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Self-assessment
Name: Marco Hague
Title of paper: Water Poverty and Gender Politics in the Harare, Zimbabwe
1. What is the claim of your paper?
Current gender norms in Harare, Zimbabwe cause women to be disproportionately affected by
the already-rampant problem of water poverty by creating an unfair gendered division of labor
negatively affecting women’s health and wellbeing and robbing women of opportunities to
advocate for themselves. True change on this issue cannot come from legislation from alone but
also from a shift in cultural attitudes towards gender and an end to negative stereotypes of
women.
2. What is your paper’s greatest strength?
Lots of detail/analysis.
3. What is your paper’s greatest weakness?
I still feel as if it lacks my own voice in sections.
4. How did you revise your paper from the rough draft that you submitted?
I mainly worked to include more in depth and thoughtful analysis that reflects my own
impression of the content.
5. IF you would like comments on your paper, please indicate one issue you would like
me to address.
Please critique my use of the “They Say, I Say” technique for conversing with sources. I
want to improve this analytical skill for writing in the future.
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Marco Hague
Dr. Fehskens
TSEM 190
November 14, 2020
Water Poverty and Gender Politics in the Harare, Zimbabwe
This is not the paper I intended to write. As I first browsed the Cook library website for
sources, my research was focused on an entirely different issue, water profiteering, in an entirely
different part of the globe, Pakistan. I was originally intrigued by the protagonist’s rise to power
in the Pakistan water industry in the novel, How to Get Filthy Rich in Rising Asia, and had
decided to pursue a paper investigating how the dire need for clean water in the country is
exploited by private companies for profit. This topic seemed unlikely to be successful from the
beginning, however, as the library search did not return many scholarly sources specific to the
issue I was looking for and often resulted in with many outlier articles that one would expect to
encounter after including the word “water” in a database search. One of these articles in
particular, The Gender Dimensions of Water Poverty: Exploring Water Shortages in Chitungwiza
by Tazviona Richman Gambe, a lecturer at Great Zimbabwe University, caught my eye because
it proposed a perspective on the effects of water shortages that I had never fully considered
before. After reading the abstract of the article, I decided to change the focus of my paper,
finding a fascination in exploring the question; “What are the effects of water poverty on women
and gender politics in Zimbabwe?” Questions such as this, I believe, are not asked enough in the
United States. In a country with such a high degree of water accessibility, it is easy for us to
ignorantly view water poverty1 and feminism as separate issues and not recognize how they
1
People may be water poor because clean water is unavailable, not available in sufficient quantities, difficult to
access, or too expensive for households to afford
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intersect in countries such as Zimbabwe, where there is profound water scarcity and arguably
harsher gender norms. An American may conceive water poverty to be the stereotypical plight of
African countries and recognize that many African countries exist as patriarchal societies where
women lack adequate representation and voice, all the while ignoring or overlooking what
Gambe describes as a “nexus between water poverty and gender” (9) that must be broken to
secure women’s rights and wellbeing. Water poverty and gender do not exist in a vacuum and
men and women are not affected equally by the issue of water poverty, as one might assume if
viewing the water and gender as strictly separate issues. Rather, the effects of water poverty on
women are exacerbated by an unfair distribution of labor and lack of representation placed on
them by gender norms in Zimbabwe. In light of this, my purpose in this paper is to raise
conversation and awareness in the U.S. concerning water and gender issues in Harare, Zimbabwe
and the surrounding areas. By exploring the causes, effects and solutions to the interconnected
problems of gender disparity and water shortage, I seek to facilitate empathy, understanding and
critical examination of the issues for those who, like myself, had not previously considered their
interconnectedness.
