massacres that now take place in real time, via live-streamed via social media, have come to supersede all positive considerations. It is difficult for us as scholars to approach the present moment due to the dizzying speed with which changes are taking place in the transition from a post-industrial to a digital society. There is little time to stop, digest and reflect; all of which are required to form any sort of coherent response, much less evaluation. And yet, amid the whirlwind of sights and sounds associated with the technological revolution that have become part of our daily technoscape, one thing is incontrovertible: Barlow's idea from 1996 that somehow technology would harken in a utopic freedom and creativity for all the world's inhabitants has little to do with what has actually transpired over the last two decades. In retrospect, this was sadly inevitable. Donna Haraway warned us about this possibility back in 1986: "Technology is not neutral. We are inside of what we make, and it is inside of us" (166). It was inevitable that the so-called "crisis" in the Humanities would come up during the "State of the Art" roundtable of the Texas Tech University conference "Language, Image, Power" in Oct,o ber of 2019. For more than a decade, we have faced the diminished importance of our field within institutions of higher learning. At the conference, beyond the urgent need to address the weakened role of the humanities nationally, I centered my remarks on two aspects of the present moment which I felt needed to be taken into consideration in the field of Luso-Hispanic Cultural Studies: first, the global power shift that has come with the rise of Asia, and second; the technological revolution (or so-called "Fourth Industrial Revolution"). Now, of course, we realize that there is an additional threat that must also be added to the mix: the arrival of COVID-19. These three features are changing the landscape of our profession like nothing that has come before. The "fierce urgency of now," to use the elegant phrasing of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., is that we develop the professional agility necessary to face such a tumultuous time. We must become like professional boxers in the ring, bobbing and weaving, watching our opponent carefully as we anticipate the next blow, prepared to move quickly in any direction in order to ensure our survival. These three challenges - the changing global power dynamics, the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) and the pandemic - will dramatically alter all disciplines, economies and industries around the world. Everything - our scholarship, programs and pedagogy - must change. This essay seeks to The ''fierce urgency of now" 173 address how we can go about making these transformations by attending to each of the three challenges while underscoring their interrelatedness. On the bright side, as Humanities scholars we are at a distinct advantage. Critical thinking is what we do best. The question thus becomes: how can we apply this skill to a radically different and constantly changing new context - the fusion of the physical, biological and digital worlds - particularly in light of Covid-19? The first challenge: Addressing shifting global dynamics The Spanish and Portuguese-speaking regions interact (as they have for centuries) politically, economically and culturally with the rest of the world. Surprisingly, scholars in our field, until recently, have rarely seemed to take notice. One of our biggest problems is that we have often operated as though the United States or Europe were at the center of the universe. Alternatively, we have acted as though these regions only interact among themselves, as though, somehow, they were hermetically sealed off from the rest of the world. How, and why, has the cultural, political and economic interpenetration between the Luso-Hispanic world and Asia, the Middle East and Africa remained largely ignored until relatively recently? How is it possible, for example, that those of us working in Cultural Studies know so little about the impact in our area of expertise on the two largest countries, China and India, the combined population of which accounts for 37% of the world's humanity? It is essential that Luso-Hispanic cultural production be examined in light of the rapid ascent of the emerging economies of Asia and understood within the context of globalization, transnationalism and the technological revolution. It must be placed within its larger context, one which encompasses every corner of the globe. It is for this reason that the theme of Latin American Studies Association 2020, the virtual conference hosted in Guadalajara, Mexico, "Amefrica Ladina: vinculando mundos y sabers, tejiendo esperanzas" 1 was such a welcome change for the professional organization, moving away from the constant reinforcement of Latin America's European and U.S. connections or even indigenous roots to incorporate the region's African origins. One journal has been dedicated to understanding this broader context since 2011: Transmodernity: Journal of Peripheral Cultural Production in the Lusa-Hispanic World, edited by Ignacio Lopez-Calvo and Cristian H. Ricci. The journal's description conveys the uniquely global frame of reference, stating that the it "promotes the study of marginalized areas of Luso-Hispanic cultural production of any period and invites submissions of unpublished