Feminist Theory and the "Invasion of the Heart" in North America
Author(s): Pauline Turner Strong
Source: Ethnohistory , Autumn, 1996, Vol. 43, No. 4, Native American Women's
Responses to Christianity (Autumn, 1996), pp. 683-712
Published by: Duke University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/483251
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Ethnohistory
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Feminist Theory and the "Invasion of the Heart"
in North America
Pauline Turner Strong, University of Texas at Austin
Abstract. This essay analyzes and assesses a variety of forms in which feminist
theory has been brought to bear on the ethnohistory of Christianity among Native
North American women: feminist political economy; race, class, and gender as
interrelated systems of inequality; the social construction of gendered selves, particularly as analyzed through personal narratives and biographies; and postmodern
and poststructural theories of disciplinary institutions, embodied practices, and
resistance.
In the decade and a half since the publication of Etienne and Leacock's
(ig8ob) landmark Women and Colonization, feminist theory has played a
significant and controversial role in ethnohistorical interpretations of the
threats, challenges, and opportunities posed to North American Indian
women by Christianity. More accurately, feminist theory has played a num-
ber of different roles in ethnohistorical interpretations of the Christian
"invasion of the heart" in North America (Peterson I993), each corresponding to a particular form of feminist analysis. Just as there are several approaches to the practice of ethnohistory and, consequently, several
genres of ethnohistorical writing (Krech i99i), so too there exist a variety
of approaches to the feminist analysis of history and culture, each closely
related to more general theoretical orientations.1 In the meeting of feminist
theory and ethnohistory, two internally diverse and loosely bounded interdisciplinary enterprises converge, generating insights, tensions, and controversies.2 This essay analyzes several ways in which feminist theory has
been brought to bear on the ethnohistory of Christianity in North America
in the years since i980. It aims both to clarify the diversity of feminist
approaches and to analyze and assess their strengths and weaknesses.
In this discussion I employ broad definitions of both "ethnohistory"
Ethnohistory 43:4 (fall i996). Copyright ? by the American Society for Ethnohistory. ccc OoI4-i8oi/96/$I.50.
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684
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and "feminist theory," and e
but I do not aim for an exhau
Native women and Christiani
emplify four modes in which
the ethnohistory of Christian
These modes can be roughly grouped under the rubrics of (i) feminist
political economy; (z) race, class, and gender as interrelated systems of
inequality; (3) the social construction of gendered selves, particularly as
analyzed through personal narratives and biographies; and (4) postmodern
and poststructural theories of disciplinary institutions, embodied practices,
and resistance.4
The four theoretical modes are often interwoven in practice: indeed,
Micaela di Leonardo (i99i) advocates a framework for "feminist culture
and political economy" that integrates all four modes.5 Nevertheless, as a
heuristic device I have found it useful to consider each of these modes in
turn, categorizing studies according to their dominant mode of analysis.
If I were to categorize my own critique in this scheme, it would be under
the postmodern and poststructural rubric. Inspired by Donna Haraway's
(i99i: i83-20I) notion of "situated knowledge" and Irene Silverblatt's
(i99i) call for a "critical feminist ethnohistory," I hold to an ideal of a
reflexive ethnohistory aware of its own positioning and partiality; critical of systems of difference that legitimate oppression and inequality; and
attuned to the agency and imaginings of gendered historical actors as well
as to the constitution, constraints, and possibilities of their social worlds.
Feminist Political Economy
Three recent considerations of missionary influence on native women in the
Northeast-Karen Anderson's (i99i) Chain Her by One Foot: The Subjugation of Women in Seventeenth-Century New France, Carol Devens's (i99z)
Countering Colonization: Native American Women and Great Lakes Mis-
sions, 1630-1900, and Jean O'Brien's (I995) "Divorced from the Land":
Accommodation Strategies of Indian Women in Eighteenth-Century New
England"-follow in the tradition of Eleanor Leacock's pioneering work
on the impact of capitalism and its associated colonial institutions on
the status of Native American women. In i980, when Leacock published
"Montagnais Women and the Jesuit Program for Colonization," feminist
scholarship was dominated by debates regarding the universal (i.e., biological) versus the social and historical constitution of women's subordination to men.6 Leacock, a leading figure in arguing against the universality
of women's subordination, offered a historical materialist explanation of
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Feminist Theory in North America 685
gender inequality that maintained that th
nialism, and Christianity led to the degrad
Native Americans and other colonized peoples, though not without resis-
tance on the part of both women and men (Etienne and Leacock ig8oa).
With regard to the Jesuits, Leacock (i980) argued that the "civilizing" program initiated by Paul Le Jeune, which included the introduction of European patterns of male authority over women and children, worked together
with changes in relations of production to undermine Montagnais-Naskapi
traditions of personal autonomy and complementary, egalitarian gender relations. Other studies inspired by Leacock, in Women and Colonization and
subsequently, have shown that the impact of capitalism and Christianity
on the status of Native American women has been extremely complex,
varying according to indigenous and colonial gender relations as well as
the manner in which native economies articulate with capitalist economies
(cf. Albers i989; Shoemaker I995a). The works of Anderson, Devens, and
O'Brien continue in this vein.
Silverblatt, one of the contributors to Women and Colonization (Silverblatt i980), has more recently called for a nonreductionist, "complexifying" approach to political economy that pays more attention to the experiences and strategies of concrete historical actors (Silverblatt J99j).7 Such
an approach is exemplified by Jean O'Brien's (I995) "Divorced from the
Land," a social history of the creative accommodation of the Algonquian
women of eighteenth-century New England to their constricted circum-
stances and to Protestant missionaries' expectations regarding gender roles.