Water poverty in the Harare area begins in Zimbabwe’s colonial past and is affected by
social conditions and laws today. In the book, Water is Life, Hellum describes how inequities in
water allocation in Zimbabwe were originally created by colonial water laws. While Zimbabwe
was a British colony, Africans were forced from their lands “into the water scarce and less fertile
areas” (Hellum et al 10) so that commercial agriculture projects could move in. Colonial laws
prevented displaced Africans from owning land or applying for water rights and by the time that
Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980, “more than 85% of the land and its related water was
owned by the white minority, while the majority of the population living in homelands or
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communal areas had no formal water rights.” (Hellum 12). The new Zimbabwean government
was now challenged with navigating the difficult terrain of human rights vs. property rights.
They needed to improve the situation of the water poor, undoing inequities created by colonial
rule, while avoiding possible conflict with stakeholders in commercial agriculture, who would
likely not respond well to sudden land redistribution. Attempting to address water inequities, the
Zimbabwean government enacted water reform throughout the 1990’s, culminating in the Water
Act of 1998, which is the basis of water governance in the country today. The Water Act was
heavily influenced by the Integrated Water Resources Management policy (IWRN) and Dublin
Principles (IMF and World Bank) as it attempted to blend the concepts of water as both an
economic good and fundamental human right. However, this blending is certainly easier said
than done, as human greed and the demand for water as a commodity and economic resource are
likely to overshadow humanitarian endeavors to ensure water as an essential right. Hellum et al
criticize the Water Act and other Zimbabwe water laws for giving “little, if any, weight in
practice” (Hellum et al 12) to the “basic right of all human beings to have access to clean water
and sanitation at an affordable price.” (IMF and World Bank, Principle No. 4 of the Dublin
Principles). This inconsistency is manifested in Harare, which, as a result of the Urban Councils
Act calling for local authorities to manage water allocation for their respective jurisdictions,
funds its water treatment and supply from city revenues. The Urban Councils Act, in
contradiction to water rights stated in Section 77 of the Zimbabwe Constitution, does not require
cities such as Harare to provide water for residents who cannot pay (Hellum 359). In addition to
this, much of Harare has poor water infrastructure and insufficient resources for water treatment
evident in burst pipes, rust colored, unpleasant-smelling water and treatment plant closures due
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to an inability to purchase enough chemicals2. Today, two of Harare’s four reservoirs are empty,
likely caused in part by the drought beginning in 2018, and contributing to the city’s struggle to
meet daily water demand (Al Jazeera).
In response to their inability to pay water bills or the city of Harare’s inability to provide
adequate supply, many residents often resort to alternative sources of water such as community
boreholes which have long waiting queues, wells and rivers which often become contaminated
with pollutants and bottled water which is often sold for exorbitant prices. A lack of clean water
in a household negatively affects every aspect of members’ wellbeing because it impacts
members’ ability to grow and cook food, wash clothes, flush toilets, bathe, care for children etc.
The fact that the responsibility for nearly all household duties, including obtaining water, falls on
women and girls in Zimbabwe is key to the answering how water poverty affects gender politics.
Because women are saddled with the majority of household responsibilities through the
norm of gendered division of labor, they are disproportionately affected by water poverty. Men
rarely assist in fetching water, leaving women alone to make multiple trips to collect water each
day. A 2017 study conducted by Liliosa Pahwaringira, observing borehole usage in the Mabvuku
suburb or Harare reported a 4:1 ratio of women to men collecting water (Pahwaringira 69).
Tazviona Richman Gambe, in a 2015 article, explains that men usually only assist with fetching
water in times of difficulty or when women are physically incapable (i.e. pregnancy, but it is also
very common for women to continue manual labor and water fetching while pregnant). Young
boys will occasionally accompany their mothers to fetch water, but it is more often girls who
2
According to Deputy Mayor Enock Mupamawonde in 2019 "the local authority needs at least 40 million
Zimbabwean dollars ($2m) a month for water chemicals. The municipality takes in only 15 million Zimbabwean
dollars in revenue each month." (Al Jazeera)
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must assist in this work (Gambe “Water Woes in Harare” p. 393). This unequal distribution of
labor creates gender inequities and places severe constraints on the lives of women.
