Reprinted from ) f_ ,,; Sewn Plank Boats Archaeological·and Ethnographic papers based on those presented to a conference at. Greenwich in November, 1984 edited by Sean McGrail and Eric Kentley i ·i· National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, Archaeological Series No. 10 BAR International Series 276 1985 B.A.R. 5, Centremead, Osney Mead, Oxford OX2 OES, England. GENERAL EDITORS A.R Hands, B. Se., M. A., D.Phil. D.R Walker, M.A. BAR ~s2.76, 1985: 'Sewn· Plank Boats' .Price£ 26.00 post free throughout the world. Payments made in dollars must be ·calculated at the current rate of exchange and $3.00 added to cover exchange charges. Cheques should be made payable to B.A.R and sent to the above address. © The Individual Authors and the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, 1985 ISBN 0 86054 352 8 For details of all B.A.R. publications in print please write .to the above address. Information on new titles is sent regularly on request, with no obligation to purchase. Volumes are distributed from the publisher. All B.A.R pric.es are i11:clusive of postage by surface mail anywhere in the world. Printed jn Great Britain 20: SEWN-PLANK CRAFT OF SOUTH-EAST ASIA A Preliminary Survey Pierre-Yves Manguin Summary This paper is a first attempt at bringing together the ethnographical, historical and archaeological evidence presently available on sewn-plank craft of both Island and Continental South-East Asia (including the culturally related southern areas of present day China). As far as possible at this early stage, this evidence will then be considered in a broader Asian and Oceanian context. Introduction Throughout this paper the term 'sewn' will be used in the restricted sense of passing threads through holes bored in planks, so as to make them fast. It is not applied to planks held fast by edgedowelling which are merely lashed to frames or thwarts (in what Horridge (1982) rightly calls a lashed-lug design). j, c; ' 0 Starting with the early 1st millennium AD Peryplus of the Erythrean Sea, literature on the sewn craft of the Indian Ocean has always been abundant; as a matter of fact, this structural feature has generally been given as one of the area's specific technical characteristics. Sewing of the planks in the smaller craft of the Pacific Ocean has also received a fair share of attention after 18th century discoveries. Southern-East Asian sewn-plank craft, with the exception of those from Vietnam, have until now attracted comparatively little attention, despite the fact that they come from an area at the crossroads between the two Oceans (Fig.20.1). Only G.A. Horridge has recently devoted a few lines to the subject in an attempt to provide a broader perspective to his study on lashed-lug boats, but this has been done in very general terms and his sweeping chronological statements are based on little concrete evidence (Horridge, 1982, 56-57). Dai Kaiyuan's comments on his recent discovery of a sewn-plank boat in Southern China ignore the South-East Asian evidence and concentrate on possible Indian Ocean influences (Dai Kaiyuan, 1983). The opportunity is now taken to examine the available evidence on South-East Asian sewn boats and to assess it within its proper context. 319 cHiNA .(( .(J \ \ (; 1'(' OCEAN 20.1 South-East Asia and the distribution of sewn-plank craft (sites mentioned in the text). 320 Vietnamese craft Various European travellers of the 17th and 18th centuries mentioned the existence of Vietnamese sea-going or coastal sewn-plank craft known as sinja (<thuyen gia), which traded all the way to Siam or plied the coasts of Central Vietnam. Some of them would have carried up to 100 or 150 tons of cargo. John Barrow, secretary to the British Ambassador Lord Macartney, described those he saw in the Hue river in 1793: they wer·e beautifully ornate, some 15 to 25m in length, built up at times with only five long planks assembled with wooden dowels· and fastened with ropes made of 'bamboo fibres'; they had no frames (Paris, 1942, 353-355). None of the later descriptions of Vietnamese boats refer to such large vessels, which do seem to ·have vanished during the 18th century. Before considering the evidence they provide, it should be noted that the original inhabitants of the coastal areas of Central Vietnam - roughly south of the 18th parallel - were not Vietnamese but an Austronesian speaking people known as the Cams. Their kingdom of Campa was only progressively conquered by Vietnam in the 2nd millenium AD, during which process much of the culture and technical knowledge of the Cams was absorbed by the Vietnamese settlers. Shipbuilding techniques, among others, developed into a very original hybrid tradition in which Southern Chinese and Malay World inputs blended harmoniously. Due to such specific historical developments, and to the consequent isolation of .the area from the rest of the Malay World during the last three centuries, it turned into a repository of craft designs elsewhere forgotten: stem-post leeboards, wicker-work hulls or sewn-plank craft are amon~ t~ese technical peculiarities. Admiral E. Paris, in.his invaluable Essai sur la construction navale des peuples extra-europeens, was the first author to describe in any detail' the sewn-plank boats he observed on the coasts of Central Vietnam {E. Paris, 1841, 49-50 and pl.46-47). He gives a detailed plan of a fishing boat of the Bay of Tourane (Da-nang), which he calls gayyou (<ghe gia?)(Fig.20.2). Its hull was basically made of five planks: a flat bottom one, plus two on each side (with smaller wash~boards at stem and stern). It had no frames. The planks were joined edge-toedge, assembled by means of wooden dowels inserted into their seams and fastened with rattan stitches held under tension by flat wooden wedges inserted under the ties and overlapping like tiles. Paris says that a flat knot was made at each end of the rattan thread, which was subsequently inserted into cavities made in the facing planks; these were then plugged by forcing soft-wood pegs into them, that locked the tie into position. The sewing was thus done entirely in the inner side of the planks (Fig.20.6A). ·0 Both Barrow and E. Paris, at half-a-century interval, mention edge-dowelling of the strakes; as we shall see, this is not to be found in the smaller sewn-plank craft that have survived into the 20th century in Vietnamese waters (whereas it is found in most other Central and South Vietnamese boats; Pietri, 1949,17,19). This, I believe, is a confirmation of the fact that the earlier and still much larger sewnplank ships of South-East Asia must have been built with dowels inserted into their planks, so as to provide a large hull with sufficient structural strength (frames being another way of achieving this, as we shall see below when we consider the large early 1st millennium AD ships). 