studies dealing with peripheral cultural production in the Luso-Hispanic world. It also welcomes relevant interdisciplinary work, interviews and book reviews, as they relate to "South-to-South" dynamics between formally colonized peoples" (Transmodernity). It should be underscored that one dimension 174 Melissa A. Fitch of the journal has involved yearly meetings around the world including in India, Japan, Morocco and Russia, in which the regional scholars focused on Luso-Hispanic literary and cultural production were highlighted on the program and served as hosts. This broadening of the field, this inclusiveness, has led to many fruitful global collaborations and has resulted in multiple publications over the last decade. Returning to the example of K-pop fan activism from the start of this essay, I will connect it to my own work on Latin American popular culture. In June of 2016, I was invited to give a lecture at the University of Santiago in Chile. I was warned that the students did not often attend the talks of visiting scholars in great numbers, so that I should not be too disappointed at the low turnout. I sent an abstract of my presentation that detailed how I would address the topic of K-pop fans in South America, a lecture that would focus not merely the wildly performative aspects of these groups within their own countries - something that includes festivals and dance competitions, Korean-language lessons and karaoke in Korean - but also would underscore their global campaigns to help the environment and pursue social justice. The day of my presentation, when my host and I arrived at the classroom where I was slated to give the talk, the room was already full. The students had seen the flyer posted around campus and many arrived in advance to secure a seat. When I ran a loop of popular songs from Korean boy and girl bands prior to beginning my talk, some of these students were unable to control the impulse to move in synch with their idols. My Chilean colleagues were stunned. They had not noticed what was happening around them, quite literally on the streets of Santiago, where groups of young people gathered to dance each evening, dressed in ways that mirrored those of their Asian idols, often with buttons or shirts that had phrases or words in Korean. They hadn't seen how youth in Chile, thanks to technology, were engaged in a remarkable cultural interpenetration with their peers on the other side of the world, partaking in the richness of global popular culture and making it their own in fascinating and unexpected ways. My talk not only addressed the rise of Asia on the global stage but also, indirectly, spoke to the "crisis" in the Humanities. As my colleague Malcolm Compitello has always said, "You teach the students you have, not the students you wish you had." Many students today around the globe are digital natives. They are well-versed in global cultural flows and popular culture forms such as anime, or K-pop. Far from being "trivial," K-pop fan culture is transforming the world in remarkable ways, as documented in the opening anecdote briefly laying out their activism on behalf of the Black Lives Matter protesters. By discussing something that was relevant to the Chilean undergraduates, it made my lecture "exciting" and pertinent to their lives. In short, it made them care; demonstrating, as the mysterious voice from 1989s movie Field ofDreams best phrased it, "If you build it, they will come." The ''fierce urgency of now" 175 Here is another example of using global cultural flows between Asia and Latin America to illuminate issues in the Humanities and Luso-Hispanic Cultural Studies. In 2017, for a course on global Latin American culture I had my undergraduate students read a graphic novel written by Krish Ragav, an Indian from Kolkatta (Calcutta), about a trip he took to Mexico City, Estilo Hindu: A Mexico City travelogue (2015). My students, so accustomed to viewing Mexico through the often-negative lens of the United States mass media, were struck by how the author/ artist only saw the beauty, art and richness of Mexican culture. "Do you notice anything missing from his view of Mexico City,?" I asked them, most of whom were of Mexican or Mexican-American heritage and who had also been to the Mexican capital. "The poverty!" some responded. "The chaos!" shouted others. "Why might that be?" I pressed them. This was a graphic novel written by a man from India. Next to his hometown of Calcutta, Mexico City seemed like a model of organization and efficiency. He hadn't even noticed the poverty. What better way to bring home to students John Berger's classic insight, one continually referenced in Humanities courses around the world, that "the eye is never neutral"? (Berger, 1973). Casting a critical gaze on our own scholarship, and thinking globally, it becomes easy to see what (or who) is rendered visible and what (or who) remains out-of-view, both literally and figuratively. By doing so, one is able to see that these cultural texts, and I include our scholarly work among them, are not "objective," but rather they are ideological constructs that often simply reinforce the global elite's power structure and subsequent trafficking of knowledge. This, unfortunately and inescapably, includes ourselves. The inability to acknowledge the rise of Asia is not exclusive to our own field. If we turn to the central three themes of this book: power, text and