EJSP
RESEARCH ARTICLE
What do I gain from joining crowds? Does self-expansion help to
explain the relationship between identity fusion, group efficacy and
collective action?
Tomasz Besta , Michał Jaśkiewicz, Natasza Kosakowska-Berezecka, Rafał Lawendowski &
Anna Maria Zawadzka
University of Gdansk, Gdańsk, Poland
Correspondence
Tomasz Besta, Ph.D., Institute of Psychology,
University of Gdansk, Bażyńskiego 4, 80-952
Gdańsk.
E-mail: t.besta@ug.edu.pl
Received: 8 June 2016
Accepted: 7 August 2017
https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2332
Keywords: group processes, social identity,
self, identity fusion, self-expansion
Abstract
Four studies were carried out to examine how identity fusion, self- and group
efficacy, and collective action are related and what role self-expansion plays
in these relationships. In the pilot study, participants recalled their experience
of participating in mass gatherings. The three other studies were conducted
during mass gatherings organized for collective purposes: a music concert
(Study 1), a bicycle activist event (Study 2), and Equality Days (Study 3).
The results showed (a) a significant positive relationship between personal
and group identity fusion, self-expansion, and self-efficacy (Study 1); (b) a
significant mediating effect of self-expansion on the relationship between
personal and group identity fusion and group efficacy (Studies 1 and 2);
and (c) a significant mediating effect of self- expansion and group efficacy
on the relationship between identity fusion and collective action tendency
(Studies 2 and 3).
Social identity is a dynamic construct and can be the
both the cause of collective action and also its
consequence (Doosje, Spears, & Ellemers, 2002;
Reicher, 1996). At the same time, maintaining and
strengthening one’s social identities can be achieved by
a shared tendency for progroup behaviors (Drury &
Reicher, 2005; Ellemers, 1993) or lower willingness to
act on behalf of other groups (Kosakowska-Berezecka
et al., 2016). According to the social identity approach
(Reicher, 2001), identity is a multifaceted social
construct enacted by experiencing others and
interacting with them. One source of strong identification with the group is the experience of being with a
crowd of like-minded people. Crowds constitute an immense source of the experience of social relations. Being
part of a mass gathering allows individuals to shift from
personal to social identity, from personal opinions to
more empowering group-based judgments, values,
and beliefs that the crowds feel more free and open to
express themselves out loud, even if their actions or
opinions are against the external general public’s doing
or thinking. Reicher and Haslam, following the
elaborated social identity model (Reicher, 1996),
emphasized that in crowd gatherings members become
more empowered to express their values and beliefs.
Communal gatherings, thus, can serve as (a) a real
experience that strengthens existing social identities
and (b) a source of expansion of our sense of the self,
as the experience of being in the crowd may in some
cases alter an individual’s self-descriptions and lead
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people to develop more collective sense of their new
experience. Thus, being with the crowd can lead to the
formation of new representational systems of one’s
social reality and increase the relevance of one’s group
identity (Reicher & Haslam, 2013).
Although group identification is related to committing oneself to act on behalf of that group (for an
overview, see Thomas, McGarty, & Mavor, 2009), other
forms of group adherence have been shown to better
explain a person’s relatedness to his or her group and
willingness to engage in progroup behaviors. For
example, Neville and Reicher (2011) showed that the
feeling of shared identity with other members of the
group is a better predictor of the feeling of relatedness
than group identification based on self-categorization.
A special case of experiencing shared identity with
other members of the group is identity fusion (Swann,
Gómez, Seyle, Morales, & Huici, 2009). This state
resembles the visceral feeling of being part of the group,
perceiving group values and norms as one’s own, and
experiencing a strong emotional bond with other group
members. Research shows that comparing a group’s
identification identity fusion constitutes a better predictor of strong connection to the group expressed by
individuals’ willingness to defend in-group members
(for an overview, see Swann & Buhrmester, 2015).
Although the results of most studies show that identity
fusion usually occurs among group members who have
very close personal relationships, people may also
become fused with more general, collective groups
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T. Besta et al.
(e.g., country or political party; cf. Swann et al., 2014).
When a person fuses with a group, his or her personal
self is not deactivated temporarily; instead, her or his
actions reflect “both their personal and social identities,
working together by virtue of the porous borders that
define them” (Swann, Jetten, Gómez, Whitehouse, &
Bastian, 2012, p. 443).
Identity fusion is often considered to be distinctly
different from identification with a group, especially
when identification is understood in terms of
self-categorization as a group member. For example, in
the classical concept of fluidity of self-construal, once
group identity is salient, personal identity is not and vice
versa (Onorato & Turner, 2004). However, the identity
fusion construct describes such strong group adherence
when group and personal identities are not interchangeable but strengthen each other (Gómez et al.,
2011). Additionally, the difference between identity fusion and group identification is also visible when we
take the methods they are measured with. Gómez
et al. (2011) showed that the verbal fusion scale is
visibly distinct from group identification scales. Keeping
these differences in mind, more recent conceptualizations of group identification go beyond defining identification as merely a categorization process. For example,
Leach et al.’s (2008) view of identification includes
self-categorization as a group member as only one
aspect of this multifaceted construct. Given the high
correlations between identity fusion and measures of
group identifications obtained in previous research
(i.e., fusion correlated the strongest with Leach and
colleagues scale; r = .83) and low average scores for
fusion (see e.g., Besta, Mattingly, & Błażek, 2016; Besta,
Szulc, & Jaśkiewicz, 2015), one may argue that fusion
could be perceived as a rare and extreme case of group
identification that is based on solidarity and feeling of
oneness with other group members, with personal
identity merged with group identity (and not alternatively salient). The aspect of solidarity with other group
members stands in line with the concept that people
fused with a group are especially likely to value the
reciprocal aspect of group membership. When an
individual is devoted to protect the group and make
the group stronger, he or she expects other group
members to be devoted to protect him or her. Gómez
et al. (2011) showed that this feeling of mutual support
links identity fusion to belief in one’s invulnerability
(i.e., fused individuals agree more with statements such
as, “In the face of danger, I am convinced that my group
and I will survive” and “My group will be able to cope
with any sort of threat”).
Previous studies also showed that the visceral feeling
of fusion with a group could be positively related to (a)
the stronger feeling of group agency (e.g., Gómez
et al., 2011) and positively related to (b) an individual’s
agentic self-description and goal adherence (Besta et al.,
2016). Based on those studies, we examine whether
identity fusion is related to willingness to engage in
collective action, similarly to group identification, as
shown in the literature cited (e.g., Thomas et al.,
What do I gain from joining crowds?
2009). Thus, in this research, we were focused on
identity fusion as the proposed antecedent of feeling of
group efficacy and collective action tendencies.
Pathways to Collective Action
Despite some differences, most social psychological
models of collective action imply that experiencing
undeserved or illegitimate group-based negative treatment, along with the resulting feelings of injustice and
group-based anger, as well as social identity and
group-based efficacy, are key triggers for collective
action (Becker & Tausch, 2015; Thomas et al., 2009;
Van Zomeren, Spears, & Leach, 2008). One distinct
pathway within the model of collective action shows
that belief that the group has the potential to solve issues
collectively increases the likelihood that group members
take action on behalf of the group and for their sake
(Van Zomeren, Spears, Fischer, & Leach, 2004).
