Honouring the Memory of our Ancestors;
Birch Bark Baskets
Faith Decontie
HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS;
BIRCH BARK BASKETS
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
Managing Editor
Dr. Anne Trépanier
Desktop publishing
Shermeen Nizami
Proofreading and final edit
Emma Gooch and Ryan Lux
Editorial Board
Dr. Daniel MacFarlane, Amanda Murphy, Sarah Spear, Ryan Lux, Greer, Jessica Helps, Martha
Attridge Bufton, Paula Chinkiwsky, Sarah Baker, Heather Leroux, Victoria Ellis, Stephanie Elliot,
Emma Gooch, Cassandra Joyce, Brittany Collier, Tiffany Douglas, Anne Trépanier.
Guest Editor
Dr. Daniel MacFarlane
Special thanks
Patrick Lyons and Andrew Barrett
Copyright Notice
© Faith Decontie, April 2014
All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy, or transmission of this publication, or part thereof in
excess of one paragraph (other than as a PDF file at the discretion of School of Canadian Studies at
Carleton University) may be made without the written permission of the author. To quote this article
refer to: ― Faith Decontie, Honouring the Memory of our Ancestors; Birch Bark Baskets, Capstone Seminar
Series, (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, number 1, Spring 2014, page
number and date of accession to this website: http://capstoneseminarseries.wordpress.com
2 FAITH DECONTIE
Honouring the Memory of our Ancestors;
Birch Bark Baskets
Faith Decontie
ABSTRACT
The cultural practice of Algonquin birch bark basket making is a continuing distinct
method of connecting to their ancestors. In the Algonquin reserve of Kitigan Zibi,
birch bark baskets are a way of both honouring their ancestors and passing down
traditional valuable teachings of Anishnabe culture. The once practiced assimilation
policies in Section 3 of An Act Further to Amend The Indian Act, 1880, to ban First
Nation ceremonial practices within Canada, is one example that demonstrates
unsettling historical relationships between Indigenous people and the Canadian
Government. As a result of the Canadian Government assimilation policies of
banning ceremonial practices, the disconnection between Indigenous people and
Canadians are apparent through public spaces such as the Canadian Museum of
History in the Canada Hall. The presence of Algonquin birch bark baskets in the
Canada Hall would reflect a potential positive relationship between Canadians and the
First People of this land.
KEYWORDS
Anishnabe Cultural Practices, Unsettling Historical Relationships, Canada Hall
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
3 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS;
BIRCH BARK BASKETS
"May we, the present, renew that pride,
strengthen it, and pass it on to our children,
the future"
- Ernest McGregor
Figure 1:Photograph courtesy of Kitigan Zibi Culture Center.
In the present, Anishnabe (Algonquin) people of Kitigan Zibi have and
continue to practice their cultural traditions in honour of their ancestors. Prior to
European influence the Algonquin people maintained a distinct cultural knowledge,
life lessons and language through animated objects such as birch bark baskets despite
European influence. In contemporary society, the people of Kitigan Zibi continue to
make birch bark baskets in honour of their ancestors. The process of creating the
baskets is attached with a deeply spiritual significance within Anishnabe culture.
Within this paper I intend to explain the diverse values birch bark baskets continue to
have in Algonquin culture drawing on both Indigenous academic scholars, and
relating individual experiences shared from Kitigan Zibi reserve. First, I will discuss
the importance of trees within Indigenous culture, concentrating on how the trees are
valued within Algonquin practices. Second, I explore the importance of understanding
4 FAITH DECONTIE
the reason Algonquin people today continue to make baskets in honour and memory
of their ancestors. Finally, I will explore the reasons why Algonquin birch bark
baskets should have a place within the Canada Hall, at the Canadian Museum of
History. I demonstrate how a birch bark basket collection has potential to reflect a
positive relationship between Indigenous and Canadian culture.
Sacred Trees
Birch bark trees are fundamentally important within traditional and modern
Algonquin cultural practices. In Kitigan Zibi, baskets made from trees have many
different purposes such as: food storage, trading, and methods of retaining cultural
knowledge.1 The baskets are created to continue on Anishnabe (Algonquin) legacy
and adapted for commodity purposes as a means of living. In the area of Kitigan Zibi,
there are two types of birch bark trees; the first is the wigwas (white birch) and winsik
(yellow birch).2My kokom (grandmother), Pauline Decontie, once shared a story with
me explaining how the yellow birch tree is a medicinal remedy for an upset stomach.
