Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Marco Alberio et Diane-Gabrielle Tremblay
Emploi et inégalités sociales :
introduction
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Emploi et inégalités sociales : introduction
Marco Alberio et Diane-Gabrielle Tremblay
Emploi et inégalités sociales : introduction
Introduction
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La crise économique et financière qui a débuté en 2008 a frappé plusieurs pays en Europe
et en Amérique du Nord (États-Unis surtout). Ceci a eu des effets majeurs sur la production
dans plusieurs pays, comme on l’a vu avec la crise sur le marché du travail, le chômage et la
réduction des revenus d’emploi dans nombre de pays.
En Europe comme en Amérique du Nord on a donc assisté au cours des dernières années, à
une augmentation du chômage, de la précarité d’emploi, ainsi que des inégalités salariales.
Les effets ont été particulièrement importants pour les groupes de populations les plus
vulnérables. En même temps, il faut reconnaître que le phénomène des inégalités et
particulièrement celles liées au marché du travail s’inscrivent dans un contexte économique
plus général, que certains associent au monde post-industriel (Mingione 1997, Esping
Andersen 1990).
Dans les dernières années, quelques pays ont mis en place des mesures pour relancer l’emploi,
mais une bonne majorité s’est plutôt orientée vers des mesures de restrictions budgétaires, ce
qui a plutôt empiré les choses dans nombre de pays européens en particulier. Dans certains cas,
en continuité avec le développement de programmes antérieurs à l’intention de populations
considérées comme vulnérables, les gouvernements ont tenté de juguler le taux de chômage
élevé et persistant en stimulant la création d'emplois à bas salaire pour les personnes non
qualifiées afin de les sortir des programmes de soutien traditionnellement associés à l'Étatprovidence. En effet, la plupart des pays ne souhaitent plus offrir ce type de soutien associé
à la période de l’État-Providence et optent plutôt pour des stratégies de réduction de coûts
et d’activation de l’emploi, mais à n’importe quel prix, à savoir que dans certains cas les
chômeurs doivent accepter tout emploi qui leur est offert, même s’il ne correspond pas à leurs
compétences et qu’il est très mal payé, ou présente de mauvaises conditions de travail.
Nombre de pays comme d’entreprises ont ainsi créé des postes de travail de niveau plus
faible, moins protégés et moins rémunérés. Les changements intervenus dans les économies
occidentales, résultant notamment des problèmes de chômage élevé et orienté par des
impératifs de compétitivité, ont ainsi fortement transformé le marché du travail, entraînant une
dégradation de la qualité et de la protection de l’emploi et un accroissement des inégalités
entre les travailleurs. En particulier, comme le montrent de nombreuses études, on observe des
inégalités entre les individus et les groupes selon différents facteurs dont, entre autres, l’âge,
le genre, la nationalité/ethnie, la langue ou le lieu de résidence. En ce qui concerne la variable
« âge », il y a par exemple dans plusieurs pays européens des fractures générationnelles très
fortes entre les adultes et les jeunes, ces derniers devenant de vrais « exclus » du marché
du travail. La situation a généralement été moins grave en Amérique du Nord, mais la
conjoncture dans laquelle se trouvent les États-Unis pourrait fortement aggraver la situation
et les rapprocher de certains pays européens, comme l’Espagne, l’Italie, le Portugal, où les
jeunes sont soit en situation d’emploi précaire, d’exclusion, ou encore quittent massivement
le pays, comme c’est le cas au Portugal, où de nombreux jeunes quittent pour l’Angola, où ils
trouvent davantage d’emplois, mais au prix d’une adaptation parfois difficile au contexte fort
différent de cette région africaine. Le phénomène s’observe aussi dans des pays connaissant
une situation moins dramatique, par exemple la France, où plusieurs jeunes quittent vers
l’Amérique du Nord et en particulier vers le Canada francophone.
De manière générale, il semble clair que le marché du travail est devenu plus polarisé, avec
un grand écart entre salaires élevés et faibles, de même qu’entre carrières stables et instables,
ou encore, plus généralement, entre bons emplois ou emplois de qualité, et mauvais emplois
(Morris et Western 1999 ; Gallie 2002 ; Esping-Andersen 2002).
Le cycle économique que l’on a souvent associé au post-fordisme a accru la demande pour des
emplois dans le secteur des services, nécessitant une plus grande flexibilité dans les conditions
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de travail ce qui, dans un grand nombre de cas, se traduit par des emplois précaires et des
difficultés d’insertion des jeunes (Alberio et Tremblay, 2013).
Ce changement a été expliqué par quelques économistes et représentants du monde des affaires
comme un processus étroitement lié à la nature même de la société post-industrielle et de son
économie, et donc comme quelque chose de presque inévitable, puisque les services et produits
immatériels exigeraient un autre type d’emploi et de relations de travail, une relation moins
standardisée et plus flexible que celle de la période fordiste.
Les emplois associés à la « nouvelle » économie ou à l’économie du savoir et exigeant un haut
niveau de connaissances, comme les emplois de professionnels et de cadres ne sont bien sûr pas
les plus touchés par cette précarité, bien que certains le soient dans le domaine des TIC, mais
ce sont surtout les commerces et services de proximité qui sont les plus concernés par cette
évolution ; cela fait tout de même un grand nombre d’emplois (Tremblay, 2004 ; Mingione et
Pugliese 2010). Les transformations se présentent du point de vue de la sécurité des emplois,
des avantages associés à ces emplois (assurances privées, avantages sociaux, etc.), mais aussi
du point de vue des horaires et de la durée du travail, nombre d’entreprises jouant sur les temps
de travail pour s’assurer une meilleure performance ou compétitivité (Tremblay, 2012).
Nous n’avons ici survolé que quelques aspects de la problématique globale, mais il est clair
que des dynamiques plus microsociales influencent aussi l’accès à l’emploi et à la stabilité
en emploi, et ces dynamiques sont tout aussi centrales dans la structuration des inégalités au
sein du marché du travail.
Ce numéro de la revue nous invite d’ailleurs à plonger dans ces réalités fort diversifiées selon
les pays (Italie, Espagne, Canada, Mexique, etc.) et aussi selon les âges et le genre (le travail
des jeunes et des femmes étant particulièrement touché).
Ce numéro regroupe aussi des recherches réalisées par des chercheurs issus de différentes
disciplines des sciences sociales, celles-ci permettant d’offrir une approche plus complète des
problématiques associées aux inégalités au moment du processus d’insertion en emploi, mais
aussi les inégalités qui subsistent, se cumulent et augmentent au sein du marché du travail
pour des groupes divers et selon différentes variables telles que : l’âge, le genre, la nationalité/
ethnie, la langue, et le lieu de résidence notamment.
Le texte de Albert Berry ouvre le dossier et propose un état de l’art sur le thème de ce
numéro, une analyse globale et historique de la thématique des inégalités et de la pauvreté.
Ces thématiques ont été et restent des problématiques de la plupart des sociétés dominantes
du monde. Elles se présentent sous de nombreuses formes et on peut voir que les situations
difficiles, voire négatives, continuent de perdurer et qu’elles n’étaient pas disparues non plus
pendant les périodes de croissance, en raison de la polarisation des situations de travail et
des revenus. Du point de vu politique, il est important de connaître les facteurs susceptibles
de générer de tels niveaux d'inégalité et de pauvreté, de déterminer si ces inégalités peuvent
apporter des avantages (par exemple une croissance plus rapide, comme le prétendent certains)
et quels instruments politiques pourraient permettre de réduire les inégalités et la pauvreté sans
entraîner de pertes sur d’autres plans. Le texte de Berry traite de ces questions en examinant
l'expérience historique des pays aujourd'hui industrialisés et ceux en voie de développement et
il propose une histoire des pays industrialisés qui montre que la réduction des inégalités s’est
surtout présentée pendant les périodes de guerres et de dépressions, mais ce ne sont certes pas
les chemins que nous souhaiterons suivre pour y arriver. Outre ces deux facteurs, la fiscalité
peut aussi contribuer à freiner la croissance des inégalités. Cela pose problème pour la majorité
des pays en développement dont les systèmes fiscaux s'orientent plus souvent vers l'utilisation
de la fiscalité indirecte et souvent très peu progressive. Cela signifie que si l'État doit avoir
une fonction importante sur le plan de la redistribution, il risque de jouer son rôle par le biais
des dépenses. Le texte de Berry nous introduit donc à une réflexion globale et très intéressante
sur la question des inégalités, de la manière de les réduire et nous permet donc de bien rentrer
dans le débat.
Mircea Vultur et Jean Bernier traitent ensuite des transformations et mutations actuelles du
monde du travail au Québec. Ils montrent que celles-ci induisent un accroissement de certaines
inégalités structurelles existant entre des catégories ou des groupes d’acteurs différents,
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mais aussi l’apparition de nouveaux types d’inégalités que les auteurs vont qualifier de
« fractales », et qui surgissent à l’intérieur d’un groupe, dont les caractéristiques sont par
ailleurs relativement homogènes. Leur article a pour objectif la mise en relief et l’analyse de ces
deux types d’inégalités, ce qui permet de renouveler l’analyse des inégalités dans l’emploi et
le travail. Les auteurs commencent par aborder les inégalités structurelles issues du traitement
différencié des individus en fonction du statut d’emploi. Ils identifient trois types d’inégalités
relatives au statut d’emploi et dont les fondements sont liés en grande partie au domaine du
droit du travail : les inégalités qui résultent de l’exclusion des travailleurs atypiques de la
protection sociale, les inégalités issues du traitement différencié dans l’exercice du travail luimême et, enfin, les inégalités qui résultent de la location de personnel ou sous-traitance. Dans
un deuxième temps, les auteurs se penchent sur les inégalités qu’ils qualifient de fractales, soit
celles qui apparaissent à l’intérieur d’une même catégorie de personnes auparavant considérée
comme homogène, en proposant une analyse fondée sur la mise en perspective de deux
groupes définis par le niveau de formation, à savoir les diplômés universitaires et les jeunes
sans diplôme. Leur étude sur le Québec nous permet de bien constater que les inégalités, et
en particulier les inégalités qu’ils définissent comme fractales, se développent parfois à des
endroits ou dans des groupes où on ne le prévoyait pas.
Shanti Fernando et Alyson E. King abordent le cas de l’Ontario et montrent que les
changements dans l'économie mondiale ont transformé la nature de la compétitivité et accru
l'importance des compétences de base pour la réussite économique des personnes sur le
marché du travail. En Ontario dans les dernières années, la croissance des emplois et la
prospérité économique ont été liées à l'économie fondée sur la connaissance (EFC), qui
est parfois considérée comme une panacée qui finirait par bénéficier à la majorité de la
population, par effet de percolation. Les auteurs soutiennent au contraire qu'il existe quelques
privilégiés qui sont « gagnants » et beaucoup plus de « perdants » en lien avec cette économie
de la connaissance. L’alphabétisation – ou plutôt les multilitératies au sens large, incluant
l’alphabétisation numérique et visuelle, ainsi que la numératie — constitue un facteur majeur
pour déterminer la capacité des individus à accéder au marché du travail et à l'économie du
savoir. Les besoins de main-d'œuvre sont importants dans les politiques d'alphabétisation, et
les liens entre l'alphabétisation et l’emploi, sont des thèmes qui ont été bien identifiés par
la recherche, mais qui ne font pas partie de la pratique politique courante. L’article traite de
ces éléments de déconnexion des politiques en se plaçant dans le contexte de l'histoire de
l'éducation, du travail et de l'alphabétisation au Canada, et en mettant plus particulièrement
l'accent sur les anglophones de l'Ontario. Les auteurs font ensuite le lien avec des problèmes
plus globaux et systémiques liés à l'accessibilité au marché du travail. Cela les amène à plaider
en faveur d'un modèle de politique permettant une plus grande accessibilité aux marchés du
travail, un modèle qui se fonde sur un développement basé sur la recherche et le modèle
d'investissement. La possibilité d’obtenir une formation qui permettra de maximiser son
potentiel et d'avoir la dignité fondamentale de faire un travail utile fait de l'alphabétisation une
question d'équité tout autant qu’une question de croissance économique, comme le montrent
bien les auteurs.
