2021
Marighella
A COMMUNIST FIGHTING FOR DEMOCRACY
SARAH GOMES
1
Brazil is known for its diversity, culture, and beautiful and fun place. It is the biggest
country in South America and has a complex and unique history. The tropical and vibrant place
was the landscape of dark historical events kept in the shadow for decades. In this essay, I will
write about urban guerrillas that emerged due to the military coup of 1964 that established a
dictatorship, promoted torture, and assassinated Brazilian citizens. I will focus on the urban
guerrillas created to resist the dictatorship and fight for democracy. Through the history of the
guerrilla Aliança Libertadora Nacional (ALN), I will argue that the military and its secret service
acted as a guerrilla and were responsible for the rise of armed resistance. To illustrate the brutality
of the dictators and walk through the history that led to the creation of Urban Guerrillas, this essay
will cover the political activism of Carlos Marighella, the creator and leader of the guerrilla ALN.
To introduce and analyze the manufactured image created by the military of Carlos
Marighella, I will use the cover of Veja magazine1 published in 1968. The essay will briefly
mention the events that led to the 1964 military with the support of Marighellas biography
“Marighella o Guerrilheiro que Incendiou o Mundo”2 (The Guerrilla Man Who Set The World On
Fire) written by Mário Magalhães. Also, with Carlos Marighella Letters Chamamento Ao Povo
Brasileiro3(A call to the Brazilian Population) and Manual do Guerrilheiro4 (Manual for The
Guerrilla Man) and other articles about Marighella and the military authoritarian government.
1
“Procura-Se Marighella.” Veja number 11, no. Editora Abril, November 20, 1968.
Mário, Magalhães,. Marighella: O Guerrilheiro Que Incendiou o Mundo. Sao Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2013.
3
Carlos, Marighella. Chamamento Ao Povo Brasileiro e Outros Escritos. São Paulo, SP: Ubu Editora, 2019.
4
Carlos, Marighella. Chamamento Ao Povo Brasileiro e Outros Escritos. São Paulo, SP: Ubu Editora, 2019.
2
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2
At the age of 58, on November 4, 1969, a fatal shot in the chest ended 30 years of Carlos
Marighella's political activism. The guerrilleiro was executed by a tactic police force of Sao Paulo
State. The murderers were members of Oban-Operation Bandeirante, an organization created in
1969 to "hunt communists and subversives." The organization is described by the author Lina
Sattamini as a group specialized in murder. "The OB was created in September 1969 by a group
of 78 to 80 rightwing individuals from the Army, Navy, Air Force, and police force. They aimed
to create specialized equipment policed force to crush guerrilla groups and "workover" any
suspects." 5 They were financed by the State and acted as a militia.
As illustrated in Veja's cover magazine, Marighella was the dictators' number one enemy.
The Brazilian repressive police forces created an operation murderer Marighella. Unfortunately,
they succeeded through an ambuscade that, according to Marighella biographer the operation,
“involved 38 heavily armed men " Fleury (the leader of OBAN who made his life mission to find
Marighella) was accompanied by at least 28 more police officers".6 Marighella created ALN in
1967 to resist the military dictatorship established in 1964. The episode of Margihella's
assassination is an account of how the armed forces dictators functioned. Since the 1930s, Brazil
has moved towards revoking individual rights. The strategy used to alienate the Brazilians about
their rights was to point to an external enemy that allegedly would threaten Brazilian sovereignty.
In this case, communism. Amid the Cold War, communism was a plausible alibi for taking power
and imposing authoritarianism to protect the country from the danger that never existed.
Marighella's executioner was Sérgio Fernando Paranhos Fleury, a delegate from the State
Department of Political and Social Order (DEOPS) who included OBAN as one of its departments
and focused on helping in the fight against leftist armed movements, which involved any form of
opposition. Even students and professors were arrested for discussing the dictatorship at
5
Linna Penna, Satammani,James Naylor Green, and Marcos Arryda P S de. “Operação Bandeirantes.”
Essay. In A Mother's Cry: A Memoir of Politics, Prison, and Torture under the Brazilian Military Dictatorship.
Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010.
6
Mario, Magalhães, Mário. “Os Frades Voltam Com Fleury.” Essay. In Marighella: O Guerrilheiro Que Incendiou o
Mundo. Sao Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2013.
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universities. To find Marighella, Fleury arrested his catholic church members Friar Fernando Brito
and Yves do Amaral Lesbaupi to use them as baits; they were tortured and forced to schedule an
in-person meeting with Marighella. The torture was described by Fria Tito: "The torturers first
measure was to put the prisoner in a situation of inferiority and insecurity. For this, he saw himself
stripped of everything, and he was naked. Then the interrogation began. It included physical
violence, but also insults."7 The OBAN was an organization that did not follow any laws. They
were financed by the State and acted as a militia.