O'Brien introduces named, socially located individuals: Esther Sooduck
of the mission town of Natick, Massachusetts, who abandoned farming
in accordance with missionary teachings, sold her land, and survived by
supplementing the European feminine skills of spinning and weaving with
her knowledge of Algonquian basketry; the "full-blood" Hannah Shiner
of Medford, Massachusetts, who married a "mulatto man" and supported
herself in "traditional" fashion as an herbalist and basketmaker; and the
transient Mercy Amerquit, once of Cape Cod, who for years "strolled
about" alone, surviving on temporary wage labor. In portraits deftly drawn
from fragmentary documents, O'Brien offers a suggestive account of the
various responses of Algonquian women to the structural changes wrought
by conquest and dispossession, evangelization and resettlement in mission
towns, and the gendered division of labor characteristic of colonial society.
Carol Devens's (i99z) Countering Colonization, considerably broader
in scope, seeks to portray three "patterns of response" to three centuries
of missionary efforts among Algonquian women in the Great Lakes and
eastern subarctic regions (especially Ojibwas, but also Crees, Montagnais-
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686
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Naskapis, and Micmacs). The patterns include two in which men and
women were united in their responses, either resisting missionaries (the
first pattern) or accommodating them (the second). Of much greater interest to Devens is the third pattern of response, which is split along gender
lines: women resisting missionaries and identifying themselves with the
preservation of tradition, and men more readily converting to Christianity.
In each of Devens's patterns, women's responses are assumed to derive
from their gender-based interests, which presumably diverged from those
of men as women lost autonomy and status in the course of colonization.
Largely on the basis of men's productive role in colonial society, Devens
sees an "invented tradition" (Hobsbawm and Ranger i983) of male supremacy, gender hostility, and symbolic polarity emerging in Algonquian
societies.
Devens supports her interpretation of gender divisions as an invented
tradition by comparing Landes's and Hallowell's works to Jenness's,
Speck's, and Densmore's studies of more isolated Montagnais-Naskapis
and Ojibwas, where she finds flexible boundaries between genders rather
than rigid dichotomies, and reciprocity rather than antagonism. This in-
terpretation of the role of political economy in altering gender relations is
consistent with Leacock's work, and Devens's account of what might be
called "the feminization of tradition" in central and subarctic Algonquian
societies resonates with the observations of such scholars as Beatrice Medicine (i987) with respect to other Native American groups. Such consisten-
cies and resonances suggest that it may eventually be possible to compose
a well-substantiated, finely nuanced account of women's responses to colonization and evangelization across cultures and over la longue duree. But
this slim volume (II3 pages of text, followed by a I5-page polemic against
Landes, Hallowell, and other anthropologists) is full of contradictions and
overgeneralizations. Devens's scheme does not do justice to the complexity
of Algonquian women's and men's responses to Christian missionaries
within a particular temporal and cultural setting, much less across cultures
and centuries.
The introduction to Countering Colonization states that the book grew
out of Devens's discontent with the lack of attention to gender and historical process in anthropological studies. But Devens is herself ahistorical
when she criticizes Landes and Hallowell for not realizing that the gender
divisions they observed were invented traditions (a concept not available
to these early anthropologists). Landes's (I97I rI938]) pioneering attention
to Ojibwa women is given little credit; nor is Hallowell's (I976 [i963])
influential theorizing on transculturation or the development of his thinking over several decades (cf. Brown i99z). It is troubling to find a scholar
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Feminist Theory in North America 687
in the doubly interdisciplinary field of femini
ungenerously and ahistorically the very scholar
dence. As Jennifer Brown (i99i) points out in d
"strange bedfellows" but "kindred spirits," int
quire a mutually respectful community of sch
"a new breed of missionaries . . . intent on r
nating native culture" (Devens i99z: II4) over
relationship to colonialism in a fashion similar
zation of Native American women's response
positioning and partiality, Countering Colon
sis destined to confirm the suspicions that ma
"theory-driven" ethnohistory (cf. Jennings i9
Devens's interpretation of male antagonism
trapping societies as an invented tradition can
tage of Karen Anderson's (i99i) Chain Her by
work in subject matter, Anderson's book clears
the Jesuit conversion of Hurons as well as M
tailed explication of the Jesuit theory of gende
a Foucauldian understanding of "technologies o
a suggestive analysis of 1-uron male antagonism
to explain the Jesuits' success in effecting a ra
and transformation in gender relations over a
emphasizes the devastating effect of disease
viability of Huron communities and the presti
this, however, she speculates that the violen
males directed against themselves and against i
even the Jesuits considered extreme in some
existing ambivalence toward women (expressed
of Aataentsic) as well as in indigenous patter
such as the torture of war captives and dream f
interpretation, physical punishment of erra
her by one foot," involves the transference of
legitimated by the indigenous "regime of trut
colonial regime.
Anderson's account of the transformation o
relations is presented boldly and without the q
pect in such an inherently speculative enterpri
thetic readers may be alienated by her neglect
sic treatments of similar dream rituals among
judgmental and ethnocentric statements, su
tagnais exchanged one set of delusions for anot
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688
Pauline
and
Turner
inadequate
Strong
reasons
for
pe
I99I: 223). Morrison's (i990) more circumscribed study of what he sees as
"religious syncretism" at a time of crisis (as opposed to Devens's invented
tradition or Anderson's deluded persecution) will be more satisfying to
most ethnohistorians. Still, even if Anderson's analysis fails to convince,
Chain Her by One Foot is valuable for its insistence on the need to understand the radical transformation that conversion to Christianity entailed
not only in sexuality and gender relations but, most fundamentally, in the
constitution of subjectivity itself.
