TAMANG IN NEPAL FROM THE HISTORY TO POST
PEOPLES REVULUTION
ANISH KUMAR THOKAR
Abstract:
Tamang is the fifth largest community in Nepal. They comprise of about 5.8 percent of Nepal’s
total population. This study is about Tamang community. The districts of Rasuwa, Makawanpur,
Nuwakot, Dhading, Kavrepalanchowk, Sindhipalchowk, Dolokha and Sindhuli are the areas
where Tamang community have large presence. The Tamang, however are found in many other
parts of Nepal and also outside Nepal.
Key words: Adibasi Janajati, Muluki Ain, NEFEN, matawali, impure, democracy, constitution.
INTRODUCTION.
Nepal is an independent nation state with 147,181 square kilometer of area making it the 94th
largest country among the 257 nation states in the world. Located between India and China it
shares 1770 km of border with India and 1389 km of border with China. Within this 147, 181
square kilometer area Nepal has Kanchan Kalan at the lowest point with 70 meter to Sagarmatha
(Mount Everest) with 8,850 meters high. It is also home to eight of the ten highest mountains in
the world. Similar to its geographical diversity the cultural diversity in Nepal is also rich.
Nepal is home to over 29 million people (29,033,914) from 125 different ethic and caste
groups. The Chhettri community comprising of 16.6 percent of the population is the largest ethnic
community in Nepal. The second largest community in Nepal is the Hill Brahman community
encompassing 12.2 percent of Nepal’s total population. The Magar are the third largest community
who makes up 7.1 percent of Nepal’s population. The fourth largest community is the Tharu who
makes up 6.6 percent of the population. The Tamang are the fifth largest community in Nepal.
They comprise of about 5.8 percent of Nepal’s total population. This study is about Tamang
community.The districts of Rasuwa, Makawanpur, Nuwakot, Dhading, Kavrepalanchowk,
Sindhipalchowk, Dolokha and Sindhuli are the areas where Tamang community have large
presence (Indigenous Voice 2016). The Tamang however are found in many other parts of Nepal
and also outside Nepal.
About 9,267,870 people in Nepal are from the Adivasi Janajati community. The Tamang
community is classified under the Adivasi Janajati category (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014: 6).
The Magar, Tamang, Newar, Rai, Gurung and Limbu community make up of 86.9 percent of the
total Adivasi Janajati population(Central Bureau of Statistics 2014: 6 ). According to the 1991
census there were 1,081,252 Tamangs in Nepal which was 58 percent of Nepal’s total population
at that time (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014: 11). In the 2001 census the population of the
Tamang increased to 12,282,304 which was 5.6 percent of Nepal’s population (Central Bureau of
Statistics 2014: 11). By 2011 census however the Tamang population had increased to 1,539,830
which is 5.8 percent of the total population of Nepal (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014: 11).
Between 2001 and 2011 the Tamang population increased by 257,526 which is 1.85 percent
population growth rate (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014: 11).
The Tamang has 1.85 percent percentage of the population growth rate (1.85 percent) in
Nepal (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014: e). Their growth rate is higher than Yadav (1.64 percent),
Magar (1.52 percent), Tharu (1.25 percent), Brahmin (1.08 percent), Newar (0.59 percent), and
Rai(0.24 percent ) (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014: e ). There are however other communities
including the Kami (3.46 percent) and Chhetri (2 percent) whose population growth rate is higher
than that of the Tamang (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014: e). According to the 2001 census the
districts of Sindhuli, Kavrepalanchowk, Nuwakot, Rasuwa, Dhading, Makwanpur and
Sindhupalchowk the Tamangs were the largest ethnic community (Central Bureau of Statistics
2014:12). In 2011 census all the above mentioned districts expect Sindhupalchowk had Tamang
as the largest ethnic community (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014: 12-13).
A significant portion of Tamang population have converted to Christianity. In 2001, there
were 24, 235 Tamang who followed Christianity (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014: 23). This was
1.9 percent of the total Tamang population. In 2011, the number of Tamang population following
Christianity was 54,809 which is 3.6 percent of the total Tamang population (Central Bureau of
Statistics 2014: 23). Apart of Christianity 327 Tamang followed Prakriti (nature) and 107 followed
Bon religion (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014:44). There are also 136739 Tamang who identify
themselves as Hindu while the majority of the Tamang 1,344,139 consider themselves as
Buddhists (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014:44)
Tamang language is a Sino-Tibetan language (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014:61). There
are 1,353,311 people for whom the Tamang language is their mother tongue (Central Bureau of
Statistics 2014:58). It also estimated that there are 33,450 people in Nepal who can speak Tamang
language as second language (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014:62).