The elders today who still use the yellow birch as a medicinal remedy express in
comical ways how it tastes slightly similar to Pepto-Bismol. My kokom also explained
how wigwas, the white birch bark tree, has multiple purposes. The outside layer is
used to make various items such as: baskets, canoes, and sap. The various medicinal
and creative cultural products previously stated are some examples of why the birch
bark tree has continued to have great significance within the Algonquin culture.
Trees continue to be symbolically and physically important within different
Indigenous spiritual cultural practices in North America. Dr. A.C Ross's book,
Mitakuye Oyasin, discusses the sacred character of trees among other international
1
Decontie, Pauline. Personal Interview. 14 Feb. 2014.
McGregor, Ernest, and Québec Maniwaki.Algonquin Lexicon. Third Edition ed. Maniwaki,
Québec: The Authority, 1984.Pg 29
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
2
5 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS;
BIRCH BARK BASKETS
Indigenous cultures. For instance, he explains how they symbolically and physically
bring healing to the people. Ross further elaborates on the flowering tree in Black
Elk's vision (a Lakota medicine man) that symbolized Wakan Tanka in the English
language means the equivalent to God.3Ross explains how Lakota, Dakota and
Nakota cultures all collectively practice Sun Dance ceremonies. The Sun Dances
continue to be a very important spiritual ceremony that is still practiced amongst
Dakota, Lakota and Nakota people. Ross describes, "the sacred tree in the center of
the Sun Dance is a symbol of God, and the Sun Dance circle represents the
universe".4 Ross’ interpretation of Black Elk's vision of the flowering tree is important
because it explains the role that trees have within Dakota, Lakota and Nakota culture.
In Algonquin culture, birch bark trees are sacred and are internalized as animated
spirits that are viewed as equal to animals and human beings. Through an Algonquin
lens, birch bark trees symbolically represent a reflection of the people. Simply, how
one takes care of the environment is a reflection of how you take care of yourself.
Methodology
In Algonquin culture, symbolism remains vital. Rebecca and Philip Stein note
how “[s]ymbols can stand for emotions and complex philosophical concepts that exist
only in our minds.”5Ross mentions how in "Dakota/Lakota philosophy, it is believed
that Wakan Tanka is the center of the universe, symbolized by the sacred tree in the
middle of the Sun Dance circle".6 Mrs. Meness, an elder from Kitigan Zibi, once
shared a story with me about how at every meal during her childhood, her father
would spill the first sip of soup, or give the first bite of his meal to the trees outside
their shack. The first spoon of soup or bite of a meal was given back into the earth to
3
Ross, A. C.Mitakuye Oyasin = We Are All Related. Centennial ed. Ft. Yates, N.D.: Bear, 1989. Pg 107.
Ross, A. C.Mitakuye Oyasin = We Are All Related. Centennial ed. Ft. Yates, N.D.: Bear, 1989. Pg 107.
5
Stein, Rebecca L., and Philip L. Stein.The Anthropology of Religion, Magic, and Witchcraft. 3rd ed. Upper
Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2011.Pg 57.
6
Ross, A. C.Mitakuye Oyasin = We Are All Related. Centennial ed. Ft. Yates, N.D.: Bear, 1989. Pg 123.
4
6 FAITH DECONTIE
the roots of the trees. That intentional interaction of sharing with the spirit world and
other spiritual organisms represents the equal respect shared amongst one another.
The notion of equality amongst living organisms and human beings are reflected back
in understanding the importance of trees. Elder Meness explained that her father
giving the first bite or sip of his food was a daily spiritual practice, one that was
learned and passed down generations before him. Her story reveals the value that
trees have in connecting Algonquin people to their ancestors. Birch bark trees are
viewed as sacred because they are spiritual animated organisms that cleanse the air,
assist in healing, and supply material for medicine and food. Birch bark trees remain a
crucial part of Algonquin identity because their presence keeps their spirits connected
to the spirits world.
Symbolic images have always been instrumental in continuing on stories,
teachings, moral lessons, and cultural legacies. Stein explains how symbols are
complex and more than just simple objects7 they are also artistic representations,
signifiers, and a respective religious systems.8 In Algonquin culture, the images on
birch bark baskets have become a method of continuing shared cultural knowledge.