The exclusive burden of obtaining water presents two main problems to women’s
wellbeing: opportunity cost (of time or income) and health risks. Women often must wake up
very early in the morning to fetch water and spend long hours waiting in queues at boreholes,
taking time away from work, educational pursuits, other household duties and leisure. In The
Gender Dimensions of Water Poverty, Gambe interviewed multiple women in Chitungwiza, a
nearby city considered part of the Harare metropolis, about their experiences fetching water and
the impact of that responsibility on other aspects of their lives. Mrs. Ndoro explains that during
the dry season, her income falls from $23 to $12 per day (almost a 48% decrease) because she
has to spend more time fetching water and less time working as a vendor at a market. This causes
her to make less money than her husband and consequently be less likely to have a say in how
household earnings are spent (Gambe 6). Chido, a younger girl, says she must get up each
morning to fetch water before school and then make another trip after school as well, each time
carrying a 25-liter (approximately 55 lbs!) bucket on her head and a 5-liter container in her
hands. The fatigue and stress of fetching water negatively impacts her focus and performance in
school (Gambe 7). Almost any person, man or woman, would likely suffer from fatigue or back
injuries from carrying 55 pounds of water on their head multiple times a day; but in Zimbabwe,
women appear to be almost exclusively subjected to this toil, creating both physical and mental
stressors for them. Women and girls such as Chido must persevere through the severe physical
fatigue fetching water in order to fulfill all other duties required of them at home and school, all
the while having to watch and accept the fact that men are mostly free of the stress and fatigue of
obtaining water, solely because of their gender. Boys, not weighed down with the burden of
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fetching water, have a greater opportunity to perform well in school and thus are more likely to
get higher paying jobs than women in the future. Income and education inequality creates a
vicious cycle in which women lack the freedom and agency of being educated and being able to
provide for themselves while being prevented from improving their situation by the effects of
unfair gender norms and the incessant need for water.
Water poverty also puts women at an unequal risk for health and safety concerns. The
wells, boreholes and rivers used as alternative sources to Harare municipal water are often far
away and/or unprotected from pollutants. Pahwaringira reports that carrying water for long
distances multiple times a day causes back problems for many women and can even result in
spinal and pelvic deformities or spontaneous abortions. Walking long distances to fetch water
alone, especially at night, puts women at greater risk of being sexually assaulted (66). If a water
source is contaminated with waterborne illness, women are at greater risk of being exposed
because they are most likely to be fetching water from or using these sources for laundry. If a
member of a household falls ill, women are expected to care for them out of customary gender
norms. In periods of great water shortage, such as the water crisis from 2006-09, the lack of
sanitation associated with a lack of water causes increased outbreaks of cholera and typhoid
(Hellum et al 355). This increases the burden on women in both caring for sick family members
and fetching water required for the sick, in addition to water needed for all other household uses.
The effects of water poverty also fall greater on elderly or disabled women who may be
incapable of carrying water or traveling long distances and thus must rely on family members or
the kindness of strangers. Poor women are also more affected because they cannot afford larger
water containers or paid help with fetching water or queuing at boreholes. Overall, water poverty
has a greater adverse effect on women’s social, economic and physical wellbeing because they
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are the primary users and obtainers of water in addition to numerous other household
responsibilities in Zimbabwean culture. The activity of fetching water and the excessive time
expenditure associated with it have detrimental physical and mental effects on women, as well as
holding them back from opportunities for work, education and advocacy. Making matters worse,
women are often denied a voice in decision-making concerning water allocation, being seen as
inferior men. Because of deep-rooted gender norms, women lack the agency and representation
necessary to advocate for themselves on issues that affect them.