321 -· (omnc~mr. ..,.,. i I i!' I I 1 .9:.-11 1 . • • • ~ ............. ' , a-.L ~+ ~~ !!· - . . ./ / j· l\ if· . . . ·--- . '....._ --...._ '· \ .•. ~ . ~~'/' / .. .. .. ... .. -~~-~~~--· ~~ ~~~· J •: '. . : ~ __ I . I . \ • . ).\ • - I ,. __.,.....-___........... ,: ,.. (..,..> . N N l. _,......._.;,.\ .,.= <. ,. l- -·~~~.z.~~".IM4~R - ,_....... I~ 20.2 r'--· I I • " t r r .r ., , ,.. _ _ _ _ _ .J ......... Fishing boat from Da-nang, Central Vi@t-nam (Paris, 1841,. pl.46; photo Musee de la Marine). :") ~ 20 .. 3 .4 Ghe-noc Hill; Pit V) N +:'- 20.5 :;- Lashings of the ghe-noc from Hue (photo by C.A. GibsonHill; Pitt-Rivers Museum). -;> With this major difference, the 20th century Vietnamese sewn-plank boats do belong to the same family of craft as those described by Barrow and Paris: frameless, flat-bottomed hulls, with planks sewn together edge-to-edge, the ties being visible on the inside of the hull only, and made fast by tile-like wedges. (197l,vol.X,20-22) describes such craft, which he Audemard observed in Cam-ranh and Qui-nhon (in Central Vietnam) before World War II. The smallest of these boats would have been made of three planks only, instead of five (or more, apparently, before the 18th century). The only slight difference in the sewing technique lies in the way the ties were attached to the planks. Instead of having a knot plugged into a cavity, two small connecting mortises were bored into each one of the-facing planks, thus providing a point on to which the ties would be attached (Fig.20.6B). The most detailed description of the frameless sewn-plank craft of Vietnam will be found in Pierre Paris' excellent Esguisse d'une ethno graphie navale des pays annamites (1942, 353-356, 368-373 and pl. lxxxviii,xc,xci,civ; see also Pietri, 1949, 71-73). The boats he describes were observed in Hue (the ghe noc) and in Nha-trang (the thuyen song). Such boats, or rather small versions of them, were photographed by C.A. Gibson-Hill in Hue and Nha-trang in the 1950's (Figs.20.3, 4,5). The latest publication of Vietnamese sewn-plank craft, as far as I am aware, is to be found in the u.s. Junk Blue Book (1962, AI 26-36), where ghe noc or Hue and Quang-tri are descrJbed together with the various ways in which they are used at sea and in the rivers. P. Paris takes the ghe noc as a model of these craft. It was built out of the usual five long planks (up to 15m in length), with a pair of short wash-boards added at stem and stern, fitted with tenons and mortises. After careful adjusting of the edge-to-edge joints, corresponding holes were pierced' in two adjoining planks, from their inner side and into the seams (thus exemplifying a third way· of keeping ·the ties inside the hull Fig.20.6C). These holes were bored some 20cm apart. Rattan threads were then inserted and tied in a loop over a batten made of melaleuca leucadendra bark (which is commonly used in Island South-East Asia under the name of kulit gelam for caulking, as it is said to expand when wet). Both E. Paris and Audemard omitted to mention this. bark batten, but they probably did not spot it under the wooden wedges, as the technique would not be sound wi.thout it. The batten was then covered with.thin laths of split bamboo. Flat, tilelike, overlapping wooden wedges were finally inserted under the ties to make the whole attachment fast. According to Paris, the fact that the watertightness was limited to the inner side of· the hull made the outer side of the joints particularly vulnerable to rot and wood borers. Planks were reshaped when the boats were over-hauled, which meant that the latter's size was reduced as they grew older. The thuyen song would also have a few transverse planks inserted near the bows and stern, that acted as thwarts and were sewn to the side strakes. The bows of the ghe noc were closed off by a U-shaped transverse plank. The largest of these craft would have been equipped with a single mast carrying a lug-sail, and a compensated, axial rudder mounted through a hole in the aft part of the bottom plank. Smaller craft would have no sails or axial rudders and would be propelled by means of sweeps and poles. 325 A c 8 E 0 20.6 Sewing of planks in South-East Asian craft A Ghe-rioc of Hue (after E. Paris, 1841) ~ Thuyen song of Cam-ranh and Qui-nhon (after Audemard, 1971) c Ghe-noc of Hue (after P. Pa-ris, 1942) . D · Cas eo of Manila (re cons true ted after the Mu see de l'Homme model and various descriptions) E Fishing boat of Hainan (after Dai Kaiyuan, 1983) 326 Audemard (197l,vol.X,57) also briefly mentions sewn-plank canoes he observed on tributaries of the Mekong, in Laos, but he provides no details as to the sewing technique. The question of inland South-East Asian sewn-plank boats must therefore remain open, as does that of their building by non-Austronesian speaking people of South-East Asia. Hai-nan island fishing boats '~ I Sewn plank boats have recently been found to be in use among the fishermen of the Chinese island of Hai-nan, in Guangdong province (Dai Kaiyuan, 1983). They are exclusively oared and have no mast. They are rather small (7-lOm long), pointed at both ends, with a clearly vshaped hull. The example which is illustrated has three strakes on each side of the keel. Frames are inserted and sewn to the planks (these stitches do not seem to show on the outside of the hull, but this is not clear). The strakes themselves are sewn together; the ties are passed into holes pierced through the margins of the planks, thus showing on the