Interrelated Systems of Inequality
Ramon A. Gutierrez's (i99i) acclaimed but controversial When Jesus Came,
the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality, and Power in New
Mexico, 1500-1846 (cf. Rodriguez 1994) is strikingly similar to Chain Her
by One Foot in its analysis of the transformation of subjectivity, sexuality, and patterns of authority that Franciscan missionaries aimed to effect
among Pueblo converts. I would suggest, in fact, that the primary value
of this social history (for present purposes, at least) lies in its astute and
suggestive analysis of Franciscan ideologies and practices of "reformation"
and "charismatic domination," not in its interpretation of Pueblo societies
as systems of inequality.9
When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away takes as its point of
departure Yanagisako and Collier's (I994 [i987]: I95) premise in Gender
and Kinship that "social systems are, by definition, systems of inequality"
involving a differential distribution of prestige, power, and privilege. More
specifically, Gutierrez draws on Collier's (i988) ideal-typical model of the
politics of gift giving in classless societies (see also Collier and Rosaldo
i98i). From this point of view Gutierrez challenges the indigenous (and the
dominant anthropological) representation of the pre-Columbian Pueblos
as relatively peaceful, harmonious, and egalitarian societies with complementary gender relations. This challenge to what Gutierrez (I99I: 347)
sees as a romanticized view of "peace-loving Pueblos" follows in a tradition dating to Parsons and Goldfrank (cf. Stocking i989; Strong i996) but
stands in considerable tension with Gutierrez's claim to present a native
point of view.
Using concepts developed in Collier's comparison of three Plains
Indian societies, Gutierrez (i99i: xviii-xix) presents a model of the Pueblos
in which "gift giving and marriage structured the obligations that perpetuated the basic inequalities in society, those between juniors and seniors
and between successful and unsuccessful seniors." While he does not see
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Feminist Theory in North America 689
gender relations as one of the basic forms
Gutierrez (ibid.: 33) does posit "contestation between the sexes over the
cosmic power of men and women" -the women's centered in fertility, the
men's in ceremonialism.
In this context, the strategy of the Franciscans becomes "an effort to
disrupt the system of calculated gift exchange between juniors and seniors"
(ibid.: 67) and to realign exchanges in accordance with their own structures of inequality, in which gender hierarchy and the control of sexuality
played prominent roles. With respect to women, this involved enforcing
monogamous sexual relations; baptizing their babies; confiscating religious
objects from their homes; attempting to appropriate the socialization of the
young; suppressing rituals, symbols, and religious societies associated with
fertility and sexuality; and encouraging the merging of Corn Mother and
the Virgin Mary, fertility rituals and saint's-day observances. Ultimately,
Gutierrez sees Christianity effecting shifts in kinship and residence away
from the matrilineal and matrilocal patterns that he assumes were once
characteristic of all the Pueblos. Apart from a few isolated anecdotes, however, little is said about women's responses to the Franciscan strategies to
disempower them.
Yanagisako and Collier's (I994 [i987]: I97-99) "systems of inequality" approach originated as an attempt to avoid making assumptions about
the universality of gender, technology, and relations of production as determinants of inequality. It was intended as a social constructionist approach
that would prevent analysts from projecting their own naturalized assumptions regarding inequality on the society being analyzed. When Jesus Came,
the Corn Mothers Went Away, however, indicates that this is more easily said
than done. Pointing to its emphasis on inequality, contestation, and sexuality in particular, Pueblo scholars have called Gutierrez's portrait of their
ancestors unrecognizable; offensive, especially to women; and a projection of personal or colonial biases, delusions, justifications, and obsessions
onto the Pueblos (Jojola et al. I993; Rodriguez 1994). By assuming that all
societies are essentially systems of inequality, Gutierrez inevitably reduces
Pueblo values such as balance, harmony, sharing, nurturing, fertility, and
respect to forms of domination and subordination. In other words, Pueblo
meanings are delegitimated rather than used as bases of understanding, and
Pueblo practices are translated into alien concepts such as "obligation,"
"indebtedness," "calculation," "appropriation," and "success." That these
concepts have capitalist, colonial, and Christian resonances is particularly
telling.
In execution, if not in intent, this form of mission ethnohistory is
rather far from most definitions of the mission of ethnohistory itself, for
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example, Axteli's (I988: 50)
curtain has to be viewed fr
98) project of attempting to
We would seem to have to choose between feminist theory, on the one
hand, and local perspectives or intentions, on the other, without much hope
of finding the middle ground on which, Jennifer Brown (i99i) suggests,
ethnohistory is situated. I have no doubt where most ethnohistorians would
stand, given such a choice, but I would maintain that instead of choosing
between feminist theory and local meanings, we need to choose carefully
among the types of feminist theory and practice that we bring to ethnohistorical analysis.
A more appropriate feminist perspective for Gutierrez's topic might
be found in Sherry Ortner's (i9ir) rethinking of the theory of sexual stratification she developed in the early i98os with Harriet Whitehead (Ortner
and Whitehead ig8ia; Ortner i98i). In Ortner's more recent work, Gramscian notions of hegemonic and counterhegemonic discourses are mobilized
to allow for coexisting arenas of inequality and complementarity. Somewhat along these lines, Maltz and Archambault (I995: 249) suggest a focus
on the "tensions [such as] personal independence versus social responsibility, complementarity versus hierarchy, and personal preferences versus
innate capacities" that together "define the universe in which gender roles
are acted out" (cf. Van Kirk I987). Such a strategy requires a more radical social constructionism, less encumbered by universal assumptions and
ideal-typical models, and thus able to couch Native American realities in
terms less resonant of colonial and capitalist ideologies and preoccupations -and more recognizable to Native American women and men themselves.