Marjorie Cohen propose pour sa part une étude des conditions de travail des adolescents dans
la région de Vancouver, en Colombie-Britannique, au Canada. L'étude a été motivée par la
détérioration des protections offertes à tous les travailleurs, mais plus particulièrement les
plus jeunes, étant donné la nécessité accrue pour les étudiants de travailler pour financer leurs
études. À partir d’entrevues avec des adolescents, l’auteure montre que le travail chez les
adolescents est parfois très intéressant, mais que cette expérience de travail est aussi souvent
négative. L'étude repose sur des entrevues menées auprès de 100 étudiants adolescents dans la
région de Vancouver (50 garçons et 50 filles) qui permettent de voir comment les adolescents
perçoivent leur travail. En plus des entrevues, les statistiques sur la population active sont
utilisées pour documenter les changements dans les habitudes et l'intensité du travail au fil
du temps chez les adolescents au Canada. Le texte attire l’attention sur les différences selon
le genre et sur la nature changeante du travail chez les adolescents. Il montre comment ce
travail s'est détérioré au fil du temps, et souligne aussi l'aveuglement des politiques publiques
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touchant les nouveaux entrants sur le marché du travail. Les jeunes travailleurs eux-mêmes
acceptent souvent des conditions de travail difficile comme une expérience « normale », même
s’ils connaissent pourtant le droit du travail et savent qu’il y a violation des dispositions légales
encadrant leur emploi. Deux thèmes principaux ressortent de cette étude : l'un a trait à la nature
très précaire du travail pour les adolescents et l'autre à la nature sexuée du travail chez les
adolescentes. Ces observations se situent dans la continuité d’observations antérieures sur la
précarité croissante pour les travailleurs en général au cours du 21e siècle de même que sur la
nature sexuée du marché du travail (Vosko 2006, Lahey 2005).
Cet article nous apporte des informations intéressantes et d’actualité sur les caractéristiques
du travail des jeunes. En particulier, son originalité consiste tout d’abord dans l’analyse de la
spécificité du travail des adolescents (15-19 ans) par rapport à la catégorie des jeunes 15-24
ans, qui constitue l’objet de la majorité des recherches sur les jeunes. En plus, un autre élément
d’originalité est la reconnaissance de l'intensité à la fois de la nature sexuée du travail précaire
et de l'adolescence et de la façon dont cela contribue à établir des modèles qui se perpétueront
au fil des ans.
L'article écrit par Senada Delic porte sur une question importante quant à l'utilisation d'une
approche conventionnelle de la mesure de l'attachement au marché du travail, avec un accent
particulier sur le contexte du Nord canadien. Comme l'auteur le souligne, un fort attachement
au marché du travail est largement reconnu comme une source d'émancipation économique et
une voie essentielle pour sortir de la pauvreté.
D'un point de vue méthodologique, l'approche classique de la mesure de la participation au
marché du travail au Canada est fondée sur des hypothèses qui spécifient a priori ce qui
constitue l'activité sur le marché du travail et l'inactivité. Au contraire, l'auteur a opté pour
un regard plus critique sur cette base conceptuelle et méthodologique et contribue à mettre en
évidence certaines questions importantes, liées à l'application de ce concept dans le contexte
du Nord canadien. En particulier, l'article attire l'attention sur les conditions de vie dans les
collectivités inuit et dans les centres urbains du Sud.
L’article invite à un examen empirique de ces questions. Il affirme que la ligne de démarcation
entre les sous-groupes économiquement actifs et ceux qui sont plus en marge de la population
active vivant dans les communautés inuit du Nord est sans doute plus floue que celle associée
aux Autochtones vivant hors réserve dans les grands centres urbains, en raison de différences
significatives dans les arrangements institutionnels entre les marchés du travail du Nord et du
Sud.
Françoise Carré et Chris Tilly s’intéressent ensuite aux emplois du commerce de détail
aux États-Unis et au Mexique et ils posent trois questions : Dans quelle mesure peut-on
expliquer les différences nationales dans les emplois de vente au détail par des différences
institutionnelles ? Quelles sont les institutions les plus importantes pour expliquer ces
différences ? Et compte tenu de ces différences institutionnelles et de marché, dans quelle
mesure les entreprises peuvent-elles adopter des politiques et des pratiques différentes ? Les
auteurs se sont intéressés à des entreprises semblables : grandes chaînes, principalement
les épiceries et le secteur des appareils électroniques grand public. Ils ont observé que les
institutions nationales, à la fois les normes juridiques et les normes sociales, ont une incidence
claire sur les caractéristiques des emplois de vente au détail. Dans certains cas, les institutions
agissent directement sur l'emploi, comme c'est le cas pour les heures de travail. Par contre, des
effets institutionnels indirects sont également importants, en particulier en ce qui concerne les
institutions entourant la reproduction du travail comme les systèmes de garde d'enfants et les
normes concernant le rôle de la mère dans l'éducation des enfants.
Les auteurs montrent aussi que les institutions ne sont pas complètement contraignantes, les
entreprises de vente au détail disposant toujours d’une marge de manœuvre dans les deux
pays. Ils expliquent ainsi que les institutions peuvent avoir des conséquences inattendues
(généralisation du travail à temps partiel aux États-Unis et des heures de travail non rémunérées
au Mexique par exemple).
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Sur le plan analytique, ces résultats renforcent l'argument selon lequel les institutions
nationales demeurent très importantes dans la détermination des conditions de travail, même
dans un contexte de mondialisation des modes de production et de propriété.
Encore plus intéressant peut-être, l’article met en évidence le rôle moins connu des institutions
associées à la reproduction, surtout dans un secteur comme celui du commerce de détail avec
une concentration très forte de femmes, comme c'est le cas de nombreux secteurs des services.
Pour conclure, puisqu’ils mettent en perspective deux réalités fort différentes, avec un même
accent sur les emplois de basse qualité, ces résultats peuvent avoir des effets significatifs pour
la théorisation plus globale des inégalités en emploi et des politiques publiques.
L'article de Torns, Carrasquer, Moreno et Borràs sur les cheminements de carrière en Espagne
présente une analyse comparative des trajectoires professionnelles de carrière des hommes et
des femmes et se penche sur la division sexuelle du travail dans le modèle de l'emploi espagnol.
Une approche qualitative est utilisée pour étudier les trajectoires professionnelles, en tenant
compte de l'impact des facteurs structurels tout comme des traditions socioculturelles. Les
résultats montrent que la division sexuelle du travail persiste et contribue à consolider l'emploi
informel comme un trait distinctif des carrières en Espagne. Bien que cette situation de travail
informel se retrouve dans toute l'Europe, le contexte socioculturel et le marché du travail de
l’Espagne présentent des caractéristiques particulières et dans une période de crise il semble
que cela puisse se traduire par une trajectoire longue combinant des situations d'emploi formel
et informel. Cet article montre la persistance des inégalités entre les hommes et les femmes
en Espagne, mais il indique aussi que des changements sont en cours. En effet, on constate
que depuis la crise de 2008, la situation des hommes a dégénéré davantage que celle des
femmes, qui progressent sur le marché du travail. Par contre, il ne semble pas que les hommes
espagnols contribuent davantage à la vie familiale et aux responsabilités parentales, de sorte
que les femmes se trouvent certes surchargées dans ce contexte. On peut penser que de ce point
de vue les inégalités se sont renforcées, même si la progression des femmes dans l’emploi
salarié est aussi une situation positive. Ces résultats ouvrent sur la nécessité pour l’Espagne
de mettre en place, peut-être même surtout dans un contexte de récession économique, des
politiques pour corriger ces inégalités et favoriser l’activité féminine. Il faudrait par exemple
que l’État espagnol offre un meilleur soutien aux femmes, en assurant entre autres leur sécurité
d’emploi au moment des grossesses, et en facilitant l’articulation entre la vie professionnelle
et les responsabilités parentales et familiales. La crise actuelle ne promet rien de bon sur ce
plan, mais il est tout de même intéressant de voir les effets concrets de la crise sur l’emploi,
notamment sur la progression de l’emploi des femmes.
Un autre article de ce numéro met également l'accent sur l'Espagne, un pays qui est clairement
- avec la Grèce, le Portugal et l’Italie – au cœur des enjeux de la crise économique actuelle.
Les deux auteurs, Gloria Moreno et Immaculada Cebrian, reconnaissent tout d'abord que la
crise économique actuelle a un fort impact différencié selon le sexe (ou « sexospécifique ») et
c’est en partie liée à la modification du modèle traditionnel du marché du travail espagnol. Une
première constatation importante est que les femmes assument un rôle plus actif par rapport
aux hommes ; néanmoins, des différences importantes entre les sexes subsistent, en particulier
dans les salaires. L'objectif de cet article est ainsi d'analyser comment les différences entre
les sexes dans les interruptions de carrière sur le marché du travail expliquent l'écart salarial
entre les sexes en Espagne. L'information utilisée provient d'une importante base de données
longitudinale espagnole : la "Muestra Continua de Vidas Laborales" (CSWL), des années 2005
à 2010.
Grâce à cette source de données, il est possible de définir un indice dans le but de traiter
simultanément l'ensemble des informations sur tout type d'interruption d'emploi. Cet indice
est utilisé pour décrire la relation entre les trajectoires et la situation du marché du travail, et
évaluer leur influence sur le résultat.
Cet article est basé sur une analyse des salaires afin de déterminer si l’intermittence sur le
marché du travail - qui touche surtout les femmes - a une influence négative sur les salaires. Les
résultats montrent en effet que les interruptions de travail ont un impact négatif sur les salaires.
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Pour conclure sur l'Espagne, cet article complète en quelque sorte le précédent, par une
focalisation importante sur les salaires, ce qui ajoute à l’analyse précédente un point de vue
à la fois sociologique et économique.
L’article d’Amalie Artis, sur les groupements d’employeurs, vise à interroger la capacité des
formes de mutualisation de l'emploi comme le groupement d'employeurs face aux défis des
transformations du monde de travail et des inégalités. Il s'appuie sur l'analyse des groupements
d'employeurs dans le secteur agricole, ainsi que du sport et des loisirs en France et met
en lumière la spécificité de la gestion triangulaire associative du groupement d'employeurs,
tout en soulignant les avantages et les limites de ce système face aux enjeux actuels de
flexicurité. Certains secteurs d'activités, comme le secteur agricole et le secteur des sports
et des loisirs, présentent des besoins de main-d’œuvre particuliers et tout à fait légitimes.
