Education and National Integration in Africa: A Case Study of Nigeria
Author(s): N. K. Onuoha Chukunta
Source: African Studies Review , Sep., 1978, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Sep., 1978), pp. 67-76
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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EDUCATION AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN AFRICA:
A CASE STUDY OF NIGERIA
N. K. Onuoha Chukunta
Although philosophers do not accept that education has intrinsic values or th
it serves instrumental ends (Dewey, 1966; Peters, 1967; Gribble, 1969), mos
people would readily agree that it can be put to several uses and that it fulfills
diverse functions. If by education we mean the aggregate of skills, values, know
ledge, and attitudes necessary for the self-perpetuation of a society, it is easy t
see its instrumental extensions, philosophers notwithstanding. Hence in every
society that we know of today-under whatever form of government-much fait
is placed on education as a panacea of all social evils. One of the tasks that educatio
has been assigned in Africa is to forge national consciousness out of a myriad of
ethnic particularities. From all indications, it has not been a success.
Statistical studies of the relationship between formal education and politic
integration in Africa have generally painted a grim picture. In their study of si
nations-involving university students from Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Seneg
Uganda, and Zaire (then the Congo)-Klineberg and Zavalloni (1965) found th
national consciousness was very low, particularly in Nigeria. To the questio
"What are you?" 56 percent of the Igbos and 60 percent of the Yorubas repl
in terms of ethnic references. The Yorubas disliked the Igbos more than the Igb
disliked them (74 percent Yorubas as opposed to 59 percent Igbos), and a Yoruba
in Nigeria felt closer to a Yoruba in Benin (then Dahomey) than to a non-Yoruba
in Nigeria.
Working on Ghana and Kenya, Koplin (1968) found education to be nonintegrative in Kenya whereas in Ghana, the quality of the educational environment,
not the level of education, was a better indicator of integration. Thus, the educational program itself was dysfunctional for the purposes of integration.
Walter Haupt (1969) concluded from his own research on the Cameroon that,
though formal education appeared to reduce ethnocentrism, the most important
factors were prolonged contact, inter-ethnic proximity, and the resultant interaction. Together with Koplin's this study attempts to confirm the importance of
recruiting policies and school organization.
Investigating causes of emotional stress among Nigerian students in Edinburgh,
a Nigerian psychiatrist, Amechi Anumonye, confirmed the ethnocentrism ex-
hibited in the Klineburg-Zavalloni study. Anumonye's research showed that the
friendship patterns of Nigerian students, even away from home, were ethnically
determined. Very high proportions of Igbo and Yoruba students would mutually
AFRICAN STUDIES REVIEW, vol. XXI, no. 2, September 1978
67
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68 AFRICAN STUDIES REVIEW
exclude themselves as well as other Nigeria
much as "56% male and 69% female Yorubas
and 81% males and 84% females would exclude Ibos. For Ibos, 85% males and
94% females would exclude Hausas from marriage; and 86% males and 91%
females would exclude Yorubas" (Anumonye, 1969: 68). Whereas the timing of
the study (during the war) could have significantly influenced the results, the fact
remains that the outcome confirms the general trend in the Klineberg-Zavalloni
research. Also-and more importantly-the Yoruba respondents were not at war
with the Hausa. They were, in fact, on the same side; yet the proportion of Yoruba
who would exclude Hausas from marriage as well as friendship-63 percent
females and 42 percent males-is rather high. The Anumonye finding is very
important because inter-ethnic marriage indicates the highest degree of integration.
It is not surprising that these findings are largely negative. African countries,
as is known, are often regarded as "artificial" creations of recent origin, the
colonial-commercial-Christian enterprise having brought the diverse ethnic groups
together supposedly for the benefit and convenience of the metropolis. The
creation of these entities resulted not only in an awareness of the existence of other
groups but also in an inter-ethnic competition for power and dominance which,
in some cases, resulted in open civil conflict (Whitaker and Callaway, 1973;
Langley, 1974).
