LAW, POVERTY AND DEVELOPMENT PROJECT
III YEAR, VII TRIMESTER
POORER STATES: A HISTORY OF INSURGENCY
AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT IN THE NORTH
EAST
SUBMITTED BY TENZING NAMGYAL BHUTIA, ID
NO: 2344
National Law School of India University
Date Submitted: 19th September 2018
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................... 3
A HISTORY OF INSURGENCY IN THE NORTH EAST....................................................................... 4
UNDERDEVELOPMENT IN THE NORTH EAST ................................................................................ 7
A WAY FORWARD? ................................................................................................................... 10
CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................. 13
BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................................................................................................... 14
INTRODUCTION
The Darker Nations by Vijay Prashad opens by showing the hypocrisy in colonial policy
where on the one hand they championed democracy and freedom while simultaneously
quashing indigenous movements for self-determination. The book explores the history of the
third world, how it was created, what it achieved and how the platform finally fell. This
insight on the colonial legacy of imperial states finds merit in today’s socio-political context
where we see various communities fighting for self-determination and greater autonomy.
This becomes particularly relevant because a large number of these communities are fighting
for self-determination and greater autonomy in states which are part of the third world. The
history of these post-colonial societies thus helps us in understanding how these factions
develop in society and more-so help us in understanding what methods of redress must be
undertaken to ensure the ‘success’ of the project.
The North-East region in India particularly helps in situating this past knowledge as despite
the unique characteristics of insurgency in the North-East the broad problems remain all to
familiar. Economically backward, divided on racial, ethnic and linguistic lines, lack of access
to state structures, and violent uprisings in the name of self-determination. The same
problems existed in multiple third world nations after their independence and the different
ways governments tried to reconcile these problems can today be collected to author a book
on how not to deal with ethnic separatism and socio-economic backwardness.
This research paper aims to analyse the development for insurgency movements within
various regions of the North East and link to same to the underdevelopment of the region.
Finally, an attempt is made to suggest policy measures which need to be initiated in order to
ensure peace and economic prosperity for the region. It must be noted that for the purposes of
this paper problems of insurgency have been generalized. The researcher is aware that the
problems of insurgency vary from region to region and also that economic development
varies from region to region however this paper aims to look at problems which affect the
North East as a whole and thus certain details particular to a state or a district may have been
ignored.
A HISTORY OF INSURGENCY IN THE NORTH EAST
North East India comprises the eight states of Sikkim, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland,
Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, and Tripura. This region has historically been
geographically, politically, and economically isolated from the Indian State which has led to
growing insurgency movements within these states so much so that there seems to be in
existence a parallel authority of the insurgents in many parts of this region.
Nagaland has been at the centre of the armed struggle against the Indian State. The Naga
leader A.Z. Phizo revolted against Nagaland being a part of India at the very dawn of Indian
Independence.1 Though the state of Nagaland was created in 1963 the ideas of insurgency
remain ripe till this date with the insurgents arguing that Nagaland should not be subject to
the laws of India since it never agreed to be part of the Indian Union to begin with. The
movement for Naga sovereignty has spread across states and the demand for political union
and independence of all territories with a Naga majority remains strong.
Assam presents a different form of insurgency, here the major insurgency movement led by
the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) arose out of the mass movement of foreigners
starting in 1979.2 Other groups such as the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB)
and Dimasa Halam (DHD) also engage in insurgency activities demanding separate statehood
for their people.
Manipur is plagued with insurgency groups fighting amongst themselves demanding separate
statehood and division of the state . The valley faces movements by Meitei extremists while
the hill areas are affected by the Naga militants who are constantly in clash with the Kukis.3
In Tripura, the divide between tribal and non-tribal populations has created dissent within the
state since its accession by the Indian Union in 1948. The core problem in the state stems
from dissatisfaction of the local tribal population which was reduced to a minority within the
state due to the massive influx of non-tribal refugees from East Pakistan (Bangaladesh). At
present there are about 20 tribal insurgent groups within the state.4
Prabhat Datta, “Secessionist Movements in North East India”, 53/4 IJPS (1992), 540.
Ibid.
3
Hanjabam Isworchandra Sharma, “Understanding Underdevelopment in Manipur: A Critical Survey”, 47/46
EPW (2012), 73.
4
Prabhat Datta (N1) 543.