Meta-analytic evidence suggests that group identity
and group efficacy are positively correlated, and that
they are important predictors of collective action, thus
leading to the following, potentially valid, assumption
of their causal relationship: group identification ➔group
efficacy ➔collective action (Van Zomeren, Postmes, &
Spears, 2008). In a dual pathway model of collective
action, Van Zomeren, Leach, and Spears (2012) argued
that this path is one of two important causal links leading to collective action (the other one constitutes the
path of emotion-based coping with a group situation
and is less relevant to our reasoning as we do not
concentrate on group-based emotions in this research).
However, there is some evidence that group identity
salience, in certain conditions, has actually no effect on
an individual’s perception of group efficacy (Van
Zomeren et al., 2008). An additional experimental
study showed that the feeling of group efficacy leads
to stronger identification with the group, because belief
in the group’s efficacy triggers individuals’ identity to act
on behalf of the group (Van Zomeren, Leach, & Spears,
2010). Thomas et al. (2009) proposed a theoretical
model that is in line with these experimental studies.
In the encapsulated model of social identity in collective
action (EMSICA), they proposed that social identification acts as a link between group-based emotions and
group efficacy beliefs on one side and collective action
intentions on the other side. It leads to a conclusion that
heightened group efficacy would manifest itself in
stronger identification with a group, and as a result, in
stronger willingness to act on behalf of a group.
Experimental studies focused on the relationship
between group identification, group efficacy, and
collective action have not often been conducted among
individuals who actually experienced a collective
identity by interacting with others. The individuals were
merely primed for their temporary salience by being
reminded of the unjust treatment of their group of
reference (e.g., being a student whose university plans
to significantly raise annual tuition fees; Van Zomeren
et al., 2010). However, when group members interact
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What do I gain from joining crowds?
with a crowd, we can expect stronger links between
group identification and collective action intention.
When people manifest their emergent social identities
by interacting with other group members, their commitment to take collective action and beliefs in the efficacy
could be boosted, as the process of actualizing one’s
social identity takes place (Drury & Reicher, 2000). For
example, in research on small group discussions,
Thomas et al. (2016) showed that small group interaction heightened identification with a newly formed
group, as well as the tendency to act collectively.
Thomas and colleagues, based on the encapsulated
model of social identity, showed that causal pathway
group efficacy ➔ group identification ➔collective action
fit their data. An alternative pathway based on the social
identity model of collective action (SIMCA; Van
Zomeren et al., 2012), namely, group identification ➔
group efficacy ➔collective action, also seemed to fit data
obtained by Thomas et al. (2016). However, in this case
the path from group efficacy to collective action was
statistically insignificant. Researchers concluded that
the SIMCA model might be thus more relevant when
describing established social identities and their
consequences (e.g., gender identity or membership in
protest movements), whereas the EMSICA model
might be more useful when explaining the group
identifications of the participants of the newly formed
groups (Thomas et al., 2016).
Collective action researchers (Becker & Tausch, 2015;
Thomas et al., 2016; Van Zomeren, 2015) and those
focused on crowd behavior (Drury & Reicher, 2000;
Reicher, 1996) highlighted the importance of the ability
to explain and describe the processes related to the
transformation of group identities and the formation
of new identities by interacting with other group
members. This is especially vivid when interacting with
others during gatherings of people united by causes and
common goals. We could assume, in line with the
reasoning presented by Reicher and Haslam (2013),
that those interactions taking place during mass gatherings are the possible source of the sense of the self’s
expansion. Self-expansion relates to the formation of
new representations of social reality, new perspectives,
and new ways of understanding a person’s experiences.
In the studies presented in this article, we explored
whether including a measure of nonrelational
self-expansion helps explain the willingness to engage
in collective action presented by participants in mass
gatherings. We collected data in the social context of
positive group gatherings, allowing for individual
expansion of the self and thus increasing one’s feeling
of self-efficacy. The present research in natural settings
is intended to extend the results of previous studies on
crowd behavior and collective action. Because to date
researchers have not identified key antecedents of
group efficacy experimentally (Van Zomeren et al.,
2010), we present four studies that address this gap.
We argue that the lack of potential antecedents (such
as self-expansion as a result of being engaged in crowd
gathering) in previous studies might help to explain
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the relationship between group adherence, group
efficacy, and collective action intention. We argue that
being part of a crowd gives an individual the opportunity to express his or her identity and enact it behaviorally. As a result, the self expands by interacting with
other group members. Thus, this experience of being
with the crowd and the resulting expansion of the self
could be antecedents of self-efficacy, acting as a contextual trigger mediating the relationship between salient
social identity and group efficacy and collective action
tendency.
Self-Expansion, Self- and Group Efficacy, and
Collective Actions
Mummendey, Kessler, Klink, and Mielke (1999)
proposed that group efficacy is a better predictor of
collective action than group identification. Group
efficacy gives people an experience of collective power,
which enables the group to change its destiny (Drury &
Reicher, 2005; Reicher, 2001). Thus, the stronger the
feeling of group efficacy, the more likely people are to
engage in collective action (e.g., Hornsey et al., 2006;
Mummendey et al., 1999). However, people who feel
a strong connection to a group do not necessarily have
to experience the feeling of stronger group efficacy as
shown in previous studies (Van Zomeren et al., 2008).
Group identification must be accompanied by the belief
that the group can take collective actions that allow the
members to realize collective goals effectively.
According to the self-expansion model, the yearning
for self-growth and self-expansion is an important
human motivation (Aron, Lewandowski, Mashek, &
Aron, 2013; Wright, Aron, & Tropp, 2002). This
yearning can be realized by engaging in exciting and
challenging activities that help to develop new perspectives on the social world and to advance one’s knowledge, as well as by including significant others in one’s
self-concept and by internalization of new identities
(Aron et al., 2004). As a result, individuals feel more
positively about themselves and have more identity
buffers and resources to rely on, thus enhancing their
feeling of self-efficacy and agency (Aron et al., 2013;
Mattingly & Lewandowski, 2014). In this view, realization of the self-expansion motive is considered an
antecedent of self-efficacy belief. Researchers have
shown that an expanded self-concept is associated with
an increased sense of self-efficacy (Mattingly &
Lewandowski, 2013). Scholars also showed that selfexpansion is linked to a greater likelihood of
accomplishing goals (Xu, Floyd, Westmaas, & Aron,
2010) and heightened approach motivation (Mattingly,
Mcintyre, & Lewandowski, 2012).
Most studies on self-expansion took place in laboratory settings or focused on close relationships with
significant others. There is also the under-researched
topic of a direct relationship between self-expansion
and willingness to act on behalf of the group. Thus, we
go beyond the self-expansion–self-efficacy relationship
and explore whether the feeling of self-expansion
European Journal of Social Psychology 48 (2018) O152–O167 Copyright ª 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
T. Besta et al.
experienced during participation in mass gatherings is
linked to willingness to engage in collective action.
Finally, we extend the existing models of antecedents
of collective actions by proposing that the feeling of
self-expansion as a result of participating in a crowd of
likeminded people could be considered the mediator of
the relationship between group identity, and both group
efficacy belief and collective action tendencies.