The day after the murder, the press reported Marighella's death based on the military's
invented and pre-approved version of the official police report. Since censorship was enforced
upon Brazilian press vehicles, only the official police version was reported. For example, in
edition, number 62 Marighella's murder was published with the following headline "strategies to
kill terrorists. According to the police, the death of the communist leader happened due to
resistance to arrest. Marighella would have reacted, and her bodyguards would have exchanged
fire with the cops.”8 There was never evidence that Marighella was armed, and according to the
witnesses, the catholic friars, he was alone and unarmed. The operation also killed, by accident, a
civilian and a police officer. To hide the execution and justify the incompetency of the armed force,
OBAN staged the murder scene as stated by Marighella biographer "Leury sketched one of the
greatest frauds of the dictatorship: the official version of Marighella's death. Besides the execution
of the lone guerrilla without firearms. They put Marighella's body stretched out on the floor at the
back of the Beetle, forging the image that will travel the world.”9
One of the photographers, Sérgio Vital Tafner Jorge, arrived at the scene before it was
staged and witnessed Fleury and his men moving Marighella's body: "I saw the police putting
Marighella in the back seat of the car...". According to Tafner, Fleury did not allow the
7
Duarte-Plon, Leneide, and Clarisse Meireles. “A Prisāo.” Essay. In Um Homem Torturado: Nos Passos De
Frei Tito De Alencar: Reportagem Biográfica. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2014.
8
Sandro, Leite Souza. “‘ASSALTANTE, TERRORISTA, SUBVERSIVO’: REPRESENTAÇÕES DE CARLOS MARIGHELLA NA
REVISTA VEJA (1968-1969).” Thesis, IV Congresso Sergipano de História, 2014.
9
Mario Magalhães “Tocaia.” Essay. In Marighella: O Guerrilheiro Que Incendiou o Mundo. Sao Paulo: Companhia
das Letras, 2013.
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photographers to use their equipment. Fleury told them: "I do not want to hear one click! Everyone
leaning against the wall, with the machines on the ground!"10 During the dictatorship, the
journalists and media workers feared for their lives. It took more than 40 years until Sergio Jorge
felt safe to share what he witnessed.
The photographer only came forward in 2012 when the president elected Dilma Roussef, who was
also arrested and tortured during the military dictatorship government, created the National Truth
Commission - a group that investigated the crimes committed by the dictators. The truth about
Marighella's murder was only confirmed 43 years after his death. The final report on Marighella's
murder concluded that "The shot that hit Marighella in the thoracic region, probably the last, was
made at a very short distance (less than eight centimeters), through the gap formed by the opening
of the vehicle's right door, in action typical of execution."11 It took over forty years for Marighella’s
family to have the Brazilian State to admit he was a political crime victim.
Carlos Marighella's murder explains why urban guerrillas were created; it was a reaction
to the police forces that used the state apparatus to repress the right to protest and kill opponents.
The guerillas resulted from the military's illegal tactics, and they confronted an illegitimate,
corrupted, and violent government who trained police who acted like a guerrilla and trained to kill.
The path that led to the leadership of the Alianca Libertadora Nacional is intrinsic to the history of
the struggle for democracy in Brazil. The Marighella, the communist, guerrillheiro, and soccer fan
who liked Copacabana opposed the authoritarian generals that occupied the government in Brazil.
Carlos Marighella started his public life as student activist. For about 30 years, he was part
of Brazilian activism in favor of democracy. His public history started in Bahia when he was
arrested for the first time in 1932 during the Provisional Government of Getulio Vargas. The
provisory in the name does not reflect reality. Vargas stayed in power from 1930 to 1945.
10
Alan Rodrigues “A Farsa Na Morte De Marighella.” Www.istoe.com.br, February 3, 2012.
https://istoe.com.br/193279_A+FARSA+NA+MORTE+DE+MARIGHELLA+/amp/.
11
“Carlos Marighella,” Memórias da ditadura, May 17, 2017, https://memoriasdaditadura.org.br/memorial/carlosmarighella/.
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Marighella was arrested three times during Vargas Era and was tortured during all of them. He
joined the Communist Party in 1934 and lived in different states, spending most of his time in Rio
de Janeiro, where he became, According to the cover of Veja, "a fan of singers that worked on
streets' market and a football critic."