1
2
Mizoram experienced rebellion of the Mizos under the leadership of Laldenga but following
the Mizo Accord which was signed in 1986 the area has relatively retained the peace that the
Accord aimed to establish. Still there remain inter-tribe conflicts and distrust for non-tribals.5
The states of Sikkim, Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh have been relatively free from
insurgent activities but there still exist ethnic and inter-tribe conflicts within these states. In
recent years however there has been a greater assertion of individual tribe identities within
these states and a trend of ethnic separatism is developing.
Though there exist different reasons for insurgency movements within each state, the
demands for sovereignty and self-determination arise out of the disenfranchisement of the
indigenous population from the political and economic structure of the Indian State. This has
resulted in these local populations having little autonomy in making decisions that pertain to
them and has further created disillusionment due to the limited change that is brought forth
by policies made by the centre.6
A parallel can be drawn to the nations that were colonized by the imperial powers of Europe
early in the 20th century. During this period various groups in the colonies called for separate
statehood and more autonomy on the basis of their exclusion from the decision-making
apparatus.7 The Indian National Movement itself is testament to this as demands for
statehood came after a period where the leaders of the movement were bargaining for greater
representation in decision making bodies etc. Political expression was successful in the
Indian context and in many other colonies across Africa and Asia, however a reason for the
failure of many of these states after independence draws from the fact that once in power
these states refused to engage in power-sharing mechanisms which afforded representation to
its diverse populations.8
In the Darker Nations, Vijay Prashad borrows the idea of Frantz Fanon that the third world
was a ‘project’ and chronicles how the underdevelopment of the region was a direct result of
colonial policy. The failure of the project however is a result of the inability of the new
governments to reconcile different political aspirations that existed in the nation coupled with
the limited resources that had to be distributed to a large and diverse populace. The North
East region therefore has problems which are representative of the problems faced by post5
Prabhat Datta (N1) 539.
Jayanta Madhab, “North-East Crisis of Identity, Security and Underdevelopment”, 34/6 EPW (1999), 325.
7
Ranjit San, “Capitalism, Imperialism and Underdevelopment”, 10/(33/35) EPW (1975), 1267.
8
Vijay Prashad, “The Darker Nations”, The New Press 2007.
6
colonial societies and thus to resolve the problems in the North East an effort must be made
towards the reconciliation of differing political aspirations and the creation of better power
sharing mechanisms.
In the next section of this paper, the researcher will aim to analyse the reasons for
underdevelopment in the North East and how the same is intrinsically linked with the
insurgency movements within these states.
UNDERDEVELOPMENT IN THE NORTH EAST
Economic underdevelopment in the North East is result of a variety of factors, ranging from
the geographical isolation from the Indian State to the lack of natural resources and arable
land in the region,9 however the most pernicious reason for this underdevelopment arises
from the lack of security and stability in the region which act as a pre-requisite for any form
of investment within the region. This section will analyse the various reasons for
underdevelopment within the North-East while arguing that instability created due to
insurgencies further exacerbates this phenomenon.
As has been stated countless times before, the North East is isolated geographically from the
rest of the Indian state. The nature of this isolation is showcased by the chicken’s neck of
Siliguri in West Bengal and the Brahmaputra Valley in Assam which till today remain the
only ways through which goods can flow in and out of the North East.10 Therefore, a
disturbance in this route or in the adjoining hills of the Brahmaputra valley bring all
economic activities within the North-East to a standstill. This geographical isolation has thus
deprived the region of benefits that are available to other states in terms of trade and
commerce and has been vulnerable to insurgent attacks which in effect paralyze the local
economy.
Infrastructural development has paid the price for this geographical isolation. Roads and
bridges in the North East have been routinely damaged due to the torrid monsoons of the
region and presence of insurgent outfits. Geographical isolation however has made it difficult
to maintain such public infrastructure and as a result even within the North-East various
regions are isolated from the powers of the state government. Thus, the already difficult task
of maintaining and administering regions which are inaccessible due to lack of public
infrastructure is made harder because the insurgency actively disincentivizes both
government officials and NGO’s from going into the region as they face the constant threat of
extortion, abduction or death.11
P.R. Bhattacharjee and Purusottam Nayak, “Vicious Circle of Insurgency and Underdevelopment in North East
India”,<http://dspace.nehu.ac.in/jspui/bitstream/1/3385/1/Vicious%20Circle%20of%20Insurgency%20and%20
Underdevelopment%20in%20North%20East%20India.pdf> (Last Accessed on 19th September 2019)
10
Jayanta Madhab (N6) 327.