The disparate effect of water poverty on women continues not only because of inequities
in municipal water allocation, but also because of a lack of awareness and representation on the
issue from women’s perspectives, both in Harare and in the nation of Zimbabwe as a whole. The
interests and suffering of poor women because of water shortage are not well represented, as the
Zimbabwean government and major water management positions in Harare are dominated by
men. Women in government are a consistent minority with there currently being 86 women in
the National Assembly of 270 seats and 35 women in the Senate of 80 seats. In Harare, the
mayor, deputy mayor and great majority of councilors are all male. However, looking at
Zimbabwe’s written laws as well as international declarations, one would expect the nation to
have more gender equality in government and thus to be farther along in representing the needs
of poor women. For example, Section 56 in the Zimbabwe constitution “provides protection
against gender and sex discrimination in all economic, social, cultural and political spheres”
(Hellum 301) and Section 17 calls for measures to be taken to ensure that “both genders are
equally represented in all institutions and agencies of government” (Parliament of Zimbabwe,
Section 17 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe). The Zimbabwe Women’s Coalition, after
consultation with women from across the nation, composed the Women’s Charter of 1999,
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calling for constitutional protection against gender discrimination, equal participation of women
in all levels of politics and civic discourse and government commitment to water rights and
sanitation for all citizens (Hellum 323). Gender and water reform movements are not unknown to
Zimbabwe, yet the inequity of a lack of representation for women, particularly in water-scarce
areas persists. There is an obvious disconnect between the precepts of the constitution
concerning gender equality and the actual reality that women experience. To this end, I ask, what
cultural norms, existing laws, and actions of those in power hold women back from equal
representation and the ability to influence change on the issues that affect them?
Women are prevented from making their voices heard in Zimbabwean government and
community discourse by both material and legal obstacles as well as misogyny and negative
gender stereotypes. Interviews with various women from Harare in Water is Life demonstrate
how women are restricted from conversation on the issues that affect them by selfish political
partisanship and general indifference from city councilors:
“I have been threatened of being stripped of my post in ZANU-PF3 due to my being a
member of HRT [Harare Residents Trust]4 and attending their meetings” (Hellum 362-63)
“We have formally invited him (the councilor from the area) to our meetings in the past
but it is very difficult to get hold of him. He does not flatly refuse an invitation but simply does
not turn up after having promised to come.” (363)
Another woman interviewed criticizes resident meetings, organized by the City Council
members, for not focusing issues of water allocation and governance and rather only being about
3
One of the two major, frequently conflicting political parties in Zimbabwe. The other is called
MDC
4
Community organization in Harare focusing on advocacy for residents and education on human
rights
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support for a certain political party (Hellum 363). There also exist severe restrictions on residentorganized meetings under the Zimbabwe Public Order and Security Act (POSA), causing many
women to be afraid to attend public meetings for fear of being arrested. Meetings organized by
women without the preliminary approval of men are more likely to be met with harsh
consequences. Overall, women’s opportunities for civil discourse on the issues that affect them
are restricted, trivialized and even discouraged by local government, contradicting the
constitution’s supposed commitment to gender equality. One of the first steps to equality is fair
representation of interests. Women that lack the financial resources and time to run for
government office must rely on community organizations and local government officials to make
their voices heard. When community meetings are suppressed or lacking in attention to key
issues, and when local officials do not prioritize hearing the concerns of poor women, the
inequitable effect of water poverty on the lives of women becomes further minimized,
prolonging change.
Tazviona Richman Gambe, in his article, Water Woes in Harare: Rethinking the
Implications of Gender and Policy, details how women are prevented from directly representing
their needs in government by sexist attitudes in Zimbabwean culture and negative stereotypes of
women in government. Analyzing a statement from Harare resident Mrs. Muroyi, Gambe
identifies three factors that hold women back from representing themselves in elected office:
feelings of inferiority to men perpetuated by negative gender stereotypes, the projection of
incorrect stereotypes onto women in government office by men and lack of financial resources
for campaigns.
