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Thomas, Paul
The impact of community cohesion on youth work: A case study from Oldham
Original Citation
Thomas, Paul (2006) The impact of community cohesion on youth work: A case study from
Oldham. Youth and Policy (93). pp. 41-60. ISSN 0262-9798
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The Impact of 'Community
Cohesion' on Youth Work: A case study from Old ham
T h e Im p a c t o f ·C o m m u n ity
C o h e s io n ·
o n Y o u th W o r k : A c a s e s tu d y fr o m
O ld h a m
Paul Thomas
In itia te d b y th e
2001
d is tu rb a n c e s in O ld h a m , B u rn le y a n d B ra d fo rd ,
c o h e s io n ' o ffe rs a c ritiq u e of th e a p p a re n tly
'c o m m u n ity
n e g a tiv e ra c e re la tio n s in m a n y of B rita in 's
to w n s a n d c itie s . W h ils t h ig h ly c o n te s te d , th is c o n c e p t h a s b e c o m e a p o lic y re a lity
w h a t d o e s it m e a n fo r Y o u th W o rk ? D ra w in g
p a p e r e x a m in e s th e im p a c t of c o m m u n ity
o n e m p iric a l e v id e n c e fro m
c o h e s io n o n Y o u th W o rk p o lic y a n d p ra c tic e .
It a rg u e s th a t, c o n tra ry to th e la rg e ly h o s tile a c a d e m ic c ritiq u e , c o m m u n ity
b e e n p o s itiv e ly u n d e rs to o d
c o h e s io n h a s e n a b le d
a
a n d s u p p o rte d
ta k e p iv o ta l ro le s in
b y y o u th
'm o d a l s h ift' in y o u th
in th e h is to ry a n d tra d itio n s
of y o u th
So
O ld h a m , th is
w o rk e rs . F u rth e rm o re ,
w o rk to w a rd s
fo rm s
w o rk , a n d h a s a I/o w e d y o u th
p o lic y re s p o n s e s to e th n ic s e g re g a tio n
th is m o d a l s h ift of p ra c tic e is a c ritiq u e of 'a n ti-ra c is m ',
c o h e s io n h a s
c o m m u n ity
of p ra c tic e
ro o te d
w o rk a g e n c ie s to
a n d te n s io n . In h e re n t in
a s it h a s b e e n u n d e rs to o d
and
p ra c tis e d b y m a n y w e lfa re p ro fe s s io n a ls .
Keywords: community
T
cohesion; mu1ticulturalism;
youth work; anti-racism
he summer of 2001 saw serious street disturbances in a number of towns in the
north of England. Whilst the events in Old ham, Bradford and Burnley had specific
and localised triggers, all involved 'race' and racism, with South Asian young men
clashing with the police and with white young men in each case. The disturbances and
the resulting damage were viewed as the worst in Britain since the inner-city unrest of
the early to mid 1980s. Government's response was an Inquiry and two reports (Cantle,
2001; Denham, 2001), whilst the affected local areas of Old ham (Ritchie, 2001), Burnley
(Clarke, 2001) and Bradford (Ouseley, 2001) produced their own local analysis. In all these
reports, the focus was not on the actual triggers and events that led to the outbreaks of
disorder. Instead, there was a shared recognition that the violence represented deeper
issues and tensions below the surface of Britain's supposed 'multi-cultural'
society. Cantle
(2001) bluntly characterised the 'riot' towns as ethnically segregated, with an absence of
community cohesion caused by a lack of shared values, respect and mutual understanding.
Whilst not using the term 'community
cohesion', the local reports accepted that different
ethnic communities were living separate, 'parallel lives' (Ritchie, 2001) in their towns.
Although many commentators
(Kundnani, 2001; Kalra, 2002; Alexander, 2004) have been
highly critical of the assumptions and language of community
cohesion, there has been
acceptance across the political spectrum that the 2001 disturbances, and the resulting
'community
cohesion debate', represent a watershed in post-war 'race relations' discourse
and policy.
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Since 2001 community
cohesion has moved from being the dominant
paradigm of
explanation for the disturbances to becoming policy reality. Community cohesion is now
a key pillar of government's
to all Local Authorities
race equality strategy (Home Office, 2005). Advice was given
(LGA, 2002) both on how to initiate and how to measure the
effectiveness of work around community
cohesion, whilst the concern with evidence-based
practice led to funding of pilot activities in fourteen 'Pathfinder' and fourteen (unfunded)
'Shadow' Local Authorities
(Home Office, 2003). This policy shift has had direct impacts on
youth work, with the National Youth Agency offering good practice guidance (NYA, 2002;
2004), and OFSTEDinspections of Local Authority Youth Services focussing on performance
around this key area (OFSTED,2004).
Given these policy developments, it is somewhat surprising that there has been little or
no empirical research into how community cohesion is understood and put into practice
by different branches of welfare. Academic debate (Kalra, 2002; McGhee, 2003, 8urnett,
2004; Worley, 2005) has focussed entirely on the language and discourse of the community
cohesion reports and accompanying
ministerial pronouncements.
How is community
cohesion actually understood by practitioners on the ground? What differences has it made,
if any, to the assumptions and priorities of practice? In drawing on a small piece of research
in Old ham soon after the 2001 disturbances, I speculated (Thomas, 2003) that youth
work could potentially make a distinctive contribution
to community cohesion. Green and
Pinto (2005), in a rare empirical piece of community cohesion research based on evidence
from a Local Authority Youth Service in South East England, highlighted
this potential, but
also showed the negligible impact on youth work practice of community cohesion due to
limitations of understanding,
commitment
and resourcing. Within this, Green and Pinto
concluded that:
T h e re is
a
a p p lic a tio n
c ru c ia l n e e d
of
to
c o m m u n ity
a d d re s s th e la c k
of
e m p iric a l re s e a rc h w ith in
th e p ra c tic a l
c o h e s io n p o lic ie s . (2 0 0 5 :5 8 )
I attempt to respond to that need by discussing initial findings from research carried
out with youth workers in Old ham during 2005/2006.
The data discussed was gathered
as part of an ongoing doctoral study and material used here is from over 30 one-to-one
interviews carried out with youth work staff at all levels of responsibility and experience
in both the Local Authority Youth Service and voluntary sector youth and community
work agencies in Oldham. As a white, male Youth and Community Work Lecturer, with
professional and voluntary fieldwork experience in anti-racist and anti-oppressive Youth
and Community Work practice, I have a deep interest in what community cohesion can and
does represent for practice. Using this data, I suggest that in Old ham, community cohesion
is clearly understood and supported by youth workers, and that the (necessary) prioritisation
in Old ham of community
cohesion has enabled a modal shift in youth work practice
organisation and assumptions around 'race' and race relations. I also suggest that not
only does youth work in Old ham have a (largely) successful story to tell around this
community
cohesion activity, but that it is practice based on what many would regard as
'traditional'
(Smith, 1982;2003) forms of youth work,
based on association, experiential
activity and fun.
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C o m m u n ity c o h e s io n ?
