History of trade unionism in nigeria?
In: Nigeria, Labor Unions [Edit categories]
Answer:
Labor unions have been a part of Nigerian industry since 1912, when government employees formed a
civil service union. In 1914 this organization became the Nigerian Union of Civil Servants after the
merger of the protectorates of Northern Nigeria and Southern Nigeria. In 1931 two other major unions
were founded--the Nigerian Railway Workers Union and the Nigerian Union of Teachers (which included
private-school teachers). Legalization of unions in 1938 was followed by rapid labor organization during
World War II as a result of passage by the British government of the Colonial Development and Welfare
Act of 1940, which encouraged the establishment of unions in the colonies. The defense regulation of
October 1942 made strikes and lockouts illegal for the duration of the war and denied African workers
the cost-of-living allowances that European civil servants received. In addition, the colonial government
increased wages only modestly, although the cost of living rose 74 percent from September 1939 to
October 1943. In June and July of 1945, 43,000 workers, most of whom were performing services
indispensable to the country's economic and administrative life, went on a strike that lasted more than
forty days. In large part as a result of the strike's success, the labor movement grew steadily and by 1950
there were 144 unions with more than 144,000 members.
Although the labor movement was federated in 1941, the period from the end of World War II to 1964
was characterized by numerous splits, regroupings, and further fragmentation. Factionalism was
rampant, engendered by the reluctance of the Colonial Office to strengthen union rights, dependence
on foreign financial support, the thwarting of labor's political objectives by nationalist leaders, and
intramural ideological differences. The most visible manifestation of labor problems was the dispute
over whether to affiliate with the East European socialistoriented World Federation of Trade Unions,
based in Prague, or the more capitalist-oriented International Confederation of Free Trade Unions,
headquartered in Brussels.
In 1963 union members numbered 300,000, or 1.6 percent of the labor force. Despite this low level of
organization, labor discontent worsened as the gap widened between the wages of white-collar and
those of blue-collar workers. In FY 1964, supervisors were paid thirty-three times as much as daily-wage
workers and semiskilled workers in public service. After independence, many workers had begun to feel
that the political leadership was making no effort to reduce the inequalities of the colonial wage and
benefit structure. Corruption and conspicuous consumption were perceived to be widespread among
politicians. An April 1963 pay raise for ministers and members of parliament further fueled labor
resentment because rank-and-file civil servants had been doing without raises since 1960. The five
superordinate central labor organizations consequently formed the Joint Action Committee (JAC) to
pressure the government to raise wages. Numerous delays in the publication of a government
commission report on wages and salaries provided partial impetus for a JAC-mobilized general strike of
800,000 supporters, most of them nonunionists, which lasted twelve days in June 1964. Although the
strike demonstrated the government's fragility, the JAC could not translate its victory into permanent
political strength; labor unity disintegrated in the face of overtures by political parties to segments of
organized labor as the federal elections of December 1964 neared.
Political parties and communal associations were banned during the military rule of the late 1960s, so
labor unions posed a potential organized threat to the government. The military government's decree in
1969 forbidding strikes was repeatedly defied during the next four years, most notably in 1973, when
the regime gave in to demands by striking postal and telecommunications workers, about one-fifth of
the federal civil service. Labor activities and internal strife among four central labor organizations
continued up to 1975, when the military government attempted, unsuccessfully at first, to merge the
four bodies into one unit, the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC). The government dissolved the four
central unions, prohibited union affiliations with international labor organizations, and in 1977 banned
eleven labor leaders from further union activity. Under terms of a 1978 labor decree amendment, the
more than 1,000 previously existing unions were reorganized into 70 registered industrial unions under
the NLC, now the sole central labor organization.
In the early 1980s, the civilian government found itself losing control of organized labor. Numerous
wildcat strikes occurred in 1980-81, and in May 1981, the NLC mobilized 700,000 of 1 million unionized
Nigerian workers for a two-day strike, despite the opposition of a government-supported faction.
Working days lost through strikes declined from 9.6 million in 1982 to 200,000 in 1985 in the midst of a
decline in national income that had begun in 1983. Industrial unrest resulted, however, in demands by
larger number of workers for payments of salary arrears and fringe benefits as real wages fell by almost
60 percent. The causes of the decline in real wages were the World Bank-advised SAP and the
unfavorable terms of trade that resulted from the collapse of the world oil market between 1986 and
1989.