Mrs. Muroyi states: “We have realized that we cannot contest in council elections
because politics is a man’s job. Our husbands do not support our participation in politics because
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it is associated with prostitution and people with ‘loose’ morals. Apart from that, we do not have
the financial resources needed for campaigns as we are struggling to raise our children’s school
fees” (Gambe 396)
From this statement Gambe argues that in addition to often lacking financial resources,
many women “suffer an inferiority complex or are still trapped in the belief of the past that
women cannot compete with men - who are viewed by local cultures as superior to women”
(Gambe 396), preventing them from pursuing political ambitions. He is correct to assert that the
negative mindset women experience resulting from sexist cultural norms is a real and legitimate
obstacle to engaging in politics and advocacy. However, it should be noted that this issue of
attitudes is one created by both men and women- men by preaching or being complicit in the
ideology of the inferiority of women and women by allowing themselves to become trapped by
the message that they are inferior or “that politics is a man’s job”, giving power to the false
ideology. Thus, this problem must be combatted with change in the actions, words and mindsets
of both men and women.
Gambe proceeds to speak on Mrs. Muroyi’s comment about women in politics being
associated with “prostitution and people with ‘loose’ morals”. He does not say outright that it is
slander or a completely incorrect stereotype but rather explains how this perception of women
arises from incidences of abuse of women in politics by men, who make up the majority of their
bosses or counterparts. Gambe argues that “not all women involved in politics are of ‘loose’
morals” and rather often “victims of male dominance” (Gambe 396). Rape or sexual favors are
not entirely uncommon in the Zimbabwe political stage, a reason for women to be hesitant to
take part in politics for fear of being abused. Also, the reality that these evils take place in
government combines with inferior views of women, specifically women who defy traditional
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gender roles in positions of power, to create a twisted narrative of universal promiscuity that is
projected onto women in politics by men. This example speaks to a prevalent attitude of
contempt for women in politics, echoed in the words of another Harare resident, Mr. Mukoko,
who believes that that “women should not be given any opportunity to lead…they are good at
causing chaos” (Gambe 395). Women are seen as being unfit for leadership and women in
leadership are objectified and stereotyped as immoral, causing a further lack of representation of
women through the perpetuation of harmful stereotypes in the minds of both men and women.
Gambe also criticizes Zimbabwe’s government for a demonstrated lack of commitment to
gender parity in the expulsion of the first-ever female Vice President, Dr. Joice Mujuru. Though
Mujuru was removed from office on allegations of corruption and plots to illegally oust President
Robert Mugabe, Gambe believes that she should have been replaced by a qualified female
candidate. He argues that there are several women in the ruling political party that are capable of
fulfilling the role of vice president and that replacing Mujuru with a man only affirms the
discriminatory notion that politics is a “profession for men and not women” (Gambe 396).
Though leaders should not be chosen solely based on gender, it should be acknowledged how
much of an impact a female vice president could have on gender politics in Zimbabwe. Women
and girls would be more likely to feel represented and empowered after witnessing a woman
overcome gender norms and obstacles to reach the powerful and respected position of vice
president. Female representation at the highest levels of government has the potential to begin
conversations on important issues for women such as water allocation and division of labor. I
agree with Gambe that female candidates should be sought out for this reason but also recognize
that meaningful change will only occur if leaders, regardless of gender, are motivated and
attuned to the needs of the people.
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This leads to another issue Gambe identifies as preventing the voices of marginalized
women from being heard in government: a specific lack of representation of women who are
directly affected by water poverty. Gambe states that women in government are often “from
medium and low-density areas who do not experience the impacts of acute water shortages on a
daily basis”, and argues that this causes them to be “out of touch with the realities that are faced
by poor women” (Gambe 396). Gambe’s argument reflects the privilege that comes from having
adequate access to clean water as well as the greater effect a lack of water can have on women
and girls. Contrasting with the example of Chido, who must give up time for rest and study to
retrieve water for her family each day, girls growing up with greater water security5 have a better
chance of performing well in school, getting a higher paying job and possibly even running for
government positions, though the possibility of the last is still often diminished by negative
gender stereotypes. Overall, there exists a class inequity where those in poverty, because of the
obstacles in their lives, are less likely to have the opportunity to reach a position where they can
represent themselves on issues that affect. This further contributes to the plight of poor women in
Harare and perpetuates the silencing of the voices of the vulnerable.