Self-Expansion and Crowd Processes
Self-expansion motive can be satisfied on the intrapersonal level (by engaging in novel and challenging
activities) and on the interpersonal and intergroup
levels. Here, self-expansion motive might be satisfied
by including other people and entire groups in the self
(Wright et al., 2002). Thus, in this article we examine
whether including the experience of mass gathering
events in the self and the stronger feeling of fusion with
participants of such mass gatherings are related to
greater self-expansion, which, in turn, is linked to the
group efficacy belief and the collective action intention.
This model extends previous studies on crowds’ behavior by adding a direct examination of self-expansion.
Previous conceptualizations of triggers of collective
action related to mass gathering attendance mainly
focused on variables such as empowerment, collective
resilience, or collective self-objectification.
Thus, the inclusion of self-expansion extends
research on crowd behaviors that were mainly analyzed
in the context of protests demonstrating oppositional
views or demands targeted at a dominant out-group.
Drury and Reicher (2009) argued that participation in
a crowd (e.g., during such protests) strengthens identification with the group and triggers collective empowerment, but they also emphasized the role of inclusive
self-categorization that emerges and makes way for
feelings of unity and expected support. Actions that
materialize participants’ social identity potentially lead
to collective self-objectification where participants’
identity becomes oppositional to the dominant
out-group (e.g., police or government; Drury, Cocking,
Beale, Hanson, & Rapley, 2005; Stekelenburg &
Klandermans, 2013). This sense of unity and expectation of support were also described by Drury, Cocking,
and Reicher (2009) among emergency or disaster group
victims who due to a common traumatic experience
constitute a new sociality. However, the authors
emphasized the need for a more thorough explanation
of togetherness and crowd resilience leading to
cooperation within a group of participants who are
unknown to each other yet create social bonds and feel
empowered and ready for collective action.
All of these constructs are important antecedents of
progroup behaviors but describe the emergence of a
shared feeling of unity with others and a shared reality
constructed as a result of being part of the crowd,
whereas self-expansion is intended to describe changes
in the self-construct. In the present studies, we explore
whether the intention to participate in future events
What do I gain from joining crowds?
on behalf of one’s group and group efficacy belief are
stronger when being a part of mass gatherings results
in self-expansion. We argue that the role of individual
self-expansion is an important area to examine, and is
parallel to these mentioned above. That is, crowd events
could facilitate the emergence of collective empowerment, resilience, and solidarity, thus leading to
progroup behaviors. In addition, changes in selfperception, linked to expansion of the self-construct,
could reveal how individual- and group-level psychological variables are interconnected.
Overview of the Present Studies
The overall goal of the present studies is to integrate
crowd research and collective action research, and by
including the self-expansion motive to describe important factors in developing collective action tendencies
among crowd members. More specifically, our goal is
to explore whether those participants in mass events
who felt they developed new perspectives and increased
their knowledge by interacting with others in large
groups (that is, declared high self-expansion) would be
most willing to believe in group efficacy and to engage
in future collective actions.
In four studies (for datasets see Supporting Information provided online), we explored the relationship
among identity fusion, self-expansion, self- and group efficacy, and collective action tendencies. A pilot study was
conducted using the retrospective method among undergraduate students. Studies 1 to 3 were conducted among
participants at the sites of various mass events. The first
two studies (the pilot study and Study 1) were designed
to examine the link between self-expansion and a feeling
of self- and group efficacy. Based on previous research,
we assumed in hypothesis 1 (H1) that self-expansion
would be linked to a higher level of self-efficacy. As
self-efficacy is related to general personal agency, we also
measured an individual’s agency, although we consider
agency and self-efficacy two distinct constructs. In the pilot study conducted among Polish students, we checked
whether as a result of recalling the experience of being
part of a mass gathering students felt self-expansion
and that this related to their declared self-efficacy. As
the relationship between feelings of self-expansion and
self-efficacy was especially vivid, when identity fusion
was the strongest, in Study 1, we explored the relationship among identity fusion, self-expansion, self-efficacy,
and one’s personal agency among music festival attendees. In Study 1, we added a variable important to
our reasoning, namely, group efficacy, and proposed hypothesis 2 (H2) that self-expansion is a mediator of the
relationship between identity fusion and group efficacy.
In Study 2 and Study 3, we conducted a survey
among activists participating in gatherings for a collective cause, for bicyclists (Study 2) and lesbian, gay,
bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals’ rights
(Study 3). The aim of Studies 2 and 3 was to test our
assumption that a feeling of self-expansion caused by
participating in a mass gathering could be an important
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What do I gain from joining crowds?
mediator of the relationship between strong personal
and group identity fusion ➔ self-efficacy ➔ collective
action. We assumed in hypothesis 3 that the selfexpansion resulting from being part of the crowd
mediates the relationship between identity fusion with
other crowd attendees, group efficacy, and collective
action tendencies (H3; Studies 2 and 3). Thus, we
expected that the feeling of self-expansion would
partially explain the relationship among identity fusion,
group efficacy, and collective action.
Pilot Study
greater awareness of things?”). Participants indicated
their answers on a 7-point scale (1 = not very much to
7 = very much). The scale turned out to be a reliable
measure (Cronbach’s α = .91).
Self-efficacy. We used the 10-item Polish version of
the general self-efficacy scale (GES; Luszczynska,
Gutiérrez-Doña, & Schwarzer, 2005) for assessing
beliefs about one’s self-efficacy (e.g., “I can always manage to solve difficult problems if I try hard enough”).
Participants indicated their answers on a 4-point scale
(1 = not at all true to 4 = exactly true). The scale was
reliable (Cronbach’s α = .84).
Method
Participants. Undergraduate students in various
study majors (social sciences, humanities, biology, and
chemistry) participated voluntarily in this study. One
hundred ten individuals completed all questionnaires
(90 were women, three were missing data on gender;
Mage = 23.34, SD = 6.21).
Procedure and materials. For all four studies,
Institutional Review Board approval was obtained from
the Institute of Psychology, University of Gdansk ethical
committee. The questionnaire, with a fixed order of
scales, was administered in small groups (15–25 participants per group). After a short introduction that
presented the study as research on the relationship
between personality traits and the perception of social
groups, participants were asked to recall a big mass
gathering they had attended recently, state the name
of the event, when it took place, and the estimated
number of total attendees. Then they answered
questions using the following scales: identity fusion
with other participants, self-expansion, agency and
communion, and self-efficacy.
Identity fusion. To assess the strength of a visceral
feeling of oneness with a group, we used the Polish
version (Besta, Gómez, & Vázquez, 2014) of the
seven-item identity fusion scale (IFS; Gómez et al.,
2011). We measured how close participants felt to other
attendees and how strongly they included attendees in
the self (e.g., “I felt one with other attendees of this
event” and “I have a deep emotional bond with other
participants”). Participants indicated their answers on a
6-point scale (0 = strongly disagree to 6 = strongly agree).
The scale showed great reliability (Cronbach’s α = .91).