Some of these symbols include wave figures and half circles which represent the
moon and water. In Algonquin and Midewiwin (Anishnabe spiritual society) beliefs,
women are the keepers of the water. Women are responsible for cleansing the water
each spring to prepare for new life to come. The wave figures and half circles are
drawn on baskets represent different meanings, depending on the context in which it
was created. Within a Midewiwin context, females who make birch bark baskets draw
the waves and half circles as an artistic representation of their experience during the
7
Stein, Rebecca L., and Philip L. Stein.The Anthropology of Religion, Magic, and Witchcraft. 3rd ed. Upper
Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2011.Pg 57.
8
Stein, Rebecca L., and Philip L. Stein.The Anthropology of Religion, Magic, and Witchcraft. 3rd ed.
Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2011.Pg 57-62.
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
7 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS;
BIRCH BARK BASKETS
berry fast. The artwork becomes an expression of their experience and a story is
shared during their coming out ceremony.
Anishnabe Cultural Practices
In Kim Anderson’s Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story
Medicine, Anderson shares her interpretation of Anishnabe life cycle teachings. She
explains how the health and well-being of the individual is dependent on how she or
he fulfills his or her life stage roles and responsibilities.9Anderson elaborates on the
Midewiwin view and how in seven stages, they define roles and responsibilities. The
seven stages are: infancy "the spirit life"; childhood "the good life"; youth "fast life";
young adulthood "doing life"; middle adulthood "planning life"; mature adulthood
"doing life"; and elder years "elder life".10 Depending on the knowledge keeper, the
teachings of the life stages are shared from the elders who are responsible for holding
the teachings they have learned from both passed down stories and life experience.
Anderson explains the framework of the roles and responsibilities within the seven
stages of Midewiwin culture to explain how memories, teachings and medicine stories
are passed down through the different cycles. She elaborates on how the transition to
each stage of life was followed by specific protocols and guidelines. As an example,
through the Midewiwin lens, a young girl transitioning from the good life to the fast
life would fast for a year. Fasting does not always mean not eating for long periods of
time, but rather disciplining oneself from certain things in for specific reasons.
In Kitigan Zibi, for the families who continue Midewiwin spiritual practices,
the berry fast is one of the most sacred ceremonies that honours women as the life
giving force within their culture. The berry fast is a ceremony for young girls, who
after experiencing their first moon cycle (menstrual cycle), choose to fast for berries
9
Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine.Winnipeg:
University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 4.
10
Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine.Winnipeg:
University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 9.
8 FAITH DECONTIE
for four seasons with the encouragement and teachings from their grandmothers. In
most First Nations cultures, there are different variations of fasting; Anderson
explains that fasting is the most common practice among the people.11 The berry fast
duration is a full year (four seasons). A young girl lives a strict disciplined lifestyle to
role model herself after Mother Earth, to prepare to be like her when she is a woman
giving life in the future. There are a number of things they cannot do with the
understanding that they are contributing to strengthening future life creation such as:
eat any type of berries (even artificial flavouring) to give up the indulgence of the
sweetness of the life blood of the earth to strengthen future life creation; hold
newborns to strengthen the unborn yet to come (babies who haven't had their
walking out ceremony); and consume recreational substances such as drugs or alcohol
or any other substances that may be damaging to the body. What they can practice
within the year, as Anderson phrased, was to "focus on industry, self-reliance, selfrestraint, and connection to the spirit".12 The berry fast is not viewed as a list of things
one cannot participate in, but as an honourable spiritual calling, a life stage journey. It
is an honourable stage of life to enter because it signifies preparation to strengthen all
of life creations and the ability to prepare the body for the gift of giving life. It is also
a time for young girls to begin learning important lessons such as giving and receiving,
and the different spiritual meanings of life, including passed down oral teachings of
their ancestors. The choice the young girls make in giving up the berries for all of life
creations and future generations remains important in continuing on Anishnabe
culture. The personal experiences and teachings they have learned throughout the year
are reflected within the baskets as shown below.
11
Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg:
University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 85.
12
Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg:
University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 87.
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
9 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS;
BIRCH BARK BASKETS
Figure 2: Photo courtesy from Edmund Decontie.
An example of Anishnabe Midewiwin basket design.
Anderson explains that after a girl experiences her first menstrual cycle, they
spend the year in seclusion sewing, handiwork, preparing hides and chopping wood.13
In Kitigan Zibi, one of the activities practiced was for the grandmothers to assist in
helping guide the young girl during her berry fast. The grandmothers would take the
girl out on the land during the winter/spring season to gather birch bark from the
wigwas (white birch) tree while it still had the tanned winter coat. The reason the girl
would take the winter coat off the birch bark tree was to make designs on the tanned
birch bark when she makes her baskets. The photograph shown below is an example
of what the process looks like while stripping a layer off of the birch bark tree.