Now, after identifying and explaining the link between water poverty and gender politics,
and analyzing the contributing problem of women being underrepresented in governing bodies, it
is only right that I ask what can be done to remedy these issues? What is being done currently
and what can or should be done in the future to ensure water security as well as equity and
influence for women in Harare? There have been multiple efforts to improve these issues both
from international sources and on the local level. In my analysis, local organizations such as the
5
Reliable access to water of sufficient quantity and quality for human life
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Harare Residents Trust and Combined Harare Residents Association6 have more of a positive
effect because they interact directly with the residents they represent, having a more grassroots
approach that amplifies the voices of poor women, directly benefiting them. For example, HRT
works to both educate citizens on their right to water in the constitution and international decrees
and advocates in the City Council and in court for residents who have had their water cut off
(Hellum 365). The presence of HRT places a direct check on the City of Harare, holding leaders
accountable for the corrupt practice of cutting off residents’ water supply to force them to pay7
and empowering women to further represent themselves by educating them on their own rights
due to them. This is contrasted with the example of China’s less-effective attempt to assist
Harare with water issues in 2015. The Chinese Import-Export Bank offered a loan of $144
million to the Zimbabwe government in order to modernize Harare’s water and sewer system.
$72 million was spent, yielding few results and reports of corruption, and causing the bank to
withhold the rest of the loan (Al Jazeera). Generous foreign aid, when implemented through the
middleman of large-scale government, did not end up benefitting the people it was meant to,
having less of a positive effect on water supply and the lives of women than smaller-scale efforts
such as HRT which work directly with citizens, better attuned to their concerns and needs.
Authors Gambe and Pahwaringira both offer overlapping suggestions of actions the City
of Harare should take to combat water poverty including equitable water rationing, creating more
potable water sources (boreholes, rain barrels etc.) through collaboration between the city and
NGO’s such as UNICEF (Pahwaringira 71), construction of the Kunzvi Dam and additional
6
Also known as CHRA, similar organization to HRT, engages in advocacy for those whose city water supply has
been cut off
7
In 2005, the Harare High Court ruled that the City of Harare could not disconnect Tracy Maponde’s water as a way
of forcing her to pay. Since then the city has continued this practice, but HRT and CHRA have made headway in
negotiation with the city using the court precedent. Many discussions between community organizations and the
City Council now take place outside of court, with HRT and CHRA securing bill reductions and supply
reinstatements for many people (Hellum 366).
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water treatment plants, and policies that promote environmental sustainability in industry and
community, such as pollution fines (Gambe “Water Woes in Harare” p. 396). These suggestions,
if implemented will lessen some of the burden of water poverty on women and girls because they
will help increase water security in Harare. However, they do not address the issue of how the
gender culture places that burden in the first place and how women are for the most part barred
from changing this in public representation by social and economic norms. In regards to the
gender dimension of water poverty, Gambe calls for “a paradigm shift in the gender distribution
of household chores” and better implementation of gender parity policies “from the national to
the grassroots levels” (Gambe “Water Woes in Harare” p. 397), to increase equity between the
experiences of men and women in Zimbabwe. He states that women must gain confidence to
contest men and overcome the stereotype of inferiority placed upon them; while men must begin
to regard women as equals and allow them greater participation in household, workplace and
government decision-making, especially in decisions concerning the allocation of water. This
necessitates a change in attitudes for both men and women. I agree with all suggestions from
Gambe and Pahwaringira. However, I emphasize the caveat that no change in water allocation,
nor in gender laws and female representation in institutions, will truly improve the situation of
women in Harare until there is a full “paradigm shift” in gender politics in Zimbabwean society
as a whole. Women being recognized and respected as equal to men in value and influence must
be the norm; and it must be voluntarily adopted by the population.