Plusieurs employeurs tentent d'articuler leurs besoins et les attentes des salariés par la création
de groupement d'employeurs. Cette forme collective de gestion de l'emploi est de plus en plus
fréquente, car le groupement d'employeurs semble permettre une internalisation des questions
sociales et favoriser des mécanismes de solidarité dans la gestion des risques sociaux, d’où
son intérêt pour une analyse des inégalités dans l’emploi. Par contre, il faut souligner que la
qualité de l'emploi dans ces secteurs est parfois discutable.
Ce constat peut s’expliquer du fait des particularités du système triangulaire de gestion de
l'emploi. Ce système implique l'articulation de relations d’emploi, de travail, de service et
d’association. Or ces relations sont parfois en tension, créant une instabilité dans le système.
L’auteur indique que cette instabilité nait d’un manque de coordination entre les parties
prenantes qui peut se traduire par des ajustements en quantité, au détriment de la qualité
de l’emploi. Dès lors le groupement d’employeurs favorise la souplesse et l’ajustement de
la main d’œuvre en fonction des besoins des membres, mais la consolidation des emplois
et la qualité de ces derniers peuvent être considérées comme secondaires. Pour que cette
flexicurité soit positive pour l’ensemble des parties prenantes, la coordination et la coopération
entre les membres du groupement d’employeurs doivent être renforcées ; la définition et la
défense d’un projet sociétal autour de la qualité de l’emploi doivent être partagées et affirmées
par les membres, ce qui représente tout de même un défi, comme le montre l’auteur. En
effet, ces difficultés sont aussi le résultat d’une transition, entre les modalités de gestion de
l’emploi de la période fordiste et le nouveau modèle en développement. Le changement dans
les représentations et les pratiques est long et exige le recours à des régulations sociales. Or,
ces dernières sont fondées sur des règles que les acteurs, d’abord privés, développent entre
eux (Reynaud, 1989). Dans cette transition, le groupement d’employeurs peut favoriser une
flexicurité pragmatique positive, conclut l’auteur, bien que ce processus nécessite plusieurs
conditions pour établir cette flexicurité positive, ce qui n’est pas toujours le cas.
Plus généralement, ce texte veut ouvrir une nouvelle voie au chapitre des connaissances sur
l’emploi dans le secteur de l’économie sociale. Le cas français présenté ici peut sans doute
contribuer à une réflexion utile à l’analyse d’autres contextes nationaux.
Dans l'article d’Egidio Riva et Laura Zanfrini, les auteurs dressent un portrait de l'état du
marché du travail des immigrés en Lombardie, l'une des régions les plus riches en Italie,
qui accueille un quart de la population étrangère totale vivant dans le pays. En utilisant les
données fournies par l'Observatoire régional de l'intégration et de la multiethnicité (ORIM),
l'article examine, à travers des analyses descriptives, les modes d'emploi des immigrants, en
termes d'activité, d'emploi, de taux de chômage, etc. Les auteurs se penchent notamment sur les
revenus du travail, mais aussi sur les situations d’emplois irrégulières. Les résultats montrent
que diverses variables influent sur les résultats, en particulier le sexe, la nationalité / pays
d'origine, la durée du séjour et le statut juridique. Ces diverses variables permettent d’expliquer
la grande diversité des situations observées sur le marché du travail des immigrants. L'article
met l'accent sur l'interaction entre les variables individuelles et le cadre institutionnel.
L’analyse présente des indications utiles pour l'élaboration des politiques nationales, appelant
notamment à une amélioration du régime de migration de la main-d'œuvre nationale - en
particulier en ce qui concerne la politique de recrutement et les mécanismes de soutien à
l’insertion en emploi, de même que la reconnaissance des qualifications et des compétences,
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Emploi et inégalités sociales : introduction
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37
38
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ou encore la coordination des politiques sociales ou de la politique du marché du travail.
Les auteurs notent qu’une modification des politiques permettrait d’accroître le potentiel de
l'intégration globale d'immigrants et de lutter contre la discrimination sur le marché du travail.
Pour conclure, l’article propose une contribution originale en permettant de documenter
l’évolution de l’immigration au cours des dix dernières années et les difficultés d’intégration
au marché du travail dans une région italienne, la Lombardie, qui accueille une grande partie
des immigrés en Italie. Bien que centré sur le cas particulier de cette région de l’Italie du Nord,
le texte contient beaucoup d’éléments pour bien orienter le lecteur sur la situation de cette
région et de l’Italie plus globalement.
L’article de Vincenzo Fortunato porte aussi sur l’Italie et en particulier sur les centres d’appel,
un sujet qui est souvent abordé dans le débat public et dans la recherche, et souvent situé dans
le cadre théorique post-industriel de l’économie du savoir, sans toutefois que les constats ne
reposent sur des recherches empiriques solides. Au contraire, cet article présente un portrait
très précis des centres d'appels italiens et montre qu’il s’agit d’une réalité non homogène.
Cela justifie donc l’intérêt d’une analyse et d’une description précise de ces réalités de travail,
qui sont souvent en relation avec des phénomènes comme la segmentation, la création et la
reproduction des inégalités.
En effet, la situation varie d’un lieu à l’autre, le travail d'organisation et les modalités de
production se différencient en fonction de certaines variables fondamentales telles que le
contexte dans lequel le centre fonctionne, les caractéristiques de l'entreprise, la spécialisation
des activités ou encore l’importance de l'offre de services. Il y a aussi des distinctions en
fonction des modalités de travail qui y sont déployées, ainsi que de la nature publique ou
privée de l’organisation. De la combinaison de ces caractéristiques découlent des différences
significatives en termes d'organisation du travail et de conditions de travail, tout comme en ce
qui concerne le profil de l'opérateur et à la gestion des relations de travail. Ce n'est qu'en tenant
compte de ces différences qu’il est possible de comprendre le fonctionnement et la dynamique
interne des centres d'appels et, surtout, les choix des jeunes qui, dans des contextes différents,
décident de prendre ce type d’emploi.
La mise en évidence de tous ces éléments qui contribuent à construire une réalité non
homogène nous permet de considérer, au-delà de la spécificité nationale, tous les facteurs et
conditions qui pourraient se retrouver dans d’autres pays. À travers ce texte, il y a donc aussi
possibilité de réfléchir à l’évolution et à la réalité des centres d’appel dans d’autres contextes
que le contexte italien.
Un des apports les plus intéressants de ce numéro est le fait qu’il couvre plusieurs pays, dont
les États-Unis, le Mexique, la France, l’Espagne, l’Italie et le Canada. De plus, l’ensemble
de ces textes nous donne un aperçu fort intéressant de la situation des inégalités en matière
d’emploi et de revenus dans divers milieux professionnels et selon plusieurs variables, telles
que par exemple l’âge et le genre.
L’ensemble du numéro témoigne de la richesse des comparaisons internationales, même si
les articles ne portent pas tous sur le même sujet. Les articles illustrent la diversité des
cadres institutionnels et des situations observées dans les dernières années, les ajustements
et arrangements variables observés dans la foulée de la crise économique et de la montée du
néo-libéralisme dans nombre de pays, ainsi que les effets de ces variables macro-économiques
sur laqualité de l’emploi et les inégalités touchant les conditions de travail et les revenus
notamment.
Bibliographie
Alberio, Marco (2011). The Working Poor condition in Europe: a focus on Italy. Cahiers du Centre de
recherche sur les innovations sociales (CRISES). Collection Études théoriques ‐ no ET1108.
Alberio M. et Tremblay D-G. (2013) Les aspirations chez les jeunes de classe populaire en formation
dans les entreprises d’insertion au Québec. Défi Jeunesse (Université de Montréal et Centres jeunesse
de Montréal). 15 pages.
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Emploi et inégalités sociales : introduction
Esping‐Andersen, Gosta (2002, sous la dir.). Why we need a new welfare state, Oxford : Oxford
University Press
Gallie, Duncan (2002), The quality of working life in welfare strategy, dans Esping‐Andersen, Gosta,
Why we need a new welfare state, Oxford : Oxford University Press.
Lahey, Kathleen A. (2005) Women and Employment: Removing Fiscal Barriers to Women’s Labour
Force Participation (Ottawa: Status of Women Canada).
Mingione, Enzo (1991). Fragmented Societies. A Sociology of Economic Life beyond the Market
Paradigm. Oxford : Blackwell.
Mingione, Enzo (1997). Sociologia della vita economica. Rome, Carocci.
Mingione, Enzo et Enrico Pugliese (2010). Il Lavoro. Roma : Carocci.
Morris, Martina et Bruce Western (1999). Inequality in Earnings at the close of the Twentieth Century.
Annual Review of Sociology.
Paugam, Serge (2000). Le salarié de la précarité : Les nouvelles formes de l’intégration professionnelle.
Paris : Presses Universitaires de France.
Ponthieux, Sophie (2004). Les travailleurs pauvres : identification d’une catégorie. La Découverte Travail, genre et sociétés 2004/1 - N° 11. Paris.
Reynaud, Jean-Daniel (1989), Les règles du jeu. L'action collective et la régulation sociale, Paris :
Armand Colin.
Tremblay, Diane-Gabrielle (2012, sous la dir.). Performance organisationnelle et temps sociaux.
Québec : Presses de l’Université du Québec. 359 p.
Tremblay, Diane-Gabrielle (2004). Économie du travail. Les réalités et les approches
théoriques.(Édition revue) Montréal : Editions Saint-Martin et Descarries éditeur. 482 p.
Vosko, Leah, ed (2006) Precarious Employment: Understanding Labour Market Insecurity in Canada
(Montreal: McGill-Queen’s Press).
Wilson, William J. (1996). When Work Disappears. New York : Alfred A. Knopf.
Pour citer cet article
Référence électronique
Marco Alberio et Diane-Gabrielle Tremblay, « Emploi et inégalités sociales : introduction », Revue
Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 29 avril
2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1866
À propos des auteurs
Marco Alberio
Marco Alberio est professeur adjoint de sociologie à l’université Ste-Anne en Nouvelle-Écosse et
chercheur associé à l’ARUC sur la gestion des âges et des temps sociaux. marcoalberio@hotmail.com
Diane-Gabrielle Tremblay
Diane-Gabrielle Tremblay est professeure à l’École des sciences administratives de la Téluq
de l’université du Québec et directrice de l’ARUC sur la gestion des âges et des temps sociaux.
dgtrembl@teluq.ca
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
9
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Albert Berry
Inequality, Poverty, and Employment:
What we Know
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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Albert Berry, « Inequality, Poverty, and Employment: What we Know », Revue Interventions
économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 05 mai 2015. URL : http://
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Inequality, Poverty, and Employment: What we Know
Albert Berry
Inequality, Poverty, and Employment: What
we Know
Introduction: The Reality and the Challenge
1
2
Inequality and poverty have been and remain dramatic features of most of the world’s
dominant societies over their histories. They show up in many forms and bring many ill
effects. From a policy perspective it is important to know what factors generate such levels of
inequality and poverty, whether inequality brings benefits (say faster growth, as often argued)
and what policy instruments offer the best hope to lower inequality and poverty without
causing loss on some other front. To shed light on these matters it is helpful to review the
historical experience both of the now industrial countries and the developing ones for evidence
they may provide on the settings and policies that can foster equality and poverty reduction as
well as to put forward a simple analytical framework for thinking about them.