13
Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg:
University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 87.
10 FAITH DECONTIE
Figure 3: Photograph courtesy of Kitigan Zibi Culture Center. Peeling the birch bark tree.
When a young girl is on her moon cycle, she has a powerful energy. Anderson
mentions how the girls’ presence was considered strong enough to kill the spiritual
energy of living organisms.14 This notion is the reason for why birch bark picking is
only done before or after a young women’s moon cycle. The point Anderson argues
concerning the moon cycle might be misinterpreted as threatening or aggressive to
some. I argue that during a young women’s time, they have to be careful with their
energy because they are givers of life and keepers of water - both gifts that are vital to
the continuation of life.
In the present, the berry fast ceremony continues to be considered a time for
learning, experiencing spiritual enlightenment, building commitment and learning how
to discipline one self.15 One of the main responsibilities for a young girl is to gather
berries to feed the people at the end of the coming out ceremony. Within Kitigan
Zibi, the birch bark baskets were created in the spring and shaped to form to the
different types of berries collected during the season. The baskets created within the
14
Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg:
University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 86.
15
Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg:
University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 87
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
11 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS;
BIRCH BARK BASKETS
spring were carefully created to form the size and shape of the strawberries,
raspberries, blackberries and blueberries. In the Algonquin language, the berries are
roughly translated to conform to the English language. For example, in the Algonquin
culture, there is no such word for strawberry because the word never existed. A rough
translation for strawberry in the Algonquin language is described as something that is
sweet and looks like a heart, in short, odemin. Back in the day, the baskets were created
depending on the amount of berries the young girl wanted to collect for her coming
out feast. While she is picking the berries, the young girl is not allowed to taste one or
save a portion for herself. The berries that are handed out after the coming out
ceremony represent the sacrifice the young girl made for the people. In Anderson's
literature, she notes that fasting remains "important because it [is] a reminder of the
tenuous nature of everyone's survival and the necessity of establishing good
relationships with animals and the food they provided".16
Figure1.2: Photograph courtesy of Faith Decontie
Anishnabe berry picking basket made by Daniel Smith.
In present society, Algonquin culture continues to be practiced with many
different types of ceremonies conducted for the different stages of life, genders and
16
Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg:
University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 85.
12 FAITH DECONTIE
healing practices. The birch bark baskets are created and customized for specific
ceremonies such as, vision quest, death, and giving life. Birch bark baskets were not
only created just for ceremonies; the baskets also held other purposes within the daily
lives of the Algonquin people.
Unsettling Historical Relationships
In her book Colonialism/Postcolonialism, Ania Loomba discusses the relationship
between colonialism and knowledge, especially the reshaping of the existing structures
of human knowledge.17Loomba explains how colonial discourse analysis “allows us to
see how power works through language, literature, culture and the institutions which
regulate our daily lives”.18 It is important to acknowledge that, for a significant
amount of time, during the late 1800’s, the Canadian Government banned any type of
First Nation cultural practices.19 The Government policies and legislation within the
Indian Act banned ceremonial practices within Canada. Anyone caught breaking the
law by practicing their ancestral traditional ceremonies were severely punished. In Eva
Mackey’s House of Difference, she explains that during the eighteenth and early twentieth
centuries the Canadian Government "attempted to ban the making of Totem poles,
potlatch, dancing and other ceremonies."20Adding to this, Moss and Gardner-O’Toole
review Section 3 of An Act Further to Amend The Indian Act, 1880, it clearly stated
“[e]very Indian or other person who engages in or assists in celebrating the Indian
festival known as the "Potlatch" or in the Indian dance known as the "Tamanawas" is
17
Loomba, Ania. Colonialism/Postcolonialism. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2005. Pg. 53.
Loomba, Ania. Colonialism/Postcolonialism. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2005. P.g. 45.
19
Moss, Wendy , and Elaine Gardner-O'Toole. "Aboriginal People: History Of Discriminatory
Laws." Aboriginal People: History Of Discriminatory Laws. Wendy Moss, Elaine Gardner-O'Toole, Law
and Government Division, n.d. Web.6 Mar. 2014. <http://publications.gc.ca/CollectionR/LoPBdP/BP/bp175-e.htm#(58)txt>.