Cognizant of this state of affairs, African leaders have placed a high premium
on achieving at least a modicum of national unity through a variety of channels.
Principal among these is education. A strong expression of faith in schools was
made by A. Y. Eke, Federal Nigerian Commissioner for Education in the third
republic, when he identified nation-building as one of the four "basic principles"
that should govern a national educational policy. "One of the solutions" to the
problems posed by ethnocentrism, he wrote, was to teach the child "to have pride
in all those things which tend to the glory of his nation. . . ." (Eke, 1971:11).
Unfortunately, however, the available evidence, as we have seen, tends to show that
education has not reduced ethnocentrism to any significant degree.
Now, education and ethnic diversity are not in themselves antithetical, nor is
education inherently distintegrative. The type of educational programs and
educational environment to which students are exposed, however, as well as the
nature of inter-ethnic relations that the larger society promotes can be, and often
has been, disintegrative. Focusing on Nigeria, this paper will attempt to show the
dynamics of this disintegrative role.
NIGERIAN EDUCATION AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION
IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
The Colonial Period
According to Schwartz (1965: 32), "the colonial legacy for independent Niger
has been to delay and make more difficult the process of national integration."
By design or accident, the net result of colonial administration supports Schwar
statement.1 Despite Lord Lugard's famous but incorrectly named amalgama
of Nigeria in 1914, the two sectors of the country-north and south-pursu
different administrative practices.
In the north, Lord Lugard, who was the governor and later the first govern
general of the amalgamated Nigeria, was manifestly impressed by the class-bas
aristocratic Hasua-Fulani social structure that seemed to remind him of his nat
England and his own personal aspirations. It what might be considered an excess
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EDUCATION AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN AFRICA 69
admiration, he described the Muslim north as "advanced communiti
red to the south as "primitive tribes" (Lugard, 1965: 221). He, t
preserve northern socio-political structures as he found them,
British intervention. A successor to Lugard as governor of the north,
Bell, described the policy as one of "guiding and improving Native R
manner as to interfere as little as possible with the traditions and c
people" (1911: 391). Expedience played a part in this policy. Both the
the Hausa-Fulani emirates were manifestly weary from the wars of
and promises of non-interference with the local culture and reli
convenient and mutually satisfactory way of ending their state of be
policy was also a reward for the loyalty of the emirs during World W
1919: 67).
The policy of non-interference led not only to that of indirect r
the practice of proscribing missionary activity in the territory exc
described as "pagan," particularly those bordering the Niger-Benue
whose people must also have been regarded as "primitive tribes." Lu
on this question was based on four factors. Above all, it was a quest
for the former military commander: he had to keep the British pr
interference with the religion of the north. Secondly, as an ardent p
and order, he wanted to prevent the erosion of authority and of resp
for which christianization was being blamed in the south. Thirdly,
missionary activity could have placed Lugard in the uncomfortable
position of having to protect the missionaries and keep his promise i
clashes with the populace. Finally, Lugard was anxious to maintain an air of
superiority which he believed was crucial to the European presence in Africa.
Attacks on whites-such as clashes between the indigenous population and
missionaries-would do grieveous harm to the prestige of the white man. In his
report on the amalgamation, he wrote in this respect (1919: 67): "In a country
where it is of vital importance to maintain the prestige of Europeans, insults to
missionaries must of necessity be resented by Government." The solution was to
ban missionary activity in Muslim areas although Lugard knew that such an activity
would have had at least one beneficial effect: the production of clerks and technicians for the colonial administration.
Another corollary to non-interference was the attempt to limit or discourage
the emigration of southerners to the north. The presence of christianized southerners, as traders or civil servants, often resulted in clashes with their Muslim hosts.