Self-expansion. To tap the feeling of nonrelational
self-expansion resulting from being part of a past mass
gathering, we used the measure of the individual selfexpansion questionnaire (SEQ; Mattingly &
Lewandowski, 2013). The five-item scale was backtranslated into Polish for this study. Participants were
asked to recall the event they had written about and
described how this event had influenced them (e.g., because of attendance, “Do you feel an increase in your
ability to accomplish new things?” and “Do you feel a
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Agentic self-perception. To use a measure of selfdescription of traits related to agency, we included
agency-communion items based on traits used by
Laurin, Kay, and Shepherd (2011; five items for agency,
e.g., I am... “self-confident,” “competent”; five items for
communion, such as “warm” and “caring”). Participants
indicated their answers on a 7-point scale (0 = strongly
disagree to 6 = strongly agree). Both scales showed acceptable reliability (α = .69 for agency and .70 for communion). In this study, we focused on the agency scale as
it is related to our reasoning.
Results and Discussion
Preliminary analyses. For the events the participants recalled, 50% wrote down a music festival or concert, 14.5% recalled a sports event (e.g., football/soccer
game), 13.6% recalled a personal event (e.g., a big
wedding), and the other participants described other
mass gatherings (e.g., pilgrimage, demonstration).
Relationship
among
self-expansion,
self-efficacy, and personal agency on different
levels of identity fusion. To test hypothesis 1 on
the link between self-expansion and self-efficacy and
agency, we conducted correlation analyses. They
showed that recalling a feeling of self-expansion as a
result of participation in mass gatherings was related to
self-efficacy (r = .23, p = .02) and personal agency
(r = .17, p = .07) but not to communion (r = .07, p = .48).
As the pilot study was correlational and we asked
to assess the participants’ self-expansion caused by
attendance at mass gatherings, we could not compare
the relations to nonattendees. Moreover, with the
retrospective methodology we could assess the vividness of recalling the event only indirectly. We divided
the participants into three groups based on their
identity fusion scores (low, with 1 SD from mean,
average, and highly fused, with +1 SD from the
mean) and ran separate correlational analyses. The
difference between the strength of the relationship
between self-expansion and self-efficacy among
high-fused (r = .32) and low-fused (r = .22) individuals was statistically significant (Z = 2.26, p = .02).
The same applied to the self-expansion–agency
relation, with Pearson r higher among highly fused
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What do I gain from joining crowds?
(r = .38) than low-fused individuals (r =
.17;
Z = 2.32, p = .02).
Results of the pilot study confirmed our assumption
of the relationship between feelings of self-expansion
and self-efficacy among the Polish student sample. This
relationship was especially vivid when individuals
recalled mass events when personal and group identity
overlapped the most. Interestingly, for weakly fused
individuals, the relationship between self-expansion
and efficacy and agency was negative. This effect could
be related to the fact that perception of belonging to
the larger group (i.e., inclusion of others in the self that
results in identity fusion) facilitates the relationship
between the feeling of self-expansion and self-efficacy.
That is, if, in the context of the group relation,
self-expansion is strong among people who did not
adhere to the group, it is not necessarily linked to the
increased efficacy beliefs.
An important limitation of the pilot study was also
that the participants may have experienced the reported
events (the music festival, spot event, family gatherings)
in different ways; thus, this could have influenced their
responses. Based on the results of the pilot study and to
overcome its limitations, we decided to conduct studies
among crowd participants. In Study 1, we explored
whether the survey conducted during a day-long music
festival among attendees would confirm this relationship. We also extended the pilot study by adding a
measure of group efficacy to assess whether—as we
proposed in hypothesis 2—the feeling of self-expansion
is a mediator of the identity fusion–group efficacy
relationship.
Study 1
and group identity in the context of other festival participants (e.g., “I have a deep emotional bond with other
participants”). The reliability was acceptable
(Cronbach’s α = .91).
Self-expansion. We used the same scale, the SEQ,
as in the pilot study to assess what people gained from
attending the festival (e.g., because of attendance, “Do
you feel a greater awareness of things?”). The reliability
was acceptable (Cronbach’s α = .90).
Agentic self-perception. To measure selfdescription of agentic and communal traits, we included
a scale based on adjectives used by Laurin et al. (2011;
six items for agency, e.g., I am... “self-confident,” and
six items for communion, e.g., “caring”). Both scales
showed acceptable reliability (α = .72 for agency and
.79 for communion).
Self-efficacy. We included a three-item scale (the
GES) to assess general beliefs about one’s self-efficacy
(“If I do my best, I can solve most problems I have to
deal with”; “When unexpected problems arise, I can
usually find several solutions”; “I am confident that I
could deal efficiently with life’s challenges”). The
reliability was acceptable (Cronbach’s α = .89).
Group efficacy. We assessed group efficacy with
one item: “I think that together with other fans of the
music we can together work toward our common goals”
(based on an item used by Van Zomeren et al., 2004).
Subjects responded on a 6-point scale (1 = not at all to
7 = very much).
Method
Results and Discussion
Participants. Attendees at three music festivals that
took place in Poland participated voluntarily in Study 1.
As all measures were in Polish, only Poles were included
in the analyses. The festivals varied from medium
(around 1000 participants) to large (around 30 000
participants). A total of 781 individuals participated in
the study (469 women, 24 were missing data on gender;
Mage = 27.88, SD = 8.39).
Procedure and materials. While waiting for the
concerts to start or listening to the live music, festival
attendees were approached by a research assistant and
asked to voluntarily participate in the study. Participants
filled out a questionnaire that among other measures
not relevant to this study (i.e., on music preferences)
included the identity fusion scale with the target group
festival participants, the agency and communion scale,
and the self-expansion scale and items measuring selfefficacy and group efficacy to tap general self-efficacy
beliefs (see Table 1 for details).
Identity fusion. This time, we used the seven-item
verbal IFS to assess overlap between personal identity
Preliminary analyses. We conducted factor analyses to explore whether self-expansion and identity
fusion are related to two independent constructs. After
we inserted items from the self-expansion scale and
the identity fusion measure, the analyses with direct
oblimin rotation showed a two-factorial solution that
explained 68% of the variance. Items from the selfexpansion scale were part of one factor (with factor
loadings from .80 to .89), and items from the identity
fusion scale were part of the second factor (with factor
loadings from .70 to .90). Similarly, as self-expansion
and measures of efficacy beliefs could be seen as tapping
into similar constructs, we conducted factor analyses for
items from the self-expansion scale, self-efficacy, and
one item measure of group efficacy. Analyses with
direct oblimin and a fixed number of three factors
revealed that the items from the three scales were
divided into three factors (factor one included items
from the self-expansion scale, with loadings from .74
to .92; factor two with one item for group efficacy that
loaded with .86; and factor three with items from the
self-efficacy scale that loaded from .90 to .93).
European Journal of Social Psychology 48 (2018) O152–O167 Copyright ª 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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What do I gain from joining crowds?