The Social Construction of Gendered Selves
One of anthropology's main contributions to ethnohistory has been its
attention to culturally constituted persons, meanings, powers, and social
roles.10 Similarly, one of feminist theory's main contributions to anthropology and ethnohistory involves the social and cultural construction of
gendered selves." Given these two patterns of influence, it stands to reason
that an important contribution of feminist theory to studies of the ethnohistory of Christianity in Native North America lies in the construction
and transformation of gendered selves.
Anthropological studies in this vein date to the "first-wave" feminism
of the early to mid-twentieth century and often take the form of personal
narratives or life histories. Notable early examples of women's personal
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Feminist Theory in North America 69i
narratives include Underhill's (I979 rI9
rI956]) Autobiographies of Three Pomo W
Wolf Woman. Outside anthropology, personal narratives are often in the
genre of the spiritual autobiography, as in the early Memoirs of Catharine
Brown (Brown I994 [i825] ).12
The personal narrative continues to be an important genre, the presentation and interpretation of which have been refined and revitalized by
feminist criticism of women's lives, women's narratives, and ethnographic
representation.' Julie Cruikshank's (i990) Life Lived like a Story: Life
Stories of Three Yukon Native Elders and Margaret B. Blackman's (i992
[i98z]) During My Time: Florence Edenshaw Davidson, a Haida Woman
are notable recent personal narratives that indicate the power of this genre
for conveying the centrality of Christianity and the church in many contemporary Native American women's experience, as well as the complex
interrelationships between Christian and indigenous beliefs and practices.
This is true of Florence Edenshaw Davidson's narrative even though Blackman's inquiry was driven towards more traditional Haida customs":
Mrs. Davidson grew up in an Anglican home, was an active member of
the Women's Auxiliary from the age of fifteen, and told Blackman that she
wished to be remembered above all for her work in the church (ibid.: xviii,
I42-46).
Among the three life stories in Cruikshank's collection-which as
product of truly collaborative research is especially sensitive to the sig
cance of indigenous narrative forms and meanings-one, Angela Sidney's,
that is preoccupied throughout, as Cruikshank (i990: 23) writes, "with
evaluating and balancing old customs with new ideas." By the last years
of Mrs. Sidney's life, this involved a complex and tentative reconciliation
among Baha'i, the Anglican Church, and indigenous shamanism and ceremonialism, a reconciliation narrated as a series of prophecies, dreams,
healings, teachings, and equivalences (ibid.: I54-58).
Historical biography is another genre in which feminist analysis has
been brought to bear on the social construction of gender and its relationship to the Christian invasion of the heart in North America. Three recent
biographical studies concern persons existing on the margins of the gendered categories of their societies, as well as on the margins of indigenous
religions and Christianity. Only one of these, Nancy Shoemaker's (I995b)
"Kateri Tekakwitha's Tortuous Path to Sainthood," is directly and unambiguously about an Indian woman. Natalie Zemon Davis's (I995) Women
on the Margins: Three Seventeenth-Century Lives includes a discussion of a
seventeenth-century Ursuline missionary, Marie de Incarnation, and her
relationship with Algonquian, Huron, and Iroquois converts, while Will
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69z
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Roscoe's (i99i) Zuni Man-Woman focuses on We'wha, an influential Zuni
ihamana (berdache) in the nineteenth century.
In Davis's (I995: 95) portrayal of Marie de l'Incarnation, marginality appears as "a borderland between cultural deposits that allowed
new growth and surprising hybrids." Marie, a mystic who "freed herself
somewhat from the constrictions of European hierarchies by sidestepping
them," lived in a convent that was "a hybrid space rather than a transplantation of European order," with its "birchbark cabins, big cauldrons
full of Amerindian food, and multiple languages" (ibid.: zio, izo). Marie
herself taught and wrote in two Algonquian and two Iroquoian languages,
and she became rather intimately acquainted with her "French and Savage
girls." Davis contrasts the hybrid female space of the convent with the more
clearly differentiated worlds of the Jesuits, who moved between Native villages and European monasteries, retreating to their "own male space for
living and prayer" (ibid.: ii9).
Davis (ibid.: zio) is especially struck by the "extravagance of Marie
de l'Incarnation's universalism," which she contrasts to the more hierarchical Jesuit views of Amerindians and attributes to the hybrid setting of
the convent as well as to Marie's mysticism. In contrast to the Jesuits,
"Marie de Incarnation was deeply interested not in the difference between
the Amerindians and the French but in their similarity"; she "imagined
an extravagant similarity between her inner life and spiritual capacities
and those of Amerindian converts, in this one regard almost effacing the
boundary between 'savage' and 'European'" (ibid.: II5-i6). More accepting than the Jesuits of indigenous patterns of work, authority, and discipline, Marie was less concerned that converts adopt French manners and
customs than that they return to their villages and encourage the spread
of Christianity. She did, however, require that the converts embrace monogamy and abandon their native religious practices, including shamanism
and dream interpretation.
Not surprisingly, there is evidence that the converts retained more of
their native religious beliefs and practices than Marie found appropriate.
To give but one example, the Algonquian convert Anne Marie Uthirdchich
Louise found in Christianity a way to resign herself to the death of her
children - but honored her daughter with burial offerings of beaver and
wampum. That the Catholicism of Indian women was (and is) syncretic
is not a new insight (cf. Morrison i990; Peterson I993), but Davis adds a
further speculation: that female converts found in Christianity a means of
expanding their public voice. The role of Indian women in preaching and
leading Christian prayers is indeed striking, but it is more likely that, rather
than being a "new form of speech" (cf. Davis 1994: 254-57), this too is
a hybrid practice building on both indigenous precedents and the training
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Feminist Theory in North America 693
and expectations found at the convent. At any rate, in calling attention
to the importance of women converts in disseminating and maintaining
Christianity, Davis points to a fruitful area for further research.