20
Mackey, Eva. The House of Difference: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Canada. London:
Routledge, 1999. Pg 36.
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
18
13 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS;
BIRCH BARK BASKETS
guilty of a misdemeanour and shall be liable to imprisonment…”21These types of
Canadian Government legislations and policies demonstrate the complicated historical
relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people within Canada.22
During the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, there began to be an
interest among the British and US societies to attract tourist to the Rocky Mountains
to view the "wild Indians."23 This conflicting notion of banning ceremonies, and
advertising the Indians as a commodity for economic gain, reflects the historical
relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. Mackey, Moss and
Gardner-O’Toole each discuss important connotations and legislations concerning
ceremonial practices of the Indigenous nations within Canada. Their written work
also engages in an underlying discussion of authority, ownership and entitlement
concerning cultural practices. The political and legal struggle over authority,
ownership and entitlement over cultural practices and products continues to be a
heated debate within anthropology.
Anthropologists John and Jean Comaroff’s book Ethnicity Inc, discusses the
increasing trend for international Indigenous Nations to improve their image to move
up on the economical brand index by acting as commercial enterprises.24 The
commodification of human ethnic identity, in other words, encompassed the
increasing trend of people marketing their ethnic identity.25 They argue how a growing
phenomenon of people are selling their culture in diverse ways, every product created
21
Moss, Wendy , and Elaine Gardner-O'Toole. "Aboriginal People: History Of Discriminatory
Laws." Aboriginal People: History Of Discriminatory Laws. Wendy Moss, Elaine Gardner-O'Toole, Law
and Government Division, n.d. Web.6 Mar. 2014. <http://publications.gc.ca/CollectionR/LoPBdP/BP/bp175-e.htm#(58)txt>.
22
Chappell, Rosalie. Social Welfare in Canadian Society. 4th ed. Toronto: Nelson Education, 2010.Pg
319-320.
23
Mackey, Eva. The House of Difference: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Canada. London:
Routledge, 1999. Pg 36.
24
Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff.Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.
Pg15-18.
25
BBC UK. "Thinking Allowed." BBC News. BBC, 2 Mar. 2010. Web. 17 Mar. 2014.
<http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00qcjwn>.
14 FAITH DECONTIE
is becoming protected underneath Federal laws.26 In forms of tourism, this notion of
“Ethnicity Inc” has become apparent within the international tourist industry. The
Comaroffs argued in some instances how the phenomenon of cultural revitalization,
re-identification, and commodity of cultural products challenges notions of static
authentic identity that has been imposed by others.27 The notions of static unchanging
cultures are challenged within an economical beneficial context. They discuss double
sided story of the ups and downs of the complexities concerning a sub national
notion of authentic identity.28 John and Jean Comaroff’s discussion on the growing
phenomenon with Indigenous cultural products competing within the consumer
market establishes questions concerning authority and representation.29
The debate concerning commodification of cultural products remains crucial in
understanding how anthropologists and non-Indigenous people articulate current
Indigenous transactions. The Comaroffs concluded the concept of Ethnicity Inc in
how it identity economy feeds and exiles the "authentic."30They essentially discuss the
significance of “Ethnicity Inc” in how it symbolically represents a pan-Indigenous
cultural identity. “Ethnicity Inc” is about Indigenous people adapting their culture
into the consumer economy for a means of survival.31In relation to Algonquin birch
bark baskets, Daniel Smith, an elder from Kitigan Zibi, has stated in a birch bark
making basket workshop conducted at Carleton University that "baskets were made to
26
Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff.Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
2009.Pg 61.
27
Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff.Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.
Pg 63.
28
BBC UK. "Thinking Allowed." BBC News. BBC, 2 Mar. 2010. Web. 17 Mar. 2014.
<http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00qcjwn>.
29
BBC UK. "Thinking Allowed." BBC News. BBC, 2 Mar. 2010. Web. 17 Mar. 2014.
<http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00qcjwn>.
30
Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff.Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.
Pg 140.
31
Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff.Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.
Pg 150.