Hellum writes of a Shona8 proverb, “water is life”, which validates the belief in a
universal right to water as well as people’s responsibility to ensure that others have this lifegiving resource. This proverb is deeply rooted in eastern Zimbabwean and culture and ethics. and
8
Referring to a number of similar Bantu-speaking cultural groups residing in the eastern half of Zimbabwe. Main
groups include: Zezuru, Karanga, Manyika, Tonga-Korekore and Ndau
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Hellum observes that people in both rural areas and urban neighborhoods such as Mabvuku often
act in accord with it, sharing water from private wells or surplus supply with neighbors in need
(Hellum 374). One woman from Hatcliffe stated: “…water is something that you cannot deny
another person. What if they cannot afford it? So it is better to let them get even two containers
per day than deny them” (Hellum 374). Though this principle of solidarity is not always evident
in the actions of the state (i.e. the City of Harare shutting off the water supply to those who
cannot afford it), it is widely adopted and engrained in the moral views of many citizens,
especially women, who are the primary managers and obtainers of water.
With the background of “water is life” in mind, I argue that a similarly pervasive doctrine
must be adopted throughout Zimbabwean culture in order to sever the link between water
poverty and gender inequity. To truly improve the situation of women, people must gain
widespread recognition and reverence for the dignity of women and how essential their action
and wellbeing is for the health and stability of households and thus society as a whole. This
reverence must inspire outreach and effort to amplify the voices of women disproportionately
affected by water shortage, setting in motion more meaningful water reform that better reflects
the needs of women as well as cultural reform leading to more equal distribution of labor
between genders. Of course, none of this can be forced by a change in law; people must believe
in equality, empowerment and influence for women in their hearts or there will be no real
change. No matter what gender parity laws or water reform is passed, if women are still viewed
as inferior and denied influence in decision making, inequity will always be manifested in
politics, water management and everyday life.
My initial purpose in this paper was to explore and raise awareness on the connection
between water poverty and gender politics in Zimbabwe, identifying causes and effects,
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understanding why the problem in perpetuated and what can be done to resolve it in the future. I
now offer a qualification for any resolution adopted by Harare or the nation of Zimbabwe to
improve water supply or women’s rights: that the resolution must be accompanied by gradual
cultural changes in gender norms in order to be ultimately successful in alleviating the unequal
plight of women caused by water poverty. Women oppressed in a male dominated society such
as Zimbabwe cannot truly be free from the undue burdens placed on them by water shortage until
they are recognized and represented with equal dignity and influence compared to men.
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Works Cited
Gambe, Tazviona Richman. “The Gender Dimensions of Water Poverty: Exploring Water
Shortages in Chitungwiza.” Journal of Poverty, vol. 23, no. 2, Feb. 2019, pp. 105–
122. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1080/10875549.2018.1517399.
Gambe, Tazviona Richman. “Water Woes in Harare: Rethinking the Implications of Gender and
Policy.” International Journal of Innovative Research and Development, vol. 4, no. 6,
June 2015, pp. 390–397., https://www.researchgate.net/publication/296677090.
Hellum, Anne. Water Is Life: Women’s Human Rights in National and Local Water Governance
in Southern and Eastern Africa. Weaver Press, 2015. EBSCOhost,
search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=1097815&site=edslive&scope=site.
International Monetary Fund, World Bank. Dublin Principles. Principle No. 4. Jan. 1992.
Muronzi, Chris. “Beyond Thirst: Inside Zimbabwe's Water Crisis.” Zimbabwe News | Al Jazeera,
Al Jazeera, 13 Feb. 2020, www.aljazeera.com/economy/2020/02/13/beyond-thirst-insidezimbabwes-water-crisis/?gb=true.
Pahwaringira, Liliosa, et al. “The Impacts of Water Shortages on Women's Time-Space
Activities in the High Density Suburb of Mabvuku in Harare.” wH20: The Journal of
Gender and Water, vol. 4, no. 1, 10 Oct. 2017, pp. 65–72.
Parliament of Zimbabwe. Constitution of Zimbabwe, Section 17 and 56. Parliament of
Zimbabwe, 2013.
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