It is useful to begin with a feel for recent1 levels of inequality and poverty, which can be
gleaned from figures like the following:
1. In 2001 the top decile (10%) of Brazilians, Paraguayans and South Africans collected
50-55% of their respective national incomes, giving them on average about 40-60 times
that of the bottom decile who collected around one percent,2 and the top 1% probably
received about 10-13%, making their average income 100-130 times that of the bottom
decile. (Graph 1 shows the income shares of each decile in Brazil for the year 2000). In
Sweden the top decile (2000) received 22% of all income and the bottom decile 3.6%,
for a ratio of 6.2 to one.
2. In 2000 the top decile of the world’s population collected a little over half of total
world income, giving them on average about 70-75 times that of the bottom decile,
who collected less than three-quarters of one percent of the total (Berry and Serieux,
2007, 81); the top 1% probably received about 10-15% of the total, making their average
income 133-200 times that of the bottom decile.
3. Expressed in US purchasing power parity dollars of 2000 the average income of the
world’s top decile in that year was about $28,000 while that of the bottom decile was
about $400-500.
4. At the very top, the 1,153 people (or sometimes families) currently classified as
billionaires have a total of about 4,245 billion dollars in wealth. As of 2000, the top
decile owned about 71% of world wealth, the top 1% had 31.6% and the bottom decile
had 0.1% (Davies et al, 2011, 245).
5. Adopting poverty lines of 500 and 1000 dollars (of 1985) per person per day
(approximately the levels commonly used to define extreme poverty and poverty), the
share of the world’s population in poverty as of 2000 was about 28% and that in extreme
poverty was 12%.The latter figure was over 19% in South Asia and about 43% in SubSaharan Africa.
6. The poverty gap (the share of national income that would have to be transferred to the
poor to pull them all out of poverty varies widely by country. Thus in a low income
country like Ethiopia and with a poverty line of $1.25 per day that ratio was 28.9% in
2005, whereas in Brazil it was 7.5%.
7. In countries with high levels of inequality, ending poverty is in purely economic terms
something that can be done quite cheaply. Thus if the top decile has 50% of all income
and the bottom two deciles are below the poverty line and have between them 2.5% of
total income, a doubling of the income of this latter group - pulling most of them out of
poverty, would reduce that of the top decile by just 5%, a cut that could be won back in
just two years in an economy with per capita income growing at 2.5% per year.
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Inequality, Poverty, and Employment: What we Know
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Most people consider these levels of inequality and the associated poverty to be unjust,
especially when those at the bottom of the income hierarchy suffer from such obviously
harmful effects as malnutrition, inadequate housing, and illiteracy, which could be eliminated
if the incomes of the rich were a little lower. Most people also accept that a degree of
income inequality is appropriate in reflection of the fact that some people work harder than
others and some do more important work than others (the only doctor in the town) so it is
fair that they be recompensed in accordance with these differences. Others argue that hard
work and preparation for important jobs may not be forthcoming in the same degree if not
differentially compensated. What is fair recompense for harder or more important work is
clearly a subjective matter; how much the work effort and the preparation for important jobs
is affected by income differentials in favour of those activities is at least in part an empirical
question. Neither of these issues will be dealt with in detail here, on the grounds that there
are no serious arguments to justify the sort of income differentials referred to above. Gaps
of 3:1 or 5:1 are probably justifiable (on the former grounds) and possibly necessary (on the
latter) but gaps of 50 or 100:1 are not; instead they often come at a high cost to overall societal
welfare. Economic policy should for the foreseeable future have their reduction as a goal, to
be pursued simultaneously with other objectives.
What accounts for the enormous gaps between the better and the less well-off within countries
and in the world as a whole? Are they in any sense justifiable? What steps can a government
take to reduce the gap and are those steps likely to have negative or positive side-effects on
growth or other goals?
How much inequality can be justified depends, among other things, on how it is that people
wind up rich or poor, in particular on what share of wealth has been acquired by less than
acceptable means. Many of the rich are where they are through some combination of a
head start (wealthy family background), luck (in financial investments, for example), good
connections (e.g. nepotism) or dishonesty and/or forceful theft or appropriation of resources
from others less well placed to defend themselves. Most of the poor have lacked the head start
and the good luck and some have been the victims of the dispossession of assets by aggression
which fuels the riches of some of the former group. Although these unjust or undesirable
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Inequality, Poverty, and Employment: What we Know
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routes to wealth are, of course, only part of the story, many careful students are surprised
to find how significant a role they play and how little economic “justice” there is in their
own societies. The illicit appropriators, as would be expected, tend to cover up well, may not
tell their children how they accumulated their wealth, hire top lawyers to defend themselves
within the judicial system, and often burnish their reputations by engaging in charities and
other positive activities. A second feature of the rich is that much or most of their total income
comes from capital. At best, that income is payment for savings, innovation, risk-taking and
effective stewardship of resources under their control—the story emphasized by the classical
economists and, among development economists, highlighted by Lewis (1955). At worst, a
considerable share comes from illicit activities, the exercise of monopoly power (usually legal,
but not in the social interest), speculative gains (often not in the social interest) and so on.
The “lacks” that can leave one at the bottom of the income hierarchy begin with a low
endowment of income-earning assets (land, other forms of capital, labour, skills). Such lacks
often characterize certain groups disproportionately. Poverty is also associated with ethnicity
(where colonized or otherwise less powerful groups are under the control of powerful ones),
with gender, with age (older people have less income and economic clout), and with various
types of disability. Frequently it is the interaction between two features that creates serious
vulnerability to poverty, as in the case of female members of an ethnic group which is both
marginalized by the society as a whole and machistic.
A normal accompaniment of low average incomes is economic insecurity—the risk that due to
factors beyond one’s control (a bad harvest, a sickness in the family, a loss of market for ones
goods or services) one will sink into poverty or fall deeper into it. Since the poor tend to have
little chance to accumulate assets that could tide them over such downturns, a loss of current
income is translated quickly into a crisis. The economics of inequality and poverty, and the
possibly useful policy responses to them, thus involve also dealing with economic insecurity.
The ultimate relevance of inequality (like that of income) is its impact on human welfare,
which implies that it should be seen as an intermediate rather than a final goal. Measurement
of such other aspects of inequality as opportunities (favoured by Sen, 1977), discrimination,
or failure to be appreciated (Shaffer, 1999) is by nature more difficult, and has received
correspondingly less attention. An important question is the degree of correlation between
income or consumption (the usual economic indicators of economic welfare and poverty)
and these other aspects of welfare; only if it is very strong can we assume that policies that
address income and consumption inequality will also assure benefits in those other elements
of personal and group welfare.
Many aspects of the quality of life are in fact highly correlated with income and wealth,
including education, health, and the quality of goods consumed. This is true in part because
money buys the private goods people consume and in part because governments are often
under the control of rich elites and thus favour these groups in the way they provide public
goods. Other potentially important indirect effects of inequality involve the character of the
society, in such dimensions as instability, violence and crime, which can form part of the
vicious circle within which inequality and its correlates interact. Another important correlation
is between poverty and either not having a job or having an unsatisfactory one; both feed
directly into low self-esteem. Improving access to decent employment thus constitutes a
mechanism to facilitate group identity and inclusion. This, together with the income generated
and the self-esteem implicit in being able to carry out some socially valued activity, helps to
explain why employment emerges as so important to so many people.
Inequality and poverty have many direct social and psychological effects. Because relative
income or consumption is a major determinant of welfare for many people (Easterlin, 1974),
income inequality can be seen as a form of economic exclusion. But since exclusion takes
many other forms, inequality and exclusion are by no means the same thing. For example,
each member of a very inegalitarian society could nonetheless feel a strong sense of inclusion
within her caste or social class. “Psychological inclusion” - the state of feeling part of a social
group (as small as the nuclear family or a group of intimate friends or as large as the nation or
the world) in ways that are conducive to personal wellbeing can be experienced either at the
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individual or the group level. Psychologists are unambiguous in their view that group identity
is central to the lives of most people. Unfortunately, one person’s inclusion in a group is often
the other side of the coin from another’s exclusion. The overall societal implications of groups
capable of providing a sense of personal or collective belonging thus depend on whether and
to what degree that sense is defined in reference to an out-group or even an enemy. A key
mechanism of group exclusion—often referred to as structural inequality, is the attribution of
an inferior status to a category of people. It is especially severe when the stronger group also
dominates state institutions and is reproduced through a wide range of mechanisms, among
which ethnicity plays a major role. Important to the role of economic structure in the various
forms of inclusion/exclusion is their links to economic inequality, as where poverty prevents
a person or group from getting access to a public service supposedly available to everyone or
to poor people in particular; the more important are these links the more likely it is that raising
the relative income of currently excluded groups can weaken the mechanisms and effects of
that exclusion.
Inclusiveness can affect economic performance and individual welfare though various types
of cooperation. For example, worker cohesion often raises group productivity (Hall and Jones,
1999). Alternatively, association and interaction with others helps build social networks that
may provide support when it is needed.3 Many mutual support networks are horizontal,
involving people of roughly the same socio-economic status. Very low income families are
often precluded from participation in networks because they cannot reciprocate; at the limit
their members may have only each other to rely on for support in difficult times (Pahl, 1984).
A worrisome implication of the fact that relative income (or consumption) matters a great
deal to most people’s sense of wellbeing is that economic growth may contribute rather little
to human satisfaction. This fact has immense implications both for growth policy per se and
for the environment. If the environment is being despoiled to achieve growth that has only
a modest societal payoff anyway, it should be slowed (perhaps even stopped) until societies
have found ways to benefit more from it. The importance of relative income to welfare also
poses a number of challenges for social policy, including: (i) how can the psychological costs
of social exclusion-a phenomenon related in part to individual status-seeking behaviour, be
curtailed through policies to foster social inclusion?; (ii) how can people be made less envious,
status conscious and otherwise unable to be satisfied except when they feel they are somehow
doing better than others?; and (iii) does reducing economic inequality help to alleviate these
social problems as well?
Two practical questions relating to the challenge of reducing inequality are (i) whether market
forces can be expected eventually to lower inequality in the normal course of events, as
Kuznets (1955) proposed, or whether they will tend to work in the opposite direction, and (ii)
whether the political economy of inequality constitutes such a powerful force against change
in highly unequal societies that not much is likely to happen. Lindert (2000, 208) refers to this
as the “Robin Hood paradox” - the fact that in those times and polities where redistribution
would be most warranted it happens the least.
Analysis and policy-making with respect to inequality can benefit from two types of
information. One is knowing the details of how economies function, (such as how the labour
market works), and the cross-section evidence on what features of an economy are correlated
with inequality at a point of time. A second is the historical record on inequality in the
developing countries, which however suffers from two great weaknesses: (i) the data on capital
income and hence on those people at the very top of the income hierarchy are very incomplete
and (ii) there are thus far no confirmed examples of major declines in inequality in market
economies. As a result, the record of the now industrial countries, which suffers from neither
of those weaknesses, takes on more importance. Among the developing countries there are
many examples of increasing inequality, especially over the last two or three decades, though
in a number of Latin American countries recent evidence reveals declines in the inequality
of reported income (made up mainly of labour income and transfers but typically missing the
bulk of the capital income of richer people).