Robinson (2005) has highlighted
the fact that community cohesion had no pedigree as a
concept or term prior to the reports into the 2001 disturbances. For some, this very newness
raisessuspicions that it represents a deliberate diversion from important
issues of causes
and responsibility. A parallel might be made here with New Labour's over-arching focus
on social exclusion, for some a helpful way of describing new social and economic realities
(Hills et ai, 2002), for others (Levitas, 1998; Byrne, 1999) a deliberate form of containment
and closure. Worley (2005) helpfully highlights the 'slippages' between 'community'
and
'social' cohesion within government discourse post-2001, seeing this as symptomatic of
a desire to avoid 'naming'
certain issues or groups. However, Cantle (2001) and Denham
(2001) are very clear on the meaning and relevance of community
cohesion. For Cantle, the
2001 disturbances exposed stark ethnic/racial segregation and antipathy that many had
preferred to ignore:
of p o l a r i s a t i o n of
T h e te a m w a s p a r tic u la r ly s tr u c k b y th e d e p th
o u r to w n s
c itie s . T h e e xte n t to w h ic h th e s e p h ys ic a l d ivis io n s w e r e c o m p o u n d e d
o th e r a s p e c ts
of
o u r d a ily live s w a s ve r y e vid e n t. S e p a r a te e d u c a tio n a l a r r a n g e m e n ts ,
c o m m u n ity a n d vo lu n ta r y b o d ie s , e m p lo ym e n t,
a n d c u ltu r a l n e tw o r ks ,
p la c e s
m e a n s th a t m a n y c o m m u n itie s
p a r a l l e l l i v e s . T h e s e l i v e s o ft e n
p r o m o te
and
by so m a ny
do not seem
a n y m e a n i n g fu l i n t e r c h a n g e s .
of
w o r s h ip , la n g u a g e , s o c ia l
o p e r a te o n
a
b a s is
of a
s e r ie s
of
to to u c h a t a n y p o in t, le t a lo n e o ve r la p a n d
(Cantle, 2001 :9)
Ritchie(2001) saw 'parallel lives' as the reality of an ethnically-segregated
Old ham, but
there is a fierce and ongoing academic debate over whether ethnic (as opposed to c1ass/
economic) segregation in housing has actually grown (Robinson, 2005). Kalra (2002)
challenges the whole notion of 'segregation' within the community
cohesion discourse,
seeing British young people of all ethnic backgrounds as sharing a common youth culture,
which makes the notion of 'cultural segregation' absurd. However, Lord Herman Ouseley,
ex-Chair of the government-sponsored
anti-racist campaigner commented
Commission for Racial Equality and a long-term
in his report on Bradford, commissioned before, but
published after the 2001 disturbances there, that he found a:
V e r y w o r r y i n g d r i ft t o w a r d s s e l f- s e g r e g a t i o n .
(Ouseley, 2001: Introduction.
Here, Ouseley highlights the controversial core of community
My emphasis)
cohesion: its focus on 'agency'
(Greener, 2002); of the responsibility for individual and group choices leading to segregation
by both white and ethnic minority communities.
'greater use of English' and 'greater commitment
Cantle (2001) stressed the need for
to national institutions'
- comments that
Bagguley and Hussain (2003) see as racialised and partial. Given the clear race equality focus
of the Commission for Racial Equality, its own report into the 2001 disturbances might have
been expected to echo this latter criticism, but instead accepted the unpalatable reality of
'congregation',
or self-segregation by all communities (CRE,2001).
Unsurprisingly, anti-racist campaigners, such as the Institute of Race Relations (Kundnani,
2001), see this as a retrea't from anti-racism towards 'assimilation',
the requirement that
ethnic minorities should 'fit in' with the (white) majority, whilst others (Alexander, 2004)
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see the whole community
cohesion discourse as a pathologisation
of Asian communities.
The focus on the need for race equality measures in Cantle (2001) and Denham (2001)
makes this charge hard to sustain, although
Back et al (2002) identify the Government as
'looking in both directions' on 'race' issues by apparently retreating from a concern with
structural racism. In a much more positive assessment, McGhee (2003) sees community
cohesion as a 'Putnamesque' problematisation
2000). To McGhee, 'community
of excessive 'bonding social capital' (Putnam,
cohesion' is acknowledging
that previous approaches to
'race relations', in particular the essentialising and privileging of 'race' and ethnicity by both
multiculturalism
and 'anti-racism'
in the face of the reality of racism and racial segregation
(Bhavnani, 2001), has supported the development of strong mono-ethnic communities
with poorly-developed
forms of 'bridging'
social capital (Putnam, 2000; Thomas, 2003), so
making mutual contact and understanding
also sees community
across ethnic lines very difficult.
McGhee (2003)
cohesion's focus on 'agency' as having clear links to Etzioni's notion
of 'communitarianism',
the idea that individuals and communities should be encouraged
to take more responsibility for collectively improving situations around them in an era of
welfare approaches that implicitly assume dependency (Etzioni, 1995).
From this perspective, rather than representing a retreat from anti-racism, community
cohesion could represent a timely and necessary step forward towards a genuinely hybrid
and cosmopolitan
society (Hall, 2000), a move that requires robust and genuinely open
debate, and the acceptance of multiple, rather than singular identities (Modood and
Werbner, 1997). Current debates over the meaning of 'British ness' and the reclamation of
the English flag from the neo-nazi far-right can also be seen in this context.
Y o u th W o r k , r a c is m a n d c o m m u n ity
c o h e s io n
Popple (1997) analysed youth work's long and changing engagement with racism and
racial tension, from the assimilationist assumptions of the Hunt Report (DES, 1967), to the
anti-racism of the 1980s (DES, 1982; Chauhan, 1990). The changing approaches identified
by Popple partly reflect the reality that, as a form of Welfare State practice, the governmentfunded Youth Service has always bent and changed to reflect wider policy needs and
priorities (Jeffs and Smith, 1988). Indeed, the priorities of youth work specifically (Smith,
2003) and welfare/education
interventions with young people generally (Mizen, 2004) can
be seen to be increasingly controlled by governmental agendas. Nevertheless, youth work
has historically allowed 'space' where issues of race and identity can be addressed, and has
shown the ability to engage with young people likely to become involved in racial conflict
(Dadzie, 1997; Thomas, 2003).
The community
cohesion reports (Cantle, 2001; Denham, 2001) highlighted
the poor state
of youth work provision in the areas affected by the disturbances, with Cantle calling for a
'statutory base' for the Youth Service, and Denham emphasising the important
work in promoting
community
role of youth
cohesion. This can be seen as a direct reflection of the role
of young people in the disturbances. Ritchie (2001) highlighted
the inadequacy of youth
work provision in Oldham prior to the 2001 disturbances as a direct, contributory
cause.
However, Ritchie also explicitly criticised the approaches taken to that youth work provision
by Old ham Local Authority Youth Service. For Ritchie, the (assumed) role of youth work in
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Cohesion' on Youth Work: A case study from Old ham
providing diversionary activities for young people (meaning young men) on the streets had
been replaced with more formal, group-based educational programmes that engaged few
of the 'at risk' young people. This downgrading
of open access, youth club provision, the
mainstay of youth work from the Albemarle report (Ministry for Education, 1960) onwards,
in Old ham, as nationally, can be traced to the analysis of the Thompson Report (DES,1982).
Davies(1999) highlights how open access youth clubs have historically been dominated
by
white young men to the exclusion of young women and ethnic minority young people,
the latter point being first highlighted
by the Community Relations Council Report (1976).
This analysis was finally accepted by Thompson, with his report giving Youth Services the
green light to prioritise group work rather than open access and crucially, to remedy the
deficit regarding ethnic minority young people by developing ethnic-specific youth provision
(Chauhan, 1990; Popple, 1997).