Table 1 Descriptive statistics for measures used in Study 1, n = 781; Study 2, n = 103; and Study 3, n = 69
Variable
Self-expansion
Self-efficacy
Group-efficacy
Agency
Communion
Study 2 Identity fusion
Self-expansion
Group-efficacy
Collective action
Study 3 Identity fusion
Self-expansion
Group-efficacy
Collective action
Scale items (range)
Reliability
5 (1–7)
3 (1–7)
1 (1–7)
6 (1–7)
6 (1–7)
7 (0–6)
5 (1–7)
1 (1–7)
3 (1–7)
7 (0–6)
5 (1–7)
1 (1–7)
3 (1–7)
.90
.89
.72
.79
.92
.92
.91
.86
.90
.97
Relationship between self-expansion, personal
agency, and self-efficacy. To test hypothesis 1, we
conducted zero-order correlation analyses. They
confirmed the predictions and showed that all variables
used in Study 1 were correlated. As in the pilot study, a
feeling of self-expansion was positively related to selfefficacy and personal agency (see Table 2).
Identity
fusion,
group
efficacy,
and
self-expansion as a mediator. To test hypothesis 2
concerning the role of self-expansion in the identity
fusion–group efficacy relationship, we conducted a
simple mediation analysis using the PROCESS
bootstrapping macro (Hayes, 2013). The fusion of
personal and group identity was indirectly related to
group efficacy beliefs through the effect on the feeling
of self-expansion. Stronger fusion with fellow festival
participants and inclusion of this group in the self were
related to the feeling of self-expansion resulting in
new knowledge, and the feeling of having a larger
perspective on reality (a = .55). Participants who felt
greater self-expansion expressed stronger beliefs that
together with other festival attendees they could attain
common goals (b = .40). A bias-corrected bootstrap
confidence interval for the indirect effect (ab = .218)
based on 5000 bootstrap samples was entirely above
zero (0.17 to 0.28). In addition to an indirect effect,
there was a significant direct effect of fusion on group
efficacy, showing overlap between personal and group
identity related to beliefs about the greater group’s
ability to obtain common goals (c’ = 0.386, p < .001)
(see Figure 1).
Minimum
Maximum
1.00
1.00
1.00
1.33
1.67
.00
1.00
1.00
1.00
.00
1.00
1.00
1.00
7.00
7.00
7.00
7.00
7.00
6.00
7.00
7.00
7.00
5.17
7.00
7.00
7.00
Mean
4.10
5.05
3.65
5.34
4.79
2.97
3.78
5.18
4.53
2.97
4.45
5.50
5.46
SD
1.36
1.37
1.68
0.81
0.81
1.45
1.39
1.48
1.60
1.21
1.40
1.60
1.85
Study 1 showed that the suggested feeling of selfexpansion resulting from participation in mass gatherings could be useful in explaining the relationship
between group identification and group efficacy.
However, this study was conducted during music festivals, events that are not directly linked to collective
action. Thus, Studies 2 and 3 were conducted during
events related to protests and collective actions. In these
studies, we examined the proposed mediational model
with identity fusion as a predictor, self-expansion and
group efficacy as mediators, and collective action
tendency as the dependent variable.
Study 2
Method
Participants. Study 2 was conducted among people
participating in Great Critical Mass Tricity 2015, a
gathering of bicycle activists and cycling enthusiasts.
The demonstration took place in the metropolitan area
of Gdansk–Sopot–Gdynia (Tricity) in northern Poland.
One hundred and three participants voluntarily filled
out questionnaires (45 women, four were missing data
on gender; Mage = 33.76, SD = 11.48).
Procedure and materials. Just after the Great
Critical Mass event ended research assistants asked
event attendees to voluntarily participate in the study.
Those who agreed filled out the questionnaires. This
time, we controlled for the scale order. The questionnaires included the identity fusion scale, the selfexpansion scale, the group efficacy scale, and
Table 2 Study 1. Zero-order correlations with Person’s r
Self-expansion
Identity fusion
Self-expansion
Self-efficacy
Group-efficacy
Agency
.48***
Self-efficacy
.13***
.17***
Group-efficacy
.43***
.45***
.25***
Agency
.17***
.25***
.32***
.26***
Communion
.20***
.21***
.37***
.29***
.66***
***p < .001.
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T. Besta et al.
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Fig. 1: Study 1. Model of identity fusion with participants as predictor of group efficacy, with mediator self-expansion; n = 781
collective action tendencies, as well as measures not
related to this article (e.g., questions about commuting
routines and motives for using a bike; see Table 1 for
details).
Identity fusion. We used the seven-item IFS to
assess overlap between personal identity and group
identity in the context of other people participating in
the demonstration (e.g., “I have a deep emotional bond
with other participants”). The reliability was acceptable
(Cronbach’s α = .92).
Self-expansion. We used the same SEQ scale as in
previous studies to assess what people gained from
attending this demonstration (e.g., because of
attendance, “Do you feel a greater awareness of
things?”). The reliability was acceptable (Cronbach’s
α = .92).
Group efficacy. We assessed group efficacy with
one item, “I think that together with other participants we can together work to change cyclists’
situation” (based on an item used by Van Zomeren
et al., 2004).
Collective action tendencies. To assess collective
action tendencies, we used three items based on scale
used by Van Zomeren et al. (2004; e.g., “I am willing
to take part in protests and demonstrations to improve
the policy on cycling and bicycle use”). Participants
indicated their answers on a 7-point scale (1 = not at all
to 7 = very much).
Results
Preliminary analyses. Preliminary correlation
analyses showed that all variables used in Study 2 were
correlated, with the strongest link between identity
fusion and self-expansion and between group efficacy
and collective action (see Table 3). Moreover, we
analyzed the identity fusion of the participants for each
festival. Post-hoc Bonferroni tests revealed that identity
fusion was strongest among the participants of the
biggest festival (M = 2.90) compared to the medium size
festival (M = 2.65), and the smallest festival (M = 2.57).
Identity fusion did not differ statistically significantly
among participants of the medium and smallest
festivals.
As in Study 1, we also conducted factor analyses to
explore whether self-expansion and identity fusion are
related to two independent constructs. After we inserted
items from the self-expansion scale and the identity
fusion measure, the analyses with direct oblimin
rotation showed a two-factorial solution that explained
73% of the variance. Items from the self-expansion
scale were part of one factor (with factor loadings from
.82 to .90), and items from the identity fusion scale were
part of the second factor (with factor loadings from .62
to .84). Similarly, we conducted factor analyses for
items from the self-expansion scale, and one item that
measured group efficacy. Analyses with direct oblimin
and a fixed number of two factors revealed that the
items from the two scales were divided into two factors
that explain 80% of the variance (factor one includes
items from the self-expansion scale, with loadings from
.77 to .91; factor two had one item for group efficacy
that loads with .98).
Table 3 Study 2. Zero-order correlations with Person’s r
Identity fusion
Self-expansion
Group-efficacy
Self-expansion
Group-efficacy
Collective action
.61***
.22*
.36***
.25*
.36***
.59***
*p < .05;
**p < .01;
***p < .001.
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Self-expansion as a mediator of fusion–
collective action tendencies. To test the mediation
models, we conducted a series of mediational analyses.
First, we analyzed the model proposed by Van Zomeren
et al. (2010). Based on the PROCESS bootstrapping
macro (Hayes, 2013), we included group efficacy as a
predictor, the collective action tendency as the proposed
mediator, and identity fusion with other participants as
the dependent variable. The mediation analyses were
not statistically significant. A bias-corrected bootstrap
confidence interval for the indirect effect (ab = .10)
based on 5000 bootstrap samples included zero ( 0.04
to 0.26).