To prevent further conflicts, Lugard confined the "strangers" to the outskirts of
northern towns, a practice that was institutionalized by the Townships Ordinance
of 1917 which delineated responsibilities and jurisdiction for various kinds of
communities recognized therein. Given the conditions, it was of course to the
interest of the southerners to live apart as they would otherwise be brought under
Muslim jurisdiction. Thus were they segregated in self-contained and self-sufficient
urban layouts known as Sabon Gari-"the strangers' quarters." They disposed
of their own judicial establishments, religious institutions and school systems
which, unexpectedly, were identical with those of the south.
Educational policy as well as practice was closely articulated with administrative
policy and practice. Hence, until 1929, the north and the south maintained differ-
ent directorates of education. Different types of schools with differing aims,
programs, and emphases were established in the two sectors, despite the amal-
gamation that had taken place 15 years earlier.
In conformity with indirect rule, the British built schools for the sons of northern
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70 AFRICAN STUDIES REVIEW
chiefs and emirs, who would receive administrative and moral education in preparation for their future roles as rulers and leaders of their people. Thus was the
famous Katsina College established in 1922. Students were "drawn from every
part of the Muhammadan States" (Clifford, in Bello, 1962: 28). Since there were
no "Muhammadan States" in southern Nigeria, no southerners attended the college;
neither were equivalent schools established for them. The late Sir Ahmadu Bello,
Premier of Northern Nigeria, who, as well as several northern leaders, received his
training at Katsina College, regretted the absence of southerners in the school
(Bello, 1962: 31).
The program of the college reflected the culture of the Muslim north as well as
the intentions that the colonial administration had for its students. In his inaugural
speech, Sir Hugh Clifford, then governor of Nigeria, outlined the cardinal principles
of the college thus:
while living in this college the ordinary lives of young Muhammadan men of birth
and standing, they [the students] should be subjected to no influence which
might tend to make them careless about the observances of their religious duties,
forgetful of the customs and traditions of their fellow countrymen or lacking in
respect and courtesy of their parents, to all who occupy positions of authority
and to all old people .... It will fall to them to teach... boys, not only lessons
learned from books which they will here acquire, but the way that good Muhammadans would live, the good manners, good behavior and the courteous deportment without which mere book learning is of little worth (in Bello, 1962: 28-29).
The students at Katsina College were obviously being prepared for leadership roles
in the north, the expression "fellow countrymen" referring to that section alone
rather than to the entire Nigerian polity.
The policy of isolating the north from missionary work, and therefore from
popular education, was reinforced by dissatisfaction in official circles with the
behavior and comportment of educated southerners. Lugard (1965: 428) found
"the output of these missionary schools . . . unreliable, lacking in integrity, selfcontrol, and discipline, and without respect for authority of any kind." In Lagos,
the situation was described as "intolerable." Even Nigerians joined in disparaging
their educated compatriots. In 1914, for example, Henry Carr, descendant of a
Sierra Leonean immigrant family, who became the first African inspector of education in colonial Nigeria, described educated southerners in these terms:
Not only is their stock of positive knowledge altogether inconsiderable on leaving
school, but there is hardly a sign of growth of mental power or self-control. They
are generally not intelligent, not reliable, not fitted for positions requiring independent judgment or resourcefulness (in Williams, 1973: 164).
This criticism, which was intense in official circles, reflected the growing fear on
the part of the administration that the western education of southerners would lift
them out of their assumed station in life and lead to nationalist agitation. Indeed,
as far back as 1882, much to the displeasure of the administration, a society had
been formed in Lagos which was very critical of the colonial government. The
behavior of the members and of the educated in general was attributed exclusively
to "misdirected education" (Lugard, 1919: 60, 62).