Alongside these developments was a focus on anti-racist policies and programmes, and an
acknowledgement that multiculturalism
(Chauhan, 1990) had failed to address issues of
racism, exclusion and power. There is increasing evidence, however, that much 'anti-racism'
in youth work and schools, with its focus on creating 'acceptable' norms of language,
behaviour and attitudes, has been problematic, and possibly counter-productive
in some
cases.Hewitt (1996), in a study commissioned by Greenwich Youth Service, identified a
'white backlash' amongst white working class young people to anti-racist approaches
they perceived to be one sided and privileging of ethnic minority needs and experiences
at the expense of their own. Hewitt's research followed the racist murders of three ethnic
minority young men, including Stephen Lawrence, in the borough in the early 1990s, and
represented an admission by Greenwich Youth Service that their anti-racist approaches
and assumptions had not worked. Previous research by the University of Huddersfield
(CRE,1999; Thomas, 2002) identified that white-origin
youth workers felt unsure and
unconfident of their role in relation to anti-racism work with white young people. Workers
perceived anti-racism to be about a curtailing and policing of 'wrong'
behaviour, something that the white-origin
minority) workers as better-equipped
attitudes and
workers saw other, 'expert' (normally ethnic
to deal with than themselves. Underpinning
this was a
clear lack of confidence in their own ability to operationalise anti-racism, as they understood
it.
The above discussions suggest that youth work assumptions and practices around 'race'
and ethnic relations were bound to be re-examined in the light of the 2001 disturbances
and community cohesion becoming a policy reality. Green and Pinto (2005) carried out
research in one Local Authority Youth Service in the South East of England on the impact of
community cohesion. Whilst questioning the concept itself, Green and Pinto found that an
under-resourced Youth Service was ill-equipped to meet the challenge of what was viewed
as an additional work task. Resourcing, though, was only partly the issue, with the concept
itself being problematic:
O u r fin d in g s s h o w e d th a t th e y o u th
a n d c o n fu s io n
try in g
to
in re la tio n
im p le m e n t
to
s e rv ic e d id s tru g g le
th e c o n c e p t o f c o m m u n ity
p o lic y b a s e d o n s u c h c o n fu s io n s .
b a d ly o rg a n is e d lo c a l e n v iro n m e n t,
w ith th e c o n c e p tu a l a m b ig u ity
c o h e s io n a n d th e re a litie s o f
W ith in a n u n d e r-re s o u rc e d
s u c h p ro b le m s s e e m e x a c e rb a te d .
2005:58)
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and
(Green and Pinto,
The Impact of 'Community
Cohesion' on Youth Work: A case study from Old ham
R e s e a r c h in g th e im p a c t o f c o m m u n ity
c o h e s io n
How much do the negative conclusions about the concept of community cohesion and its
impact on Youth Work reached by Green and Pinto (2005) represent a generalised reality?
Oldham was chosen as one of the towns experiencing disturbances in 2001, and yet having
received comparatively little academic scrutiny.
At the time of the 2001 disturbances, Oldham was the 38th most deprived of 354 Local
Authorities
in England, with seven electoral wards within the 10% most deprived nationally
(Cantle, 2006 ). With Old ham's internationally-renowned
long gone, unemployment
role in the cotton spinning trade
is above the national average, although falling recently. Much
higher pockets of unemployment
exist in some geographical wards, particularly amongst
white working class, and Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities of the town. Whilst the
ethnic minority population
of Oldham is 13%, amongst under 25 year olds of the town this
rises to almost 23%. Economically and socially, Old ham cannot afford a tense and raciallysegregated future (Cantle, 2006).
The research involved in-depth, semi-structured,
one-to-one interviews with youth workers
in Oldham during 2005 and 2006. Given that Smith (1982) identifies 'conversation' as the
key tool for youth workers, this research approach seemed the most appropriate, especially
as the focus was on understandings
and opinions. Existing professional relationships with
statutory and voluntary sector youth work agencies in Old ham were utilised to negotiate
access, with the final decision on participation
resting with individual workers. Whilst youth
work staff at all levels of responsibility were interviewed, ranging from Principal Youth
Officer/Chief Executive to part-time workers and trainees, relying on a 'statistical sampling'
approach (Kvale, 1996) would have over-represented part-time workers with only limited
involvement in developing new work strategies. Instead, full-time
professional workers,
titled Area Youth Managers by Old ham Youth Service, were prioritised, using a 'theoretical
sampling' approach (Flick,2002),because of their relevance to the issue under investigation.
Given the concerns that community cohesion may represent a back-tracking on anti-racism
(Kundnani, 2001; Alexander, 2004), ethnic minority staff were also over-represented in the
later stage of the research for the same reasons. However, Gunaratnam(2003)
the contradictory
highlights
and problematic nature of researching 'race' and ethnicity; on the one
hand giving legitimacy to questionable categorisations of individual identity by discussing
it, but also having to engage with the reality of individual's experience and self-identity.
Here, researchers have to both work with and against racial categories, reflecting both the
racialised and discriminatory
realities of society, but also the illusory and dangerous nature
of 'race' itself (Gunaratnam, 2003).
All individual respondents agreed to take part before interviews were arranged, following
sight of an explanatory brief. In all cases, interviews were negotiated directly with
respondents, rather than through
line managers. Interviews took place in a private space
at their work base, with a pseudonym identified by each respondent for research use. All
respondents agreed to the taping and transcription
of the interview. My own background as
a professionally qualified youth and community worker, and previous professional contact
with a significant number of respondents, helped to establish rapport in the interview
situation. Robson (2002) posits the view that social research can and should aim to make a
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The Impact of 'Community
positive contribution
Cohesion' on Youth Work: A case study from Old ham
to real world problems, and I made a commitment
to feedback to the
professional field in Old ham and regionally as soon as possible. This paper represents an
initial attempt to offer learning and reflections to the field nationally. Rather than a positivist
concern with 'truth',
I take an interactionist
(Flick, 2002) concern with the meanings and
understandings of community cohesion held by youth workers in Oldham. For Kvale, the
researcher here is not looking for a definitive answer:
W h a t m a tte r s is r a th e r to d e s c r ib e th e p o s s ib ly a m b ig u o u s
e xp r e s s e d b y th e in te r vie w e e .
a n d c o n tr a d ic to r y m e a n in g s
(Kvale, 1996:33)
R e s e a r c h fin d in g s : A m o d a l s h ift in y o u th
w o rk
p r a c tic e
The research process outlined above produced clear evidence that community
cohesion has
led to significant changes in the thinking and practice of youth workers in Old ham over the
past five years. In some ways, this is not surprising, given the seriousness of the events of
May 2001, and the negative picture of the town painted by Ritchie (2001). A large majority
of the youth workers interviewed live in Oldham, with many having grown up there, and it
was clear that the 2001 disturbances had been a traumatic event for them. Nevertheless,
the enthusiasm and (largely) positive assessment of the work since carried out in the name
of community cohesion was both striking and in stark contrast to previous studies of youth
workers involved in ant-racist work (CRE, 1999; Thomas,2002).The
discussed below, including continuing
C o m m u n ity
key research findings are
problems and concerns.
c o h e s io n a s 'm e a n in g fu l
d ir e c t c o n ta c t'
A very clear consensus quickly emerged amongst respondents around the meaning of
community cohesion a s being about 'meaningful direct contact'. This clarity is in stark contrast
to the findings of Green and Pinto (2005). The emphasis of Cantle(2001) and Ritchie(2001)
on the need for contact and dialogue across ethnic divides as a means of developing mutual
respect and shared values beyond the cul-de-sac of 'parallel lives' had clear resonance for all
the youth workers surveyed. Workers of all ethnic backgrounds accepted the analysis of an
ethnically segregated town, and that all communities needed to do more to bridge divides.
Workers tended to be critical of their own ethnic 'community'
or backgrounds here, rather
than of others. This acceptance of 'agency', and its currently negative use by individuals and
communities, may be seen as evidence of the liberal assumptions of 'welfarist' youth work
(Jeffsand Smith, 1988), but it can also be seen as shedding light on the gap between reality
and the evidence-free academic discourse around community cohesion.