image, we may fasten our critical lens on the cultural production associated with the 4IR that has been produced by the World Economic Forum since 2016 in order to understand what it reveals about global structures of power. By analyzing passages of the original book, The Fourth Industrial Revolution written by World Economic Forum founder and former chairman Klaus Schwab and published in 2016, one can appreciate the inherent instability and constructed nature of the "better world" that the WEF envisions and the way in which neoliberalism and European and U.S. supremacy are presented as self-evident. The rhetorical violence that may be detected through a close reading of the text is not one conveyed by presence, but rather by absence and erasure. Schwab's book details what awaits the "winners" in the future within the new world order as a result of the 4IR (92). He mentions that there will be some "globally best-placed, smart" cities that will be the anchors of this bright future and that they will be the ones to "foster innovation" (78). All of the cities - New York, London, Helsinki, Barcelona and Amsterdam - are in the United States and Europe. China and India have no place in the utopian future of the WEF. Does this make sense? Both countries have highly technologically-advanced 176 Melissa A. Fitch cities and regions with tech-savvy inhabitants, so why would they be omitted from the high-tech future envisioned by the World Economic Forum? Indeed, graduates of tech-related degree programs in India are among the most sought-after for the major tech corporations in Silicon Valley. But it is not only the world's largest countries that are omitted from the bright, shiny future presented by the World Economic Forum of the 4IR, it is also smaller countries that are far more advanced technologically than the United States or those countries found in Europe, such as South Korea, Singapore and Japan (not coincidentally, these are the three countries that have provided the most advanced and comprehensive response to the pandemic in early 2020). The most exhaustive yearly documentation of global technological transformations, Digital World 2020, cites the rapid rise of Asia as the most salient feature of our time. Any online search of "most technologically advanced cities" inevitably will include Tokyo, Seoul, Singapore and Hong Kong. Taking all of this into account, that the WEF does not include these countries in their blueprint for the future is a glaring omission. One has to question on what basis the 4IR "smart" distinction is made. Unfortunately, the conclusion one draws is inescapable. The 4IR reinforces colonial notions of racial superiority and historical dominance, given that the only commonality among the "smart" cities of the 4IR listed by the World Economic Forum is that they primarily have white inhabitants. Thus, this begs the question: if the slogan of the World Economic Forum is that it seeks to "improve the state of the world," then whose world are they referring to? Apparently, it will be up to the benevolent rulers of Europe and the United States to bestow some of those "smart" technological advances to other regions of the globe - Asia, Africa and South America. So why should any of this be of concern to those of us working in LusoHispanic Cultural Studies? It is simple: the field of Cultural Studies as broadly understood and originally conceived by Stuart Hall and Raymond Williams in the early 1960s at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at the University of Birmingham in the UK not only investigates cultural manifestations, but also the context and conditions of their production and consumption, how they traffic in meaning, and what they can tell us about relations of power. By using the tools of our trade, both in our scholarship and in our teaching, we can illuminate just exactly how these self-apparent truths operate. But we must also cast that critical gaze upon ourselves and our own work. As scholars we have been guilty of the same sort of violence and erasure that oftentimes in the past we have decried. Cultural Studies can find its disciplinary home in either the Social Sciences or the Humanities. My own scholarly approach is one firmly anchored within the Humanities. This means, in the words of David William Foster, that it entails "slogging through stupendous mountains of cultural production and then,juggling the protocols, theories and formats of scholarly interpretation, trying to say something intelligent about what The ''fierce urgency of now" 177 we have read: to contextualize it, to deconstruct its ideological presuppositions, to establish connections, to pick apart its rhetorical strategies, to demonstrate patterns of both presences and absences in the cultural record, and a myriad of other activities that enable us to forge a critical interpretation that will enable us to better understand the world around us" (2005, p. 133). To that I would add that it enables us to also "better understand" our own complicity and privilege within that world. To summarize, the first challenge requires us to place Lusa-Hispanic cultural production within a broader context, to interrogate the global production and trafficking of meaning, the webs in which meaning is created, sustained, transformed and/ or challenged, and the power relations that will necessarily inform any iteration. We must understand this cultural production within