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Inequality, Poverty, and Employment: What we Know
How Inequality Changes Over Time
15
The first notable feature of the pattern of inequality over time is its remarkable inertia under
all but very extreme circumstances. Behind this pattern of relative constancy over time are two
underlying types of stability. One involves the major determinants of inequality (discussed
in more detail below), especially the distribution of factors of production; the distribution of
land, physical capital and human capital never change quickly, absent some extreme event; in
the case of human capital even an extreme event does not affect it much. Second, the policies
and the politics and administrative systems that underlie them also tend to change gradually
—there is a heavy dose of path dependency in this respect as well.
The Record of the Industrial Countries
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The overall trajectory of pre-fisc inequality (inequality prior to the effects of taxes and public
spending) has been strikingly similar across the now industrial countries, typically involving a
pre-20th century increase, a decline during some or much of the 20th century and a levelling off
or increase during the last several decades. The 20th century upsurge in transfer payments (like
pensions) and in social spending more generally has meant that post-fisc inequality has fallen
more than its pre-fisc counterpart, and that the former is probably now less in all or nearly all
countries than was the case a century or more ago.
At their peaks, both pre and post-fisc inequality appear to have been very high in most of these
now industrial countries - comparable say to levels in some of today’s Latin American nations.
Given that, far back enough in time, agriculture was the major economic sector, the distribution
of land was necessarily a major determinant of income inequality, just as it has been in the
history of today’s developing countries. Another frequently significant source of inequality
in the 18th century and much of the 19th was the ability of well-placed groups to derive rents
from an institutional framework that biased markets in their favour;4 by contrast, the wages
of the unskilled were set in a competitive market. Many of the guaranteed incomes benefiting
the middle class or the well to do in the 18th century had disappeared by 1970 in the industrial
countries (Morrisson, 2000, 252). The state had by then intervened on behalf of the lower
strata to fix a minimum wage, provide unemployment compensation, etc. The concentration of
human and physical capital decreased substantially over the 19th and 20th centuries due to the
diffusion of education and of savings as incomes rose. There has also been increasing access
to family housing ownership.
Although timing and pattern varied, the first half of the 20th century saw a significant net
reduction in pre-fisc inequality in all of the industrial countries, and a sharper fall in postfisc inequality. Notable declines in the pre-fisc income shares of those at the top were usually
linked to the trauma of war or economic crisis - in all cases, inequality fell either during or after
each World War (Piketty and Saez, 2006). Meanwhile, both tax and social spending patterns
in the industrial countries went through dramatic alterations over the 20th century, leaving the
post-fisc distribution of (disposable) income quite different from the pre-fisc one in nearly all
cases. Typically the greater redistributive effect came from the spending side. By the end of
the 18th century no country had even 3% of its GDP devoted to redistributive social programs;
now such programs claim over a third of GDP in many countries. Until nearly the end of the
19th century there were only two forms of social spending5—poor relief and public schools.
The rise in social spending accelerated between 1880 and WW11 and then boomed between
WW11 and about 1980, after which its share of GDP has levelled off. The World Wars and the
Great Depression pushed continental Europe toward progressive taxation and the expansion
of social programs (Lindert, 2004, 11, 15); popular recognition of the fragility of economic
fortunes led to Roosevelt’s programs in the US, the 1942 Beveridge Report in the UK, and
the victory of the Social Democrats in Sweden. At the end of WWII the threat of communism
frightened both the Church and the Christian Democratic parties into acceptance of social
democracy. The big increase in social spending took place in the 1960s and 1970s. By 1995
social transfers ranged from 33% of GDP in Sweden down to 12.2% in Japan with public
education adding another 4-6% in most countries (Lindert, 2004, 177-8). Post-fisc inequality
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19
20
21
was also lowered by more progressive tax systems, usually built around the income tax. Before
WW1 this effect was absent or unimportant, but by the 1920s and 1930s it was significant in
Scandinavian countries and the UK. After the Second War political factors greatly raised tax
progressivity, with the British tax structure being copied in a number of European countries.
Still, the welfare state with its greatly increased public social expenditures lowered inequality
much more than did the tax system.
The early evolution of the social spending and tax systems is, according to Lindert, explained
by a few key factors, including (i) the extension of the franchise (to women and to men in
the lower part of the socio-economic hierarchy and (ii) decentralization, which allowed local
government greater freedom to fund in areas like public education.6 In various countries,
including the United States, localities raised most of the taxes for their schools.
Among now industrial countries, the experience of Japan is of particular interest. Its large
decline in inequality, entirely concentrated in the Great Depression and World War II years,
saw capital owners sustain severe shocks to their assets and permanent declines in their shares
of wealth and national income. Japan then soon embarked on a dramatic post-war burst of
growth which allowed it to catch and surpass many of the earlier industrializing countries.
Piketty and Saez’ (2006) explanation for the failure of wealth to reconcentrate in a few hands
is the presence of progressive income and estate taxation after the initial shocks occurred, a
view consistent with the fact that in Switzerland, which neither went through the stress of
war nor instituted very progressive taxes, the wealth share of the top 1% has remained in the
35-40% range since 1915, and that in Ireland, which did not suffer the severe shocks of the
wars but did institute progressive taxes, top income shares did (with a lag) fall. Dell (2005,
412, 417) reports that top incomes in Germany quickly reconcentrated after the second war,
and attributes this to the much lower inheritance taxes there.
The phase of declining pre-fisc inequality was reversed in nearly all of the industrial countries
in the 1970s and 1980s, a reversal that appears generally to have involved both the very top
income recipients, whose share has risen in most countries and dramatically in some, and
also the rest of the income hierarchy. The jump in the shares of the very rich is of concern
to the developing countries if there is reason to believe that it might be occurring in them
contemporaneously or might appear soon. If further evidence demonstrates that the patterns
are similar to those of the rich countries, one hypothesis will relate to globalization and its
tendency to raise upper-range incomes of developing country professionals and capitalists who
can become part of lucrative world markets; another will relate it to the spread of capital and
skills intensive technologies around the world.
The Record in the Developing Countries
22
Useful, albeit incomplete, statistical information on income inequality started to become
available in the developing countries just a few decades ago with the appearance of periodic
household surveys. Apart from the already noted inertia of income distribution over time under
normal conditions, the main conclusions to emerge to date are that:
1. inequality, especially post-fisc, tends to be higher in most developing countries than in
the industrial ones. Measured by the Gini coefficient, the range for pre-fisc income is
roughly from 0.3 to 0.6 or a little higher and for post-fisc incomes (including government
transfers) probably from 0.25 to 0.55;7
2. many of the countries of Latin America have typically been at the upper end of the
inequality spectrum, while a number of those of East Asia have been at the lower end;
3. measured inequality has been increasing in more countries than it has been decreasing
(e.g. Cornia and Kiiski (2001);
4. there have been increases in recent decades in the two largest developing countries—
significant in India (Deaton and Dreze 2002) and enormous in China (Benjamin et al,
2008);
5. primarily as a result of the cited trends for India and China, the population- weighted
trend in inequality in developing countries has been upward for several decades (Berry
and Serieux, 2007, 83)
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6. over recent decades the capital share of income has been rising in developing as well as
in developed countries (Guerriero, 2012);
7. recent evidence from several countries of Latin America suggests that inequality may
have begun to fall (Lustig et al, 2011) - remaining uncertainty relates to the fact that
the data on capital incomes are very incomplete. If true, may these initial albeit thus far
modest declines be the beginning of a significant downward trend of inequality in the
developing world, perhaps first in Latin America, a relatively rich region by developing
country standards?8
23
The inequality of educational attainment across the economic hierarchy has been falling in
many - perhaps nearly all - developing countries as the result of rapid growth of primary and
secondary educational coverage (Holsinger and Jacob, 2008). Similarly, it appears that the
inequality of health outcomes has been falling.
9
24
25
26
27
Inequality Trends at the World Level
The huge gap between the world’s rich and its poor has made trends in world inequality a
matter of much interest. That gap widened markedly during a period beginning in the early
nineteenth century or probably earlier10 and continuing until at least the middle of the twentieth;
the bulk of this widening had taken place by the early 20th century and thus substantially
coincided with the period during which the Industrial Revolution saw the now industrial
countries create and greatly widen the gap in average income between them and the rest of
the world. The bottom three quintiles of the world population lost systematically until 1980
(from 25.7% of total income in 1820 to 12.5% in 1980) and the top decile gained continuously
through to 1992. At the world level this, then, was a long period of highly exclusive growth.
Apart from its dramatic scale—considerably more severe than that of any but the most
inegalitarian countries, and the major increase over a long period leading up to the middle of the
twentieth century, the literature underscores two other main features of world inequality. First,
that inequality comes mainly from inter-country income differences rather than intra-country
ones.11 Second, the level of world inequality did not change markedly, in either direction,
between 1950 and 1980 or so (Berry, Bourguignon and Morrisson, 1991). As for the 1980s
and 1990s, although there has been some disagreement about the trends most studies conclude
that (i) changes in the standard indicators, in whichever direction, were not large relative either
to the absolute level of inequality or to the changes over the preceding couple of centuries, but
that (ii) the bottom three quintiles and the top one gained at the expense of the upper-middle
group, especially deciles 8 and 9. For the bottom three quintiles, therefore, their long decline
in the share of world income was reversed, growing from 11.3% to 14.0% (according to Berry
and Serieux, 2007, 81). Meanwhile the share of the top decile continued an upward trend that
appears to have been in evidence for upwards of two centuries.
What is perhaps most intriguing, and at first glance paradoxical, about the inequality outcome
for 1980-2000 is that, though no previous post-war period has been characterized by as
general a pattern of intra-country worsening of distribution, overall world inequality appears
if anything to have moved a little in the opposite direction. Expressed in terms of the Theil
index, which can be decomposed in a straightforward way, inter-country inequality accounted
for over three-quarters (75.8 per cent) of overall world inequality in 1980, while just 24.2
per cent reflected intra-country inequality (Berry and Serieux, 2007, 83), but by 2000 these
proportions had changed to 66.1 per cent and 33.9 per cent respectively, reflecting the general
deterioration of intra-country distribution evidenced by the rising Gini coefficients mentioned
earlier, along with the rapid decline of the between-country component.
World Poverty Levels
Historical trends in the incidence of poverty and extreme poverty have mainly reflected growth
rates of the countries with many people near the poverty lines. Poverty incidence naturally
depends on where poverty lines are drawn, and it is now customary for analysts to present at
least two. By 1850 the Bourguignon-Morrisson lines for poverty and extreme poverty showed
only a small decline from their 1820 levels of 94.4 and 83.9 respectively, but the reduction
accelerated thereafter, and was rapid over the 20th century - especially since 1950, such that
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by 1992 they had fallen to 51.3% and 23.7% respectively. Berry-Serieux (2007, 93) estimate
poverty incidence in 1980, 1990 and 2000 for 500 and for 1000 international dollars of 1985
per year (Table 1),12 and report that extreme poverty continued to decline rapidly during the
1980s, after which the pace slackened markedly in the 1990s.