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The central trade union in the country was the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), which was formed in
1975 as the umbrella trade union and recognized by Decree Number 44 of 1976 as the sole
representative of all trade unions in the country (see Labor Unions , ch. 3). The NLC had a national
executive and secretariat, as well as state councils in all states. It had more than 100 affiliated unions.
Although most labor matters were channeled through the NLC, the affiliate unions had engaged
individually in union activities, such as strikes and lockouts. In the 1980s, the NLC was torn apart by
leadership struggles, ideological differences, and ethnoregional conflicts. The NLC nearly broke up in
1988 after disagreements over elections of its leadership, resulting in the federal government's
appointing an administrator for several months. The NLC organized a nationwide workers' strike in 1986
to demand the retention of government subsidies on petroleum products and continued to articulate
workers' demands on matters such as minimum wages and improved welfare conditions. Several other
trade unions were also active. A few, such as the Academic Staff Union of Universities, were proscribed
for alleged antigovernment activities.
Data as of June 1991
Brief background on trade unionism in Nigeria
The organized Trade Union Movement in Nigeria dates back to 1912 when the workers in the Civil
Service under the then Colonial administration organized themselves into workers representatives. This
then became known as the Nigeria Civil Service Union. This became a pivot with which workers in other
sectors began the agitation for the formation of Trade Unions before and after independence in 1960.
By 1975 during the Military regime of General Murtala Mohammed, Trade Unions in the country have
risen to over 1000 which include Mushroom Unions.
In 1976, the Government established a Commission of inquiry into the activities of the various Unions
and appointed an administrator to administer the unions and come up with a structure for the proper
administration of the Unions. This became necessary as the Unions were polarized into ideological
divide which was creating problems in the country.
Towards the end of 1977, these Unions were restructured into 42 along industrial line. The government
also insisted on the formation of a Labour Centre as there were various multiple centers.
In February 1978, the Nigeria Labour Congress was formed and inaugurated. The then 42 Industrial
Unions became affiliates of the Nigeria Labour Congress with a legal backing of Trade Union
(Amendment) Decree 22 of 1978.
In 1989, the Trade Unions were again restructured to become 29 affiliate unions to the Nigeria Labour
Congress. However, the Obasanjo administration in 2004 is working on a Labour Act to again pave way
for multiple centers
This is the html version of the file
http://www.unilorin.edu.ng/publications/yusufn/Trade%20Unions%20and%20the%20Political%20Proce
ss%20in%20Nigeria%20-%20A%20Critical%20Study%20-%20Noah%20Yusuf,%20PhD.pdf.
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Trade Unions and the Political Process in Nigeria: A
Critical Study
Fioah Yusuf, PhD,
Department ofS0cioIogy
University ofllorin. Nigeria.
Introduction
T.-"re relevance of trade unions in the contemporary society can be seen in
many ways. For one, a substantial proportion of people in the society
{specifically within the working population) belong to trade unions. Many of
2-rese individuals have witnessed transformation in their socio-economic
and political conditions due largely to the influence of trade union
intervention. ln this respect, several workers have experienced wage
increase, improved working condition, including better safety and enhanced
participation in the decision making process in their workplaces. More
importantly, trade unions have assumed the role of formidable pressure
goups in the larger society where they struggle for the attainment of
fundamental socio-economic and political changes (Akinyanju, 1997). The
above consideration attests to the strategic position occupied by trade unions
in modern society.
There is the notion that trade unions exist to cater for the interests of
members, especially matters that concern their work conditions. However,
mt Hyman (1971) has argued, trade unions are not merely economic
organizations concerned only with obtaining minimum hours of work and
maximum pay for their members. Rather, they are social organisations
concerned among other things, with the quality of the daily working lives of
their members.
In this regard, unions seek to assert collectively the desire of their
members to control their working lives in all its aspects (Farnham and
Pimlott l979:l 5). The concern with their members‘ interests has frequently
led trade unions to take certain actions to safeguard these interests. This
paper focuses on the role of trade unions in the political process using the
Nigeria situation as case study.
Conceptual Clarification
The term, trade union, has a variety of meanings, depending on the perception
of workers and the definition imposed by the legal framework in many
countries (Faj ana, 2000). For instance, the lntemational Labour Organizer" on
(ILO) defines the concept as,Page 2
152 LAPAI JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES
an organization of employees usually established beyond the
confines of one enterprise, established tor providing or improving
through collective actions, the economic and social status of its
members.
The above definition has been seen to be rather restrictive in the sense that
it limits trade unions responsibilities to the workplace and union members
alone.