the context of globalization, transnationalism and the rise of social media. As editor-in-chief of the University of Texas Press journal Studies in Latin American Popular Culture since 2002, I have had a front row seat to witness transformations in our field and the new directions in which scholarship and pedagogy are moving, as I will highlight in the subsequent "challenge" to be addressed, the rise and role of the digital realm in Lusa-Hispanic Cultural Studies. The second challenge: Tackling digital culture Beyond understanding how Lusa-Hispanic Cultural Studies can be framed within a broader world context, we must also come to terms with the flourishing of digital cultural production that is challenging the way that we understand notions of text, authorship and readership. The lines between artistic genres have blurred like never before. Any scholarly discussion of digital literature, for example, will often require additional expertise to examine the visual and acoustic dimensions of a text as well as the online presence both pre- and post-production. Scholarly research may also now include the online comments and conversations or posted video replies that the digital text may engender. It may require the inclusion of any resultant fan fiction, which it to say, an extension of the narrative text created by readers. Literature is authoritarian by definition: "author"itarian. So is cultural criticism. Cultural authorities, or scholars, impose order upon the text, finding coherence, deriving meaning, or, returning to Foster's words above, "finding something meaningful to say that helps us better understand the world." Digital literature, however, may expand outward in infinite ways. It may have no defined beginning or ending nor involve any fixed text at all. As a result, the act of critical interpretation becomes less about finding the elusive key to understand "the" story than it is about the multisensorial experience of reading/ viewing/ hearing/ interacting with the site and the stories within, something that may be a chaotic and disorientingjourney. Of course, we cannot forget that reading has always been a tactile experience. We were accustomed to holding a book and turning the pages. 178 Melissa A. Fitch The distinctive scent of books in a library is as evocative as Proust's madeleine, transporting us magically to a moment from our past. Taking this into consideration, the present moment may be understood as simply providing a new tactile experience, one of clicking on hyperlinks within online texts. While it is true that the book as material object and bookstores as we once knew them are both in decline, it is incorrect to say that people are no longer reading. They are reading all the time, though usually on their laptops, cell phones and tablets. They do so on multiple screens, and, in doing so while walking or driving, they become a danger to themselves and others. The decline of the book in material form has coincided with an explosion of interest in audible books. "Reading" a book has now as often become listening to a book before bed, on long flights, during car trips, or . on a morning run. The wealth of reading material, including classic works of literature now available online, has led to greater accessibility for those who have access to the internet. Unfortunately, with the expansion of literature online has come the reduction of our capacity to withstand distractions and read for uninterrupted blocks of time. The embarrassment of riches has led to a sort of "overchoice" or "choice overload," as Alvin Toffler memorably referred to it in Future shock (1970, p. 263). The constant array of new material available each day means that it is nearly impossible to keep on top of the literary panorama, something that has always been critically important for us as scholars to do in the past. Online literary culture is also exploding. Not only do books "come to life" as never before, entering through all of the senses online, but often they are the result of many different authors; some professional, but many not. One example of this is Chilean author Jorge Baradit's novel Syncho, created online on his social media accounts by his many fans and collaborators, with segments seen on YouTube videos before the book ever came out in a print edition (2008). The lines between producer and consumer have become confused: everyone can be an author, photographer, filmmaker, or musician or, yes even a Cultural Studies critic, using the tools and apps of the internet. Literary websites provide interaction and collaborations between individuals around the world, linked through a shared affinity for a particular author or genre. Individuals are able to attend livestreamed book launchings where they can interact directly with authors. Texts may be sampled and remixed into new formats. There are many different options today for readers and scholars to engage a text - reading it in print, reading it online, hearing it read, or going directly to a website in which it may be experienced in all of its myriad dimensions, in ways that are more akin to a video game (Aarseth 1997). For some Cultural and Literary Studies scholars the lack of clarity with regard to genres, authors and readers has led to a head-in-the-sand approach. How do we analyze something that is fluid and, in many cases, unending? How do we begin to assess the impact of literary creations that The ''fierce