Tamang is the fifth largest community in Nepal and have majority in rural areas. About
86.8 percent of them live in rural Nepal (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014:159). Most of these
rural areas are hill districts where building basic infrastructures are difficult. This research seeks
to know how the intellectuals from Tamang community believe that empowerment of this huge
rural based marginalized community is possible.
TAMANG IN HISTORY AND PRESENT.
The Tamang community is believed to have originated in the Tibetan kingdom between 7th and 8th
century when the “Himalayan region – especially the areas adjoining the old trading routes” came
under the “Tibeto-Buddhist influence” (Tautscher 2007: 14 -15). The Tamangs are believed to be
descendants of these Tibeto-Buddhist people. During the period when Kathmandu valley was ruled
by the Malla kings they too “for their own political interest, supported Buddhist masters” in
Himalayan regions (Tautscher 2007: 14 -15). In mid-1400s during the rule of Yaksa Malla, the
king of Bhaktapur, the ancient Tamang areas such as Nuwakot and Gosaikund were already under
Malla political influence (Tautscher 2007: 51 -52). In the same period another ancient Tamang
area of Dolakha came under the sway of Kirti Sinha. In both Malla and Sinha’s kingdom the
Buddhists were respected and supported by the state (Tautscher 2007: 51 -52). Later during the
rule of Mahendar Malla the Malla kingdom extended till the present Dolakha district (Tautscher
2007:52).
The “oldest textual reference” to the Tamang “dates back to 14thcentury annals of the
Gungthan kings, where people called the ‘Taman Se Mon’ of the kingdom of Serib” are mentioned
(Tautscher 2007: 23). Serib was the kingdom that expanded between Kali Gandaki valley of lower
Mustang and Annapurna range between 7th to 14th century (Tautscher 2007: 23). From 1768
onwards the Gorkha Empire expanded in mountain regions brining many Tamang majority regions
under the Gorkhali rule (Tautscher 2007: 14). Prithivi Narayan Shah, the king of Gorkha in 1768
was able to militarily conquer the strategically located Kathmandu valley and this greatly
facilitated in the expansion of Gorkha Empire. The expansion of Gorkha Empire continued
throughout the hills of South Asia until a full scale war with Chinese in Tibet broke out in 1792.
The war arrested the momentum of Gorkha Empire .In 1793, there was a Tamang rebellion in
Nuwakot district against the Gorkha Empire (Lawoti 2007:32). Further challenges came in 1814
when a full scale war broke out between Nepal and East India Company. The war ended in 1816
after Gokhra Empire lost two third of the Nepalese territory to the Company. The conclusion of
this war established Nepal’s current national boundaries.
The rulers of Gorkha were Hindus hence when they introduced to the Tamang regions some
form of Hindu norms and values. One example of this is the ban on beef eating. The “royal edict”
from 1810 during the reign of king Girban discouraged Gurung and Lama from eating beef
(Holmberg 1989:28). Most of the people known as Lama were ancestors of the present day
Tamang. The writings of Hamilton that was published in 1819 also states that Lama were
“obnoxious” to the Hindu rulers (Hamilton cited in Holmberg 1989: 29). David Holmberg also
argued that Gorkha rulers looked upon the Buddhist Lama with suspicion because they were afraid
that they might have proximity with Tibetans. The Hindu Gorkhalis saw Buddhist Lama as their
cultural competitor (Holmberg 1989: 29).
The military coup d'état in 1846 gave rise to a hereditary Prime Minister system in which
the Rana family who were behind the coup became the de facto rulers. During this period the
institution of monarchy only had ceremonial status and no authority to manage of the state. The
Muluki Ain (National Code) of 1854 that was introduced by Prime Minister Janga Bahadhur Rana
institutionalized the informal caste system in Nepal. The National Code being highly influenced
by the Hindu caste system had divided Nepali society into five hierarchical groups (tagadhari,
namasinya matwali, masinya matwali, Pani nachalne chhoi chhito halnunaparnya, pani nachalne
chhoi chhito halnuparnya) .These hierarchical groups had different sub groups that were again
ordered according to social ranks (Andras Hoffer1979:9).
Tagadhari castes or the wearers of the sacred Hindu holy cords are called the tagadharis.