For the youth workers surveyed, community cohesion means meaningful direct contact and
work between young people of different ethnic backgrounds. Asad, a Bangladeshi-origin
full-time Old ham Youth Service (OYS) Area Manager running youth work provision in a
mainly Bangladeshi area, defined it as:
B u i l d i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s , fr i e n d s h i p s a n d k n o w i n g
d o in g a n d w h y, a n d u n d e r s ta n d in g
w h a t o th e r c u ltu r e s , o th e r r e lig io n s a r e
e a c h o th e r .
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The Impact of 'Community
Stacey, an African-Caribbean
professional qualification,
Cohesion' on Youth Work: A case study from Oldham
origin OYS part-time worker currently studying for her
comments that:
Y o u 'v e g o t to m ix to le a rn - if y o u d o n 't m ix , y o u a re n 't le a rn in g a n y th in g .
For Johnson, a white-origin
full-time OYS Area Manager for a largely Asian area, this direct
contact has a clear focus on commonality:
F o r m e , y o u 're
com m on
b rin g in g y o u n g p e o p le to g e th e r, y o u 're h ig h lig h tin g
th a t th e y 'v e g o t a
in te re s t, th a t th e y 're y o u n g , th e y e x p e rie n c e th e s a m e th in g s a s in p o v e rty , c rim e ,
th a t th e th in g s th a t h a p p e n to th e m d o h a p p e n to o th e r p e o p le .
w h a te v e r. .. h ig h lig h tin g
Whether this community
cohesion 'direct contact' should simply focus on ethnic/racial
differences alone, or also on much wider 'social' differences of territory, class and
geography provoked much more debate amongst respondents. To some extent these
differences support the focus of Worley (2005) on the 'slippages' between 'social' and
'community'
cohesion in the national discourse. For respondents supporting a wider,
'social' understanding,
this was partly an assertion of the traditional youth work belief that,
first and foremost young people are young people, with shared experiences and interests,
rather than an amalgam of differing ethnicities, classes and genders (Davies, 2005). It was
also a recognition that in Old ham, other forms of difference and divides are equally fraught
and problematic.
For instance, many respondents commented on the violent, 'territory'
based feuding between young people from different geographical neighbourhoods,
but of
the same ethnic origin. Jennifer, a white origin OYS Area Manager in a white working class
area comments that:
T h e re is th is p e rc e p tio n
g e ttin g
th a t c o m m u n ity
o n to g e th e r, a n d I th in k ,
c o h e s io n is a b o u t A s ia n s a n d w h ite s , a n d th e m
'w e ll, h a n g o n a m in u te .. I'v e g o t y o u n g p e o p le in X ,
a n d th e id e a o f th e m m ix in g w ith y o u n g p e o p le
Other respondents highlighted
fro m
Y ... !' (both white areas)
the extent to which intergenerational
tensions are a
major source of complaints about 'anti-social behaviour'. However, there was a collective
recognition that, given the events of 2001 and the current situation in the town, direct
contact across ethnic and racial lines has to take precedence within community cohesion
work in Oldham.
This common understanding
of community
cohesion as meaningful direct contact between
young people of different ethnic backgrounds contained the simultaneous recognition that
the term has no meaning or recognition factor for young people. Habib, a Pakistani-origin,
qualified full-time
OYS worker described a young person defining community cohesion as:
S o m e th in g y o u lo t
go
This lack of understanding
o n a b o u t!
of the term itself should not be seen as problematic, providing
that young people understand, and agree, the purpose of 'direct contact' work. Smith
(1982) sees a key function of youth workers as breaking down complex events into parts
that can be worked on, 'translating'
into meaningful, everyday language as they do so.
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'd ir e c t c o n ta c t'
The challenge for youth work in Old ham of creating this meaningful direct contact has been
heightened by the reality that prior to 2001, such contact had not taken place. Alex, the
dual-heritage Principal Youth Officer (PYO) of the Local Authority Youth Service took over
shortly after the 2001 disturbances, and comments that:
T h e y (yo u th w o r ke r s ) n e ve r e ve n m e t e a c h o th e r , le t a lo n e w o r ke d
of
~ som e
th e m
w ith e a c h o th e r
h a d n e ve r s e e n e a c h o th e r 's a r e a s o r b u ild in g s .
Such parochialism might be seen as the downside of the community
localised youth work provision.
It
orientation
of
can also partly be explained by the belief, following
the Thompson Report (DES, 1982) that ethnic minority communities
needed separate,
ethnic-specific provision, staffed by workers from their own communities who alone were
capable of meeting their needs. Whilst the case for such provision, in the face of racism
and marginalisation
(CRC, 1976; Davies, 1999) was strong, it had downsides, as Khan, a
Pakistani-origin voluntary sector youth worker, and former OYS worker, comments:
we d i d n ' t h a v e a A fr o - C a r i b b e a n c e n t r e , we d i d n ' t h a v e a P a k i s t a n i c e n t r e ,
A t o n e tim e ,
we d i d n ' t h a v e a B a n g l a d e s h i c e n t r e ; w h a t we h a d w a s a G l o d w i c k C o m m u n i t y a n d
Yo u th C lu b , a n d th a t b r o u g h t e v e r y o n e to g e th e r .
Youth Work in Old ham has developed direct contact community
cohesion work post-2001,
using a number of distinct vehicles:
•
Borough-wide events, such as the annual 'Eid party' to celebrate the Muslim New Year
•
Formalised working links between youth centres/units of different ethnic and
•
The use of residentials, joint programmes and activities to build these relationships and
geographical backgrounds
links
These approaches highlight a fundamental
principle of the community
cohesion youth
work being developed, that the direct contact is based on association, fun and experiential
activities, rather than formal programmes of learning about 'diversity' or 'anti-racism'.
Contained within this is a stepping up of open access provision, including purpose-built
mobile units, in direct response to the criticisms of Ritchie (2001). Asad comments:
There wa s
yo u n g
a
b r e a kd a n c e
p e o p le
d a n c in g a n d
So,
a yo u n g
d o w n ',
th a t's
we
in vite d 5 h a w
(o ve r w h e lm in g ly w h ite a r e a )
w e n t to 5 h a w . T h e yo u n g
p e o p le
a n d th e w h ite yo u n g
p e o p le
to th e c e n tr e , b u t to g e t th e b u s to 5 h a w a n d
house.
see
we
th a t to
me
was
a
s te p to w a r d s c o m m u n ity
go
d id
a
b it
of
to o k tim e o u t, n o t to c o m e
down
to th e yo u n g
c o h e s io n , s o m e
p e r s o n fr o m 5 h a w , a n d h e s a y s , ' h o w ' s X ? a n d h o w ' s
a n d h e s a ys , 'I w ill d o , it's ju s t d a r k, I w ill c o m e d o w n
a
p e o p le
we d i d s e e s o m e l i n k s b e i n g m a d e . W h a t r e a l l y i m p r e s s e d me w a s t h e
B a n g la d e s h i yo u n g
down
c o m p e titio n ...
to c o m e o ve r , a n d
s te p to w a r d s c o m m u n ity
Mark, an African-Caribbean
y? ',
p e r s o n 's
lin ks m a d e . I s till
a n d I s a y, 'c o m e
in th e s u m m e r ',
s o to
me
c o h e s io n .
origin OYS part-time worker took a white group to the annual
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Eid party, at which every youth centre was represented:
Y e s , it w a s h a rd g e ttin g
th e y d id n 't
th e m o u t o f th e re . W e h a d to c o m e b a c k fo r
a
c e rta in tim e a n d
w a n t to le a v e !
These activities and events are deliberately experiential and fun, but the challenge involved
for the young people taking part should not be under-estimated, given the racialised reality
of Oldham (Ritchie, 2001 ;Thomas, 2003). Johnson comments:
We h a v e a tria n g u la tio n
a n d 5 a d d le w o rth
w ith m y s e lf, L im e h u rs t (c lu b b a s e d o n a n u rb a n w h ite e s ta te )
(ru ra l w h ite a re a ), s o w e 're g e ttin g
th a t w o rk s b e c a u s e th a t b re a k s d o w n
th e y o u n g p e o p le o u t a n d I th in k
th e b a rrie rs .