A number of specific converts-all, like Marie herself, cultural and
linguistic hybrids-appear in Marie's writings. Several converts served
Marie as examples of faithfulness, especially Khionrea, baptized Therese,
a Huron who was captured by the Iroquois on her journey from the convent back to her village but, nevertheless, remained faithful and taught
Christianity to her new Iroquois husband and relatives. Elsewhere Davis
(ibid.: z5i) suggests that for the captive "enemy wife," being forcibly
transplanted "must have had important consequences for consciousness,''
and adds, "When the enemy wife was also a Christian in a non-Christian
village, the impulse toward self-definition might be all the stronger."
The notion of a historically and culturally constructed "setting for selfconsciousness" that Davis develops in her earlier, more analytic study implicitly underlies her treatment of both Marie de Incarnation and Christianized captives.
The most famous convert, the Blessed Kateri Tekakwitha, is the subject of a study that explicitly disputes Leacock's, Anderson's, and Devens's
"narrative of a decline into patriarchy" as a result of missionization (Shoe-
maker i995b: 5i; cf. Shoemaker i99i). According to Jesuit hagiographers,
Tekakwitha was the daughter of a non-Christian Mohawk and his Christian wife, probably an Algonquian war captive. Born in i656 and orphaned
at about the age of four in a smallpox epidemic, Tekakwitha was left
with scars and weak eyes that could not stand sunshine. Raised by the
vehemently anti-Christian matrilineal relatives of her father, she responded
enthusiastically to the message of a Jesuit missionary, who baptized her
Catherine. Refusing to marry, Tekakwitha left her village for the "praying
town" of Kahnawake, near Montreal, where an ethnically mixed group of
Christian converts, many of them former war captives among the Iroquois,
gathered under the guidance of Jesuits.
At Kahnawake, Tekakwitha lived in the longhouse of an adopted sister
and again encountered pressure to take a husband who could contribute
meat and furs to the longhouse. She repeated her commitment to "have no
other spouse but Jesus Christ" (ibid.: 54) and decided, together with two
friends, to devote herself to a life of chastity and penance. Among Tekakwitha's self-mortifications, reported a Jesuit, was to burn her feet with a
brand, as the Iroquois did to war captives. She also fasted, exposed herself
to the snow and ice, and exchanged whippings with her fellow penitents.
Her acts of penance led to a severe illness and her death at twenty-four,
two years after her arrival at Kahnawake.
Shoemaker interprets Tekakwitha's life both from a Christian perspec-
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694
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tive,
in
Turner
which
Strong
her
chastity
by her namesake, Saint Catherine of Siena, and as an expression of religious syncretism. Suggesting that Tekakwitha's marginality in her native
village and her physical disfigurement may have been factors in her conversion, Shoemaker (ibid.: 66) points out three aspects of Roman Catholicism
that "made sense within an Iroquois cultural framework" and thus lent
themselves to syncretism. First, Christian baptism was akin to the Iroquois
requickening rite, in which a person received a name and assumed a metaphorical identification with the namesake. According to the syncretic logic,
Tekakwitha would have taken her namesake, the ascetic Catherine of Siena,
as a model to emulate. Next, both Iroquois women's societies and Catholic
religious orders may have served as models for penitential religious associations, such as the one Tekakwitha formed with her friends, seeking a
form of authority available to women in a context in which the formal
power structure was dominated by male priests and converts. Finally, Shoemaker (ibid.: 6o) indicates a variety of ways in which "Iroquois and Jesuit
beliefs about the body, the soul, and power were similar enough to allow
for a syncretic adoption of self-denial and self-mortification as spiritually
and physically empowering acts." Fasting and abstinence were accepted
as means of achieving spiritual power among both the Iroquois and the
Jesuits, while self-mortification may have replaced the ritual torture of war
captives as a new source of power thought to be effective against new
dangers such as smallpox. This argument is similar to Anderson's, but
Shoemaker's focus on Tekakwitha leads her to consider torture directed by
women against themselves (and other women) rather than by men against
disobedient women. In sum, Shoemaker (ibid.: 67) argues persuasively that
although "the Jesuits tried to implement patriarchy at their missions ...
they also brought the symbols, imagery, and rituals women needed to subvert patriarchy."
The third of the biographical works considered here, Roscoe's (i99i)
Zuni Man-Woman, centers on the mediating role of the Zuni lhamana
between complementary gender roles as well as the nineteenth-century
lhamana We'wha's historical mediating role between the Zunis and various representatives of Anglo-American society, including the ethnologist
Matilda Coxe Stevenson.'4 As part of the latter consideration Roscoe discusses the Presbyterian mission established at Zuni in i877, which was
soon followed by the first ethnological expedition, that of James Stevenson, who used the mission as his headquarters. Ironically, the wife of the
first missionary, Mrs. Taylor F. Ealy, employed We'wha, whom she took
to be a "Zuni girl," to do housework, all the while attempting, without
much success, "to reverse their labors," as she put it, by teaching sewing
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a
Feminist Theory in North America 695
and knitting to the Zuni women and encou
physically demanding tasks of grinding cor
44). We'wha's close association with the mis
sleeping in her house, was followed by an
priest to bits of Mrs. Ealy's blankets, yarn,
body by an envious witch. The cure require
medicine society of the priest and led to th
ceremonial knowledge.