28
During the 1980s, the share of people in this category fell sharply in East Asia, mainly
reflecting the growth of China and also in South Asia, while remaining about constant in
Africa (Table 2). In the 1990s, such extreme poverty was again roughly halved in East Asia,
though the rate of decline slowed sharply in South Asia due to increasing inequality in India,
and incidence rose markedly in Sub-Saharan Africa. These two decades saw only a modest
reduction of extreme poverty in the world outside China and none at all in the world outside
China and India. The experience of the 1980s and the 1990s is dramatically different with
respect to poverty. For the world as a whole and for the world minus China, the percentage
point decline was considerably greater in the 1990s (Table 2). In summary, East Asia and South
Asia, the two regions with the largest poor populations, reduced poverty rapidly during these
two decades while the third one (sub-Saharan Africa) was going in the opposite direction.
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For the most recent and naturally most interesting decade (2000-2010) there appear to be no
detailed analyses of the evolution of world inequality. From the fact that developing country
growth has been faster than that of the leading countries, it is clear that by some criteria intercountry inequality has diminished.13 Remaining uncertainty relates to serious data problems
at the bottom and at the top of the world distribution. The main cause of pessimism about
what is happening at the bottom is that many of the countries with low average incomes are
now found in sub-Saharan Africa. Although the region has experienced good growth over this
decade, it has to a large extent taken the form of natural resource-based booms, which create
the possibility for serious increases in inequality with the implication much of the world’s
bottom quintile has not been experiencing the sort of income increase that the aggregate
growth figures suggest; stories abound of theft and nepotism at the top, as Nigeria’s sad natural
resource curse story (Sala-i-Martin and Subramanian, 2003) runs the risk of being repeated
elsewhere in the region. At the top end of the world distribution the long-standing inability
of developing country surveys to capture much capital income, together with the fact that
the world’s super-rich now include many people from developing countries, could cause an
increasing downward bias over time in this decile’s measured share. Failure of the statistics to
capture income from asset appreciation, which at times can constitute a quite substantial share
of total capital income, especially that concentrated at the top of the distribution, could also
constitute a downward biasing element in the estimated trend of concentration at the top.
The Determinants of Inequality; a Closer Look
30
In market economies, the differences in income across people can be thought of as the result of
differing capacities to produce (determined by different endowments of factors of production
and by the technologies that determine how productive each factor is) together with a set of
market “imperfections” that leave incomes of individuals either higher or lower than their
contributions to production.14 Each of these categories of determinants shows up directly in
a person’s income, and a key practical question is which have the biggest impact on the
distribution of income among people.
Personal Correlates of Pre-Fisc Inequality: a Starting Point
31
With respect to the proximate determinants/correlates of income - and bearing in mind that in
a high inequality country the income gap between the top and the bottom deciles lies in the
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33
range 50:1 to 60:1 or higher, several points stand out. First, human capital, as approximated by
level of education and degree of work experience, explains much of the earnings differentials
across people that show up in household surveys. In statistically explaining 25-40% of such
differences, this variable dominates all the others that have been included in such analyses.
Average income of university graduates can be as much as 10-15 times that of illiterates. The
traditionally high estimates of the payoff to education in developing countries may be seen as
the other side of the coin from its high correlation with income. Recent studies (Rosenzveig,
1998; Pritchett, 2001) point to probably serious upward biases in most estimates of the true
causal impact of education on income, as opposed to that of other personal characteristics
linked to the level of education (e.g. the value of one’s family network). Second, differences in
physical and financial capital are the other main direct determinant of inequality, in particular
inequality at the top of the income hierarchy. This 20-40 percent of income (excluding that
from asset appreciation) is quite concentrated at the top, but its precise distribution is not yet
known.
Other important correlates of income are gender, ethnicity (often), region of country
(sometimes), rural vs. urban residence, sector of activity, size/modernity of firms, and whether
union member or not. That such characteristics should be related to income usually suggests
either discrimination or some other form of market imperfection. Since there are many
intercorrelations among these variables and between each of them and level of education or
human capital, average income (or gross) differences between categories of people defined
by differences in these variables typically overstate their net causal contribution to inequality.
Whereas the gross differentials can be 2:1, 3:1 or sometimes higher; the net ones are seldom
more than 50%, as with gender, and (sometimes) region. Though often emphasized because
of the unfairness involved (as in the case of gender or ethnic income gaps) they do not loom
nearly as large either in gross terms or as contributors to overall income inequality as do human
and physical/financial capital.
The role of native talent (intellectual, business, artistic aptitude, looks, etc) is something of
a puzzle. No one doubts its role, together with that of hard work, in determining who gets
high incomes from sports, the arts and a few other activities where performance is relatively
easy to measure. But attempts to ascertain whether it plays a significant role in the creation
of population-wide income differentials have thus far come up with little. Taken literately,
most suggest a very small role for native ability in explaining income differentials within a
population (Boissiere et al, 1985). This may reflect the difficulty of measuring native skills in
an adequate way; further, the fact that success in different areas may rely on different skills
suggests than any native ability test needs to be geared differently for different people. In any
case, there is still no solid evidence to the effect that native ability is a significant factor in a
country’s income distribution.
Structural and Policy Determinants
34
35
Many aspects of the setting within which the personal differences among people play
themselves out also have an impact on the level of inequality. We here consider four—the
extent and pattern of technological change, population level and growth, market imperfections
and the degree of openness of an economy.
Technology Choice and Biased Technological Change
Technology choice and biased technological change(i.e. biased towards the use of capital and
against that of labour) may be the most important structural contributor to the level and trend
of income inequality, since it can play a powerful role in determining both the capital share
as well as the distribution of capital and labour incomes. There is no doubt of its relevance
but the magnitude of its impact is hard to measure precisely and, since technological advance
is essential to growth, there is a possible trade-off between growth and labour demand. In
principle technological advance can be employment creating, for example when it involves
the improvement of intermediate technologies (those with medium-level capital/labour ratios)
which when applied in small or medium sized enterprises (SMEs) can make them more
competitive with large firms, as occurred in Korea from the mid-1970s during a period of
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very rapid growth of manufacturing SMEs (Nugent and Yhee, 2002). How often policy and
structure can be combined to produce this sort of result is the key empirical question. At the
pessimistic end of the spectrum of possibilities, it may be that larger-scale capital intensive
firms will continue to raise their share of output but not of employment and will squeeze the
micro, small and medium enterprise (MSME) sector with the result that the generation of
decent employment remains weak, wages low and inequality high.
A large role for technological change as a determinant of inequality is suggested by (i)
the microeconomic evidence of large differences in the capital/labour ratio across firms of
different sizes together with the high degree of polarization or dualism in the distribution of
firms by size and type of technology; (ii) the accumulated evidence that much technological
change is either moderately or strongly labour displacing; (iii) the coincidence in a number
of countries of sharp increases of inequality with improved access to foreign exchange and
thence to more modern foreign machinery and the technologies embodied therein; and (iv)
the evidence over recent decades that the capital share of income has been rising in both
developing and developed countries (Guerriero, 2012). Such empirical evidence is consistent
with the theoretical prediction that the shift towards more capital intensive technologies would
raise capital incomes and hold wages down. But the magnitude of the effect, what variables
that magnitude depends on, and the extent of any trade-off between achieving a high rate of
economic growth and a low aggregate level of labour displacement remain open to discussion.
Reasonable guesses are that technological change is the most important single factor in raising
inequality or keeping it high and that it takes quite good policy to avoid a significant tradeoff between such displacement and growth.
A Dense or Rising Population
A dense or rising populationhas long been seen as a source of high or rising inequality.
By increasing the supply of labour relative to that of other factors of production, it exerts
downward pressure on the wage rate. This may or may not lower the wage share of GDP
(ceteris paribus, a lower wage pushes this share down but more workers push it up) but it does
widen the gap between the income of the average capitalist and that of the average worker. In
the Ricardian growth model, where labour was seen as homogeneous, proletariat population
growth was essentially a regulator which guaranteed that the wage rate stayed close to the level
of subsistence, through a mechanism whereby a rising wage led to higher child survival rates
and greater completed family size, but the resulting population growth then pushed the wage
rate back down (Malthus, 1926). A second link between demographic patterns and inequality
has its roots in the fact that family size has often been larger in the working class than among
the middle classes; this increases the size of the lower income groups while also leading to a
more rapid divvying up of the limited capital they have than occurs among the rich. By the
time human capital becomes important as a source of income, their large families also push
down the average amount they can invest in this way.
There are no very precise tests for the role of these demographic features in the level and
evolution of inequality, but some conclusions are possible. First, the Malthusian prediction of
a devastatingly negative impact of population growth on GDP per capita turned out not to hold
for the now industrial countries,15 which in effect outran this threat to reach a threshold level
of income, education and other determinants at which family size began to decline, eventually
falling below replacement levels. Similarly, many developing countries are in the process
of outrunning the threat, leaving only Sub-Saharan Africa (at 2.5% per year in 2011) with
population growth above 2% per year. An ultimate escape from the Malthusian peril does
not, of course, mean that many countries have not paid (nor are still paying) a heavy price
for their fast population growth. It seems likely that such growth has with some frequency
both slowed growth of income per capita and raised inequality, in which case its impact on
poverty could have been (or could be) quite negative. How negative remains a matter of
debate.16 In currently heavily populated countries the damage has been wrought over the long
period during which population density rose so far as to shrink average farm size to one-half
hectare or so. In others, whose resources to population ratio is better, the impact may come
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from the fact that very fast growth over a shorter period makes it difficult for the economic
system to absorb that labour increase rapidly and productively, leading among other things to
serious employment problems. That demographic pressure is not generally one of the dominant
sources of inequality is, however, suggested by the fact that inequality has typically been lower
in the densely populated countries of Asia than, for example, in less densely populated Latin
America.
39
40
41
Market Imperfections
Market imperfections are likely to affect inequality when the most important of them are
orchestrated by well-off beneficiaries to in effect transfer income to them at the expense
of the poor; this is most typically true of the capital market but occurs in many product
markets as well. In the labour market a degree of market power is exercised by unions and a
degree of state intervention comes through labour legislation. Their net impact on inequality
has been greatly debated, but is unlikely to be large except in exceptional cases, since it is
constrained by the facts that (i) usually only a minority of workers are union members and/
or are effectively covered by labour legislation and (ii) wages cannot be pushed too far above
the market equilibrium level without seriously deterring employment. The capital market has
much greater potential to affect (raise) inequality, by favouring better off people vs. the less
well-off and larger firms vs. small ones. The same is true of product markets, since extensive
monopoly power raises the profits of the rich (including favoured workers) at the expense
both of consumers and of labour as a whole, in the latter case through its downward pressure
on the demand for that factor. Most of the few reasonably competitive markets (including
that of unskilled labour) involve low income people on the supply side, with the lack of
“imperfections” thus tending to help the better off. Many other imperfections also have clear
impacts on inequality, usually tending to raise it. The most blatant “imperfection” is the theft
of factors (e.g. land), usually by the rich (or those in the process of becoming rich) with the
aid of weak legal systems and generally dysfunctional institutions.