outer side. They are tied inside on top of a batten made of some sort of grass, and three bamhoo laths are inserted between the coconut fibre (coir) rope and the batten (Fig.20.6E). If compared with Vietnamese craft, these are a very different type of vessel. The keel, the planking and the frames are witnesses to a much more ela~orate building technique, which would be viable for much larger boats. On the other hand, the sewing process, with separate lashings tied around a batten covered with bamboo laths, is very c~ose to that of the Vietnamese coast; it differs in the use of coir instead of rattan; in the composition of the battens; in that the ties show on the outer side of the hull; and in the absence of the wooden wedges driven under the ties. The last two peculiarities make this a less elaborate design than that of Vietnam. I have remarked earlier that the techniques in use among Vietnamese boatbuilders were inherited from their Cam predecessors on the stretch of coast they settled on. It happens that an ethnic group speaking an Austronesian language cognate to Cam has been described on the southern coast of Hai-nan (Benedict, 1983). The sewn-plank boats were only found in two districts of the east coast of the island (Wanning and Wenchang), and the language family of their users has not been indicated. This may nevertheless well be another trace of a technique formerly in use among Austronesian speaking groups of the South China Sea. Dai Kaiyuan (1983,87) quotes from a 17th century gazetteer of Guangdong province in which boats with rattan lashings are already said to be in use in Hai-nan. An earlier text of the 12th century also mentions large ships sewn with rattan thread being built in Guangdong for merchants who wanted to cross.the 'big sea'. It is not clear who built and sailed these ships; as we will see below, such sewn vessels were said, 3 centuries earlier, to be built and manned by South-East Asians. We now have to cross the South China Sea to the East to find further examples of sewn-plank boats.. From now on, all of them will be found to be built and used by speakers of languages of the Austronesian family. 327 Sarawak war boats The Rev. A. Horsburgh provides us with a long, precise description of the building technique in use among the Dayaks of Sarawak (which ethnic group exactly is not made clear in the text, but Ling Roth, quoting from the latter, mentions the Balau; Horsburgh, 1858, 36-37; Ling Roth, 1968,II, 246-247). The building design is odd, to say the least, for a South-East Asian boat (or, as far as I am aware, in any other context). I will quote directly from the original text: "The ordinary boats of the Dyaks are long; narrow canoes, hollowed out of the trunk of a tree, the sides being raised by planks pinned upon them. Their war-boats, however, are much larger, and are constructed differently. The lunas; or keel plank, which is of the entire length of the boat, has two ledges on its inside, each of them about an inch from each margin of the plank. Each of the other planks, which are likewise the entire length of the boat, has an inside ledge on its upper margin, its lower margin being plain, like an ordinary plank. When the Dyaks have made as many planks as are necessary for the boat they intend constructing, · they put them together in the following manner: The lunas, or keel plank, being properly laid down, the first side plank is brought and placed, with its lower or plain edge, upon the ledge of the keel plank. The ledge of the first side plank being thus the upper-most, it becomes in turn the ledge upon which the lower edge of the second side plank must rest. The ledges of the keel plank, and of the first side plank, are then pierced, and firm rattan lashings passed from the one to the other. The lower edge of the second side plank is in like manner laid upon the ledge of the first, and these two planks are lashed together in the same way as the first was lashed to the keel. Thus they place the edge of each plank'upon the ledge of that immediately below it, lashing them both firmly together; and.when they have in this manner put on as many planks as they wish (generally 4 or 5 on each side), they caulk the seams, so as to render the boat watertight. Hence, in the construction of their boats they not only employ no nails, treenails, or bolts, but even no timbers - nothing but planks ingeniously lashed together by rattans, and then caulked. It is true that these lashings are not very durable, as the rattans soon get rotten; but this is of little consequence, since, whenever a boat returns from an expedition, the lashings are cut, and the planks being separated, are taken up into the house. When she is again wanted, the planks are taken down, and the boat reconstructed as before. To propel their boats they employ paddles of about 3 feet in length - never oars, and seldom sails." Without any evidence of a comparable design in South-East Asia (or, for that matter, elsewhere), without further iconographical information, there is little one can comment on this otherwise clear description. If I understand alright the position of the ledge an inch below the top margin of each plank, and the fact that the plain lower edge of the next plank rests on this ledge, mean that we must have a reverse clinker style hull. The lashings that tie the ledges together 328 ,. do not seem very logical and it is difficult to understand would have kept the planks close together sideways. how these Luzon boats Turning to the island of Luzon, in the northern Philippines, we come across further examples of sewn-plank craft. Again, these will be shown to share characteristics with the boats previously described in Vietnam and Hai-nan, as well as to differ from them in many ways. The relevant boats of Luzon are usually described under the name casco, a Spanish term conveying the idea of a hollow shell (and consequently the hull of a vessel); the actual local names are not known, except for barangay, the use.of which is otherwise widespread in the Philippines. They seem to fall, according to the available evidence, into two broad categories. Admiral E. Paris once more provides us