Apart from this, Roscoe's consideration of missionary activity in Zuni
mainly concerns the aftermath of a witch trial for a Zuni woman accused
of causing We'wha's death in i896. In response to the Zuni bow priests'
decision to hang the woman in order to extract a confession, the mission
teacher, Mary Dissette, and other government agents called on the military to enforce the law that required Indian children to attend government
schools. They cited, in addition to the witch trial, the free mingling of boys
and girls; ritual dances in which "anything goes"; sexual miming by sacred
clowns; "orgies," "licentiousness," "bastardy," and "abominations"; and
the custom of men being "allowed to wear women's costume, and work
with the women in the house" (ibid.: II4-i6). As Roscoe makes clear in
discussing government agents' appetites for reports of "lewd" behavior,
the allegations are a mixture of misinterpreted Zuni practices, often religious in nature, and repressed Anglo-American fantasies. Thus a campaign
for forced assimilation was justified primarily in terms of the need to repress what the Anglo-Americans, like the Spanish before them, construed
as uncontrolled sexuality and confused gender roles. The incident ended
with the bow priests' authority substantially reduced and marked intensified governmental repression of indigenous patterns of sexuality and religion among the Pueblos, repression that ended only under John Collier's
administration of the Bureau of Indian Affairs in the I930s.
If We'wha had been a woman, we might conclude that her work as
a domestic laborer in the missionaries' household had a complex but generally empowering effect: it enhanced her prestige, making her the subject
of witchcraft; indirectly deepened her knowledge of indigenous beliefs and
rituals through her induction into the medicine society; and provided her
with the contact with Matilda Coxe Stevenson that led to her employment
as an informant, to commissions for her superb pots, and ultimately to a
trip to Washington, where she demonstrated weaving (not a woman's art)
and was received as an "Indian princess." But for a lhamana the situation
was different: although We'wha filled a feminine role in Anglo-American
society, she did so in the mediating tradition of the lhamana, taking on relations to Anglo-Americans that Zuni women avoided. Indeed, given Mary
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Dissette's complaint that
lhamanas, it appears that for a while at least the existence of a gendercrossing role contributed to the Zunis' resistance to missionary attempts
to impose Anglo-American gender roles on them. However, government
schools soon became a primary arena for the repression of indigenous
gender and gender-crossing roles, among other cultural practices.
th
Disciplinary Institutions, Embodied
Practices, and Resistance
The concern with marginal and hybrid subjectivities characteristic of
Davis's, Shoemaker's, and Roscoe's analyses of Marie de l'Incarnation,
Kateri Tekakwitha, and We'wha-and found, as well, in Angela Sidney's
narrative as well as in Cruikshank's interpretation-is common to much
contemporary feminist theory and practice in the postmodern period."5
Also characteristic of postmodern and poststructural feminist approaches
is a concern with the disciplinary institutions, embodied practices, and
hegemonic and counterhegemonic discourses and practices constitutive of
subjectivity.16 Combining the concern with power characteristic of feminist political economy and the systems-of-inequality approach with the
focus on meaning characteristic of social constructionism, postmodern
and poststructural theories offer new and fruitful avenues for theorizing
colonial domination and resistance.'7 Scholars who have applied such approaches to their studies of the relationships that obtained between Native
American women and Christian missionaries include Theda Perdue (I985),
K. Tsianina Lomawaima (I993, I994), and Michael Harkin (I993, I994).
Perdue's (i985) "Southern Indians and the Cult of True Womanhood" brings feminist analyses of the Anglo-American ideology of woman's
"separate sphere" (Welter i966; Cott I977) to bear on the cultural transformation of gender roles among Cherokees in the nineteenth century.
Teaching that "true womanhood" consisted in purity, piety, domesticity,
and submissiveness, Protestant missionaries played an important role in
the disempowerment of Cherokee women and the transformation of a
matrilineal and matrilocal society with complementary power relations to
a largely patriarchal one. While Perdue's analysis of power relations is
not explicitly theorized in Foucauldian or Gramscian terms, it is notable
for its attention to the attractiveness of the cult of true womanhood for
the emerging Cherokee elite, that is, for those who adopted the capitalist
values of the dominant society. Perdue discusses Catharine Brown as the
model "true woman" (cf. Brown I994 [i8z5]) but also notes the numerous
traditional women who resisted the new ideology, attempting to retain
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Feminist Theory in North America 697
the powers inherent in the Cherokee "women's sphere." The analysis is
suggestive both in the relationship it draws between class and gender and
in its treatment of separate male and female spheres as not inherently
hierarchical and oppressive.
Lomawaima's (I994, I993) They Called It Prairie Light: The Story of
Chilocco Indian School and "Domesticity in the Federal Indian Schools: The
Power of Authority Over Mind and Body" are only tangentially works on
evangelization, as the Chilocco Indian School was not a mission school but
a federal boarding school that operated in Oklahoma between I884 and
i980. Still, Lomawaima's work exemplifies the power of a Foucauldian
analysis of the Indian boarding school as a disciplinary institution replete with the "reforming" technologies of surveillance, regimentation, and
examination-technologies directed with particular rigidity at girls (and
more explicitly analyzed in Lomawaima's article than in her book, which
is directed toward a more general audience). The most striking aspect of
Lomawaima's work is her ability to present, through a judicious use of
theory, archival research, and interviews with alumni, both the pervasive
technology of power at the boarding school and the girls' ability to resist its attempts to mold them to the standards of Victorian domesticity
(Epstein i98i). Presenting the body as a "battleground," Lomawaima documents matrons' attempts to enforce Christian and "civilized" standards of
dress, deportment, docility, modesty, and individualism-in effect, to instill a new "habitus" (cf. Bourdieu I977). Alumni narratives, often coalescing around the hated GI (government issue) bloomers, reveal the students'
collective efforts to resist a "uniform(ed) existence" (Lomawaima I994:
23I, 235).