People in this group had the highest rank in society. Within this group people are further ranked
according to their castes. The Upadhyaya Brahmins were the highest ranking caste among
tagadhari groups followed by Rajput castes (Thakuri). The third and fourth highest castes in this
category were that of Jaisi Brahmins and Chhetri (warrior) castes. Both Newar Brahmins (Deu
Bhaju) and Terai Brahmins occupied fifth positions. Sanyasi, lower Jaisi (children of Brahmin
widow), and other Newar castes had sixth, seventh and eighth position within the tagadhari castes.
Namasinya
Matwali
was
immediately
below
the
tagadhari
groups
were
NamasinyaMatwali. Matwali are those communities who use alcohol and Namasinya means not
allowed to be enslaved. People in this group belonged to communities who had no religious taboo
against alcohol and who were not allowed to be enslaved. Adivasi Janajati communities such as
Magar, Gurung, Sunuwar and various Newar castes belonged to this category.
Masinya matwali group were the third highest ranking group according to Muluki Ain of
1854. Masina matawali groups are those alcohol using communities who can be enslaved.
Buddhists and animists communities like Bhote, Chepang, Kumal, Hayu, Tharu, Gharti, freed
slaves and their progeny were within this group.
Pani nachalne chhoi chhito halnunaparnya (Impure but touchable castes) were considered
as polluted but being touched by them were not considered to cause pollution to tagadhari and
matwali communities. They were however not allowed to touch kitchen and places of worship of
the above mentioned communities. People from communities such as Kasai (Newar butcher),
Kusle (Newar tailor), Dhobi (Newar washerman), Kulu (Newar drummaker), Musalman (Muslim)
and Mlechha (foreigners who did not follow Vedic or South Asian religion1 ) were put in this
category. People in the group had the fourth lowest social status in Nepal.
The impure and untouchable castes (pani nachalne chhoi chhito halnuparnya): The people
most oppressed by Mului Ain 1854 were what it defined as the fifth and the lowest ranking group
1
Hinduism, Jainism, Buddhism and Sikhism
in the Nepalese society. These people called impure and ‘untouchable castes’ (pani nachalne chhoi
chhito halnuparnya) were considered to be so impure that if they touched people from tagadhari
and matwali castes then the touched people needed to purify themselves before eating or being
engaged in any religious activities. The most common method of purification after the touch was
to sprinkle water on oneself by chanting certain holy hymn or mantras. Some orthodox tagadhari
and matwali took bath to purify themselves from the touch of impure untouchable castes (pani
nachalne chhoi chhito halnuparnya).
The Tamang in the 1984 national code were defined as Bhote and were the only people
who were noted in the code as beef eaters (Hofer 1979 cited in Holmberg 1989:27). It was also
argued that the Tamang were not recruited in the Hinduized Gorkha army because they ate beef
(Holmberg 1989:27). The legal code of 1854 classified the Tamang as Masine Matawali which
meant that they were not considered as impure caste but they were put under the category of
community who were allowed to be enslaved (Holmberg 1989:26). They were put under other
Namasine Matwali communities such as the Magar and Gurung (Holmberg 1989:26). The
Namasine Matwali communities were kept in category that could not be enslaved because they
provided administrative and military services to the ruling Thakuri community (Holmberg
1989:27).
The Great Britain in 1923 accepted Nepal as a sovereign nation state. In the same year the
Rana rulers officially declared Tamang as a distinct group by acknowledging the Twelve Tamang
or Bara Tamang as different from “Bhote, the Tibetan, and the Lamas, the Buddhist (Tautscher
2007: 23). Many Tamang according to David Holmberg were jailed during the Rana period
(Holmberg 1989:XI).
The banned underground political parties in Nepal in 1950 formed an anti-Rana alliance in
India with the exiled monarch of Nepal. The alliance was able to end the Rana rule in 1951. David
Holmberg, argues that after the collapse of the Rana regime in 1951 the Tamang did not make a
significant gain in the political power relations (Holmberg 1989:X) He further argued that the lack
of knowledge about Nepali language also acted as a great handicap for Tamang to control
government administration in local areas (Holmberg 1989:X).
After overthrowing the Rana the Nepali Congress Party formed the government while the
monarch retained its ceremonial head of the state status. In 1955, Nepal joined United Nation but
the same year the formally exiled monarch who had formed alliance with anti Rana political parties
in Delhi also passed away. In 1959, Nepal promulgated a democratic constitution.