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
15 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS;
BIRCH BARK BASKETS
storage food, the designs on the baskets were also created to sell when the settlers
came to this land".32Smith's notion of how the birch bark baskets were created for
storage and consumer products suggests underlying notions of how Algonquin culture
began to adapt to the changes within society. In terms of reflecting on the historical
relationship between Indigenous and Canadian settlers, the adaptation of the changing
times has forced Indigenous people to compete with modernity as a means of
survival. The observations that the Comaroffs discuss explains how Indigenous
people on an international scale have economically benefited by sharing a part of their
authenticity. The Comaroff’s observation of “Ethnicity Inc” reflects shared
commonality Indigenous people are participating on an international scale. Although
it is not explicitly discussed within Canada, Indigenous people have participated
within this growing phenomenon. Locally, Algonquin birch bark baskets are created
both as a commodity and as a method practiced to honour the memory of their
ancestors. Questions concerning when the participation of Indigenous people began
creating cultural products as a prime means of survival are still left unanswered. The
debate the Comaroffs presented is that the concept of “Ethnicity Inc, is a historical
process in the making, [and that] it manifests itself across a very broad spectrum.”33
In relation to the Comaroffs’ discussion regarding the phenomenon of
“Ethnicity Inc,” cultural practices and products were not always well received by the
Canadian Government. Mackey expresses that during the two World Wars,
assimilation policies were created to disconnect Indigenous people from their cultural
practices. The collecting and “salvaging” of Indigenous artefacts, including the
romanticized notions of the “Indian”, reached its peak.34 The artefacts were then sent
32
Smith, Daniel. "Algonquin Birch Bark Basket Workshop."Algonquin Birch Bark Basket
Workshop.Carleton University. Aboriginal Lounge , Ottawa. 8 Mar. 2014. Speech.
33
Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff.Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.
Pg 149.
34
Mackey, Eva. The House of Difference: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Canada. London:
Routledge, 1999.pg 36.
16 FAITH DECONTIE
to museums both within Canada and internationally. Reflecting on Mackey's
discussion on assimilation and appropriation with the displacement of Indigenous
artefacts, the Canadian Museum of History space reinforces notions of
misinterpretations in representing particular cultures. Specifically, in referring to
Indigenous cultures within the Canada Hall, the limited presence of cultural products
and animated objects symbolically represent missed opportunities that can further
enrich Canadian identity.
In discussing the notion of filling in missing narratives within the Canada Hall,
stressing the idea of limited presence of Indigenous cultures within the Canadian
exhibit. The limited presence of Indigenous animated artefacts within the Canada Hall
is an unfriendly reminder of dark history and on-going inequality amongst the two
social groups; a dark history that is filled with unsettling memories of daily encounters
between White European settlers and Indigenous people. Daniel Francis expresses an
observation of how non-Indigenous people have culturally appropriated Indigenous
characteristics by combining a perception of Indigenous essence and acting out their
(non-Indigenous) own fantasy.35 Francis argues that by appropriating elements of
Indigenous culture, non-Indigenous people have attempted to build a relationship
with the imagined country that "pre-dates their arrival and validates their occupation
of the land."36
Perhaps the reason for little exposure of Indigenous culture within the Canada
Hall is to prove how, in contemporary society, the successful transition of urban
spaces and modern industrialization happened because of the hard labour contributed
by white European pioneers and settlers. This notion remains debateable because it is
35
Francis, Daniel. The Imaginary Indian: the Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture. Vancouver, B.C.:
Arsenal Pulp Press, 1992.Pg 202-203.
36
Francis, Daniel. The Imaginary Indian: the Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture. Vancouver, B.C.:
Arsenal Pulp Press, 1992. Pg 203.
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
17 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS;
BIRCH BARK BASKETS
a representation of historical narratives that have been implemented by white settler
pioneers and Government authority.37 The presence of Algonquin birch bark baskets
within the Canada Hall has the potential to represent a mending space between the
Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. The reason being is that Algonquin people’s
lineage extends centuries prior European contact, when they used to nomadically
roam and occupy the area where the Canadian Museum of History has been
established. The space the museum currently occupies was once filled with families
and people who practiced spiritual ceremonies and birch bark basket making.38 In a
theoretical sense, Algonquin birch bark baskets placed within the Canada Hall will
signify the past and continuation of on-going Anishnabe cultural practices.
*
In conclusion, the spiritual teachings and moral perspectives regarding
Algonquin birch bark baskets, trees and the creative process of the cultural products
can positively contribute in representing a reflection of historical relationships
between Indigenous and Canadian settlers. This notion is not disregarding the actual
encounters of colonialism, assimilation and genocide between the colonizers and
colonized, but rather intentionally challenging the present limited representations of
Indigenous presence within Canadian public spaces that apparently reflects ideas of a
diverse national identity. The presences of Algonquin birch bark baskets have
potential to signify the historical and continual presence of diverse Indigenous
identities within Canadian society. The Algonquin birch bark baskets symbolize a
connection individually and collectively that binds the individual to their ancestors.