"Bodily discipline" is also central in "Power and Progress: The Evangelic Dialogue among the Heiltsuk" (Harkin I993) and "Contested Bodies:
Affliction and Power in Heiltsuk Culture and History" (Harkin I994),
two articles in which Michael Harkin analyzes the success that Methodist missionaries experienced among the Heiltsuks of British Columbia in
the wake of the pandemic diseases of the nineteenth century. Drawing on
E. P. Thompson (i967, i968) as well as on Bourdieu, Foucault, Gramsci,
and Comaroff and Comaroff for theoretical and comparative models, Harkin focuses in particular on the Heiltsuks' receptivity to the new source
of power they perceived in Methodist standards of dress, deportment,
modesty, cleanliness, temperance, and industry. While not principally concerned with women or explicitly located in the realm of feminist theory,
Harkin (I993: 24) discusses "the gendering of missionary control, the
particular focus on the woman and the child-and especially the female
child" -in terms of the missionaries' desire to control female sexuality and
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698
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reproduction through pro
betrothal, serial monogam
devoted more to receptivit
testation revolves around
relatives, and a missionary's wife resigned to the girl's death. Returning
to the sick girl's home after an absence of a few hours, the missionary's
wife found the girl, still breathing, arranged in a burial box, together with
blankets and other property, and surrounded by the mourning female relatives. Horrified, the missionary's wife wrested the girl from the relatives
and took her to the mission house, where she soon died, but in a state more
indicative of Christian salvation (Harkin I993: 20; I994: 595).
Such telling moments are sprinkled through missionary accountsmoments when women emerge as prominent actors, when meanings collide
or coalesce, when power is asserted. Other moments, such as the Chilocco
bloomer story, come to us only in Native American accounts. A theoretical framework pales when compared to such moments: it can never do
them justice. Still, because the missionary focus on reforming the body,
especially the female body, is so intense-whether in the form of Methodist discipline or Jesuit mortification-theories dealing with disciplinary
practices and embodied selves can be especially illuminating.
Conclusion
If the role of theory in ethnohistory is contested (Krech i99i), then
doubly contested is the role of feminist theory in the interpretation of
Native American experience. Like third and fourth world women else-
where (Mohanty et al. i99i), Native American women have often found
feminist theory and practice irrelevant or misguided (Green i980, i983;
but cf. Green i98z, i992 [i989]; Allen i986; Hogan i987; Shanley i989;
Gould i99z). While it is indisputable that feminist scholarship has distorted
Native American women's experience through universalizing theories of
both power and oppression, I have sought to demonstrate in this article
that such distortion is far from inevitable.
Analytically distinguishing among four feminist approaches to the
Christian invasion of the heart in North America foregrounds those approaches that are particularly sensitive to the perspectives and agency of
Native American women as well as to the diversity and complexity of their
experiences. These include the fine-grained and "complexifying" approach
to feminist political economy advocated by Silverblatt (i99i) and exemplified in O'Brien's (i995) analysis of landless Indian women's strategies in
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Feminist Theory in North America 699
eighteenth-century New England; inquiries into the social construction of
gendered selves through the analysis of personal narratives and biogra-
phies, as in the works of Cruikshank, Shoemaker, and Davis; and considerations of disciplinary institutions, embodied practices, and resistance,
exemplified in the works of Perdue, Lomawaima, and Harkin. When I have
raised questions about particular feminist analyses, it is largely because of
their totalizing or universalizing nature, which I see as opposed to the spirit
of both ethnohistory and feminism (though not always foreign in practice).
The transformation of gender roles, social and cultural constructions
of gender and sexuality, hybrid and marginalized subjectivities, discipline
and embodiment, hegemony and resistance: these concepts and the theories in which they are embedded offer powerful ways to conceptualize both
the Christian missionary enterprise and the responses of Native American
women and men. That they are sometimes too powerful bespeaks the need
for employing theory in a nuanced fashion that is sensitive to variation and
complexity as well as to the partiality and situatedness of the theorist's
perspective. When employed in a subtle and humble manner, however,
feminist theory may not only generate insightful interpretations of particular experiences and events but also facilitate comparative analysis, allowing
for the systematic comparison of Protestant and Catholic evangelization;
Franciscan, Jesuit, and Ursuline missionaries; Montagnais, Huron, Iroquois, Pueblo, Cherokee, and Heiltsuk responses; and women's and men's
accommodations and resistances (just to mention the possibilities generated by the studies considered here). Not least, employing feminist and
other theoretical constructs facilitates comparisons between the course of
Christian evangelization in North America and that found elsewhere (cf.
Comaroff and Comaroff i99i; Beidelman i98z; Bowie et al. I993) thus
combating the still pervasive isolation or exceptionalism of North American ethnohistory.
As promising as the best feminist studies may be, there is much work
to be done. Native American women's experiences of and responses to
the Christian invasion of the heart are only beginning to be explored in
ethnohistorical and feminist scholarship. Based on the studies considered
here, it would seem that the analysis of individual strategies and personal
narratives is a particularly fruitful approach, but so is the analysis of evan-
gelizing institutions, discourses, and practices. There is much to be learned
about the range of ways in which Native American women have selectively accepted, rejected, transformed, disseminated, and institutionalized
Christian beliefs and practices, as well as about the impact of these beliefs
and practices on other dimensions of their experience. To the extent that
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issues of gender, power, and hybrid subjectivities have been involved in
processes-which is to say, to a very great extent indeed-critical, situated,
and nuanced feminist theories will continue to have much to offer.
Notes
I am grateful to Sergei Kan and Michael Harkin for including me on their panel at
the I994 meetings of the American Society for Ethnohistory and for their patience,
encouragement, criticism, and suggestions. In revising my essay for publication, I
have also benefited from the comments and suggestions of Jennifer Brown, Clara
Sue Kidwell, Jean O'Brien, the other panelists, and members of the audience. Barrik Van Winkle has generously provided help of a practical as well as an intellectual
nature. As always, the opinions expressed in this essay, as well as its shortcomings,
are my responsibility alone.
i Among recent discussions of feminist theory and practice, Scott i986, i988;
Moore i988, I994; Morgen i989; di Leonardo i99i; Dirks et al. I994; and
especially Haraway i99i: i83-zoi and Silverblatt i99i are most relevant to the
issues discussed in this article.
z Krech (i99i) discusses the complex relationship between history and anthropology in the field of ethnohistory; Rosaldo (i980) and Strathern (i987) discuss
conflicts engendered by the meeting of feminist theory and anthropology.