with the earliest detailed description of such a casco, which he sketched in the early 19th century in the Bay of Manila (Paris, 1841,67 and pl.72-73). Her shape was rectangular, with a flat bottom sloping upwards at the bows and a transom stern made of a single piece of wood (Fig.20.7). The bottom and the sides were made of thick, irregular planks, sewn together by means of small flat ties covered with white putty. The fore and aft extremities of the bottom, and the side angles, were strengthened with floors carved out of solid timber. Strong thwarts were laid across the top side planks to hold the thatched cabin. Galang succinctly describes the later cascos, without reference to their being sewn, in 11 the following terms: A long, almost rectangular barge or lighter, sometimes with sails. Principally used for loading merchandise. Very common in the islands." (Galang, 1941, 295 and pl.4/2, 5/1). There is little else one· can learn about this type of casco from the sources known to me. A fine model of a so-called ~sampan from Manila' is now preserved the Musee de l'Homme in Paris (Departement d'Oceanie, n°87.1.1; it entered the collection in 1887 as a gift from the French Consul to the Philippines). This boat differs from the previous type in many ways. Like the Vietnamese craft, she is basically made of five large planks. The large bottom plank and the two almost vertical side planks are of the entire length of the boat and are sewn to the solid timber stem post and transom stern. Two shorter additional side planks are inserted between the bottom and the sides, thus giving the hull a double chine cross section (Fig.20.8). There are ·no frames, but additional structural strength is provided by two transverse rattan braces near the stem and stern timbers, and by two pairs of thwarts placed on each side of the main beam. The lower thwarts are lashed with rattan to two pairs of lugs carved out of each of the smaller side planks. The upper thwarts are lashed to a carved out ledge running along the top length of the upper side planks. The bottom lugs are clearly of the same type as those used in the lashed-lug design - for which there are many Filipino and Indonesian examples -, but they do not serve entirely the same purpose as there are no frames attached to them. :~t The five planks, and the stem and stern timbers are sewn together by means of separate rattan lashings (some 30 to 40cm apart, assuming the scale of the model to be approximately 1/10). These ties are 329 20.7 Cascos near Man:i.la (Paris,~.·. . ··18·4:t~p1.~(:3.,; l)btot:f;f·:Ku~;iE~ Marine) 330 dt., .•;t~ a 20.8 Casco from Manila (after model no.87.1.1. in the Musee de l'Homme, Dept. Oceanie; not to scale). a. cross-section near the main beam b. side view of the bare hull 331 driven through holes bored through the planks: they therefore show on the outside of the hull. The edge of the bottom plank closely fits the side of the lateral one; whereas the two side planks overlap in a rudimentary way (considering the minute details and the excellent overall quality of the model, I take this is also faithful to the original). The model, though, does not show how the joints - particularly the overlapping side planks - were kept watertight. An early 20th century description of the building of sewn plank craft (called barangayan), on the north coast of Luzon, fits in perfectly, despite the geographical distance, with the Musee de l'Homme model and provides some further evidence. The logs (called cascos) for the planks were floated to the building site at Aparri. They were then shaped, two pieces for each side and a larger one for the bottom, and holes bored near the seams. These were tied with a special kind of rattan traded from inland and said to last two years in sea water. The ties were fastened with one man standing inside the hull and another one outside.. The holes were then plugged with coconut husk. The stem (a thick, narrow, curved piece of wood) and the stern (flat and trapezoid) were then added. Only after completion of the hull were the thwarts placed across the top planks and the arched covering of split bamboos, rattan and thatch installed (there is no mention in this description of the internal thwarts lashed to lugs found in the Paris model). Anot.her reference to sewn boats, from the extreme south of Luzon, (called tinahi in Tagalog, i.e. 'sewn together') mentions well pounded coconut husks being used between planks as caulking, sometimes also a mixture of lime and sap. All holes were stopped up. An early 17th century glossary of Tagalog has a few words that refer to the sewing of local boats and thus gives us additional clues to the process of making their joints watertight. Bitic is "to sew the planks of boats with rattan". Sicsic is "to caulk the seams of sewn planks with pounded coconut husk". Balotbot: the first step when caulking a boat, i.e. to fill in 'the seams with bonot (coconut husk?); salogsog: the second step, i.e., after inserting the bonot, to close the seams by inserting (bamboo) canes between the bonot and the ties; The balibol·: the third step, i.e. to caulk (stop up?) the holes. 1 method used is not made perfectly clear by these glosses. Neverthe~ less, the process of "inserting bamboo (laths?) under the rattan ties and the coconut husk"is clearly reminiscent of the Hai-nan boat (and, without the wooden wedges, of those of Vietnam): the coconut husk, rather than being inserted into the seams, as the word 'caulking' (Spanish calafetear) would suggest in an European context, would have been formed into a batten running along the joints inside the hull (Fig.20.6D). Indonesian logboats In 19th century Indonesian waters, E. Paris came across logboats (dug-out canoes) with sewn wash-boards. They do not, per se, add much to the technical data on South-East Asian sewn-plank craft, but they do add to the distribution pattern of sew forms in Island South-East Asia and should therefore be briefly mentioned. One of them is from Menado (North Sulawesi): its dug-out base "was raised with broad planks sewn (to the dug-out) by means of small, flat (separate) ties, and held together by lashings attached to carved-out