In order to illustrate one of the tortures and reinforce the trajectory of Marighella's Resistance to
authoritarianism, it is convenient to mention the arrest of the guerrillheiro in 1936, during the
Getulio Vargas government, that was aligned with Italian fascism and German Nazism. Marighella
was arrested and accused of threatening the Brazilian government because he organized a pacific
protest against the government. Marighella and other o civilians sought to denounce abuses
practiced by the police under Vargas and did not involve any form of violence, civil disobedience,
or weapons.
The torture is described in Marighella's biography "they placed the prisoner in the center
of the circle and covered him with punches and kicks…they extinguished the cigarette butts from
his body. They lit them again and burned their skin. Galvão took Marighella's hands and stuck the
metal under the nails, piercing the flesh… They gave him a headlock and knocked him facedown.
Relentlessly, they hit their heads on the ground. The worst was to come: "Chinese torture." While
demanding confessions, they squeezed his testicles. With each unsatisfied curiosity, they squeezed
harder. The pain was followed by the sensation of loss of consciousness and exhaustion of the
lungs." Also, according to her biography, Marighella confided to his brother, "If they want to arrest
me again, I will not let them. I will resist, shoot, and even die. What I do not want is to be tortured
again."12 He did in fact, fulfilled this promised.
As a consequence of the political instability in Brazil, Marighella spent most of his life in
"illegality"(in the count of his opposition to dictatorship) since, between 1929 and 1964, Brazil
experienced brief democratic periods amidst dictatorships. In 1946, a year after spending six years
12
Mário Magalhães, “Três Semanas No Inferno,” in Marighella: O Guerrilheiro Que Incendiou o Mundo (Sao Paulo:
Companhia das Letras, 2013).
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in Prison, Marighella was elected at the age of 33 as a constituent federal deputy by the Bahia
PCdoB - Brazil Communist Party. He served for two years as a deputy but had his legislature
interrupted due to the impeachment of communist parliamentarians in 1948. From 1948 up to 1964
Marighella continued his political work just inside PCdoB.
The guerrillas were only developed after the coup. The path that led to the coup in 1964
began in 1960 when Brazil had a democratic period and elected Janio Quadros. Even today, two
themes are permanent in Brazilian politics, the communist threat and corruption. It was with the
promise of eliminating the second that Janio was elected. His political campaign created a
connection with the people through the slogan "Varre Varre Vassourinha," as described in the
academic article:"showing that with a broom in hand, an object that most of the population had in
their own home, it would be possible, with the candidate's moral authority, to put an end to
corruption in the country."13 Janio Quadros did not wipe out corruption and resigned after six
months in office, leaving the presidency to his deputy João Goulart.
Joao Goulart (also known by Jango) era was troubled. The opposition and sectors more to
the left saw him with distrust due to his connection with the Vargas era. In the eyes of the
conservative the reforms proposed by Jango was a threat to them. The reforms enlisted, among
others, educational reform, agrarian reform, and taxation, issues that displeased elite,
conservatives, and military sectors that accused him of being a communist. In 1963 Jango lost
political strength, and to preserve his physical integrity and that of his family, he went into exile
in Uruguay. The historian Rosa Maria Vidal analyzed the moment in her dissertation “the
successive attacks of the opposition and its weakening before its supporters culminated in the gap
13
http://www.intercom.org.br/papers/nacionais/2009/resumos/R4-0911-2.pdf
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that the military wanted. Led by General Castelo Branco at the end of 1963, the articulations for
the 1964 military coup began.”14 He left Brazil on April 1, 1964, and on April 2, the "Supreme
Command of the Revolution" was organized by the military. In conjunction with Congress, which
was formed by three brigadeiros (high military rank), the military was in power until 1985, only
alternating high-ranking military presidents. During the period, they closed Congress, hunted
political rights, and as already mentioned, instituted torture and censorship.
A little over a month after the coup, the military arrested thousands of political opponents
and searched for Marighella. The guerrilla was shot and arrested in May 1964 by DOPS agents
while meeting with a friend to pick up clothes inside a movie theater. He was released six months
later, and in 1965 he released "Porque Resisti a Prisão"(The reason I resisted Prison) after an
attempted murder suffered in 1964, reports of the illegality practiced by the Brazilian State,
including a chapter named "communist yes but no criminal." In 1966 Marighella launched a new
manifesto called A Crise Brasileira. We can observe that after torture, imprisonment, assassination
attempts, and a military coup, Marighella expresses her belief that the solution to the crisis would
be through the revolution and the seizure of power. "The facts indicate that the proletariat, in the
face of the tremendous impact of the Aprilia, has no other recourse but to adopt a revolutionary
strategy that will lead to the overthrow of the dictatorship. It is about the revolution, the preparation
of the popular armed insurrection. It is the non-peaceful path, violent even of civil war. Without
resorting to violence by the masses, the dictatorship will be institutionalized for a longer or shorter
period.”15 It was a moment of rupture for Marighella when he chose guns over pamphlets and
peaceful protest
14
http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/bitstream/tede/931/1/Rose%20Mara%20Vidal%20de%20Souza.pdf
15
Carlos Marighella, “Porque Resisti a Prisão,” in Escritos De Carlos Marighella (São Paulo: Editorial
Livramento, 1979).