Johnson then goes on to describe a recent joint residential weekend involving the groups:
W e w e n t fo r a n In d ia n m e a l o n th e firs t n ig h t w e to o k th e m to W h itb y ... a n d o n e o f
th e w h ite la d s s a id , 'G o d , if p e o p le o n L im e s id e k n e w w h a t we w e re d o in g n o w , w e 'd
g e t le a th e re d ',
a n d th a t w a s ju s t g o in g to
a
re s ta u ra n t.
P la n n in g fo r th e s p o n ta n e o u s
The last quote illustrates the dangers and pressures of bringing young people together
across ethnic lines in the name of community
disastrous without
cohesion. Such direct contact could be
careful planning. The importance of planning is illustrated by the
example of the annual 'Fusion' residential. Fusion involves young people from every
High School in Oldham, including young people with physical and learning disabilities,
taking part in a residential experience planned and facilitated by Oldham Youth Service.
The residential consists of experiential, fun activities that require young people to build
relationships and to work positively together. Alex comments of Fusion that:
C e rta in ly , w ith in
w ith in c re d ib le
th e p la n n in g
in te rm s o f th e ir p e rc e p tio n s
d iffe re n t
it's n o t u p fo r g ra b s w h e th e r
a
d e ta il to b e s u c c e s s fu l, to m a k e
o f y o u n g p e o p le
g e n d e rs a n d d iffe re n t
Mary, the white/Irish-origin
g e o g ra p h ic a l
d iffe re n c e
fro m d iffe re n t
a re a s w ith in
it's s u c c e s s fu l. It is p la n n e d
w ith e v e ry s in g le p e rs o n
c u ltu ra l b a c k g ro u n d s ,
th e b o ro u g h .
Assistant Head of OYS in charge of planning Fusion explains
how preparation translates into the reality of the residential experience:
It's h o w
th e s ta ff m a n a g e d
th e g ro u p , h o w
th e y b rin g is s u e s in th a t y o u n g p e o p le
w o u ld
th e s ta ff g o t y o u n g p e o p le in te ra c tin g ,
lo o k a t th e n o r d is c u s s .
So,
it's n o t
50
m u c h th e a c tiv ity , it's th e w o rk e rs , th e s ta ff a re th e k e y fo r m e .
This careful staff planning and preparation enables 'spontaneous',
around community
experiential learning
cohesion, as Mary goes on to explain:
W e s o rt o f s e t th e s c e n e , g ro w
th e s e e d s d u rin g
th e d a y a n d th ro u g h
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The Impact of 'Community
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Cohesion' on Youth Work: A case study from Old ham
p e o p le s ta r t e s ta b lis h in g r e la tio n s h ip s w ith e a c h o th e r ; th a t's w h e n
a
of t h e d i s c u s s i o n s w e r e h a p p e n i n g , a n d p e o p l e w e r e a s k i n g q u e s t i o n s . F o r i n s t a n c e ,
lo t
one
of
th e (M u s lim ) yo u n g
wom en
w a s p r a yin g a t n ig h t, s o th e o th e r g ir ls w a tc h e d
p r a y, a n d a s ke d h e r r e a lly in te r e s tin g q u e s tio n s a b o u t
o n e 0' c l o c k i n t h e m o r n i n g , a n d t h e y s h o u l d r e a l l y h a v e b e e n
b e c a u s e it w a s
a
r e a lly in te r e s tin g p ie c e
of
her
it T h e fa c t w a s t h a t i t w a s d o n e a t
in b e d , b u t I d id n 't s to p it
d ia lo g u e th a t w a s g o in g o n .
This creation of an environment during activities, events and residentials where learning
can take place can be seen as illustrative of the 'hidden',
informal education that is the
core purpose of youth work historically (Smith, 1982; Davies, 2005). The fact that such
approaches are being prioritised by youth work in Old ham in the name of community
cohesion is noteworthy
at a time when many perceive government agendas to be forcing
youth work down ever-more 'formal' and compulsory modes of contact with young people.
A frequent accusation of traditional
informal education is that it can manipulate young
people, bring in issues without them realising, particularly around 'sensitive' issues such as
'race'. Respondents refute the charge that experiential community
activities are manipulating
cohesion youth work
young people in this way. Rafiq, the Bangladeshi-origin
co-
originator of a voluntary sector youth work agency focussed on cohesion issues, believes in
being very clear with young people what their involvement in work programmes is all about:
U p fr o n t , i n t e r m s
fa c e o n c e t h e y
of
go
of w h a t t h e y ' r e g o i n g t o g e t o u t of i t , w h a t a r e t h e c h a l l e n g e s t h e y ' l l
b a c k in to th e ir o w n c o m m u n itie s
w ith
a
new
u n d e r s ta n d in g
of s o m e
th e s e is s u e s .
This perspective is based on previous, painful experiences of a backlash from young
people and families who did not realise what anti-racist youth work programmes actually
involved. Alex highlights how OYS believe in being entirely up front regarding the nature of
community cohesion direct contact work:
F o r u s , q u ite d e lib e r a te ly, th e E id c e le b r a tio n is c a lle d 'E id C e le b r a tio n ';
la b e l it a s
kn e w
a
'p a r ty'" . o h ye s , th e y (yo u n g p e o p le
fr o m y o u t h
w h a t it w a s a b o u t, a n d th a t it w a s r e lig io u s a n d c u ltu r a lly b a s e d
h a d t a k e n t h e t i m e t o a c t u a l l y p i c k s e v e n d i ffe r e n t q u o t e s
t h e m , s o t h a t i n fo r m a t i o n
we
d o n 't ju s t
c e n tr e s a c r o s s th e S e r vic e )
T h e o r g a n is e r s
fr o m t h e Q u ' r a n a n d p r i n t e d
w a s o n e a c h c h a ir .
Y o u th w o r k e r s a s m o d e ls o f c o m m u n ity
c o h e s io n
This new, post-2001 mode of youth work practice in Oldham is based around meaningful
direct contact across ethnic lines, through traditional youth work media of experiential,
association-based activity. It has been underpinned
by the strategic use of staffing, a
deliberate decision to create ethnically mixed staff teams that provide young people with
adult role models of different ethnic background. This can be seen as directly challenging to
the ethnic essentialism of 'anti-racism'
(Bhavnani, 2001), which assumes that the needs of
ethnic minority young people can only be met by workers of the same ethnic background.
Instead, the new approach in Old ham looks to use individual workers as role models, and
as agents of community cohesion, through their relationships and interaction with young
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people. Qummar, an experienced Pakistani-origin worker, was asked to take over as OYS
Area Manager for a 'notorious'
It w a s
a
white estate targeted by the British National Party:
b ig c h a lle n g e c o m in g
b u t th e e xp e r ie n c e
I've n e ve r h a d
a
to a
fr o m y o u t h
p r o b le m
p r e d o m in a te ly
w h ite c o m m u n ity
w o r k tr a in in g ... e n a b le d
h e r e w o r kin g a s
a
as
a
b la c k w o r ke r ,
me to s e t t l e d o w n q u i c k l y h e r e .
b la c k w o r k e r ... y e s , p e o p le
h a ve ta ke n
me
ve r y w e ll.
Qummar went on to describe how he has expanded junior provision through
his community
development work with a group of (white) young mothers. Space does not permit a fuller
discussion here (see Thomas, forthcoming),
but this can be seen as a further, radical modal
shift in youth work practice, breaking with (implicit) orthodoxies.