The British trade Union Act of l9l3 and the Nigerian Trade Union Act of
I93 8 both share the legal notion of trade union as,
any combination whether temporary or permanent, the principal
objectives of which under its constitution are .. .the regulation of
the relations between workmen and workmen, or between masters
and masters, or the imposing of restrictive conditions on the
conduct of any trade or business and also the provision of benefits
to members (quoted in Fajana, 2000: 132).
The earliest writers on trade unionism, Webbs (1920) defines trade union as,
a continuous association of wage earners for the purpose of
maintaining or improving the conditions of their working lives
(P-11While this notion of trade union emphasizes on the dynamic nature of the
movement, the radical perspective offers a political definition of the concept.
According to Hyman (1971), trade unions are,
convey or belts‘ of the workers‘ desire to put an end to ‘wage slavery‘
and radically transform the society.
The radical school of thought, therefore, sees trade unions in terms of
their revolutionary role of transforming the capitalist society.
From the above, it would, therefore, seem that a trade union is an
association of people at work, of workers, and in some cases employers as well,
‘ and its main ftinction is the regulation of relations about employment (Akpala,
1 982). In the Western world, a trade union, on the workers‘ side, is traditionally
taken to be an association of manual andfor non-manual work people below the
management grade. However, in all societies today, professional and
managerial people are joining trade unions formed for the purpose of
safeguarding and improving the working conditions of their members and to
raise their status and promote their vocational interests (Richardson, 195 6).
Theoretical Framework .
The Marxist or class perspective of industrial relations perspective conceives
the trade unions role in industrial relations as comprising both the economicPage 3
TRADE UNIONS AND THE POLITICAL PROCESS 153
and political aspects. Industrial relations between parties in the workplace managers and workers, is viewed in this respect as an expression of the conflict
and the power relations existing between organized groups in the large society.
Consequently, it is contended that industrial conflict between managers and
their subordinates should be recognized as an endemic feature of work
relations.
The Marxist perspective holds the notion that political and class conflicts
are synonymous with industrial conflict since the capitalist structure of
industry and of wage labour are closely connected with the pattem of class
division in society (Hyman, l975:2l 1). The conflict that takes place in
industrial relations between labour and capital is therefore, regarded as a
permanent feature of capitalism and the class relations of capitalist society in
general. Consequently, rather than being restricted to work relations alone,
class conflict is seen to permeate the whole society. Similarly, trade unionism
is vested with both economic and socio-political responsibilities. By
implication then, the trade union is seen as an instrument available for the
workers to use in challenging certain anomalies in the world of work as well as
the larger society; for instance, such issues as managerial prerogative and the
ownership of the means of production and the distribution of national products
within the entire society.
The Debate: Should Trade Union Be Involved In Politics?
For long, there has been an ensuring debate on whether trade unions have any
role to play in the political process. On the one hand, are arguments raised to
justify essentially economic (apolitical) role of trade unions. The argument
acknowledges that trade unions are specialized groups with specific economic
objectives such as wage bargaining, regulation of hours and condition of w ork,
concern aboutjob security including other matters related to the economic and
employment terms of workers. Again, political patties are purely concerned
with fulfilling essentially political objectives so are trade unions vested with
the concem about the economic interest of members.
According to Flanders (1972),
The first and over-riding responsibility of all trade unions is for the
welfare of their own members. That means that their primary
commitment is not to the firm, not to an industry, not to the nation
but to their members (p. 16).
ln view of the above considerations, therefore, it is argued that trade
unions should necessarily concentrate on pursuing economic objectives.
The other strand of opinion maintains that the trade unions should
necessarily pursue other goals in addition to its economic objective.
Specifically, this position contends that trade union must pursue goals for the
benefit of members. Arguments in favour of this position include the notion
that since economic issues are detennined politically, there is the need forPage 4
154 LAPAI JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES
labour unions to be involved in the political process. This argument stressed
the role played by government and its agencies in formulating and directing
economic policies. It is therefore contended that since these actions would
ultimately affect the workers both positively and negatively, they in turn.
should (through their unions) be involved in the formulation and
implementation of these policies (Adewumi, 1998).
It was also argued that since government (especially in developing
economies) play a dominant role in industrial relations, being the largest
employer of labour in these countries, industrial relations would by
implication be a political issue. In addition, govemment in most nations of the
world, especially in the developing ones, often interfere in their countries‘
industrial relations. This frequent and premeditated interference has meant
that industrial relations cannot be said to be strictly an economic matter alone.