This
constitution however was rejected by Mahendra the new King of Nepal. In 1960, Mahendra led
coup d'état sieged the state and banned political parties and the parliament. In 1961, the Tamang
community in Nuwakot organized rebellion against state oppression (Lawoti 2007:32). Mahendra
led state in 1962, promulgated a new constitution in which the political parties became banned and
the legislative assembly like council called the Panchayat was formed. The Panchyat system kept
the king above the state and the constitution. Mahendra passed away in 1972. He was succeeded
by his son Birendra.
During the later stages of 1970s the Tamang leaders held national conference in Lalitpur
district. In the conference the Tamang leaders had argued for “equal opportunity” and “decried”
the “backward” condition of the Tamang people (Holmberg 1989:17-18). The late 1970s also saw
large scale agitations by underground political parties who sought political reforms in the country.
King Birendra, reacting to the agitations allowed constitutional referendum in 1980. The
Panchayat system defeated the democratic system in the referendum. The Nepali Congress Party
in 1985 demanding the restoration of multiparty democracy began a country wide civil
disobedience program. A year later (in 1986) the Nepali Congress Party also boycotted the
Panchyat elections.
The Nepali Congress Party and a coalition of communist parties called the United Leftist
Front in 1990 formed an alliance to agitate against Panchayat system. The state mobilized large
number of security forces to suppress the agitation but the protests continued. Due to the pressure
generated by the agitation the king agreed to nullify the Panchayat constitution and accept the new
democratic constitution. The success of democratic movements in the 1990 brought democratic
freedom in Nepal that eased the ability of indigenous ethnic communities to organize social
movements for their better representation in the “new democratic power structure” (Holmberg
1989: xii). Following the end of Panchyat system the eight ethnic organizations in Nepal including
a Tamang organization formed Nepal Janajati Mahasangh or Nepal Federation of Nationalities
(NEFEN) in 1990 (International Crisis Group 2011: 5). The goal of NEFEN was to empower the
Janajati community that it represented.
Following the surrender of the monarch a general election was held in 1991. The Nepali
Congress Party won the election and Girija Prasad Koirala the leader of Nepali Congress Party
became the prime minister of Nepal. The Koirla led government was defeated in 1994 in the noconfidence motion and the new election gave rise to Communist Party of Nepal-United Marxist
Leninist, or CPN-UML. CPN-UML formed government a coalition government but the
government was dissolved in 1995.
The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), CPN (Maosit), began their armed rebellion in
1996. In the year 2000 the Maoist under Mr Dev Gurung formed central ethnic department and
ethic fronts (Ogura 2008). The fronts included Tamang fronts. In 2003 Nepal Janajati
Mahashangh renamed itself as Nepal Adivasi Janajati Mahasangh or Nepal Federation of
Indigenous Nationalities (International Crisis Group 2011: 5; Malagodi 2013:235). The Maoist
insurgency radicalized Tamang organizations. The Tamang social movements rather than working
for educational and health rights began to struggle for federal province. The politicization of
ethnicity and radicalization of ethnic identity was helpful for Tamang leaders but not for Tamang
people. The Tamang identity movement did very little to uplift human development of Tamang
people because the movements were focused on Tamang ethnic identity politics only.
3. CONCLUSION.
The majority portion of the Tamang community is far behind the access of development of new
Nepal even in the beginning of 21st century. They are facing different challenges still in everyday
life in the Republic nation even after the promulgation of new constitution in Nepal. They are
politically oppressed, economically deprived and socially marginalized from the mainstream of
national policy. In the history, Tamang were generally considered outsiders by the political and
economic elite of Kathmandu. Forced labour regimes known as rakam were also imposed on the
Tamang community around the Kathmandu valley. The legal provision made on the Muluki Ain
promoted the main roles exploits the community. Tamang activists think that the problems that
are facing by the Tamang community should be addressed through the legal provision by the
State because they are exploited by the state in history. Tamang intellectuals also emphasis on
positive discrimination in favour of their community through legal provision. However, there is
vast inconsistency politically motivated group of Tamang people as they are also amalgamated
with different political factions. The best method to make Tamang community access in various
dimension of political, economic and socio-cultural development is raising awareness among the
community integrating themselves together. Awareness for political participation, awareness for
access and control of local resources, awareness for the free education rather than controversial
political mob on the street as the state is still in a traditional system due to political uncertainty
and its polarization in supremacy rheostat and misappropriation.
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(Writer is pursuing his PhD in sociology from Tribhuvan University)