P r o b le m s a n d lim ita tio n s
Whilst respondents clearly identified new work approaches and their positive impact,
developed in the name of community
cohesion, they also identified problems and
limitations. These problems and limitations focussed on:
•
The perceived superficiality, and the apparent 'one-off'
nature of some of the 'direct
contact' youth work
•
The questionable capacity of youth work staff, and of youth work's existing resources, to
•
A possible down-playing
effectively deliver community
T h e s u p e r fic ia lity
cohesion work
of concern with racism and 'anti-racism'
o f 'o n e -o ffs '
For a number of the respondents, 'direct contact' work across ethnic boundaries is now
happening, but its impact is questionable. Habib has worked in a number of different areas
of Old ham Youth Service, and comments:
In th e p a p e r w o r k
it c o u ld lo o k like it's c o m m u n ity
a r e ju s t d o in g th e n o r m a l th in g o f g e ttin g
a
a n d vic e ve r s a , a n d s a yin g , 'th is is c o m m u n ity
to
c o h e s io n , b u t in r e a lity it is th a t th e y
fe w A s i a n k i d s i n
c o h e s io n '.
a
r o o m w ith w h ite kid s
It d o e s n 't
m e a n th a t th e y ta lk
e a c h o t h e r , t h a t ' s t h e d i ffe r e n c e .
Workers in the voluntary sector, including Michael, a white qualified full-time worker for an
environmental-based
voluntary youth organisation,
have also had negative experiences of
'cohesion' events
In m y o p in io n , it w a s ju s t c o h e s io n
som e
m oney
to
fo r c o h e s i o n ' s s a k e . T h e r e ' s
d o s o m e jo in t a c tiv itie s ... if y o u d o th a t, its lik e
im m e d ia te ly s tic ks to g e th e r , a n d
to me
we
c o h e s io n
w ere seen
to
Ethnic minority-origin
b e d o in g s o m e
not
a
a q u ic k
a w o r ks
response,
'd o ', e ve r yb o d y
l o t c a m e o u t o f i t e x c e p t fo r t h e fa c t t h a t
w o r k.
youth workers were noticeably more critical of the perceived 'one-off'
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nature of some pieces of work, possibly demonstrating
a wider frustration
with the pace of
change in addressing issues of racism post-2001. Asad organised one of the Youth Service's
large set-piece events, the Eid Party:
I w a s n ' t h a p p y i t j u s t b e i n g a o n e - o ff e v e n t a n d c a l l i n g i t a c o m m u n i t y
of
a lr ig h t, th e r e m ig h t h a ve b e e n a lo t
to u c h in g o r a c h ie vin g w h a t
th o u g h t
gone
in to
it,
b u t I d o n 't
c o h e s io n
e v e n t ...
th in k it's
we n e e d t o .
Asad did also admit that this party had a big impact, both on the visiting young people and
on the Bangladeshi-origin young people using his centre. Other respondents discussed the
positive, real impact the same event had made on their young people, prompting
wider
conversations and a desire for more involvement in direct contact. The concerns of workers
such as Asad may well reflect a lack of confidence over what progress and change will look
like - more structured, ongoing programmes may provide apparent certainty, so explaining
anti-racism's reliance on formal programmes (Hewitt, 1996; Thomas, 2002) but the reality
may well be the slow and imperceptible changes that come from experiential youth work. It
does, however, demand that direct contact community
T h e c a p a c ity o f y o u th w o r k
cohesion youth work is meaningful.
s ta ff
A concern here is over capacity; the skills and experience of youth workers to ensure that
even one-off events are planned and facilitated well enough to ensure a positive learning
experience for young people. This partly raises wider concerns over youth work's continued
reliance on unqualified, part-time staff to deliver significant levels of face to face work
(Moore, 2005). This was echoed by a number of respondents who pinpointed
the extent
to which experienced full-time workers/ area managers were caught up with paperwork
and meetings. The careful and strategic planning over community
cohesion by these
workers and their managers can run aground on the reality of the face to face workforce,
as illustrated by the example of the focus on community cohesion in the Youth Service's
sessional monitoring
forms, with Stacey commenting:
W e ll, I ju s t p u t th e s a m e th in g e ve r y w e e k.
Many respondents highlighted
the large variations in understanding
and confidence around
the meaning of community cohesion held within the Youth Service. Mark, a part-time
worker with a full-time 'day job' reflects this uncertainty:
I d o n 't k n o w . .. I 'v e b e e n
a c tu a lly m e a n b y
to a lo t
of
m e e tin g s ,
a n d I th in k n o o n e e ve r s a ys w h a t th e y
it.
This lack of experience and confidence goes a long way to explain the minority of poorly
planned, one-off events, and situations where youth workers seemed unable to prevent
direct contact going badly wrong. Several respondents identified examples of direct contact
work that had resulted in little interaction, or even tension, with workers unable or unwilling
to change things. As an Area Manager, Asad can identify varying levels of understanding
and confidence within his own, ethnically mixed, staff team:
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Cohesion' on Youth Work: A case study from Old ham
w h a t th e y a r e d o in g , b u t a c h ie vin g it is
it, b u t ju s t to u c h it in
a
s u r fa c e w a y , s o i t ' s
tim e w o r ke r ) is r e a lly p a s s io n a te a b o u t c o m m u n ity
but som e
o f th e o th e r p a r t-tim e
fr o m t h e s a m e a r e a w h o ' v e
th e y w o n 't
a p r o b le m . O th e r s
a m ix. X (w h ite p a r t-
c o h e s io n , h e 'll d r ive it a n d p u s h it,
w o r ke r s w o u ld s a y, 'W e ll. It c o u ld ju s t b e s o m e p e o p le
n e ve r sp o ke n ,
if
we j u s t
g e t th e m
t a l k i n g , t h a t ' s fi n e ' , a n d
lo o k a t th e b ig g e r p ic tu r e .
A d o w n p la y in g
o f a n ti-r a c is m ?
Both the problems and limitations discussed above can be seen as representative of
wider and more generic issues for youth work delivery nationally. A more serious charge
against community
cohesion as it is being operationalised in Old ham is that it may
represent a down playing of, or a retreat from anti-racism. As discussed above, the focus on
direct contact and informal, experiential activity can be seen as an implicit critique of the
assumptions and operations of anti-racism (Hewitt, 1996;CRE, 1999), but where does
that leave the continuing
need to expose and challenge racial prejudice and
discrimination?
Salma, a Pakistani-origin qualified part-time OYS worker, has experienced racist abuse from
young people during her work in white areas, and is critical of the unwillingness of some
workers to face racism head-on:
I w o u ld s a y th a t w o r k d o e s n 't
te n d to to u c h o n a n ti-r a c is m b e c a u s e th e r e m ig h t b e
a
ta b o o o n th a t, 'D o n 't ta lk a b o u t th a t w o r d b e c a u s e it w ill b r in g tr o u b le ' ... I w o u ld s a y
th a t c o h e s io n
is a n e a s y o p tio n
b e c a u s e yo u c a n g e t n e g a tive s a n d p o s itive s o u t o f it,
b u t w h e n yo u ta lk a b o u t r a c is m , yo u d o g e t
a
lo t o f h a tr e d a n d
a
lo t o f n e g a tivity o u t o f
it, b u t th e n it n e e d s to b e ta lke d a b o u t.
Imran, a qualified Pakistani-origin worker from the voluntary sector feels that:
It's
(community
cohes·lon) p u t r a c e e q u a l i t y o n t h e b a c k b u r n e r i n t h i s t o w n .
This suggests that community
cohesion allows and enables, at least some people to focus
on wider social/economic issues, rather than racism and the stark racial/ethnic segregation
at the heart of the 2001 Old ham disturbances. Such a concern was also shared by a number
of white-origin
workers.