Among policy issues involving freedom of markets from intervention, the possible
distributional effects of trade policy and capital flows, and more generally of globalization and
market liberalization, have been a topic of much debate and little consensus.17 The simplest
static trade theory suggests that the distributional effects of freer trade will reflect the factor
intensities of the export and import-competing products; if the former are labour intensive and
the latter capital intensive wages should rise relative to the returns to capital and if the opposite
is true the reverse should happen. For most of the East Asian tigers the first burst of exports
involved labour intensive goods and at least for Taiwan it appears that rising trade improved
income distribution (Fei et al, 1979). For many other developing countries whose comparative
advantage lies in the export of primary goods (minerals or their products, agricultural goods,
etc.) the distributional effect depends on the combination of the factor intensities of the tradable
involved and who owns or who ultimately gets the revenues from the natural resource base. At
one end of the spectrum are those minerals produced using very capital intensive technologies
and generating high capital incomes for a few people. At the other end are agricultural products
like coffee and tea which, when produced on small farms, generate high levels of employment
and also provide capital and land-based income to relative low income families (Bourguinon
and Morrisson, 1989); since dispersed ownership of the land typically goes with substantially
greater use of labour, these two determinants of distribution both contribute in a positive
direction. All of these impacts are, however, complicated by the role of government, which
often owns and operates mineral industries and in other cases collects large tax revenues which
provide a basis for spending whose allocation forms part of the final impact.
The distributional impacts of capital flows are also hard to sort out. When such flows are simply
translated into an increase in the country’s capital stock,18 their raising that stock relative to
the supply of labour should raise wages and lower the returns to local capital, hence producing
a positive effect on income distribution. When the inflow brings a technology shift towards
the capital intensive, as FDI often does, the impact is more likely to be negative; when it flows
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into labour intensive industries in order to take advantage of lower wages, the impact is likely
to be positive.
The relative frequency of positive and negative distributional impacts of openness to trade
and capital flows and their quantitative dimensions have been matters of great controversy,
partly because there is no easy way to judge them19 and partly because economic openness
has been a major topic of debate more generally.20 The wide range of conclusions emerging
from the different attempts to analyse this issue may reflect the fact that none has gone far
enough in the direction of distinguishing settings and groups of countries where different
outcomes might be expected. Still, the lack of general consensus suggests that the impact is not
normally very large, unless much of it comes with a lag and/or involves those components of
income that are not properly measured. Over time country-level evidence tends to support the
theoretical prediction that increased trade will lower inequality in some countries, especially
those exporting labour intensive goods, and raise it in others, especially those exporting
primary products based on assets whose ownership is concentrated or those where freer trade
leads to rapid labour-displacing technological change. Taiwan exemplifies the former, and a
number of Latin American countries the latter. The higher inequality in mineral dependent
exporting nations also fits this broad prediction (Berry, 2008). But detectable effects are
modest in relation to the inequality gaps across countries. It seems likely that if major effects
exist they occur through the dynamic processes of investment and technological change or
perhaps through the process of growth acceleration, to which openness can contribute. The
rapid turning outward in India and China and the enormous increase in inequality in the latter
are consistent with an important role for those dynamic mechanisms. Confirmation of their
greater role than that of differences in factor proportions comes from Meschi and Vivarelli
(2009, 296), whose state of the art analysis focuses on over time changes in inequality within
countries (rather than cross-country differences). They find that while changing total trade
flows (in relation to GDP) are not significantly related to inequality, trade of middle income
developing countries with the industrial countries does push that inequality up, while trade
among developing countries pushes it down. This suggests that the former trade facilitates the
diffusion of new technologies, in particular in the middle-income developing countries where
the capacity to absorb such technologies is greater, with associated labour-displacing and
inequality-increasing effects. Trade among the developing countries is presumably weighted
towards goods that are not capital or skill-intensive.
The above cited determinants plus the interventions of government are the core mechanisms
at work to determine the level of inequality. Government enters the picture in various ways,
most obviously by taxing the population and engaging in spending but also through a wide
range of other policies, including those on international trade and capital flows. The publicprivate transfers that take a monetary form (taxes from people and monetary transfers to
them) account for the difference between pre-fisc or primary income and “disposable” income.
Much government activity takes the form of provision of goods and services (like education,
health services, food); allocating the associated benefits to individuals or families requires a
complicated calculation to arrive at a distribution of “post-fisc” income.
Behind the set of “proximate” causal factors discussed above are the underlying or more basic
determinants of inequality and poverty that explain the proximate ones, e.g. why and to what
degree markets are rigged for some groups and against others, why the distribution of assets
is as it is, etc.
Building a Theory of Inequality and its Evolution
45
The main factors of production are land, physical capital, human capital (i.e. skills, among
which entrepreneurial and innovative capacity are sometimes singled out) and pure labour
(basic skills). As development proceeds, land and other natural resources become relatively
less important and physical and (later) human capital relatively more so. The distribution
of physical capital is normally quite concentrated, that of land is in some countries but not
in others, and that of what we may call basic labour (the skills that are mainly manual and
quickly acquired and hence not too different among people) relatively equal. Human capital—
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the skills and capabilities that result from education and training may or may not be unequally
distributed, depending on the country. The more unequally each of these factors is distributed
among people or families and the higher the correlation between a person (or family’s)
holdings of one factor and of another, the more unequal the primary distribution of income
is likely to be.
The technologies in use, together with the relative endowments of the factors of production,
determine the prices of those factors and hence the “functional” distribution of income among
basic labour, human capital, physical capital and land (or, more generally, natural resources).
Overall income distribution is more equal when the functional distribution favours those
factors that are least unequally distributed, especially basic labour. When the technologies
favour capital, such that the physical and human capital shares of national income are high,
then the pre-fisc distribution of income tends to be unequal. Three mechanisms tend to bias
technological change in favour of the better off owners of capital. One is the importance of
borrowing technologies from the industrial countries; such technologies are usually capital
intensive in relation to the factor endowments of developing countries and thus depress the
demand for less–skilled labour and increase the demand for higher skills and the higher
incomes that go with them. A second is the fact that the resources to generate new technologies
or forms of production are greater in larger rather than smaller firms, and the former tend to
use and prefer capital intensive technologies. Finally, public efforts to develop technologies
for smaller scale enterprises are often far below their optimal level. Historically, R&D for
agriculture has been either small-farm focussed on more or less size neutral; as a result the
Green Revolution brought widespread benefits across the agricultural sectors of the countries
where it took hold. Recently agricultural research has in many countries been increasingly
privatized with an associated focus on use by large, capital-intensive farms. All of these
mechanisms may be expected to raise inequality in a country, but it remains hard to ascertain
how powerful their effects are.
Political and sometimes social mechanisms underlie much of what happens within these
domains, and tend to create the vicious or virtuous circles that explain the striking inertia
in the level of inequality in countries with either high or low inequality. The vicious circle
usually begins with a politically and economically self-reinforcing concentration of all major
forms of capital. Usually it also involves market imperfections, some of them policy-induced
or uncorrected by policy, that leave the return to a given factor higher for the better off and
hence better connected. Examples include the capacity of some large capitalists to achieve
monopoly profits, while small informal enterprises may realize only very low returns on their
capital because of the competition they face. Political power upholds monopoly profits by
blocking anti-trust efforts. That political process channels public funds for education mainly to
the better off, and co-habits with a financial system that also favours the better off, larger firms.
At the other end of the spectrum of possibilities is a country with low levels of asset
concentration, an egalitarian educational system, and public support for unbiased technology
development. The total impact of differences in asset concentration, the character of
technological change and the pattern of market imperfections may be approximated in terms
of the Gini coefficient as the difference between about 0.30 and about 0.65 (or the difference in
the income ratio between the top and bottom deciles of say 55:1 vs. 6:1), but the contributions
of each of these factors and of the ways they combine has not been sorted out.
Effects of Inequality on Growth
49
Apart from the ethical issue of justice and fairness, various other effects of inequality warrant
attention, most prominently its possible impact on growth. In the early days of development
thinking it was often held that the goals of growth and equality were at odds;21 allowing and
fostering the wealth of a few was seen as a necessary incentive for entrepreneurship and the
high savings rate needed to finance investment. Since capitalists were the savers, innovators
and inventors,22 a premature pursuit of equity would come at the expense of growth. This view
may have held considerable validity at some points during the economic history of the now
industrial countries.23 However, the setting within which the growth-equity relationship plays
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50
51
itself out has changed in various ways over the economic history of the now industrial countries
and varies considerably across today’s developing countries, so it is unlikely that there would
be a universal pattern across countries and over time.24
It has been argued frequently over the last couple of decades25 and is probably now
the majority view among students of the issue, that an equal income distribution has on
average been associated with and promotive of faster growth A larger majority probably
hold that redistributive policies can be growth enhancing when reasonably well designed
and implemented - a more relevant question than whether, on average, good growth and
improvements in distribution have tended to go together. Whether or not these claims stand
the test of time, it is clearly true that fast growth can occur with either low or high levels
of inequality, and that it can occur as inequality increases (as recently in India, and more
dramatically, in China) or as it decreases (Taiwan, earlier and some countries of Latin America
more recently). In short, theory suggests that some policy packages may achieve equality in
ways that are promotive of growth and others in ways that deter growth; in the latter case
it may be that neither objective is attained. Given the policy levers available in principle to
governments, achieving growth with equity (of primary distribution) is usually not a very
difficult challenge in technical/economic terms.
The overwhelming explanations of why it is the exception rather than the norm are political
and institutional—the pressures in favour of growth paths that favour the few.
Policy Response
52
53
Inequality, poverty and the insecurity that goes with them can be reduced both by well-chosen
economic policies (which affect the primary distribution and thus prevent these maladies from
arising) and by what are often called “social policies” designed to react to and offset poverty
and vulnerability. Historically most gains have taken place through the former route, but by the
20th century social policy was becoming increasingly important in the now industrial countries
and by the late 20th and the 21st it has taken on considerable significance in the developing
countries, especially the higher income among them. As noted, theory suggests that some
policy packages may achieve equality in ways that promote growth and others in ways that
deter growth.
There is a considerable degree of consensus that improvements in the primary distribution are
best achieved through the following (partially overlapping) elements:
1. land reform or other steps to achieve an equitable distribution of land, and public support
to raise productivity in the small family agricultural units; this is especially important in
countries that are still mainly agricultural;
2. an industrial policy providing adequate incentives for relatively labour intensive
activities, which may be seen as including
3. appropriate support for smaller, more labour intensive businesses outside agriculture;
4. a strong and equitable educational policy that leaves a low variance in the level of
education/training;
5. a set of policies to diminish the biases of markets and of ill-chosen forms of government
intervention (e.g. unneeded red tape) against the poor.
54
55
Elements (I) to (III) all involve encouraging the demand for labour which, as noted below, is
usually the major broad challenge to policy
The post-fisc distribution depends on the pre-fisc one, plus
1. a tax, transfer, and public goods system that lowers inequality and provides protection
against economic insecurity while not significantly lowering incentives to work or
pursue business enterprise. Such a system involves many components, one of the most
important being the sharing of rents from natural resource exploitation broadly within
the population.