urgency of now" 179 are overabundant, in which each new day brings with it quite literally, millions of new texts, in various forms? How can we deal with new genres that technology has created and for which "literature" no longer seems an appropriate category? How do we handle authorship as a collaboration, not merely among writers of the text, but also among the teams of musicians, web designers, graphic designers and programmers that may be involved in the final version, or perhaps change in subsequent iterations? The considerations are exhausting. But there is yet another, more pressing concern for scholars in Cultural Studies and the Humanities who may be interested in devoting their academic careers to digital culture: what happens when, as a result of the intentional "planned obsolescence" of technology, the platforms and programs that house the digital work cease to function because they have become outdated and, as a result, the digital literary work disappears? What possible merit can be gleaned by the analysis of a text, no matter how brilliantly crafted, if it no longer exists? Perhaps as a result of this very murky water, can any scholar be blamed for wanting to take refuge in simply doing a close analysis of a print version of a novel from our predigital age? As a result of the overwhelming amount of issues that must be taken into consideration, relatively few researchers have made inroads in the field, and those that have mostly belong to the digital native generation. Some of the most comprehensive books related to Latin American digital literature and scholarship that have emerged in the last five years are Technology, literature, and digital culture in Latin America: Mediated sensibilities in a globalized era (2015) edited by Matthew Bush and Tania Gentic; Poesia y poeticas digitales/electr6nicas/tecnos/new-media en America Latina: Definiciones y exploraciones (2016) edited by Luis Correa-Diaz and Scott Weintraub and Weintraub's Latin American technopoetics: Scientific explorations in new media (2018) (Matthew Bush and Tania Gentic 2015; Correa-Diaz and Weintraub, 2016; Weintraub 2018). The scholar who has dominated the field in English, however, is Claire Taylor from the University of Liverpool with Electronic literature in Latin America, from text to hypertext (2019); Place and politics in Latin American digital culture (2014) and Latin American identity in online cultural production (2012) written with Thea Pitman. Hilda Chacon has also made important inroads, with Online activism in Latin America (2018). Most of these books have been published as part of Routledge's "Studies in New Media and Cyber Culture" series. In terms of journals, the Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies, under the direction of editor-in-chief Malcolm Compitello, was one of the first journals in our field to address the issue of new technology in 2010, in a special section entitled "Literatura latinoamericana, espanola, portuguesa en la era digital (nuevas technologias y lo literario)" edited by Scott Weintraub and Luis Correa-Diaz. Letras Hispanas had a special section on digital literature in Volume 11, Paperless text: Digital storytelling in Latin America and Spain (1976-2016) edited by Osvaldo Cleger and Phillip 180 Melissa A. Fitch Penix-Tadsen in 2015. Both of the journals provided pioneering studies that grappled with the complexity of working with this new cultural production. Scholarly books and essays have also been devoted to a vast array of digital literature. Most of the existing criticism confronts one of the most prevalent falsehoods of the digital age, and one embodied by the opening quotes by Barlow from 1996, that somehow technology would lead to freedom, because, it is assumed, it would be accessible to all. Of course, we know that this is not the case. In 2020 the digital divide continues to loom large, with 40% of the world's population without any internet at all (Kemp 2020). New technology requires knowledge, time and access. But who has access to the systems needed to read or produce digital literature? The answer is, generally speaking, those who have the most money and leisure time, neither of which are found in abundance in most of the world. One of the things that is rarely discussed when approaching the topic of digital cultural production is that, although there is rarely a direct financial transaction associated with the material one may read - as one would have buying a book in a bookstore - there is, in fact, a cost involved, and this must be taken into account. There is rarely any payment that would go to the authors who create digital narratives. Writing literature online requires money from the author or from an institution willing to fund the project and subsequently maintain a website in which it is housed. The lack of funds to maintain/ update websites, platforms and operating systems where the electronic literature is found has meant that much of this writing has been lost. Another preoccupation related to the "free" web and the "freedom" it is supposed to foment, is that it has increasingly become dominated by a few tech giants, most of which are in the United States, such as Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and Twitter, though increasingly they may originate in Asia, such as China's TikTok (Douyin), WeChat (China), LINE (Japan) , Kakao Talk (Korea) and Sino Weibo (China). Chilean scholar Carolina Gainza, one of the most important pioneers in the field ofLuso-Hispanic Digital Cultural Studies, acknowledges the dominance of U.S.