For many respondents this concern is rooted in the lack of confidence in the skills and
orientation
of the (mainly part-time) youth work workforce to ensure anti-racist approaches
continue under the broader community
full-time
cohesion remit. Some qualified and experienced
respondents were confident of this continuity, whilst for others the failure to
continue use of the language and profile of 'anti-racism'
retrograde step. Deborah, the white-origin
and 'race equality' is a worrying,
qualified, OYS participation
co-ordinator, has
experience of challenging racism in white areas, and is not convinced that many youth
workers have the skills to challenge racism:
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The Impact of 'Community
Cohesion' on Youth Work: A case study from Old ham
of t r a i n i n g i s n o t a s i n - d e p t h ,
I'd s a y n o , e s p e c ia lly th e p a r t-tim e w o r ke r s , b e c a u s e th e le ve l
a l o t of p e o p l e h a v e fe a r of r e a l l y e x p l o r i n g i s s u e s of r a c i s m a n d v a l u e s , b e c a u s e t h e y a r e
a l m o s t fr i g h t e n e d
need
to
to
s a y, 'I d o n 't u n d e r s ta n d , I d o n 't g e t it'. F o r s o m e , th is illu s tr a te s th e
c o n t i n u e fo c u s s i n g o n r a c i s m , b u t i t c a n a l s o b e s e e n a s fu r t h e r e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e
la n g u a g e a n d a s s u m p tio n s
of a n t i - r a c i s m a r e p r o b l e m a t i c (Hewitt, 1996;Thomas,2002)
P o s itiv e o u tc o m e s : A m o d a l s h ift in y o u th
w o rk
The problems and limitations discussed above are real and continuing,
p r a c tic e
but all respondents
agreed that community cohesion has both identified the reality of ethnic segregation in
Oldham and enabled a significant shift in the practice and assumptions of youth workers
in the town. Despite the concerns over superficial one-offs, the shared understanding
of community cohesion as 'meaningful
direct contact' has enabled the development of
determined and purposeful youth work programmes that bring young people of different
backgrounds together. Alex, as Youth Service PYO, praises the way youth work staff
have responded to the challenges, and implicit criticism of past professional practice, of
community cohesion:
The a pproa ch
of s t a ff to i n c l u d i n g c o m m u n i t y c o h e s i o n a s a p r i n c i p l e of p r o fe s s i o n a l
p r a c tic e h a s b e e n p h e n o m e n a l,
h a lve s , w e 'r e g o in g
p e o p le
its b e e n
th e a p p r o a c h
of ' w e ' r e n o t g o i n g to d o i t b y
to d o i t a s w e l l a s we c a n ' , a n d I ' v e n e v e r w o r k e d w i t h a g r o u p of
l i k e t h e s e b e fo r e .
The research process has highlighted
that this positive response of youth workers is at least
in part due to the leadership, a role distinct from that of 'management'
as it is traditionally
understood in the public sector, of Alex herself. June, an African-Caribbean
origin,
qualified
OYS Officer comments that:
It's p r o b a b ly A le x h e r s e lf a s a n in d ivid u a l w h o 's r e a lly p u s h in g
s o m u c h d r ive a n d e n e r g y, a n d s o m u c h p o s itivity, s h e w o n 't
fo r t h i s . I t h i n k s h e ' s g o t
tu r n u p a n o p p o r tu n ity, s h e
n e ve r m is s e s a n yth in g .
Converting this leadership into effective practice at all levels of the Youth Service is inevitably
problematic, but it is clear that Alex's leadership has succeeded because the concept of
community cohesion resonates positively with youth workers. The focus on association
(Ministry of Education, 1960), experiential/informal
learning (Smith, 1982) and 'fun' (which
has been adopted as an official Principle of Practice by OYS) that are central to community
cohesion, plays to the strengths and beliefs of youth workers; in many ways, this work,
and the forms of delivery used, such as residential experiences, youth centre-twinning
programmes, and 'events' represent traditional forms of youth work practice (Davies, 2005).
This is underpinned by the autonomy and agency (Greener, 2002) given to youth workers by
the forms of delivery and the approach to them taken by managers such as Alex:
W h a t I tr y a n d d o h e r e is c r e a te
in n o va tive b y n o t p r o vid in g th e m
a
c u ltu r e th a t a c tu a lly r e q u ir e s p e o p le
w ith th e s te p -b y-s te p
'h o w
to
th a t is q u ite d e lib e r a te .
55
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& P o lic y
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Autumn
2006
to
b e c r e a tive a n d
d o it' g u id e lin e s ~ a n d
The Impact of 'Community
Cohesion' on Youth Work: A case study from Old ham
I'd s a y n o , e s p e c ia lly th e p a rt-tim e
a
w o rk e rs , b e c a u s e th e le v e l o f tra in in g is n o t a s in -d e p th ,
lo t o f p e o p le h a v e fe a r o f re a lly e x p lo rin g is s u e s o f ra c is m a n d v a lu e s , b e c a u s e th e y a re
a lm o s t frig h te n e d
to s a y , 'I d o n 't u n d e rs ta n d , I d o n 't g e t it'. F o r s o m e , th is illu s tra te s th e
n e e d to c o n tin u e fo c u s s in g o n ra c is m , b u t it c a n a ls o b e s e e n a s fu rth e r e v id e n c e th a t th e
la n g u a g e a n d a s s u m p tio n s o f a n ti-ra c is m a re p ro b le m a tic
(Hewitt, 1996;Thomas,2002)
P o s itiv e o u tc o m e s : A m o d a l s h ift in y o u th
w o rk
The problems and limitations discussed a b o v e are real and continuing,
p r a c tic e
but all respondents
agreed that community cohesion has both identified the reality of ethnic segregation in
Oldham and enabled a significant shift in the practice and assumptions of youth workers
in the town. Despite the concerns o v e r superficial one-offs, the shared understanding
of community cohesion as 'meaningful
direct contact' has enabled the development of
determined and purposeful youth work programmes that bring young people of different
backgrounds together. Alex, as Youth Service PYO, praises the way youth work staff
h a v e responded to the challenges, and implicit criticism of past professional practice, of
community cohesion:
T h e a p p ro a c h o f s ta ff to in c lu d in g
p ra c tic e h a s b e e n p h e n o m e n a l,
c o m m u n ity
c o h e s io n a s
its b e e n th e a p p ro a c h
h a lv e s , w e 're g o in g to d o it a s w e ll a s
we
a
p rin c ip le
o f 'w e 're
o f p ro fe s s io n a l
n o t g o in g to d o it b y
c a n ', a n d I'v e n e v e r w o rk e d
w ith
a
g ro u p
of
p e o p le lik e th e s e b e fo re .
The research process has highlighted
that this positive response of youth workers is at least
in part due to the leadership, a role distinct from that of 'management'
as it is traditionally
understood in the public sector, of Alex herself. June, an African-Caribbean
origin,
qualified
OYS Officer comments that:
It's p ro b a b ly A le x h e rs e lf a s a n in d iv id u a l w h o 's re a lly p u s h in g
s o m u c h d riv e a n d e n e rg y , a n d s o m u c h p o s itiv ity , s h e w o n 't
fo r th is . I th in k s h e 's g o t
tu rn u p a n o p p o rtu n ity ,
she
n e v e r m is s e s a n y th in g .
Converting this leadership into e ffe c tiv e
practice at all levels of the Youth Service is inevitably
problematic, but it is clear that Alex's leadership has succeeded because the concept of
community cohesion resonates positively with youth workers. The focus on association
(Ministry of Education, 1960), experiential/informal
learning (Smith, 1982) and 'fun' (which
has been adopted as an official Principle of Practice by OYS) that are central to community
cohesion, plays to the strengths and beliefs of youth workers; in many ways, this work,
and the forms of delivery used, such as residential experiences, youth centre-twinning
programmes, and 'events' represent traditional forms of youth work practice (Davies, 2005).