We tested whether the relationship between group
and personal identity fusion (the predictor) and
collective action tendencies (the dependent variable)
was mediated by group efficacy as the second model.
The indirect effect was not statistically significant, with
a confidence interval (ab = .14) that included zero
( 0.004 to 0.29).
Finally, we tested hypothesis 3 stating that the feeling
of self-expansion mediates the fusion–collective action
tendencies relationship. To explore whether the indirect
effect of fusion on collective action tendencies through
the feeling of self-expansion and group efficacy is statistically significant, we conducted a third mediation
analysis using the PROCESS bootstrapping macro. We
added an additional variable to the second model (that
is, feeling of self-expansion as the first mediator, leaving
group efficacy as the second mediator; see Figure 2).
Stronger fusion with the gathering’s participants was
related to a feeling of self-expansion (a1 = .58).
Participants who felt greater self-expansion as a result
of their Critical Mass attendance expressed stronger
beliefs that together with other bicycle activists they
could be efficient in pursuing common goals
(d21 = .38). This group efficacy belief, however, was
positively related to collective action tendencies
(b2 = .57). A bias-corrected bootstrap confidence interval for the indirect effect (a1d21b2 = .13) based on 5000
bootstrap samples was entirely above zero (0.05 to
0.26). Fusion was not independently related to collective action tendencies in addition to the indirect effect
through the feeling of self-expansion and group efficacy
(c’ = 0.04, p = .70).
Results of Study 2 confirmed that inclusion of the
feeling of self-expansion caused by the gathering’s
attendance helped in explaining the relationship
between strong group and personal identity fusion
and tendencies to act on behalf of the group. We specifically showed that in the natural condition of participation in a mass gathering, fusion with other
participants could be a link to action tendencies because of the feeling of self-extension related to the
crowd experience.
In Study 3, we aimed to replicate the indirect effect
obtained in Study 2. This time, we conducted research
among LGBT rights activists. The study took place during the Equality Days events that attracted supporters
of equality rights for nonheterosexual individuals.
Study 3
Method
Participants. In Study 3, attendees who supported
equal rights for LGBT individuals, sympathizers, and organizers of Equality Days in Poland (69 persons, 44
women, three did not state their gender; Mage = 29.76,
SD = 9.50) with a minimum age of 18 and a maximum
age of 66.
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Fig. 2: Study 2. Model of identity fusion with participants as predictor of collective action tendencies, with mediator self-expansion and groupefficacy; n = 103
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T. Besta et al.
What do I gain from joining crowds?
Procedure and materials. Activists and people
involved in Equality Days in Gdansk who participated
in the gatherings related to this event (e.g., LGBT equal
rights conferences and discussion groups; each event
attracted around 50–80 people) were asked to voluntarily participate in a study and fill out the questionnaire.
Research assistants approached participants during or
at the end of each event. We controlled for the scale order. See Table 1 for detailed information about the
scales used.
Identity fusion. As in previous studies, we used the
IFS to assess the personal and group identity overlap in
the context of the Equality Days participants (e.g., “I
have a deep emotional bond with other participants”).
The reliability was acceptable (Cronbach’s α = .86).
Self-expansion. We used the same SEQ scale as in
previous studies to assess what people gained from
attending Equality Days events (e.g., because of attendance, “Do you feel a greater awareness of things?”).
The reliability was acceptable (Cronbach’s α = .90).
Group efficacy. We assessed group efficacy with
one item, “I think that together with others we can
together work to change sexual minorities’ situation”
(based on an item used by Van Zomeren et al., 2004).
Collective action tendencies. To assess collective
action tendencies, we used three items based on a scale
used by Van Zomeren et al. (2004; e.g., “I am willing to
take part in protests and demonstrations for the rights of
sexual minorities”). The reliability was acceptable
(Cronbach’s α = .97).
Results
Preliminary analyses. Preliminary correlation
analyses showed that most of the variables used in
Study 3 were correlated, although this time identity
fusion was not related to collective action tendencies
and group efficacy (see Table 4). Despite this lack of a
relationship, we conducted indirect effects analysis in
line with reasoning presented by Preacher and Hayes
(2008) that indirect effects could be analyzed even
when the relationship between two variables is not
statistically significant.
As in previous studies, we also conducted factor analyses to explore whether self-expansion and identity
Table 4 Study 3. Zero-order correlations with Person’s r
Identity fusion
Self-expansion
Group-efficacy
*p < .05;
**p < .01;
***p < .001.
Self-expansion
Group-efficacy
Collective action
.28*
.18
.38***
.10
.50***
.80***
fusion are related to the two independent constructs.
After we inserted items from the self-expansion scale
and the identity fusion measure, analyses with direct
oblimin rotation showed a two-factorial solution that
explained 65% of the variance. Items from the selfexpansion scale were part of one factor (with factor
loadings from .71 to .91), and items from the identity
fusion scale were part of the second factor (with factor
loadings from .68 to .81). Similarly, analyses with direct
oblimin rotation revealed that items from the selfexpansion and group efficacy scales are divided into
two factors that explain 78% of the variance (factor
one includes items from the self-expansion scale, with
loadings from .80 to .89; factor two had one item for
group efficacy that loaded with .81).
Self-expansion as a mediator of fusion–
collective action tendencies. As in previous studies
to test mediation models, we used the PROCESS
bootstrapping macro (Hayes, 2013). We explored the
alternative to the model we proposed with group
efficacy as the predictor, collective action tendency as
the proposed mediator, and identity fusion with other
participants as the dependent variable. As in Study 2,
the mediation analyses were not statistically significant.
A bias-corrected bootstrap confidence interval for the
indirect effect (ab = .07) based on 5000 bootstrap
samples included zero ( 0.34 to 0.14).
We tested whether the relationship between group
and personal identity fusion (predictor) and collective
action tendencies (dependent variable) is mediated by
group efficacy as the second model. The indirect effect
was not statistically significant, with a confidence
interval for the indirect effect (ab = .22) that included
zero ( 0.05 to 0.50).
To explore the role of feeling of self-expansion, we
conducted a third mediation analysis, with identity
fusion as a predictor, self-expansion as the first mediator, group efficacy as the second mediator, and collective action tendencies as the dependent variable. This
time, as with Study 2, the indirect effect of fusion on
collective action tendencies through a feeling of selfexpansion and group efficacy turned out to be statistically significant (see Figure 3). Including the group of
equal rights activists in the self-concept was related to
a feeling of self-expansion (a1 = .32). Participants who
felt greater self-expansion as a result of event attendance expressed stronger beliefs that together with
other activists they could be efficient in pursuing
common goals (d21 = .41). Finally, this group efficacy
belief was positively related to collective action tendencies (b2 = .83). A bias-corrected bootstrap confidence
interval for the indirect effect (a1d21b2 = .11) based on
5000 bootstrap samples was entirely above zero (0.02
to 0.32). Fusion was not independently related to collective action tendencies in addition to the indirect effect
through the feeling of self-expansion and group efficacy
(c’ = .016, p = .17). That confirmed hypothesis 3.