37
Mackey, Eva. The House of Difference: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Canada. London:
Routledge, 1999.
38
McGregor, Stephen. Since Time Immemorial: "Our Story": The Story of the Kitigan Zibi Anishinabeg.
Maniwaki, Quebec: KitiganZibi Education Council, 2004. pg 27-28.
18 FAITH DECONTIE
Algonquin birch bark baskets also represent the continual presence of their distinct
cultural practices.
Throughout this paper the discussion of understanding the importance of
Indigenous perspectives regarding respecting the sacredness of trees, cultural products
created from trees and the life stages in connection to the creative process of the
animated objects is crucial in realizing the important value Indigenous and Algonquin
people contribute to Canadian society. Although it is questionable if the
representation of Indigenous cultures has been accurately established within Canadian
spaces such as the Canada Hall, it can be stated that Indigenous cultures such as
Algonquin birch bark baskets fill in a missing narrative within the museum space. The
important question remains, will the limited indigenous presence continue in the
Canada Hall or are we ready to challenge the current notions of historical
relationships often misrepresented within public spaces, such as the Canada hall that
reflects Canadian narratives of a diverse national identity.
As previously stated, the current representation of a joined relationship
between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people is currently a missing narrative
within the museum. This notion is supported by the lack of Indigenous artefacts
represented win the Canada Hall. There are a few artefacts mentioned within the
Prairies, during the Louise Riel era, however, it would benefit the Museum of History
if they had installed a permanent or temporary display of Algonquin birch bark
baskets. The reason being is that the Museum of History permanently resides on the
location of where Algonquin people have occupied the land since time
immemorial.39The space for Algonquin artefacts would not only represent a
reclaiming on a singular cultural identity within the Museum space, but also a stronger
39
McGregor, Stephen. Since Time Immemorial: "Our Story": The Story of the KitiganZibiAnishinabeg.
Maniwaki, Quebec: KitiganZibi Education Council, 2004.
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
19 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS;
BIRCH BARK BASKETS
representation of a new possible relationship between Indigenous and Canadians
within Canada. My kokom frequently explains “it is important to take care of the land
like we take care of our elders”40 because the land will always hold memories of our
ancestors.
Work cited
Primary Sources:
Decontie, Pauline. Personal interview. 14 Feb. 2014.
Smith, Daniel. "Algonquin Birch Bark Basket Workshop." Algonquin Birch Bark
Basket Workshop. Carleton University. Aboriginal Lounge , Ottawa. 8 Mar. 2014.
Speech.
Academic Sources:
Algonquin Lexicon
Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine.
Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Print.
BBC UK. "Thinking Allowed." BBC News. BBC, 2 Mar. 2010. Web. 18 Mar. 2014.
<http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00qcjwn>.
Chappell, Rosalie. Social Welfare in Canadian Society. 4th ed. Toronto: Nelson Education.
2010. Print.
Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff. Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 2009. Print.
Densmore, Frances. Chippewa Customs. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1929. Print.
Loomba, Ania. Colonialism/Postcolonialism. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print.
40
Decontie, Pauline .Personal interview. 14 Feb. 2014. 20 FAITH DECONTIE
Mackey, Eva. The House of Difference: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Canada.
London: Routledge, 1999. Print.
McGregor, Stephen. Since Time Immemorial: "Our Story": The Story of the Kitigan Zibi
Anishinabeg. Maniwaki, Quebec: Kitigan Zibi Education Council, 2004. Print.
Moss, Wendy , and Elaine Gardner-O'Toole. "Aboriginal People: History Of
Discriminatory Laws." Wendy Moss, Elaine Gardner-O'Toole, Law and Government
Division, n.d. Web. 6 Mar. 2014. <http://publications.gc.ca/CollectionR/LoPBdP/BP/bp175-e.htm#(58)txt>.
Ross, A. C.. Mitakuye Oyasin = We Are All Related. Centennial ed. Ft. Yates, N.D.:
Bear, 1989. Print.
Stein, Rebecca L., and Philip L. Stein. The Anthropology of Religion, Magic, and Witchcraft.
3rd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2011. Print.
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of
Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
21