lugs. These planks were joined at their extremities by very nicely done interior stitches" 332 (Paris, 1841, 85 and pl. 97/10-14). One will recognise in this description a transition between, on the one hand, a dug-out canoe and a planked boat and, on the other hand, between sewn-plank and lashedlug designs. The same author describes another dug-out from East Java which has raised wash-boards sewn on the inner side of the hull (ibid. 80 and pl. 91). -c The Pontian and Butuan finds The next pie~e of evidence that I wish to present is of an archaeological nature: it represents, by far, the earliest documented sewn-plank craft in South-East Asia. It was found and excavated by Evans in 1926 on the bank of the Pontian river, in the State of Pahang, on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula (Evans 1927). The remains, after falling into oblivion, were found again by C.A. Gibson-Hill who described them and offered a very hypothethical reconstruction of the hull (Gibson-Hill 1952). They again went into oblivion until the Curator of the newly founded Muzeum Abu Bakar at Pekan (Pahang) brought them back and exhibited them in their region of origin. This is where A sample had meanwhile been I was allowed to examine them iJ;l 1982. taken from its timbers and a 14 c dating yielded a 293 ± 60 AD result (BM-958; Booth, 1984, 203). Despite the fact that this dating was carried out long after the remains were first exposed, the result is perfectly in accordance with the dating of the ceramics that were found in the wreck by Evans. These have been found by Malleret to be exactly similar to some of those he got in his own excavations at Oc-eo,_ in south Vietnam, which gives them a broad 1st to 6th century AD dating (Malleret, 1959-63, II, 118 and pl.lxxiii). Gibson-Hill had only two brief remarks on the way the planks and the keel-piece of the Pontian boat were held together by ties and wooden dowels, as he was more interested in the lashed-lug fastening of the frames and the general· shape of the boat, which he compared, on flimsy evidence, to modern types' of the Gulf of Siam. Wh~t I believe ..is one of the essential pieces of evidence which may be gathered from .this shipwreck is actually the eo-location of three techniques seldom found together on the same craft: sewing of the planks, edge-dowelling and frames lashed to carved-out lugs. Fig.20.9 was drawn to scale after the remains of the Pontian boat (A) and those of the earlier of the two wrecks from Butuan (Mindanao, Philippines) (B). The latter is now preserved at the site museum. It has been dated to 320 ± 110 AD (GAK 7744; Phillippine delegation, 1984). Both shipwrecks obviously belong to the 'lashed-lug planked boat' shipbuilding tradition which has now been proved to be widespread in Island Southeast Asia, and which may still be ·observed in remote areas such as Lamalera (on which tradition see Scott 1982; Horridge 1978, 1982; Barnes, this volume). The Butuan wreck is offered here as the earliest example of a fully fledged lashed-lug design (as clearly defined in Horridge, 1982, 1). The Pontian boat, however, has several odd characteristics. Whereas the regular lashed-lug craft would have a large number of dowels inserted into the seams of her planks (every 16-18cm in the Butuan wreck), she has much fewer dowels (some 92-94cm apart). The strakes of the usual lashed-lug boat would normally be held together in addition to the lashing of the frames and thwarts to the lugs - by 333 A ---- -- o,So"' 0 B t:·. :; .... ·...... ......... :: ·~·. :~ 0 0 0 ~ 0 0 0 . ~ .41'!, ·r II A'JI t"-:t!j:...·.. ::·. ·-_u··.... ·. , __ :":· ·..··:. / rr· ~- ·.·-.:":.. ·o.· ··..·.o.·.·· 0 0 / 0 .· .. ·. • . t• :". J _:_j J I I ------'l'r·:·-:·.~.-:~~--= J'_j •., . ~·v " :.·.:o;::.:·lfli.·:-~ 0 0 0 0 0 0. 0 0 • 20.9 . , __Lll Jl .-.-=\of: ...-.,... :..r----~---. ·=:··-:..·--~· J I -·:--·. /.• ...•.....•. ···: •··jj, . . ~ .. ;0 ... -~ ·m , 0 . J ) 0 ~ t .·.. ·-JI'f~ " >-:· ' r;:r: ~~ 0 0 ~ f~ • Fastening of the planks of the Pontian (A) and Butuan (B) shipwrecks (3rd and 4th centuries A.D.) 334 small wooden locking pegs inserted across the planks and into the dowels; the Pontian boat, instead, has her planks sewn together by means of ties made of vegetal fibres, some of which have remained in the holes to the present day (no botanical identification has been carried out so far; both this rope and that used to lash the Butuan boat components together do look very much like the fibre of the arenga pinnata, or sugar palm, widely used in the Philippines under the name of cabo negro and in the Malay World under that of ijo{). The holes into which the threads are passed are pierced in pairs 3cm apart, lcm in diameter), on each side of the carved lugs (thus approximately 45 to 48cm apart), and would face similar holes in the adjoining strake. The holes are bored from the inside of the hull and into the seams of the planks (thus leaving, in a regular South-East Asian design, the outer side of the planks untouched). Despite the fact that none of this has been preserved in the wreck, one may speculate that the ties were held fast by some sort of wedge driven into the loop and that caulking was used to make the joints watertight, as is usual in modern Indonesian boats (and may still be observed in the Butuan wreck). The Pontian boat, therefore, must be seen as so far the best and earliest example of an intermediate construction design: it may be said to ·represent the regular transition between purely sewn-plank boats comparable to some Cam/Vietnamese craft and the fully edge~ dowelled, lashed-lug boats of Island South-East Asia. The insertion of a few dowels into the seams of the planks gave her hull enough rigidity to allow for the sewing to be limited to comparatively widely spaced ties. The remaining ties would later disappear when more dowels, and particularly the small locking pegs, would be used to prevent the planks from riding apart. A recent confirmation of this structural strength was offered when an 18m sewn-plank canoe, edge-dowelled, with frames and thwarts lashed to lugs ( inspj.red by the Pontian boat technique, except for her solid dug-out