Contrary to the situation in the north, Christian missionary activity was intense
in the south, particularly in the eastern provinces. It would appear that the more
the people were regarded as primitive, the greater the intensity of evangelical work.2
Since, according to Lugard (1965: 437), the "animism and fetish of the pagan
non-Moslem and non-Christian represents no system of ethics and no principles of
conduct," the aim of proselytization was clear: to destroy that "animism and
fetish." Ironically, the principle weapon for the assault and for transmitting the
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EDUCATION AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN AFRICA 71
new system of ethics to the largest possible number of people was t
would later provide independent Nigeria with its administrative and
As the north was shielded from much missionary activity, it did n
"benefit" of widely diffused education, and its stock of educated people was
severely limited. This disparity was later to become a disintegrative factor in
Nigerian society as corrective measures in employment had to be taken, which drew
charges of discrimination by the south.3
The programs of the popular schools established in the south, and later in the
north, were far from integrative. The cultural subject matter of Nigeria did not
figure prominently in the curriculum, and when it did appear, it was treated in isolation. At the elementary level, history consisted of a few biographies: Oba Koso of
Lagos, King Jaja of Opobo, and Shehu Usuman dan Fodio of Sokoto. At no point
in the study of these historic personalities was national consciousness emphasized.
The study of the humanities at this level was limited to a reading of the respective
folk tales in the local language while religion meant exclusively the Christian
religion, for the south, and the Islamic religion for the north. In the southeastern
parts of the country, where missionary activity was vigorous, people generally
knew of Islam through contact with resident Muslim traders from the north.
With Cambridge Overseas School Certificate (COSC) dominating the scene at
the secondary level, the non-integrative functions of the school seemed to grow in
intensity. The papers administered in West Africa-as in other British colonies-were
identical with those in England. History was English and European history; literature stretched from Chaucer to H. G. Wells; religious knowledge, for the Chris-
tians, consisted of a study of one of the gospels and the Acts of the Apostles;
for geography, the entire world was the field, with no particular attention paid to
Africa or any individual African country. Of course there was the five years of
Latin for those who offered the subject, while physics included a study of radiators but not of air conditioners. In effect, those who went through this education
were prepared to function as potential Englishmen.
This pattern continued at the university level since students either went to study
in Britain or prepared for the degrees of London University at the local university
college and sometimes as private external students. Given limited educational
opportunity at the top, the disintegrative function of formal education seems to
have increased in proportion to the number of years one spent in school. The net
effect of this type of schooling was an absence of cross-cultural fertilization across
ethnic boundaries. Nigerians emerged from educational institutions located in their
country knowing little of themselves or of their ethnic neighbors.
As can be seen, integration was not a concern of the schools under colonialism.
The reasons for this are not far to seek. In the first place, colonialism had a definite
mission, and national integration of the colonized societies was incompatible with
that mission. Secondly, the majority of the schools, at least in the south, were
controlled by missionaries whose aim was evangelical or, as a missionery put it,
"simply an apostolic affair" (Zappa, in Ekechi, 1972: 177). Of the 26 secondary
schools established in Nigeria between 1859 and 1929, 23 belonged to the
missions (Abernathy, 1969: 36). Even schools that were established later by
community effort were placed under missionary administration.
Beyond proselytization, the other major concern of the schools seemed to have
been the production of low and middle level clerical and technical staff to service
the missionary-colonial machines. For reasons eloquently suggested by Lugard
(1965: 59), the British did not consider it wise to export that category of workers
to the colonies. According to him,
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72 AFRICAN STUDIES REVIEW
The white man's prestige must stand high when
the control and guidance of millions. His courag
and pledge absolutely inviolate, his sincerity tra
"mean whites" in Africa. Nor is there room for
motives, are content to place themselves on the s
They lower the prestige by which alone the w
and guide.