The argument for labour involvement in the political process is, therefore,
logically imperative. Furthermore, workers in industry often enjoy overt and
covert support of the state in the control of labour. Hence the need for labour to
be politically equipped to face its economic and political struggle.
Another justification for the political involvement of labour is based on
the ground that the struggle for the harmonization of labour is only realizable
at the political terrain. The argument here is that management and owners of
industry would not be willing on their own to improve the work-lives of
employees. On the contrary, workers could only transform their work-lives
through the struggle for work humanization by their unions.
Lastly, it is contended that if workers are oppressed by political action,
then they must necessarily take political action to liberate themselves
(Akinyanju, 1997; Olorode, 1997).
Along the preceding line of argument, Adewumi (1989) strongly
advocates for trade union involvement in the political process. According to
him,
Fortrade union to meaningfully tight for and protect the interest of
workers, it becomes imperative for workers under the umbrella of
their unions to become actively involved in the political process.
He also agrees with Yesufu (I934) that if government must interfere in
industrial relations, then trade unions must also interfere in politics. It then
becomes obvious that trade unions cannot stand aloof of the political process.
Rather, as a way of furthering the interest of its members it must endeavour to
actively participate in the political process.
Protagonists of political trade unions have argued that unions have certain
characteristic that make them suitable for the role. First, that they are mass
organizations with capacity to mobilize the population. Further, the urban
location of trade unions make them to play effective role in the democratic
struggle, especially as trade unions control the bulk of the working population
who also constitute the active segment of any population. Finally, it should be
observed that trade unions have international links which makes them diflicultPage 5
TRADE UNIONS AND THE POLITICAL PROCESS 155
for local despots to suppress. For instance, trade unions in Nigeria and other
nations are members of the International Trade Unions Organizations
including the lntemational Labour Organizations (ILO).
Along this line of argument, Houssler (I994) maintained that trade unions
must necessarily play an active role in the political process due to their
democratic potentials. He argues that,
The inherently democratic nature of trade
unions put them in good stead as advocate of a
free society... They remain and shall always be
a formidable bulwark against anti-democratic
forces.
It is possible to conclude in this regard that although trade unions are
established forthe purpose of serving the economic interest of members, many
of their activities are directly political. For instance, trade unions are expected
to take political decision in order to protect the interest of members.
Furthermore, since the industrial relations involve actors who take political
decisions, trade unions, as part of this system are also bound to en age in
political action. Trade Unions have certain political responsibilitiesijm their
members. More so since the welfare of its members are determined by political
action it must necessarily take political action to address these prob-lems. Moist
importantly, the role of trade union its activities and actions, affect the
political tempo of the country, as in the case during a prolonged strike. Again,
usually, most members seek relevance in the political process through their
unions. A virile union, therefore, offers opportunity for members to actively
participate in the political affairs of his country (Galenson, 195 9). ~\
'5:
The Political Role of Trade Unions in Nigeria \,"
As pointed out in the above discussion, trade unions are vested with the
responsibility of protecting the interest of members whether economic or
political. To this end, the preceding discussion shall be grouped under three
broad headings corresponding to different historical phases of the country.
Colonialism and Nationalist Struggle
The political role of trade unions in Nigeria has a long history dating back to
the colonial period. During that period, trade unions provided the forum for
agitation for political reform. The Lagos strike of 1892 falls within this
category. The strike became a test case for working class action in early
colonial Nigeria (l-Ioplcin, 1966). It should be noted that during the early
colonial period trade unionism was restricted to Lagos and the Southern
Protectorate, Most trade union activities, at that time were directly concerned
with grievances about wages and the cost of living. Trade unions did not
engage in fullblown political activities until the 196-Us (Akpala, 1982).
The first evidence of active trade union involvement in politics in Nigeria
was during the agitation for higher wages by workers to cushion the painsPage 6
156 LAPAI JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES
resulting from rising cost of living at the end of the Second World War (F ajana,
2000). The General Strike of 1945 marked the real evidence of labour
involvement in the political process in Nigeria. It was then thatthe then Central
Labour Union metamorphosed into the Labour Party which formed an alliance
with the foremost nationalist movement National Council of Nigeria and
Cameroun ( N.C.N.C). This collaboration yielded dividend as the new
political organization commanded the support of a large majority of Nigerians.