Moreover, the indirect effect of fusion on collective
action tendencies through a feeling of self-expansion
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Fig. 3: Study 3. Model of identity fusion with participants as predictor of collective action tendencies, with mediator self-expansion and groupefficacy; n = 69
only was statistically significant (a1b1 = .11; interval 0.01
to 0.31).
General Discussion
What do we gain from joining crowds? Participation in
crowd gatherings generates the specific social context
that triggers self-expansion and therefore leads to acting
on behalf of the group. Instead of losing one’s identity,
an individual actualizes his or her social identity
through interactions with other participants and
experiencing the crowd. The results are in line with
current models of crowd behavior that are critical of
irrationalist approaches. That is, thanks to research on
emerging group norms and self-objectification, we
explained behaviors during mass gatherings without
faulty assumptions about people being irrational and
prone to violence for no apparent reason (Drury et al.,
2005; Drury & Reicher, 2009). In the present studies,
perceived self-expansion was linked to people’s action
intentions, and those who felt an expansion of their
selves in the context of a mass gathering were more
responsive to the group’s goals and endorse stronger
group efficacy beliefs. Consistent with the selfexpansion model, individuals with an expanded selfconcept also reported greater group efficacy.
We believe the studies presented in this article extend
previous research on crowd behavior and collective
action. In the pilot study, among participants who
recalled a big mass gathering, a feeling of self-expansion
was related to self-efficacy and personal agency. These
relations were especially significant among participants
highly fused with a group. In Study 1, we continued
the present research within natural settings, and we
included as participants attendees at three music
festivals. Analysis revealed that self-expansion was a
mediator of the relationship between identity fusion
and group efficacy. Finally, the results for Studies 2
and 3 conducted during the Great Critical Mass and
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Equality Days confirmed our assumption that selfexpansion mediates the relationship between identityrelated variables and collective action tendency.
These studies enrich the self-based perspective on
motivation to participate in collective actions. Similarly
to previous studies (Drury & Reicher, 2000, 2009; van
Zomeren et al., 2008), we analyzed the changes in the
self-concept to explain why group members could be
more willing to engage in future collective actions. In
the case of the present studies, the feeling of selfexpansion could be a plausible answer. However, as
Van Zomeren (2015) noted, a self-based perspective
has limitations because it describes instead of explaining
such a change in self-concept and does not answer the
question of what leads nonactivists to see themselves
as activists. We hope that the current studies shed more
light on the group efficacy ➔ group identification ➔collective action pathway to overcome these limitations.
By demonstrating the role of self-expansion in four
studies, we proposed an explanation for how the
experience of being part of a mass gathering may
promote participation in future collective actions.
Our findings also confirmed the assumption that
group efficacy is a potential predictor of collective
actions (Mummenday et al., 1999). Self-expansion as
a result of interaction with others and experience of
being with a crowd gives people a sense of collective
empowerment, based on which people perceive themselves as able to pursue collective goals. Those goals
can be adopted as personally important. Thus, a group
who wants to engage its participants in collective actions
might start by fostering opportunities for expansion of
the members’ self-concept. The psychological meaning
of crowd gatherings is to give participants the opportunity to interact and therefore to actualize their social
identity that serves to mobilize people for social change.
Our results provide a new potential insight into the
group identity–collective action relationship based on
identity fusion and self-expansion theories. In these
European Journal of Social Psychology 48 (2018) O152–O167 Copyright ª 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
T. Besta et al.
studies, the self-expansion construct originally
developed in a nonrelational context by Mattingly and
Lewandowski (2013) was adopted in the social context
of a mass gathering. We assumed that the crowd experience might be understood as something novel, exciting,
and interesting. Although we treated self-expansion as
resulting from an inclusion of group in the self, the
higher agency of individuals fused with groups (Besta
et al., 2015) indicated a more complex picture that goes
beyond typical markers of strong identification as unity,
oneness, solidarity, and self-sacrifice (Swann et al.,
2014). Identity fusion as a visceral feeling of being part
of the group could be an important factor in understanding crowd processes, adding another dimension
to the research on cognitive categorization. The novel
and interesting experience of participation in Equality
Days or the Great Critical Mass may lead people who
fused with a group to see their self-concept in more
diverse, extended ways (Mattingly & Lewandowski,
2013). In these studies, we found self-expansion was
an important contextual trigger variable that mediates
the relationship between fusion with other participants
and collective action tendency. The context of crowd
gatherings probably stimulates participants’ transitions
to the emergent social identity. Although we concentrated on identity fusion and not group identification,
the present results are in accordance with the analysis
of Reicher and colleagues (Drury & Reicher, 2005;
Reicher, 2004) that focused on the ways social identities
are mobilized to give a feeling of power to individuals
who would otherwise be relatively powerless.
In a similar vein, van Zomeren et al. (2008) proposed
a social identity model of collective action in which
social identity understood in more dynamic terms
predicts collective action directly, as well as indirectly
through group efficacy. The mechanism that shapes
the tendency to collective action probably varies
depending on the level of identity fusion. Those with a
strong overlap between personal and group identity
would probably be more willing to see the enactment
of group identity among other group members as a
positive experience related to the feeling of selfexpansion. This could strengthen their tendency to act
collectively in the future. It also helps to fulfill the
psychological need for agency: Through experiencing
the crowd and expressing their group identity, individuals achieve a sense of individual and collective agency.
In the present research, we concentrated on identity
fusion as a construct related to strong group adherence.
As we noted in the introduction, the status of this
construct is still debatable. Swann and others (e.g.,
Swann & Buhrmester, 2015) proposed that fusion is
distinct from group identification and better predicts
radical behaviors than various measures of group identification. Nevertheless, the high correlation between
measures of fusion and group identification (Besta
et al., 2016) could also imply that identity fusion
describes a specific form of extremely strong identification, based on relational ties, group solidarity, and
mutual reciprocity. The relatively low scores for identity
What do I gain from joining crowds?
fusion even when measured during collective events
(i.e., during mass gatherings in the present studies)
support the notion that fusion is rare among in-group
members. Possibly, fusion is a state when a social or
group identity is no longer activated contextually, but
instead influences one’s behavior regardless of whether
the intergroup context is salient or not. In this view, the
relationship between identify fusion and extreme
sacrifices on behalf of the group could be easily understandable as high identity fusion would be declared by
people whose personal self-concept is merged with the
group schema and norms. Thus, these individuals often
enact their group identity even when they are in an
individualized situation. Future studies could further
explore the relationship between the concept of identity
fusion and group identification. For example, Swann
et al. (2012) highlights that fusion is relatively stable,
and once fused people will tend to remain fused. On
the other hand, highly identified individuals tend to be
more guided and influenced by external contextual
conditions. Thus, future longitudinal studies could
explore whether indeed identity fusion is more stable
than identification with group, and whether effect of
various contextual factors (i.e. salience of intergroup
relationship) is more visible within identification
measures than in fusion scale. Moreover, as fusion is
defined as visceral feeling of oneness with a group, it
could be helpful to analyze the relationship between
fusion and identification with affect and visceral
reaction to in-group threat. This would help to verify
whether fusion indeed differs from identification, that
is, whether fusion leads to stronger emotional and
physiological reactions related to group membership.
Future studies on differentiation between these two
concepts should also include various measures of identification, especially these that are not limited to selfcategorization.