-based corporate entities behind much of internet content, including the "homemade" videos ofYouTube influencers, but she argues that because digital texts can be produced collectively the genre subverts the cult of individualism upon which capitalism relies. For her, notions of the "author" in any traditional sense are thoroughly undermined by readers who are able to subvert meaning through the resignification of signs, in essence allowing them to stage a virtual coup d'etat. The hackers become revolutionaries (2014). This was seen in a rather comical fashion when a new version of Jorge Luis Borges's short story "El Aleph" came out in 2009 written by Pablo Katchadjian. The author more than doubled the word count of Borges's masterpiece in order to create his "El Aleph Engordado" [The Fattened Aleph] story and distribute it to his friends as a Christmas gift. He was sued in 2011 by Maria Kodama, Borges's widow, who had the Intellectual The ''fierce urgency of now" 181 Property Rights to the original work. Initially Katchadjian won in court, but Kodama appealed, finally winning the case in 2016 and demanding he pay her with the sum ofjust one peso as a symbolic gesture (Sdrigotti 2015). Many cultural hackers/ writers were outraged by the lawsuit. One, Martin Laufer, currently at MIT, decided to create his own digital versions of "El Aleph." The first was "El Aleph on a Diet" in which, when the reader accessed the text online, certain words would automatically be edited out, creating, in the process a much shorter version, one that is different in every iteration. Not content to stop there, he then created "El Aleph on AutoCorrect" in both Spanish and English versions. During the process of reading, the text would change automatically to something nonsensical, just as the autocorrect feature functions when one writes. As a wink to the reader, Laufer makes a declaration on the opening webpage for his new versions that the rights of the original belong exclusively to Maria Kodama. The case of "The Fattened Aleph," "Aleph on a Diet" and "Aleph on Autocorrect" notwithstanding, many Latin American digital authors actually invite and enjoy the readers' appropriations of their work. It is understood as a compliment and adds to the diffusion of their own work. Indeed, plenty of writers pointed out that reworking Borges's stories is, in fact, quite a Borgian thing to do, something worthy of his own fiction. But then again, this leisurely take on copyright infringement hinges upon an author having enough financial resources to not require payment for her or his work. Digital cultural production is particularly relevant for scholars of the Lusa-Hispanic Cultural Studies for yet another reason: as researchers we have tended to specialize in geographical areas, often just one specific country or perhaps or two or three nations within a given region. There are many writers/ artists whose digital work defies such neat categorizations. While this has long been the case in our field - one need look no further than Chilean writer Isabel Allende, who has lived most of life in the United States and was well-known in the U.S. before achieving any great notoriety in her country of birth - a combination of advancements in technology, coupled with global economic and political upheavals, has meant that digital cultural production is perhaps more likely to emerge from individuals whose own lives have been marked by extended periods of time spent abroad. While electronic literature scholar Leonardo Flores has argued that Latin American digital cultural production may be considered "post-national" (2017, p. 2), I disagree, convinced that one may still find cultural traces anchored in a specific geographical locations, though admittedly, disentangling the threads is more challenging than ever. Some of the most important work being done by writers/ artists in the digital realm has been done by transnationals and/ or dual citizens whose work bridges the Atlantic. One example is Domenico Chiappe (1970) who was born in Peru, raised in Venezuela, but moved to Spain in 2002 and has lived there ever since. Chiappe is the author of one of the canonical works of Lusa-Hispanic digital literature, Tierra de extracci6n (1996-2007) 182 Melissa A. Fitch an online story consisting of 63 hypermedia chapters that takes place in Venezuela. The work was created with Andreas Meirer. The project originated while he was in Venezuela but later was further developed when Chiappe moved to Spain, where he defended his doctoral dissertation at la Universidad Carlos III in Madrid on the topic of digital literature in 2015. Another example is the Argentine-born Belen Cache (1960), one of the pioneers in the field of online cultural production in the Hispanic world, and one of the genre's most prolific writers/ artists who, like Chiappe, moved to Spain many years ago and has created much of her most provocative work there. Her "Gongora Wordtoys" (2011) invites the reader-user to interact with excerpts from Baroque Spanish writer Luis de G6ngora's Solitudes (Cache, 2011). An illustration from the Lusophone is the verbal, visual and sound digital literary work Amor de Clarice, created by Portuguese artist/ writer/ scholar Rui Torres (1973). The creation was based on words, sentences and metaphors