As the colonial enterprise was an expensive exercise in funds and lives, particularly
in the "white man's grave," and as the low-level workers would have had to be
recruited from low-class Englishmen, local schools were assigned the task of producing the African equivalents of "mean whites," or, as Nduka (1964: 8) puts it,
"Nigerians destined to serve in subordinate positions. .... " It should be recalled
that in East and Central Africa, where the climate was more suitable to Europeans,
little attempt was made to educate Africans, and Indians and Pakistanis were
imported in place of Lugard's "mean whites."4
The organization of secondary education during the colonial era also contributed-though subtly-to non-integration. For reasons that are still unclear, whereas
the duration of secondary schooling in the east and most of the west was five years,
it was six in the north. With no particular educational advantage accruing to northern Nigerian students by reason of the extra year, they came to be regarded as
dullards who spent six years to accomplish what others did in five or even four
years.s
Finally, reduced educational opportunity in the north, arising partly fr
parental opposition and partly from official policy, was disintegrative. The pauci
or total absence of northerners in institutions of higher learning not only rob
everyone of an opportunity to develop attitudinal consensus through proximity
also confirmed in the minds of southerners their erroneous belief in the "inferior-
ity" of their northern compatriots. Furthermore, it resulted in limited northern
representation in the federal public service, a situation that was later to develop
into a minor political crisis.
This unflattering record notwithstanding, it must be mentioned that in the
late twenties the British colonial government had attempted an educational reform
that could have enhanced national integration despite the unwholesome philosophical foundation of the reform (Lyons, 1975). As an outgrowth of the new
educational policy (Great Britain, 1925), it was decided to establish a Nigerian
School Certificate Examination in place of the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate.6 The program of study was to reflect local conditions and culture. The plan
did not materialize, however, owing to strong and organized opposition by educated
southerners in Lagos and Calabar. It was in part to articulate this opposition
better that the Lagos Youth Movement, predecessor of the National Council of
Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), was formed (Awolowo, 1962; Coleman, 1965).
The Post-Colonial Period
Political independence has not enhanced the integrative function of educ
as few radical changes have been made in the structure and organization of
programs nor in the development of policy. At best, independence has wro
few cosmetic changes. A good example of this educational tinkering is the
inations system.
The West African Examinations Council (WAEC) was officially organ
1952 as a successor to the Cambridge University Local Examinations Sy
that administered the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate (COSC) Exami
at the end of the secondary school career. Ostensibly, the aim of the r
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EDUCATION AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN AFRICA 73
council was "the true adjustment of examinations to the needs of
(G. B. Jeffrey, in WAEC, 1973: 13). This "true adjustment" has con
of subject-matter additions and a multiplicity of the examining f
council. For the purposes of national integration in the member c
council, the net result is the same as before. The total educational environment is
organized in such a manner that the production of politically integrated citizens
is still a dream.
In the first place, the WASC places heavy emphasis on the cognitive to the
neglect of the affective upon which the integrative role of education rests. As is the
case with its English equivalent, the approach to the study of history is exclusively
periodic, and the examination questions are
designed to test a sound knowledge of historical facts, a reasonable power to
select such facts as are appropriate to the questions set and the ability to adapt
the matter so selected to the requirements of the question (WAEC, 1975: 170).
This curriculum design introduces such a close-knit articulation between subjectmatter and examination that affective outcome-if any-is incidental rather than
deliberate, heavy emphasis being placed on the acquisition of facts for its own sake.
The supra-national scope of the WASC diminishes further its integrative role.
All of anglophone West Africa, including Liberia, is involved in the activities of the
WAEC. Accordingly, the syllabus in history and literature, for example, encompasses this entire geographic area. Yet it is difficult to see how the study of the history
of West Africa, from 1000 to 1800, will bring an Igbo and a Hausa together,
particularly when the approach to the study of the subject is not issue-oriented.
Despite the global scope of the syllabus and its obvious inadequacies, the vocal
segment of the respective member-countries of the WAEC continues to project
national integration as an aim in education. Functionally, these countries are, in
fact, striving for the "creation" of a West African man.