This development further strengthened the popularity of trade unions in the
country. The alliance aptly demonstrated that the pursuit of basic economic
grievance with equally tense political climate provided trade unions with the
opportunity to engage in political struggle against the ruling class.
Post‘ Colonial Era
The political struggle that led to the granting of independence to Nigeria in
1960 was waged by nationalists as well as other interest groups in the
country, prominent among which was the labour movement (Akpala,
1982). Principally, all the nationalist forces campaigned for an end to
colonial exploitation and installation of self rule. Ironically, however, the
experience of post-independence era revealed that those who took over
power from the colonialists merely replaced colonial domination with
internal domination. Soon after independence, the new rulers (like their
colonial predecessors) became uncomfortable with the radical posture of
trade union leaders. Eventually, the union leaders realized that the struggle
against state exploitation of labour has just begun. Hence, the political
actions of trade unions had to be intensified as demonstrated by their
subsequent role (F ashoyin, 1982).
In 1964, labour engaged in political action because of government
refusal to grant its demand for higher wages. The strike demonstrated the
unity of purpose which the labour movement could foster among its
nnembers. In addition, it also saw the unions as the champions of the
masses. In other words, the strike clearly demonstrated that organized
labour was the vanguard of the toiling masses. On the other hand, the
political class which had taken over from the colonial administrators were
perpetuating the same injustice which characterized colonial rule.
The political activities of trade unions became more pronounced with
the formation of a labour party (Socialist Workers and Farmers Party) in
I963, and the Nigerian Labour Party which was founded by Michael
lmoudu and Esko Toyo in 1964. However, this strategy did not yield
expected fruit as demonstrated by their poor performance in elections
during this period (Cichefu, 1996).
The experience of the post-colonial period demonstrated that labour
alone could not achieve any meaningful political landmark. This fact
brought the call for collaboration of labour with other interest groups for
effective political action. It was on this ground that several trade unionPage 7
TRADE UNIONS AND THE POLITICAL PROCESS 157
activists joined some political parties and contested some political
positions during the Second and Third Republics.
The role of labour leaders during the aborted Third Republic needs an
assessment. The Nigerian Labour Congress (N LC) was closely involved in
the political process. ln fact, the congress formed an alliance with one of the
dominant parties (Social Democratic Party). More important, the then
President of the Nigerian Labour Congress, Pascal Bafyau was tipped as
possible running mate of Chief M.K.O. Abiola for the presidential
election. However, at this period, labour leaders played contrasting roles.
On the one hand, the leadership of the Nigerian Labour Congress headed by
Bafyan betrayed the confidence of a large majority of the workers by
dumping Chief M.K.O Abiola when his presidential victory was annulled
by then military junta headed by General Ibrahim Babangida. In a
contrasting move, Comrade Kokori, the Secretary General of the powerful
National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG)
brought the nation to its heels by engaging his unions in a prolonged strike
to actualize the mandate (Olorode, 1997).
Trade unions played an important role in the restoration of democratic
rule after a long period of military dictatorship in the country between 1984
and 1 999 (Banwo, 1997; Yusuf, 2006). Firstly, trade unions embarked on
actions strikes, demonstrations and protests, which led to the termination
of military rule. In addition, trade unions collaborated with other interest
groups in the society like the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA), Civil
Liberties Organization (CLO), Campaign for Democracy (CD) and the
Academic Staff Union of Nigerian Universities (ASUU) to check the
excesses of the government (Banwo, I997). For instance, organized labour
championed the fierce resistance against certain anti-labour policies like
the hike in the price of petroleum products which characterized the regimes
of Generals Ibrahim Babangida (1985 1993) and Sani Abacha (1994
I998) as well as President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999 2007). Labour also
resisted the retrenchment of public service workers which accompanied
govemment economic reforms both in I987 (during SAP) and 2004. The
role of labour in protesting against govemment policies perhaps informed
the Obasanjo government's in enacting the Labour Reform Bill of 2005
which fundamentally sought to decentral ize trade unions in the country.
Finally, the anti-corruption rally organized by the Nigerian Labour
Congress (NLC) on 8"‘ May, 2008 in Abuja was a demonstration of the
prominent role of labour as the vanguard of the movement for transparence
and accountability in governance. The rally brought together workers, civil
societies, market men and women and students and demanded that
government set up a judicial commission of inquiry to investigate alleged
corrupt deeds in the last administration and to recover looted funds from
culprits (The Guardian, 2008).Page 8
158 LAPAI JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES
Trade Unions on dMi!itor;|: Rule
Military incursion into politics in Nigeria dated back to 1966 (barely six years
after independence).The military ruled the country for about 20 years. Trade
Unions played a prominent role in the democratic struggle that led to the
termination of military rule.