3 For useful bibliographies and overviews of the scholarly literature on Indian
women see Green i980, i983; Axtell i98i; Welch i988; Albers i983, i989; Ba-
taille and Sands i99i; Bataille I993; Klein and Ackerman I995; and Shoemaker
I995a. Treatments of evangelization and religious change in North America include Berkhofer i965; Wallace i969; Bowden 198i; DeMallie i984; Axtell I985;
and Washburn i988: 430-52I. Ronda and Axtell I978 remains a valuable guide
to earlier scholarship on missions.
4 This heuristic scheme is somewhat convergent with Krech's (I99I) perceptive
and challenging analysis of four genres of ethnohistorical writing: political
economy, society and economy, culture, and practice. Morrison (I985), Fogelson (I987), Axtell (I988), Brightman (I988), and Kan (i99i) offer significant
commentaries on the ethnohistory of missions or Native American religions.
5 Di Leonardo's (I99I: z8-33) framework (which includes a fifth mode, historicism, characteristic of all ethnohistorical analyses) comprises (i) historicism
("the radical rejection . . . of social evolutionism"); (z) social constructivism,
encompassing antiessentialism, "imagined communities," and "the invention of
tradition"; (3) "the embedded nature of gender, both as a material, social institution and as a set of ideologies" in other social and cultural domains; (4) the
interrelationship of all forms of "patterned inequality," including race, ethnicity, class, and gender; and (5) "the multiple layers of context-or, in another
formulation, social location-through which we perceive particular cultural
realities."
6 See Morgen I989, di Leonardo I99I, and Silverblatt I99I for overviews of these
debates and further bibliography.
7 Ortner (I984), Roseberry (I988), and Dirks et al. (I994) advocate similar ap-
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Feminist Theory in North America 70I
proaches and, like Silverblatt, draw on Gramsci, Bourdieu, Raymond Williams,
and Stuart Hall.
8 Similarly, Davis (I995) uses Tedlock's (i987) work on Zuni and Quiche dream
interpretation as a reference rather than Wallace's work on the Iroquois, which
remains ethnographically valuable regardless of the validity of his psychoanalytic interpretation.
9 As Rodriguez (I994) points out, Gutierrez's most significant contribution appears in the well-documented and relatively uncontested part three, which
focuses on an issue outside the scope of this article: how marriage structured
inequality in colonial New Mexico outside the Pueblos.
io Krech (I99I: 354, 359-65) emphasizes the influence of Fogelson (e.g. I974, I975,
I977, i982,I 984, i985, i990), who works in the tradition of Hallowell (I976
[i960],I976 [i963]) and Wallace (I958, i969). Recent constructionist studies of
Native American persons, gender, and religious history include J. S. H. Brown
I994; Brightman I993; DeMallie i982, i984; Kan i985, i989, 199I; Morrison
i990; Bell i990; Buckley i988; and Straus i982. The latter three works have also
played a role in the development of feminist theory (Moore I994).
ii This orientation, which dates to the works of Elsie Clews Parsons, Margaret
Mead, and Ruth Benedict, is furthered, for example, in collections edited by
Rosaldo and Lamphere (I974), MacCormack and Strathern (i980), Ortner and
Whitehead (ig8ib), Lutz and Abu-Lughod (i990), and, for North America,
Shoemaker (I995c) and Klein and Ackerman (I995). See also Moore i988: i24I, I86-98; I994: 28-48; Morgen I989; di Leonardo I99I; and, for North
America, Albers I989: I33-39 and Strong I996.
iz Other narratives emphasizing conversion and acculturation include Hopkins
1969 [I883]; Sekaquaptewa I969; Shaw 1974; Polingaysi 1977; and Crying Wind
I977. Treat's (I996) collection of contemporary statements and narratives by
Native Christians includes several by women. For further bibliography and discussion of personal narratives see Bataille and Sands I984; Brumble I98I, I988;
Green I980, I983; Krupat I985, I994; and McBeth I993.
I3 Relevant critical works include Jelinek I980; Smith and Watson I992; Sarris
I993; Visweswaran I994; and Behar and Gordon I995.
I4 Roscoe (I99I: 207-8) argues against constructionism taken "too far" and used
to "deny the possibility of continuity between the cultural forms of different
societies and different historical periods," that is, any relationship between
Native American berdaches and contemporary gays. He also employs a universalizing, Jungian form of myth analysis in chapter 6. However, his treatment of
Zuni gender roles, including that of the lhamana, is couched in constructionist terms.
I5 Feminist approaches to marginal and hybrid subjectivities include Moraga and
Anzaldua I983, Anzaldua I987, Kondo I990, Haraway I99I, Tsing I993, Visweswaran I994, Strong and Van Winkle in press.
i6 Feminist work in these areas, such as Haraway (I989), Abu-Lughod (I986),
Ong (I987) and Kondo (I990), draws upon Foucault (I979, I980) for disciplinary institutions; Bourdieu (I977) for embodied practices; and Gramsci
(I97I), Williams (I977), and Scott (I985) for hegemonic and counterhegemonic
discourses and practices.
I7 See, for example, Comaroff I985, Comaroff and Comaroff i99i, i992a, i992b;
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Stoler i989, i99i; Silverblatt i99i; Mohanty et al. i99i; Strong i992; Dirks
et al. I994.
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