This is underpinned by the autonomy and agency (Greener, 2002) given to youth workers by
the forms of delivery and the approach to them taken by managers such as Alex:
W h a t I try a n d d o h e re is c re a te
in n o v a tiv e b y n o t p ro v id in g
a
c u ltu re th a t a c tu a lly re q u ire s p e o p le
th e m w ith th e s te p -b y -s te p
'h o w
th a t is q u ite d e lib e ra te .
55
Y o u th
& P o lic y
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I Autumn 2006
TheImpactof 'CommunityCohesion'on YouthWork:A casestudyfrom Oldham
This focus on agency, the trusting of youth work staff to find ways of achieving agreed
Youth Work goals, is central to the approach taken to community cohesion, with the
prominence of the concept encouraging responses from workers, as Louise , a white-origin,
qualified OYS Area Manager, highlights:
If yo u 've
g o t it (c o m m u n ity c o h e s io n ) th e r e , th e n yo u 'r e th in kin g a b o u t d o in g jo in t
a c tivitie s , yo u 'r e
g e ttin g
p e o p le
to g e th e r . ..
we u s e t h e w o r d l o a d s n o w , a n d I t h i n k i t
d o e s h e lp .
This approach of agency, and the confidence and enthusiasm around community cohesion
is in stark contrast to the approach and effects of anti-racism, as it has been understood by
youth workers, and other welfare practitioners (CRE, 1999; Thomas, 2002).Michael
reflects
this:
I th in k a n ti- r a c is m . .. a u to m a tic a lly h a s q u ite
s o m e th in g ,
yo u 'r e
a
n e g a t i v e s p i n - o ff, b e c a u s e i t ' s a n t i -
im m e d ia te ly c h a lle n g in g p e o p le 's
Clearly there is a continuing
vie w s .
need to identify and challenge racism, particularly in a tense
and divided town like Old ham, but there also needs to be recognition that anti-racism as it
has been understood by youth workers, has not led to enthused and confident practitioners
on this issue. Community cohesion, with its focus on traditional forms of youth work, has
clearly engendered confidence and enthusiasm in the Old ham situation, no mean feat after
the traumatic events of May 2001, and the resulting criticism of youth work's contribution
(Ritchie, 2001). The unresolved challenge now for youth work agencies in the town is how
to ensure a clear focus on and challenge to racism by youth workers at all levels, within the
broad concept of community
cohesion. Deborah uses the example of a successful piece of
youth work with white and Asian young women to illustrate the need to integrate antiracism and community
cohesion:
It h a d to b e b o th . It h a d to b e w o r k w ith in th e ir o w n c o m m u n ity,
to in te g r a te a n d m ix w ith o th e r s , like th e yo u n g
wom en
m e w ho spent
wom en
b a c kg r o u n d s,
th r e e h o u r s ta lkin g to th e yo u n g
t a l k i n g a b o u t t h e s a m e t h i n g s , b u t fr o m
'I d id n 't kn o w yo u th o u g h t
com m on
a n d th e o p p o r tu n ity
w h o d id th e d r a m a p r o je c t w ith
fr o m P a k i s t a n i a n d B a n g l a d e s h i
a
d i ffe r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e , s a y i n g ,
t h a t ' . . . r e a l l y d a ft t h i n g s a n d fi n d i n g o u t t h e r e w a s m o r e i n
a n d t h a t e v e n t h e d i ffe r e n c e s t h e y t h o u g h t
w e r e th e r e , w e r e n 't,
th e y w e r e
d i ffe r e n t d i ffe r e n c e s !
Even with the major focus on community
recognition
cohesion within Oldham Youth Service, there is a
of the need to integrate the challenge of anti-racism, with the positive 'direct
contact' of community
cohesion. Mary, Assistant Head of Service, comments of community
cohesion that:
It h a s w o r ke d , s o I'm o k w ith it, b u t m a yb e , ye s , it is
c o m fo r t a b l e . . . B u t i t h a s w o r k e d
a
little b it to o tw e e , to o
fo r u s , s o I d o n ' t k n o w .
56
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C o n c lu s io n
In my view, 'community
cohesion' has meaning and relevance for youth workers in
Old ham, and has 'worked' for their youth work agencies. Within Old ham Youth Service,
and within individual voluntary sector agencies, the concept has facilitated a modal shift
in the priorities and assumptions of professional youth work practice, enabling agencies to
address problems of the town, and the failings and limitations of youth work practice in
the past. Community cohesion youth work, as operationalised
in Old ham, is bringing about
forms of practice that play to the historic strengths of youth work and of youth workers,
so explaining the marked enthusiasm and self-confidence of youth workers around this
work, something in stark contrast to their views, and those of youth workers nationally, on
'anti-racism'. The notes of caution discussed above are important
here, but for the majority
of youth workers this is not a rejection of the need to focus on, and clearly challenge
racism and all forms of discrimination,
but a recognition that the practice formations
and assumptions flowing from 'anti-racism'
have been limited ,and sometimes counter-
productive. Much needs to be done to ensure that 'meaningful'
direct contact takes place
that is grounded on a recognition of racism, but the problems and limitations underpinning
this are generic to the staffing and training of the youth work profession.
Youth Work practice focussed on 'meaningful
direct contact' across ethnic boundaries,
delivered through experiential and association-based methods, may not be immediately
possible in monocultural
areas (although how about 'twinning'
between different Local
Authority Youth Services?), but it is possible in many areas, as Rafiq highlights:
In to w n s
like th is , a n d
yo u
out
s te p
in in n e r c ity a r e a s ... th a t p o s itiv e
of t h e c o m m u n i t y
th a t yo u
in te r a c tio n
is p o s s ib le
a s soon
as
live in .
Community cohesion has also worked externally for Old ham Youth Service, with the wider
Local Authority seeing them as a lead body on this issues in relation to young people, and
recognition nationally by OFSTEDof their 'good practice' (OFSTED,2004). Voluntary sector
agencies such as Peacemaker have also rightly received recognition (Home Office,2003;
Cantle,2004). At a time of profound structural and policy changes, this experience suggests
the possibility of a distinctive and positive role for youth work providers nationally in
promoting
cohesion and dialogue amongst young people. In Old ham, this has been made
possible in both sectors by 'leadership' on the issues by managers who have kept youth
work's historic values in mind, and who have 'mainstreamed'
anti-racism and 'community
cohesion' together within imaginative youth work programmes. Measuring the impact
on young peoples' attitudes and behaviour of youth work interventions
has always been
problematic, and further research is needed in Old ham to evaluate what has come from
these revised youth work approaches, but the professional judgements offered here by
youth workers are encouraging.
R e fe r e n c e s
Alexander (2004) 'Imagining
riots":
the Asian Gang: Ethnicity, Masculinity and Youth after "the
C r itic a l S o c ia l P o lic y,
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TheImpactof 'CommunityCohesion'on YouthWork:A casestudyfrom Oldham
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Autumn
2006
The Impact of 'Community
Cohesion' on Youth Work: A case study from Old ham
Thomas, P (2003) 'Young people, Community cohesion, and the role of youth work in
building Social Capital', Y o u th a n d P o lic y , Issue 81, pp21-43
Thomas,P (forthcoming)
Y o u th W o rk e rs a s a g e n ts o f c o m m u n ity
c o h e s io n
Worley, C. (2005) , "It's not about Race, it's about the community":
community
cohesion', C ritic a l S o c ia l P o lic y Vol.25 (4) pp 483-496
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Y o u th & P o lic y
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Number 93
I
Autumn
2006
New Labour and