Along with Non~Govemmental Organization (NGOs), civil right
activists, religious groups and the National Association of Nigerian Students
(NANS), trade unions waged a fierce battle against dictatorial military rule.
The history of the current democratic dispensation would be incomplete
without a mention of the contribution of labour. Trade unions mobilized
members as well as the general public to protest the harmful effect of the
Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) during the General Babangida
regime (Banwo, 1997). This protest forced the government to introduce some
relief measures. As Obasi (1988) observed, SAP programme led to economic
deprivation of workers, thereby heightening their consciousness which in tum
led to increased militancy on their part. The militant posture of workers and
their unions forced govemment to adopt some relief measures, especially in
the area of wages and salary increment.
Trade Unions also championed the struggle for the reversal of
government policy of “deregulation" of the price of petroleum products. On
each occasions in I993, 1994 and 2000, the Labour Unions mobilized the
public against government move towards fixing “appropriate price” for
petroleum products. The success of these struggles lies in the collaboration
between different pressure groups in the Nigerian society, including human
rights activist, religious bodies, students unions and trade unions (Banwo,
i997).
The role of trade unions during the turbulent years in the history of
Nigeria also deserves a mention. This was when the military regimes of
General Babangida and Abacha held the nation to ransom. When General
Babangida annulled the 1993 presidential election which was acclaimed to
have been won by late M.K.O Abiola, trade unions were the first group to
denounce the action. More importantly, some trade unions embarked on
nation wide strike to protest the annulment. Prominent among these were the
National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG),
Petroleum and Gas Workers Senior Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN)
and Academic Staff Union of Nigerian Universities (ASUU). Government's
repressive action against trade unions at this period attest to the perceived
threat of trade unions to military dictatorship. For instance most of these
unions were harmed while their leaders were clamped into detention (Hyman,
1987; Olugboye, I996).
In all, the history of pro-democracy movement in Nigeria would be
incomplete without a mention of the role of trade unions. As observed, trade
unions are recognised as a political force (Akpala, 1982). As Friedman (1978)
points out,
The unions had a strategic location in the national economy and _
held an cflcctive position in the modern sector. Because of theirPage 9
TRADE UNIONS AND THE POLITICAL PROCESS 159
strategic positions in the centres of urban population, they constitute
a political threat to the political leadership, particularly as they were
traditionally oriented towards channelling discontent (quoted in
Akpala, I982:64l.
Trade unions in Nigeria have, therefore, played the role of being the vanguard
in the struggle of the people against misrule of successive administrations in
Nigeria.
Recommentlafions and Conclusion
So far, we have stressed that it is imperative for trade unions to actively
participate in the political process so as to further safeguard the interest of
members. To some extent, trade unions in Nigeria have over the years fulfilled
this laudable objective. This is attested to by their involvement in several
political issues especially when the well being of the working class is affected.
An overall assessment of the role of trade unions in the political process in
Nigeria would show that there is still more to be done in this direction.
Specifically, trade unions have some constraints which limit their effectiveness
in the performance of their functions. These include among others, financial
constraints, as most unions depend largely on check-offs from their members
which is generally insufficient. In addition, is the problem of low participation
of members in union activities. As suggested by Yesufu (1984) most Nigerian
workers demonstrate attitude of apathy towards unionism. To improve upon
this, workers should continuously be educated on the essence of active
participation in the affairs of their unions. Lastly, as earlier pointed out in this
paper, Nigerian trade unions have often been the target of attacks by successive
administrations in the country. This is because the government considers trade
unions as a threat rather than as ally in the quest towards nation building.
Consequently, union leaders often face various fonns of harassment like
imprisonment, arrests, intimidation and physical assault. It is hereby suggested
that Nigerian government should allow free trade unionism as a way of
strengthening the current democratic dispensation.
Finally, in view of the paramount role played by trade unions in the
political process in Nigeria, it would be imperative to advocate that all the
stakeholders in the nation's industrial relations should take practical measures
aimed at strengthening trade union movement in the country.
References
Adewumi, F. (I989) “Labour in the Political Process: The Nigerian Experience” in
Nr'geriorrJournaI of1ndusrrirrIRer'rrIions:3 :25.
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The Guardian (2008), “Labour Rallies against Graft, Poor Economy” May 9, p. 4.