base), was built in the Sulu Archipelago (Southern Philippines) and sailed across rough seas to Java and Bali by expedition leader Robert Hobman. The expedition is ·due to proceed in June 1985 across the Indian Ocean, straight to ~adagascar). Other references Only brief mentions were made in passing to sewn-plank vessels that would have been larger than those described by modern observers, or found so far in archaeological contexts. The Vietnamese 'sinja' were said to have reached 150 tons in the 17th century, and larger ghe noc seem to have still been built late in the 19th century (Pietri, 1949, 72). There was a reference in the 12th century to large trading craft built in Guangdong by unnamed shipwrights: this being a time when large colonies of Arab and Persian merchants had settled in Southern Chinese harbours, there is no way of telling if these sewn craft were part of the local South-East Asian tradition or of Indian Ocean or1g1n. However, there are a few 1st millennium AD Chinese sources that provide us with further information on the trading ships of the South-East Asian policies of the time. It should be remembered that an ocean-going Chinese merchant navy was only developed in the last two centuries of the 1st millennium AD. The ships described in earlier Chinese sources are always clearly stated to be of foreign usually South-East Asian (kunlun) - origin. 335 An AD 304 flora of South-East Asia, when describing the sugar palm tree (Arenga pinnata), states that "the bark can be made into ropes which become pliable in water. The foreigners use these to bind timbers together in boats" (Hui-Lin Li, 1979, 90). These black ropes which do not rot in sea-water - called ijok in Malay and known as cabo negro in the Philippines - have been in constant use in South-East Asian shipbuilding until recently (and, as we have seen, seem to have been used to bind the components of the Pontian and the Butuan craft, both of them roughly contemporary with the above flora). We thus have a clear statement about South-East Asian sewn-plank (or lashed-lug) boats. Other texts, dating from the 3rd to the 8th centuries AD, are more specific about the South-East Asian ships themselves: up to some 50m in length, they carried 250 tons of cargo or more, apart from a thousand passengers; they had four masts and sails; iron nails or clamps, common by that time in Chinese yards, were not made use of: but "with the fibrous bark of the coconut tree, they make cords which bind the parts of the ship together" (Manguin, 1980, 275). Whether the coconut tree fibre is mistaken for that of the sugar-palm tree, as often happens, or coir was actually used (as in modern Hai-nan or in the Indian Ocean) is impossible to say: both trees are common in the area, but South-East Asians seem to have always favoured the arenga fibre, or els~ rattan, rather than coir which, on the other hand, is in general use in the Indian Ocean. Whichever the fibre used for lashings, we do have confirmation of the existence during the 1st millennium AD of large sea-going ships of South-East Asian build, the timbers of which were held together with vegetable fibre. No description provides enough details to distinguish between sewn-plank or lashed-lug designs (or a combination of both), but the mere size of the ships referred to as early as the 3rd century AD calls for some structural strength that could only have been provided by edge-dowelling of the planks and/or the use of frames (as .found, for instance, in the large Indian Ocean sewn~plank dhows). Both ·edge-dowelling and frames are found in the·early South-East Asian craft surveyed in this paper and there is no objection in hypothesizing such a design in large ships of the first few centuries of the 1st millen~ nium AD. No shipwrecks have been excavated as yet in South-East Asia that would confirm the above Chinese descriptions. A riverine site in Palembang (South Sumatra), in an area known to have been one of the major centres of the maritime state of Srivijaya (7th to 13th century), has yielded pieces of wood with dowel holes and, seemingly, arenga fibre lashings, that may well be part of such a·large ship. An excavation on this site is being planned by the Indonesian National Centre for Archaeological Research (Manguin, 1982). Conclusions After having brought together these scattered data on sewn-plank cra.ft in South-East Asia, the first impression is that of their broad geographical dispersion within the area, despite the present scarcity of the available data (not forgetting the coasts of Southern China, an area that has been proved to be culturally close to South-East Asia in prehistoric times) (Fig.20.1). The extreme diversity of boat designs 336 !j is similarly of note. If the sewing technique itself is dissociated from the boat design, we do not get a much more coherent picture, despite the fact that at least one series of clearly cognate designs have been identified in Vietnam, Hai-nan and the Philippines (Fig.20.6). By relying on the logical assumption, often used by linguists, that the origin area of a technique is most likely to be found in the area of maximum technical diversity, there are then good grounds to retain as a working hypothesis the idea of a South-East Asian homeland (at least as far as East Asia is concerned: sewn-plank techniques are universal and there obviously are other areas in the world where they are known to have been independently developed; the Northern Europe sewn-plank boats and their evolution into lashed-lug designs are strikingly similar to those of South-East Asia). When considering the Pacific area, there is no further need to prove that the people who settled on the multiple islands of Oceania started from South-East Asia some 4000 to 5000yrs ago, and sailed there on the craft that had been developed in South-East Asian waters. The fact is that sewn-plank craft are ubiquitous in the Pacific. One first remark is that the most widespread design has the stitches - both continuous or separate - showing outside the hull. This may be an indication that the concealing of the ties inside the planks was a later development in South-East Asia (the distribution