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After the 1964 military coup, a guerrilla leader roused in Marighella. The urban guerrillas
were influenced by communist countries like China and mainly by the Latin leaders of Cuba.
Dictatorship, oppression, and torture awakened the Resistance soldiers that college students and
workers did not know they had on them and gave life to the guerrillas. Before becoming a
guerrilheiro, Marighella, a communist militant and affiliated with the PCdoB, worked for three
decades worked within the democratic scope. The historian Paulo Mello documented Marighella
commitment to democracy in 1945 when he wrote an article highlighting the importance of
political freedom "Direct suffrage, secret and universal and democratic Parliament are the
foundations of the democratic order that is born and in which prevail the sovereign will consist of
the people; armed coups, disorder, violence will not help the march of democracy forward."16
Marighella advocate for democracy for thirty years even after been incarcerated and tortured.
Disagreements with the PCdoB started in 1964. Marighella diverged with the Party's
resolution to place all hopes in Jango. Right after the coup, the Party opted, at that moment, to
oppose the military dictatorship only in the political arena, but Marighella did not think that was
possible. He believed that democracy was corrupted and equipped by the bourgeoisie and the
military and was no longer a viable option for political practice. Marighella was expelled from
PCdoB in 1967 and traveled and stayed in Cuba between June and December 1967.
Back in Brazil in 1968, the Alianca Libertadora Nacional began to act in the urban centers of Sao
Paulo and Rio. ALN hoped to gain sympathy from the workers and the middle class, and they
hoped they would adhere to the movement and extend the guerrilla to Brazil’s interior. In the words
of Marighella, the ALN was a popular movement: "nothing seems to approve the idea of a guerrilla
struggle that does not arise from the bowels of the peasant movement and the mass movement,
16
NOVOA, Christiane; NOVA, Jorge. Marighella, o homem por trás do mito. São Paulo:
Editora UNESP, 1999.
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from the resistance of the Brazilian people."17 Initially, the guerrillas had the intention of
remaining autonomous. The strategy to finance their guerilla action was to rob banks and guns, as
described by historian Jean Rodrigues Sales. "The idea was to strengthen and let the police think
that these were crimes carried out by criminals. Along the way, he carried out dozens of bank
robberies, cars transporting money, and even a train on the Santos-Jundiaí railroad, in which
Marighella himself took part."18 They were successful in the first year of the guerrilla.
In 1968, the robberies in São Paulo intensified, as published in Jornal Estado de São Paulo in the
1968 edition: "Until 1967, robberies to bank branches rarely exceeded two a year in São Paulo,
however from in 1968, the robberies affected, in the capital of São Paulo, eleven bank branches, a
security van, and one train.”19 Other guerrillas also used from the same strategy, those numbers
don’t reflect ALN actions only.
Some ALN members, an estimated 92 guerrillheiros, were sent to Cuba for military
training. Most of the guerrillas' members were middle-class civilians, students, or workers who
had no tactical training and had never taken up arms. At the end of 1968, one guerrilla member
was arrested and tortured, and he revealed information about the organization and its leader. In the
same year, the guerrillas executed a dangerous and complex operation. In conjunction with the
VPR14 (People's Revolutionary Vanguard), the guerrillas assassinated the American captain,
Charles Chandler. They believed he was an informer of the CIA, which supported the military in
Brazil.
17
NOVOA, Christiane; NOVA, Jorge. Marighella, o homem por trás do mito. São Paulo:
Editora UNESP, 1999.
18
Jean Salless, “Scielo.br,” scielo.br, September 2009,
https://www.scielo.br/j/tem/a/gxgVV5KpN4Tq74rDJsQ4cPaulo Mello, “Www.snh2017.Anpuh.org,”
www.snh2017.anpuh.org, accessed December 2, 2021,
https://www.snh2017.anpuh.org/resources/anais/54/1501615481_ARQUIVO_PauloALNANPUH.pdf.B/?lang=pt.