taken from the short story "Amor" by Brazilian Clarice Lispector. While one may argue persuasively for or against the existence of a digital literary form that is removed from national referents, the one incontrovertible fact is that this realm offers fertile ground for Lusa-Hispanic scholars to explore notions of national, post-national and transnational identities. To recap, the first two challenges delineated is this essay are that scholarship and teaching in Lusa-Hispanic Cultural Studies must begin provide a broader understanding of how the regions engage with the rest of the world and that it also must grapple with digital culture. Our graduate students will be entering the most difficult job market in decades and they must be able to wear many hats. They must know the theories and key texts that have formed the foundation of our Lusa-Hispanic Cultural and Literary Studies while at the same time addressing one, if not both, of the dimensions discussed above. To be sure, the cultural manifestations that have emerged with regard to both areas are exceptionally rich. They are exciting and unusual. I have been able to document this transformation in our field as editor-in-chief of Studies in Latin American Popular Culture. Among the most intellectually gratifying contributions I have read in recent years are those which have addressed topics that would have been unthinkable in the past. Some examples include Moises Park's "'Gracias a la vida': Violeta went to heaven and came back wearing a k-pop miniskirt" (2019); Sebastian Reyes Gil's "Escorts afrolatinos en la era digital, o el arte de los masajistas" (2017); Ignacio Alguilo's "YouTube kitsch and the racial politics of taste in the Andes: The case of Delfin Quishpe" (2020) and Mauricio Duarte's "Breaking the Middle East media paradigm: HispanTV streaming politics in Spanish from Iran" (2020). While these essays on the surface would appear to have little in common, the thread that unites them is precisely how fresh and unconventional they are. These authors are examining Lusa-Hispanic cultural production as it relates to the world, not merely the Western Hemisphere, and/ or they are analyzing carefully, and taking seriously, digital popular culture and The ''fierce urgency of now" 183 what it tells us about a given community or about global cultural flows. All of this is tied to technology. Returning to the discussion of K-pop in Latin America, one of the most fascinating and unexpected aspects that I found, in a conversation with Chilean K-pop fans on the subway one day in Santiago, is that these young people watched weekly online the most popular television program in South Korea related to their obsession. Technology has enabled greater cultural interaction than ever before, leading to enhanced mixing and mingling of cultures and inspiring new forms of global cultural production. It is up to Luso-Hispanic scholars to not only be cognizant of this, but also to begin to examine these cultural artifacts, while encouraging their graduate students to do the same. It is my greatest hope that these sorts of investigations will become the rule in the future of the work done within our field, instead of the exceptions. Unfortunately, this will not be the case unless we are able to collectively address the third, and most pressing challenge of all: the pandemic. The third challenge: COVID-19. Bracing for (and embracing) what lies ahead In February and March of 2020, teachers in countries of Asia, Europe, South and North America and many other nations around the world who were reluctant to embrace technology in their pedagogical practices in the past were forced, almost overnight, to learn to teach their students online because of the outbreak of COVID-19. The disparity between the haves and have not, or the "winners" and implied losers in the jargon of the 4IR discussed under the first challenge above was never more apparent than it was in the initial weeks following the arrival of the pandemic, as students (and teachers) without computers or with marginal connectivity or bandwidth - overwhelmingly those of ethnic minority groups in the United States - were lost in the scramble to continue their education and were often severely impacted by the disease itself. For colleges and universities in the United States, such as my own, the dramatic loss in revenue as a result of canceled conferences, research, sporting activities and festivals, and the refunds required to be dispersed to students unable to return to their residence halls, made us face a stark new reality: those of us unable to rapidly adjust in terms of our pedagogical practices could conceivably be furloughed, fired, or otherwise forced into early retirement due to the economic crisis. Our third challenge is that we must adapt our pedagogy immediately to this fluid, ever-changing moment. Make no mistake, the financial crisis in higher education in the United States had been acute for more than a decade already, as public institutions that had been previously supported by the state became public/ private mixes and administrators began to speak using business jargon. Students were no longer "students," but instead "customers," and the most sought-after "customers" were, in fact, those who came from out-of-state 184 Melissa A. Fitch or from abroad, because they paid the highest tuition fees. Meanwhile, the college-age demographics in the United States were on