of frames stitched to the skin, whether functional or vestigial, should also be studied in the Pacific in this respect). There are however some notable exceptions to the above mentioned rule. In the Fiji archipelago of Melanesia, and in the neighbouring groups of Tonga and Samoa of Polynesia, boatbuilders tend to fasten the planks of their boats by sewing them together through holes bored in facing ledges carved out on the inner side of the plank or, exceptionally, into the seams (without a ledge). Stitches are separate in the latter designs, as in South-East Asia. This is also the area where a lashed-lug technique has been described (Haddon and Hornell, 1936-38, :I, 191, 232, 263, 284, 339, 442; Paris, 1841, 117-121 and pl.121). Closer to South-East Asian waters, the large outriggerless plankbuilt boats of the Solomon Islands (usually known as the ~), show a very clear affinity with Eastern Indonesian lashed-lug modern boat designs. They could reach up to 15m in length and carry as many as 90 men. Lugs were left protruding from the carved planks, to which solid timber frames were lashed. They differed from contemporary Indonesian craft in that their planks were sewn together (not edge-dowelled). The ties were made of separate lashings of fibre or creepers passed through holes bored across the planks, the margins of which were first reduced in thickness by being chamfered on both sides. These grooves along the seams were then covered with a thick dressing of vegetable putty made from the Parinarium nut (Haddon and Hornell, 1936-38, II, 81-113; Hornell, 1946, 208-209). We thus have another example, together with the 3rd century AD Pontian boat of the Malay Peninsula, of an intermediate design: sewing of the planks, and frames lashed to lugs. On an imaginary linear evolution line, the mon would stand somewhere before the edge-dowelled and sewn Pontian boat, which would be followed in turn by the fully edge-dowelled Butuan wreck. How should these closer than usual similarities between Pacific and South-East Asian techniques be explained? Are they the result of 337 independent inventions after contact with the South-East Asian homeland Or alternatively are they a proof of continuing relations was lost? with it? Archaeologists have suggested on other grounds that the Solomon Islands may have had trade contacts with Eastern Indonesia and the Philippines during the Metal Age (i.e. some 2000 yrs ago; Bellwood, 1978, 269). Skipping the New Hebrides where no such designs are found, the Fiji, Tonga and Samoa archipelagoes are clearly the next steps after the Solomons on the way to Central Pacific. A closer scrutiny of the variety of designs involved on this possible route falls out of the scope of this paper, as would the comparison with other kinds of evidence. Let it only be suggested here that a detailed inquiry into the fastening techniques of Melanesian and Polynesian canoes, and their comparison with South-East Asian possible prototypes may well add new elements to the history of man's settlement in the Pacific. The problems involved when comparing South-East Asian sewn-plank boats with those of the Indian Ocean are of a quite different nature, owing to different historical developments, as well as to the lack of comparable archaeological evidence. Sophisticated sewing techniques were well established in the western half of the Indian Ocean by the mid-3rd millennium BC, as witnessed by the restoration of the Royal Ship of Cheops (Lipke, 1984). No more archaeological evidence is available for Asian sewn-plank craft of the Indian Ocean: not one single non-European shipwreck has been reported so far in the whole area. Textual evidence, starting with the early 1st millennium AD Peryplus of the Erythrean Sea, is far from lacking, but it never gives enough details to allow for a proper identification of the fastening technique: all we know is that sewing was always the rule; that coir was in general use; that frames and dowels were attested (Moreland 1939; the most up-to-date study is that of Lewis, 1973). Ethnographic evidence, as far as I am aware, has sho~1 that, in modern boats at least, sewing was always done in a continuous mode, with long threads being driven through hole after h9le across the planks, always showing on the outer side of the hull, with simple fibre battens pla.ced between the ties and the joints (the East African mtepe was no exception: the outside threads were cut off after a peg had been driven from outside into the holes to stop up the ties). With the exception of the Royal Ship of Cheops, which had all her lashings inside the hull - but which is difficult, at this stage of research, to correlate with the rest of the evidence - we thus appear to have a sewing tradition which is substantially different from that of South-East Asia, at least in the later stages of its development. The latter - again, seemingly, in its post-'Pacific conquest' stages - favours stitches kept inside the planks; they are always discontinuous; the battens have a complex design, with bamboo laths inserted under the ties together, at times, with wooden wedges. Furthermore, to the best of my knowledge, there are no examples of the evolving of Indian Ocean sewn-plank craft into lashed-lug designs. Roughly at the time when the Royal Ship of Cheops was built, at the other end of the Indian Ocean, the Austronesian speaking people of South-East Asia were starting to sail into the Pacific, presumably in sewn-plank boats. The three millennia that follow, as far as Indian Ocean and South-East Asian craft are concerned, remain totally undocumented, and there is no way one may risk an hypothesis to account for this period. Maritime exchange across the Bay of Bengal, with Indian trade commodities being found in South-East Asia, appears to start some 338 time in the middle of the 1st millennium BC; this, at least, is what is shown by archaeological evidence, but earlier contacts between the two areas are most probable. If the current theories on the peopling of Madagascar are correct, Austronesian speaking groups would have sailed across the Indian Ocean near the beginning of the 1st millennium AD. All of