11
P.R. Bhattacharjee and Purusottam Nayak (N9).
9
Industries from the region primarily tea and petroleum are further under constant threat from
insurgent groups and oil pipelines and tea gardens are exclusively targeted to make a political
statement.12 Thus, the natural resources which may have led to the creation of a flourishing
economy is hampered by the violence and instability in the region. Foreign or State
investment for these industries is further limited due to this violence as investors have no
means through which they can ensure the safety of their investment. Drawing a contrast with
other states, following liberalization there was a massive inflow of foreign investment which
led to the creation of various industries and cities in India. In the North East the same policy
brought little benefit since no investor was willing to invest in regions where it could not
protect its assets.
The North East is however blessed with being an ecological hotspot with diverse flora and
fauna.13 The same is an attraction for tourists from across the globe. Unfortunately, the
constant armed conflict between the insurgent groups and the army has led to the destruction
of these forests. This means that not only is the prospect of tourism harmed within the region,
valuable natural resources are also depleted, and the fragile ecology of this region is put at a
risk.
The colonial exploitation of indigenous resources was premised on the idea that local
populations were inept at handing their natural resources and there existed a burden on the
colonial powers to bring development to the underdeveloped. The movements against
colonialism argued for the right to govern their own resources and utilize them for the benefit
of the nation.14 In the North East this same idea of control over one’s resources is utilized by
insurgent outfits to state that outside interference will lead to the subjugation of the state to
powers which are foreign to them. The deeply entrenched distrust which exists for outsiders
in the North East further promulgates this idea of control and the demand for selfdetermination.
Economic development in the North-East is thus stifled because for the same to be achieved
there is a requirement for structural changes and organization of new economic activities.
This hatred that is brewed towards outsiders has thus stopped the inflow of resources,
expertise and initiatives for the societies of the North East.15 Thus, a contradiction that
Kedilezo Kikhi, “What Ails the North-East? Challenges and Responses”, 58/3 ISS (2009), 350.
Jayanta Madhab (N6) 326.
14
Vijay Prashad (N8) 34.
15
H. Srikanth, “Militancy and Identity Politics in Assam”, 35/47 EPW (2000), 4119.
12
13
remains constant in this debate about underdevelopment arises. On the one hand there is a
lack of development and infrastructure which has fostered the creation of these insurgent
movements and on the other these same insurgent groups target agents of development so as
to protect the interests of indigenous groups. This cyclical process has led to the overall
neglect and degradation of economic activities within the north east.
A WAY FORWARD?
Insurgency and underdevelopment are inextricably linked to the point that one is a cause for
the other. Previous chapters in this paper have analysed how insurgency and
underdevelopment function within the North-East, this chapter aims at looking at ways
through which this conflict in the North-East may be resolved in the future and how these
same problems are emblematic of the reasons which led to the failure of the Third World.
The vicious cycle of insurgency and underdevelopment in the North East region is a complex
problem and cannot be tackled solely by administrative, political or economic measures
which are adopted in isolation. A holistic approach which takes into consideration the
demands of various local communities within these states must be catered to and specific
problems of the socio-cultural-ethnic groups residing in the region must be taken into
consideration.
The first problem that must be addressed while dealing with this volatile situation is the
inequality and lack of access to resources which lie at the heart of the conflict. Economic
development must be conducted keeping in mind the equitable growth of different social
groups within this region. Development without equity is likely to result in social conflict and
the perpetuation of violence. Thus, developmental projects undertaken by the state and
central government must first receive social approval from the communities that the project is
directly going to affect.16
Second, there must be a focus on the development of rural industries followed by a
modernization of the private sector.17 The focus on rural industries is necessary because a
conventional pattern of industrialization will likely alienate local populations who will again
rise up in revolt and thus stop the development process.
Third, political representation and control over policies is one of the main grievances of the
people of the region. Currently, states in the North East have limited representation in the
parliament which means that issues that concern the people of the North East are rarely
considered of national importance and thus there is little political incentive to change the
situation in the North East.18 An examination of the federal structure is necessary such that
greater representation is provided to various groups in parliament. Even if seats in the Lok
16
Kedilezo Kikhi (N12) 352.
Kedilezo Kikhi (N12) 354.
18
P.R. Bhattacharjee and Purusottam Nayak (N9).
17
Sabha are determined on the basis of population at least the Rajya Sabha should provide
equitable representation to people from the region.