the decline. Some predicted that hundreds, if not thousands, of brick-and-mortar universities would go out of business in the future and that those that would remain would consist primarily of the top fifty institutions that cater to the elite. The travel restrictions enacted by Donald Trump since 2016 had already had a negative impact on international student enrollment. The closing of borders, canceling of international flights, and mounting tensions with China over COVID-19 only added to the problem. The economic crisis and restrictions in domestic travel within the United States as a result of the pandemic also mean that fewer out-of-state students would likely come to campus. The inevitable decline in enrollment means that many state universities and colleges will be forced to cut programs in order to survive. As we have learned a duras penas over the last decade, the first programs on the chopping block are often those connected to the Arts and Humanities. COVID-19 has forced us to recognize that the nature of education - its value, price, content and credentials - has fundamentally shifted. If students are unable to be physically on campus, why would they continue to pay exorbitant tuition fees to take online courses that could be taken for far less money at other institutions? What is the value of the brand name associated with one university over another if there is no accompanying "experience" of clubs and sporting events, homecoming, and other such social activities? Covid-19 has dealt what may be a mortal blow to what was already becoming obvious: brick-and-mortar universities offering a four or fiveyear degree are increasingly becoming obsolete. The velocity of the influx of new information related to the Fourth Industrial Revolution requires constant, on-going training, something better achieved, and less costly, through online education. This realization conveniently works hand-inhand with the financial shift away from state funding for higher education. If the cultural logic of capitalism rests upon planned obsolescence, when applied to an educational setting, it means that one will never "finish." Your credentials, and perhaps even your job, will become as obsolete as last year's iPhone, so you will be forced to constantly "upgrade." In the language of higher education, that means that beyond being simply a "customer," you will now become a "life-long learner." The questions are: where, and how? Universities, facing the financial crisis of the last decade, had already been expanding rapidly to reach all age demographics. The arrival of Covid-19 has meant that this shift has taken on a new urgency. So what does all of this mean for us? The challenge now is for us to avoid becoming further marginalized at our institutions by embracing (metaphorically, given the pandemic) this new educational reality, the zoomification of higher education and the changing profile of our students. Online education is not a trend to be waited out. It will not come to an end The ''fierce urgency of now" 185 as soon as COVID-19 subsides. It was already on the horizon. The choice we have is stark: adapt, or get out. This third challenge is not specific to scholars within our field. It applies to all educators. We must roll up our sleeves and learn about the remarkable advances that have been made in online education, the "new science of learning." Hand-wringing, arguing, decrying the poverty of the online experience compared to in-person instruction is futile. Beyond that, it will sour our students to the experience. The baptism-by-fire experience of the onset of the pandemic in March of 2020 was hardly indicative of the potential and opportunities available through online education, but understanding the very real benefits will require an openness and a willingness to learn on our part. The "fierce urgency of now" is that we transform every aspect of our profession as we have known it - the way we do research, the way we teach, the way we think. To pretend that we are still in a world in which a close analysis of one print novel read long ago and by very few can be considered a viable intellectual or professional pursuit are over. We must prepare our students for this chaotic new world of sensory overload and engage colleagues, cultures and countries outside of the Western Hemisphere in order to understand the magnitude and breadth of the global cultural interactions inherent in Luso-Hispanic Studies. Now is the time to equip our students with the tools that enable them to call into question the structures that make neoliberalism and the neat division of the world into "winners" and losers a forgone conclusion. We must acknowledge our own blind spots in our research and grapple as scholars with the onslaught of new cultural production that is being created online. Finally, we must adapt to the myriad tools available in online education in order to better serve our students of all ages in the wake of the global pandemic. The "fierce urgency of now" is that, instead of finding an alcove where we can take refuge from the storm, we turn and face the chaotic new reality - this torrent of signs, images, music, noise, and words, of global interconnectedness and crisis -and that we sail, without fear, directly into the headwinds. Note 1 The concept of "Amefrica Ladina" was first coined by Afro-Brazilian scholar Lelia Gonzalez. 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