The results also shed a slightly different light on the
distinction between symbolic social identity motives
and instrumental motives for collective action
(Blackwood & Louis, 2012), where the former are related to expressed group emotions and group identity
and the latter to collective efficacy, problem-solving, or
personal analyses of costs and benefits. The mediation
model presented here indicated the interdependence
of those motives instead of differentiation. Positive
emotions related to the feeling of self-expansion and
experiencing the expanded self-concept as more
capable (Mattingly & Lewandowski, 2013) may lead to
collective efficacy and to collective actions.
Similar to other sociopsychological processes that are
context dependent, the problem of long-term changes
in collective action tendency seems noteworthy. We
speculate that if the expansion of the self-concept is
caused by engaging in self-expanding activities and
interacting with a group, every social movement interested in pursuing long-term goals must provide participants with the opportunity to actualize their group
identity and to experience the positive outcomes of
self-expansion. For example, Nasie, Bar-Tal, and
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Shnaidman (2014), in analyzing the activism of an
Israeli radical peace organization, showed that participating in political actions constitutes the socialization
framework for adolescents, giving them the possibility
of reinforcement of their values and providing them
with new skills. In terms of the present results, it means
that these socialization frameworks included the possibility of self-expansion.
Important limitations of the present studies should
be highlighted as well. The present research line is
correlational, and experimental validation of the
proposed paths should be encouraged. We also measured group efficacy with one item scale. Although
we based our methods on methods used in previous
studies that employed similar measures (Van Zomeren
et al., 2004), it could be seen as an important limitation of these presented results, and more elaborate
measures should be used in future research. Moreover, it could be important to include established
measures of group identification to compare the
strength of the relationship between the identity
variables (i.e., fusion and group identification) and
collective action tendencies.
We assume that measuring self-expansion allows us
to concentrate on perceived identity gains (i.e., that
result from participating in new activities or developing new perspectives by interacting with various people). However, the limitations of this position should
be pointed out. We did not control for previous identification with the cause or group. As research on
opinion-based group membership has suggested
(McGarty, Bliuc, Thomas, & Bongiorno, 2009),
individuals might be motivated to attend gatherings
that involve a cause already important to them and
one with which they strongly identify before they
engage in collective action. Thus, instead of forming
new identities or expanding the self-construct during
gatherings, people might strengthen one that already
is established. This perspective is important and could
suggest that the self-expansion we measured in studies is not necessarily related to forming a new identity
as a crowd participant.
Broader Implications and Future Research
To expand the generalizability of the results, the
research should be extended further, and the relationship between social identity, group efficacy, and collective actions and the role of self-expansion in the
relationship should be examined, in a different cultural
context, for example, a more collectivistic or individualistic context than the Polish cultural context. This
research was a questionnaire-based study, and thus,
uture studies in experimental settings would be important follow-ups. In addition, applying the mechanisms
presented in the current studies to analyze the relationships between activists’ identity and engagement with
prosocial actions would be interesting. This prediction
also extends to possible behavioral measures of
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progroup activities. For example, a self-expanding event
could lead to stronger engagement in other collective
actions and events in the future. It could be also
important to examine whether similar mechanisms of
self-expansion by experiencing crowds could be identified in different activist actions, as well as whether some
of the activists’ involvements are more related to selfexpansion than others.
This study did not answer the question of which
relational model (Fiske, 1992) may emerge from such
interaction with other participants during crowd gatherings. As Van Zomeren (2015) argued, changes in the
self-concept result from changes in relational models
with out-groups and in-groups. The present studies
concentrated on in-group involvement and the consequences for the self-concept, not on the perception of
a relationship with others. Adopting the relational
perspective of collective action and integrating it with
mechanisms of self-expansion may enrich future
studies.
Outside the activist domain, it could be interesting
to relate the proposed model to the context of collective behavior and to different kinds of psychological
experience associated with participation in gatherings,
such as communities formed by music festival audiences. Increasingly, people use music as a means of
formulating and expressing their individual identities
and present themselves to others (Hargreaves, Miell,
& MacDonald, 2002), whereas the social functions of
music include establishing social identity (North,
Hargreaves, & O’Neill, 2000) and social atmosphere
(Laukka, 2007) and facilitating social bonding (Huron,
2001). Packer and Ballantyne’s (2011) literature review showed that participation in music festivals offers opportunities for the participants to engage in
identity work—to define, develop, or reflect on their
understanding of themselves and to cultivate new expressions of self-identity and social identity.
Being part of a festival audience involves breaking
away from reality and engaging in intense, concentrated interactions, which, in turn, facilitate building
relationships between the participants (Ballantyne,
Ballantyne, & Packer, 2014). Therefore, it seems justified to assume that greater openness to new kinds of
experiences, exploration of new relationships, new
ways of perceiving others, and understanding oneself
give rise to self-acceptance, self-realization, and
personal growth (see Ryan & Deci, 2000). Participants
in this specific type of community (a music festival
audience) become more positive about themselves,
other group members, and—in some cases—life in
general (Packer & Ballantyne, 2011). These considerations are further supported by empirical evidence of
multiple positive psychological outcomes of participation in live music events (Lamont, 2012). However,
thus far, few attempts have been made to develop a theoretical model that integrates and explains the causal
relationship between these mechanisms, which,
instead, have been studied separately (see Groarke &
Hogan, 2016).
European Journal of Social Psychology 48 (2018) O152–O167 Copyright ª 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
T. Besta et al.
What do I gain from joining crowds?
Conclusions
The shared social identity of those who engage in
crowd gatherings could lead to a feeling of positivity
about the experience with other members of the
group (Neville & Reicher, 2011). The strength of
group identity is also related to group efficacy and to
collective action tendencies (Van Zomeren et al.,
2008). However, the idea of the direct or indirect influence of shared identities and group identification
on progroup actions becomes unsubstantiated when
group membership is made salient in lab experiments
or among student samples. The study results revealed
a psychological pathway through which mass gatherings of similarly minded people, the majority of
whom are strangers nevertheless, could create a feeling of communal efficacy that leads to stronger willingness to engage in actions on behalf of the group.
The important factor, based on the present results, is
the perception that interactions with members of the
group that form a given gathering develop, enrich,
and extend one’s self-concept. Specifically, for individuals fused with other participants, the feeling of selfexpansion by experiencing the crowd fosters the perception of group efficacy, which, in turn, increases
people’s willingness to declare personal support for
future progroup actions. From this point of view, caring for communal interest and group goals on the
part of persons who included the group in the self
and feel self-developed thanks to being in the crowd
is not without self-interest. They gain something from
participation.
These
identity
gains,
broader
perspectives, and acquired new capabilities lead these
individuals to believe that together with others they
can achieve common goals and that some struggles
to obtain those goals are worth a try.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Marta Drzewiczewska, Piotr
Egler, Anna Gadomska, and Aleksandra Pytlos for their
assistance in gathering the data, as well as Dr. Anna
Strzałkowska for her help in organizing and conducting
Study 3. The presented research and preparation of this
article were supported by a grant Tomasz Besta received
from the Narodowe Centrum Nauki in Poland,
#2014/14/E/HS6/00587.
Supporting information
Additional Supporting Information may be found online in the supporting information tab for this article.
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