The lack of concern for integration in educational practice, as shown by the
few examples described above, is complemented by a similar absence of concern
on the policy level. An examination of documents of ministries of education in the
first republic shows that only the former Eastern Nigeria "devoted considerable
attention to the problem of integration" (Peshkin, 1967: 31). The writings of
Nigerian political leaders equally reveal a disregard for this important role of
education in a multi-ethnic society. Though there has been increased pronouncement on the issue on the part of public officials, the succession of military regimes
has not brought with it any fundamental change in the integrative function
of education.7
In spite of the unfavorable picture painted here, education contributed
inadvertently towards a development of a sense of regional community among
secondary and post-secondary students both during the colonial and post-colonial
periods. Mainly owing to limited educational opportunity in certain areas,
Nigerians attended school outside their ethno-linguistic and geographic areas of
origin. The pattern of movement was usually intra-south or south-north; rarely
was there movement in a north-south axis.
Since most of the students lived in boarding houses, the school consequently
brought Nigerian adolescents of diverse ethnic backgrounds into very close contact
for a five-year period. This prolonged contact spurred the development of group
sentiment and reduced levels of ethnic particularism. The sense of community thus
created was further nurtured by the old-boy network (Abernathy, 1969: 257), but
it was almost wiped out by the Biafran war.
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74 AFRICAN STUDIES REVIEW
The integrative role of the school resultin
seriously threatened by the creation of ethni
to this is the increased availability of educa
possible for a Nigerian to obtain all of his f
doctoral level-without leaving his state of ori
with a large number of other Nigerians.
As can be seen, ethnic integration has not b
despite the speeches of political and military l
ordinances and decrees; the educational progra
the organization of schools and even the polit
seem to militate against it. It would appear th
izing their educational system, concerned as th
their former colonial masters. Nevertheless an
does not coincide with the social objective of s
integration important for its survival as a
comprehensive educational program that w
consensus without which a nation exists only i
NOTES
1. The interaction of education and national integration in pre-colonial socie
treated here since the problem did not arise. The respective ethnic groups were
integrated, the scope of their relations was not national-in the current context
word-and the system of education was not bureaucratically organized. For s
cultural integration in these societies, see Cohen and Middleton (1970).
2. For treatment of missionary activity in southern Nigeria, see principally Ajayi
Ayandele (1966) on the Yorubas, and Ekechi (1971) and Isichei (1973: 1976
Igbos.
3. An example of these corrective measures was admission into the cadet officer corps of the
armed forces. For southern applicants, the minimum qualification was a pass in Division I
or II in the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate Examination or its successor-the West
African School Certificate-with at least credits in English and mathematics. Northern
applicants did not even have to take the examination. Similar conditions obtained for
employment in the Federal Public Service and for admission into Federal Technical
schools, such as the Veterinary School, Vom, which itself was located in the north.
4. The importation of foreigners as clerks, technicians, and teachers was attempted in
Nigeria with mixed results. The experiment with Indians in northern Nigeria in 1906 was
considered a success. (Indians were selected probably because of the similarity in religious
background.) In the south, West Indians were used as teachers at Bonny, Benin City, and
Lagos "with no satisfactory results." For accounts of these experiments, see Great
Britain (1906: 27; 1908: 5) and Lugard (1919: 61).
5. After independence, Government College, Umuahia, Eastern Nigeria, attempted an experi-
mental four-year program and obtained spectacular results in the School Certificate
Examination.
6. According to Lewis (1965: 94-95), the suggestion for local examinations was made by
one E. R. Swanston. This must have been part of the over-all discussion, during the era,
of how to best educate the African. See, for example, Azikiwe (1934) and Dougall (1930).
For ideological background to the "new education," see the excellent work by Lyons
(1975).
7. The Nigerian Youth Service, which requires a year of residence and work of recent
university graduates in states other than theirs, is probably the greatest official boost to
integration. However, less than one-half of one percent of the Nigerian population attends
university.
8. The Nigerian government has since adopted a new policy on education which assigns
to education the task of helping the country to achieve its national goals. The first of
these goals is "a united, strong and self-reliant nation." Yet only at the primary level is
there provision for curricular reforms for integration (Ali, 1977: 10). Integration as an
educational aim is notably absent at the secondary and university levels.
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EDUCATION AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN AFRICA 75
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