19
V
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After discovering the existence of the ALN, the military government increased its
repression, revoking civil rights and increasing the number of arrests and tortures. The professor
and doctor in education and history described the period: "In the internal struggle of the
government there was a victory of the so-called rigid wing, the Congress was closed, and AI-5 was
enacted, giving all possible political, economic, military and repressive powers to the government
to act with carte blanche in various domains of society and especially in legal and extralegal
mechanisms of repression”
20
(The AI-5 gave the military an absolutist power to the military)
Marighella's reaction to AI-5 was to publicly admit he was the leader of ALN. He hoped
that coming forward could strengthen the guerrillas' operation. In December 1968, he published a
Letter to the Brazilian People. The document was read and publicized by one of the ALN members
and disclosed, through hacking of radio transmitting bands, to the population of São Paulo. In this
Letter, he admits the existence of the guerrillas and that he was the leader of the ALN. He hoped
to gain support and directed his speech mainly to the middle class and the workers. He wrote: "The
fate of the guerrillas is in the hands of revolutionary groups and the acceptance, support, sympathy
and direct or indirect participation of all the people…. Since the duty of every revolutionary is to
make a revolution, we do not ask anyone for permission to carry out revolutionary acts, and we
only have commitments to the revolution."21 In the Letter, Marighella explains the reason for his
actions and how they have been carried out "The recent experience of the struggles of our people
demonstrates that Brazil has entered a phase of guerrilla tactics and armed actions of all kinds,
surprise attacks and ambushes, the capture of weapons, acts of protest and sabotage. Mass
20
Cristiane Nova and Jorge Nóvoa, Carlos Marighella: O Homem Por Trás Do Mito (São Paulo: Ed. UNESP Univ. Estadual Paulista, 1999).
21
Aluizio Palmar, “Documentosrevelados,” documentosrevelados § (2014),
https://documentosrevelados.com.br/gravacoes-em-fita-da-radio-libertadora-carlos-marighella-que-operou-naclandestinidade/.
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demonstrations, lightning rallies, student demonstrations, strikes, occupations, kidnapping of
police officers and "gorillas" (military or their allies) to exchange them for political prisoners."22
As quoted by Marighella, kidnappings carried out by urban guerrillas were means to negotiate
political prisoners and try to save them from torture and signatures. During the military regime,
the only form of communication they exercised and accepted was violence.
In 1969 Marighella launched the Mini Guerrilla Guide, a 51 pages document that contained
the Experiença and vision of Marighella that a guerrilla must do to be successful. A passage is
highlighted by his biographer "The urban guerrilla should be a great tactical and shooter. Other
important qualities are being a wanderer, resisting fatigue, hunger, rain, heat…". 23 In relation to
the actions expected of a guerrilla, they involve "…relentlessly resorting to sabotage, terrorism,
expropriations, assaults, kidnappings, and justice. After all, you can only stay alive if you are
willing to kill the police and those engaged in repression. What is "the main end of the ambush
fight?" It is to capture the enemy's weapons and punish him with death."24 Marighella admits the
guerrilla when captured an enemy, was the judge and the executioner of who was considered the
enemy. He repeated the same operating manners of the militaries.
Marighella, a Brazilian in love with caipirinha and his country, chose to use the tactics of
the armed forces. It was his last action of hope and resistance. It is important to mention that
Marighella was against torture and never allowed the practice in ALN. He knew that the path he
had chosen was to kill or be killed. He was murdered but never erased from history, and he left
22
Aluizio Palmar, “Documentosrevelados,” documentosrevelados § (2014),
https://documentosrevelados.com.br/gravacoes-em-fita-da-radio-libertadora-carlos-marighella-que-operou-naclandestinidade/.
23
Cristo, Escriba de, and Carlos Marighella. Manual Do Guerrilheiro Urbano De Marighella Com Comentários.
Joinville, Santa Catarina, Brazil: Clube de Autores, 2019.
24
Cristo, Escriba de, and Carlos Marighella. Manual Do Guerrilheiro Urbano De Marighella Com Comentários.
Joinville, Santa Catarina, Brazil: Clube de Autores, 2019.
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Brazilians a political and historical legacy. His life course is the story of the struggle for democracy
in Brazil.
As for the guerrillas, they disappeared by 1974. In 1970 thousands of guerrilheiros were
arrested and tortured. A few dozen bodies were never found and are still listed as "disappeared."
The process of reopening democratization began in 1985. In addition to inflation and public deficit,
the dictators left behind dead bodies of Brazilian citizens, including women and children.
According to the National Truth Commission, it is estimated that around 434 people were killed,
and the number could be even higher.
Dictators tried to write history and hide their violence and corruption. Brazilians like
Marighella did not let them bury the truth about their government. Written at the cost of Brazilian
citizens' blood are the 1988 constitution and the history of the re-democratization of Brazil.
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14
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