Finally, there must be programmes initiated to increase greater local development and skill. A
large number of problems in the region arise out of a feeling of government apathy. However,
the State Governments today are largely reliant on centre funds for any sort of developmental
activity, this means that the state can never truly have autonomy over its projects unless it
develops industries which can help the state sustain itself without central aid.
These problems that exist with the North-East are emblematic of the problems that existed in
Third World countries after they gained their independence. A large number of these states
had attained independence following a revolution against the colonial rule and thus the ideas
of nationalism were founded on such opposition. After independence however, a majority of
these countries had to satisfy the political aspirations of a people who were divergent on
various different metrics. Thus, the interests of the landholders had to be weighed against the
interests of landless labourers, interest of minority communities had to be balanced with that
of the majority so on and so forth.19 These newly independent states in most situations
decided to side with the political elite to consolidate their own power, thus even though the
revolution for freedom was fought by various groups on different ends of the spectrum, the
benefits were enjoyed by only a few.20 Further, the colonial rule had left the economies of
these countries weak thus limited resources had to be distributed among a large populace.
Democracy an advent tried in many of these countries fell flat in the face of growing
inequality and civil freedoms were exchanged for stable rule by the military.
This history of exploitation and violence must be utilized to understand the precarious
position these states in the North East find themselves in. This region for a multitude of
factors is economically impoverished, thus there are limited resources which can be
distributed. The Centre provides the majority of funds to these states but does not provide
them the autonomy to direct these funds. Insurgent groups are dissatisfied with this lack of
autonomy and government apathy but also attack any individual whom they consider to be
‘outsiders’ even when they may be agents of change.
A situation of co-operative conflict has thus arisen, where it would be beneficial for both
parties to co-operate, but divergent interests lead to conflict. When post-colonial regimes
19
20
Vijay Prashad (N8) 18.
Vijay Prashad (N8) 22.
faced this situation the divergent interests far outweighed any means undertaken to ensure cooperation. The same mistake must not be repeated in the North East, and policy makers must
take into consideration its unique situation to ensure that co-operation thrives over conflict.
CONCLUSION
The founding of the Non-Aligned Movement was a bright day in the history of countries who
had for years fought against colonial occupation and soon after independence had to choose
between two global superpowers. The NAM represented the hope that these countries who
were economically and militarily weak can stand up to the larger nations and create policies
which were favourable to them. Unfortunately, hope was all that the NAM came to represent
as its members undertook divergent political goals and left this union of ‘third world’ states
hollow and devoid of any political power.
The reasons for the decline of the NAM must be understood in congruence with the internal
politics of its member states. Despite attaining independence on the idea of freedom and
equality for all the political will of the masses rarely translated into actual policy after
independence. Thus the balancing of competing interests coupled with economic depravity
led to a large number of these countries being taken over by military dictators and regimes
which were unfavourable towards this global co-operation.
The way in which these countries managed or rather mis-managed conflicts that emerged in
the new nation must be taken as lessons of the past which must not be repeated in the future.
The situation in the North East provides such a scenario and through the course of this paper
an attempt has been made to analyse the region, learn about the reasons for insurgency, its
counter play with economic development and most importantly to apply the lessons learnt
from the past so that they aren’t repeated in the future.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BOOKS:
1. Vijay Prashad, THE DARKER NATIONS, A PEOPLE’S HISTORY
OF THE
THIRD
WORLD,
2007.
2. Vijay Prashad, THE POORER NATIONS: A POSSIBLE HISTORY OF THE GLOBAL SOUTH,
2014.
ARTICLES:
1. H. Srikanth,
Militancy and Identity Politics in Assam, 35/47 ECONOMIC
AND
POLITICAL WEEKLY (2000).
2. Hanjabam Isworchandra Sharma, Understanding Underdevelopment in Manipur: A
Critical Survey, 47/46 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY (2012).
3. Jayanta Madhab, North-East Crisis of Identity, Security and Underdevelopment, 34/6
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY (1999)
4. Kedilezo Kikhi, What Ails the North-East? Challenges and Responses, 58/3 INDIAN
SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY (2009).
5. Prabhat Datta, Secessionist Movements in North East India, 53/4 INDIAN JOURNAL OF
POLITICAL SCIENCE (1992),
6. Ranjit San, Capitalism, Imperialism and Underdevelopment, 10/(33/35) ECONOMIC
AND POLITICAL WEEKLY
(1975)