this does indeed point towards early maritime contacts between the two worlds. Yet, whichever the presently undocumented genesis of the two shipbuilding traditions, the fact remains that, in the early years of the lst millennium AD, large sewn or lashed ships had been developed in South-East Asian waters; the appearance of the clearly indigenous lashed-lug design in 3rd and 4th century shipwrecks further proves that an already long local evolution had taken place in the area. The present state of the art does not warrant additional conclusions regarding the relationship and the eventual crossinfluences between the Indian Ocean and South-East Asian sewn-plank craft traditions. One last set of preliminary conclusions to this survey will deal with the evolution of sewing and lashing techniques within South-East Asian waters. The transition from purely sewn to lashed-lug designs (and ultimately to fully dowelled craft, as described by Manguin, 1980) has obviously come gradually, in stages. This is, however, by no means a linear process. A strictly chronological argument is a tricky factor to use when one is dealing with data ranging over many thousand years: the broad variety in development processes within South-East Asia does afford opportunities to observe techniques elsewhere forgotten b~ing used in modern times. However, there is no reason to believe that these have been kept unchanged for the past 2,000 yrs or more: a synchronic cross-section from the West to the East of South-East Asia in the 19th/20th century, as was done in this paper, showed that discrete components of the designs under concern could be found in a variety of seemingly aleatory arrangements (thwarts lashed to lugs in the flat-bottomed Luzon casco; ties showing outside the hull in an otherwise sophisticated Hai-nan boat, etc.). After comparing the Pacific and South-East Asian sewing designs, and logically assuming that those in general use in the Pacific were first used in the South-East Asian homeland, the obvious conclusion is that continuous sewing, through the planks, has later evolved into discontinuous stitches kept inside the seams of the planks. It is worth noting. here that a reverse process appears to have occured in Northern Europe (Westerdahl, 1985, 50-51). Two authors have argued to the effect that the development of edge-dowelling was directly linked to the introduction of metal technology, on the basis of the absence of both metal and dowels. in the Pacific (Horridge, 1982, 1, 57), or on that of the unfitness for dowelling of the conical holes obtained with stone tipped drills (Lewis, 1978, 93). I believe that this is not as clear-cut as it appears. To compare modern screw augers to spoon-bit stone ones is not relevant, as most if not all traditional metal tools would have been of the spoonbit variety, achieving the same result as the stone tool. The complexity of the work at hand cannot be invoked: Many ethnic groups of New Guinea did not use iron tools until a few decades ago and ethnographers have shown that they were capable of producing sophisticated objects with stone tools; in the Solomons, boatbuilders of the early 20th century preferred a pump drill tipped with a flake of 339 chalcedony to metal awls or augers (Haddon and Hornell, 1936-38, II, 82). Stone gouges that may have been used for cutting dowel holes are furthermore very common in Neolithic assemblages of South-East Asia. Then edge-dowelling is not totally absent in the Pacific: when describing the large and extremely sophisticated double-canoes of the Tuamotus in 1839, Admiral Paris made it clear that dowels were used when fastening their sewn planks together (these canoes also had frames inserted and stitched to their skin; Paris, 1841, 136; Haddon and Hornell, 1936-38, I, 83). It could be argued that metal tools had by then been adopted by local boatbuilders, but it is not likely that such a change would have occured in half a century of intermittent contact with Western sailors, and adopted on a large, complex and quickly disappearing type of boat, in which you would normally expect dowels to be used to afford structural strength. None of these arguments are very convincing and the question must remain open. On the other hand, it is obvious from the above evidence that metal technology - which appeared in the west of Maritime South-East Asia in the second half of the 2nd millennium BC (with iron coming into use about half a millennium later, around 700 BC) - was not necessarily followed by dowelling: the Pontian boat, among others, shows a first attempt at that in the 3rd century AD only, and purely sewn craft are still in use in the 20th century. Sewn planks with fibre-caulking held in place by oversewn battens have been associated elsewhere with early metal technologies (Johnstone, 1980, 178). Acknowledgements This paper is a considerably expanded and modified version of a preliminary draft read at the 2nd International Conference on Indian Ocean Studies, held at Perth, Western Australia, in December 1984. I am grateful to Dr. Sean McGrail for agreeing to publish it together with the other papers of this Symposium, for which it was originally planned. I wish to thank Mr. Mochtar bin Abu Bakar, Curator of· the Pahang Museum, for bringing to my attention the new whereabouts of the Pontian boat remains and for kindly authorising me to carry out research work on the premises. I am also grateful to Dr. A.E. Evangelista, Director of the Philippines National Museum, for allowing me to study the Butuan shipwrecks kept in Manila and on the site. The Pitt-Rivers Museum of Oxford and the Musee de la Marine in Paris should finally be thanked for allowing me to reproduce some of their pictures. Note 1. W.H. Scott, personal communication. I am very grateful to W.H. Scott for sending me these references from early Spanish sources and from H. Otley Beyer's collection (now kept in the manuscript department of the National Library of Australia). The first description of the casco is from G. Chua, Barangayan building, paper no. 14, in Beyer's Ibanag Ethnology, vol, I, 1919. The second is from C. 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