56
None of policies (I) to (V) is, per se, likely to slow growth, when applied in the appropriate
manner and measure. But in most countries none of them are pursued very effectively, with
the result that the primary distribution of income remains quite unequal unless and until the
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tax and transfer system comes into play as a partial palliative, as has recently occurred in
a number of mostly middle-income developing countries. Where policy is good, it tends to
be good on most of these fronts, a fact that suggests either that the technical and political
prerequisites (including the nature of the society and the social contract) are similar for all, or
that progress on some of them facilitates progress on others.26 Which policies are adopted and
how successfully naturally depends on the underlying social and political institutions. Which
have the greatest potential depends on the economic considerations involved.
The Key Role of Policy to Foster Labour Demand
57
A strategy to enhance equity must operate substantially through the generation of an adequate
supply of employment opportunities in both quantity and quality terms. In most cases a good
employment strategy brings faster as well as more equitable growth, along with the direct
psychological benefit people get from having a decent job. In virtually all the countries of the
world there is frequent reference to “employment policies” or an “employment strategy” but
in almost none does one find a well designed and implemented set of policies that deserves the
term. Labour outcomes (wages, levels of employment, unemployment and underemployment,
working conditions, etc.) depend on the demand for each of the different categories of labour,
on the supply of each, and on how effectively the labour market functions in bringing demand
and supply together. Facilitating a healthy demand for labour is almost always the most
important of these three determinants of labour outcomes as well as being the biggest challenge
to a better income distribution and the reduction of poverty; policy too often meets that
challenge poorly. Though it is arguable that the demand for labour is the key determinant
of labour outcomes it has probably received less theoretical and general attention than have
supply and labour market functioning.27 This weakness has probably been quite costly in terms
of foregone distributional and poverty-reduction benefits. The main (interacting) factors lying
behind it appear to be five:
1. a lack of interest (even an active disinterest) by decision-makers in these variables as
objectives of economic policy, because their own welfare is unaffected by them; at worst
leaders have an aversion to either attention to or measurement of such variables28
2. the lack of a persuasive composite labour outcomes indicator, comparable to GNP for the
economy’s production level. A main advantage of such an indicator is that it can focus
attention on this dimension of economic performance. (A danger associated with such
an aggregate variable is that it may invite lack of separate attention to the components
on which it is calculated);
3. the lack of a complementary theoretical framework like that used to buttress the
contention that under largely free markets GNP will be maximized;
4. the technical or objective difficulty of designing good policies that target labour
outcomes, as compared for example with policies that target GNP growth, if only
because the determinants of the former include all those of the latter plus a number of
additional ones;
5. the institutional difficulty of carrying out a good set of policies even if it has been well
formulated, because of the number of disparate institutions that need to be involved,
among which the Ministry of Labour is not usually one of the more important.
58
Probably all five of the above factors have come into play historically to explain why there is
a generally accepted composite variable for the level of economic activity but not for labour
outcomes. Decision-makers have been more interested in output than in labour outcomes;
GNP as a composite variable has a clear economic meaning; with time the technical problems
of measurement and the learning about which policy instruments promote higher GNP have
yielded and evolving economic theory built around GNP has proven useful. There are causal
links between the lack of priority assigned to employment and labour incomes as goals of
socio-economic policy and the technical and institutional problems in the implementation
of such policies, since these latter problems and challenges are typically resolved only with
time and an effort proportional to their perceived importance. Developing target variables
that are useful in practice involves both defining them in a conceptually meaningful way and
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Inequality, Poverty, and Employment: What we Know
measuring them with enough statistical precision and in a sufficiently timely way. Failure to
do so can reflect both the lack of interest and the genuine obstacles to doing so.
Political Constraints on Policy for Inequality and Poverty
59
Improving income distribution and reducing poverty through that means are by nature
politically contentious, in a way that neither growth nor macroeconomic policy designed to
achieve stability in the economy are. Many first-best options are precluded by the distribution
of political power. To exemplify, in many low income countries it is arguably the case that the
most effective (highest benefit/cost ratio) policy to cut poverty and inequality is a strong small
family farm strategy, including land reforms (shifting land from larger to smaller units) where
necessary and a strong support system of R&D, diffusion of new technologies and investment
in complementary infrastructure and human capital. In many other countries the best option
is a strategy to generate a strong demand for labour. This would normally include support for
the sort of small non-agricultural enterprises that have high employment generating capacity,
through a set of policies ranging from microfinance systems to technical support for small
and medium firms, appropriate limitations on patent privileges, control of the monopolistic
tendencies of some large firms, and support for mutually beneficial interactions between other
large firms and small and medium ones. Finally a third option may be a system of transfers
to the needy (welfare). In fact, all these types of policies are likely to be part of an optimal
package. But land reform almost never happens since it involves taking an asset (land) in fixed
or relatively fixed supply from richer people and allocating it to the less well-off, and at a
time when rural elites still have much political power, as reflected in the last two coups in
Latin America - Honduras and Paraguay. Support for small and medium enterprise and other
elements of a good labour strategy do not face the strong political opposition that land reform
does, since they are not so often perceived as being against the interests of the rich. But policymaking in this area is complicated, as noted above, and the requisite dedication to doing it well
has not been present. Finally, welfare payments may garner even more political support since
they elicit the feelings of generosity and humanity that part of a country’s population has, and
are often seen by the elites as a way of avoiding social unrest. But they are more likely to be
palliatives, with shorter-duration effects than the other two policies, especially the first.
Broad Conclusions
60
61
Inequality is unacceptably high in most developing countries and has, on average (weighting
countries by population) been increasing for the last several decades. It has enormous social
costs, partly by making poverty unnecessarily widespread and partly through other social
and psychological mechanisms. Remedies are thus urgently needed. Understanding provided
by economic analysis suggests a package of policies including (especially in the more
agricultural countries) land reform or other steps to achieve an equitable distribution of land,
and public support to raise productivity in the small family agricultural units; a strong and
equitable educational policy; an industrial policy providing adequate incentives for relatively
labour intensive activities, including support for smaller businesses outside agriculture; a
set of policies to diminish the biases of markets and of ill-chosen forms of government
intervention (e.g. unneeded red tape) against the poor; and a tax, transfer, and public goods
system that lowers inequality while not significantly lowering incentives to work or pursue
business enterprise. An integrated set of policies to promote the demand for labour, key to
raising incomes on a broad basis, uses several of the above policies as its building blocks.
Unfortunately the potentially most powerful of these policies—land reform/small farm support
systems, a generally strong policy to create labour demand, and a strongly redistributive state
are, in the first case politically untenable in most countries, and in the other two difficult for
technical as well as political reasons.
The historical record of the industrial countries shows that inequality reduction has come
substantially from wars and depressions (unacceptable routes) and, in the absence of these two
factors, from strong tax systems that over time lower inequality or prevent its increase. This
is bad news for the majority of developing countries whose tax systems have been shifting
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Inequality, Poverty, and Employment: What we Know
towards the use of indirect and not very progressive taxes. It means that, if the state is to have a
significant redistributive function the great bulk of it will be carried out by expenditure policy.
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Notes
1 The year 2000 or one close to it is chosen to depict the structure of inequality because (a) more recent
estimates at the world level are less reliable due to the time lag between the appearance of country data
and their being appropriately adjusted and integrated to provide world level figures, (b) it is desirable
to present individual country figures for about that same date, and (c) except in very unusual situations
(like wars) inequality changes very slowly, so the patterns in 2010 are likely to be very similar to those
of 2000. Section 3.3 elaborates on the limitations of the data for the most recent decade.
2 Figures from World Bank Databank, online, with upward adjustment for the top decile in accordance
with the suggestions of Altimir (1987).
3 See Mauss (2011, 1950) for a classic treatment of reciprocity as a form of association.
4 Thus in Norway until 1860 many entrepreneurs and merchants benefited from rights that prevented
competition; only merchants in towns could sell, forcing the rural population to do their shopping there
Soltow, 1971).
5 The term “social transfers” usually refers to all social spending to help the lower income people except
the direct provision of education and health services. “Social spending” usually refers to those transfers
plus spending on education and health.
6 In Europe’s early “elite” democracies, the criterion determining one’s right to vote was a minimum
amount of land, income or direct taxes paid. The retreat of these restrictions in the19th century opened
the door to greater taxes and social spending. Defining such “elite democracies” as ones where under
40% of men had the vote, Lindert (2004, 23) concludes that they were more opposed to overall social
transfers and to public pensions than was the average authoritarian non-democracy.
7 See, for example, the WIDER database (http://www.wider.unu.edu/research/Database/en_GB/
database/) and the related World Bank data base (http://databank.worldbank.org/ddp/home.do).
8 Ortiz and Cummins (2011) report declining inequality for a number of African countries but the very
doubtful over-time comparability of sources in most of these countries leaves this result open to question,
as does the erratic behaviour of the indices in some cases.
9 This section draws on Berry and Serieux (2007).
10 Estimates by Bourguignon and Morrisson (2002) go only as far back as 1820.
11 Country figures are aggregated using international prices to effect the most meaningful comparison.
12 The $500 and $1000 poverty lines can be considered roughly comparable to the $1 and $2 a day
consumption lines used by the World Bank, lines that can be reasonably considered as ceilings for
extreme poverty and poverty respectively.
13 World income growth per capita averaged 2.27% per year; that of high income countries grew only
at 1.0% while that of middle and low income countries respectively grew at 5.0 and 3.7% per year.
14 In centrally planned systems, personal incomes do not bear the same relationship to productivity
as they do (at least in theory) in a market economy. With the state owning the great bulk of capital,
the income attributable to that factor, rather than flowing to capitalists and swelling the income share
of the top decile or so of the distribution, is allocated according to the dictates of the state, either as
wages, as public goods, or (usually to a significant degree) in the form of delayed future income (via
high investment rates). Labour income is also typically more equally distributed in these countries. As
a result the communist countries (prior to their transitions towards a more market orientation) typically
displayed Gini coefficients on average 10-20 points below those of capitalist market economies. In this
sense, a major determinant of inequality is the economic system.
15 Marx and the classical economists both came to pessimistic conclusions on this point, influenced
in part by contemporary demographic trends and in part by their limited optimism with respect to the
rate of growth of productivity. Happily that pessimism has been superseded by events. The industrial
revolution, already in motion as they wrote but with its transformative capacity still not evident, undid
their doubts with respect to growth potential and although the negative potential threat of an expanding
population remained a dark cloud for much longer, it too has now begun to subside as world population
growth recedes and zero population growth is now a light at the end of the tunnel.
16 For a recent review, see Ahlburg and Cassen (2008). Analyses are complicated by the fact of twoway causation; regions with high growth dynamic attract immigration and vice versa. Demographic
developments are no doubt linked to economic growth and inequality by many causal mechanisms.
17 Since industrial policy has historically been implemented to a large degree by trade policies (tariffs,
quotas, antidumping laws), the distributional impacts of trade and industrial policy largely overlap.
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For example, in countries where more capital-intensive industries were protected, the freeing of trade
might be expected to lead to increased production of labour intensive goods and to improved income
distribution.
18 As with a portfolio inflow unaccompanied by other factors of production or by the introduction of
new technologies.
19 This in turn is due in part to the difficulty of sorting out immediate effects from longer run ones.
The latter may occur, for example, through a gradual upward effect on the size of firms and the share
of world GDP produced in very large (usually multinational) enterprise. Effects may also occur through
changes on the relative prices of goods consumed principally by the well-off vis a vis those consumed
more by the poor, which are not often identified in studies of inequality trends over time.
20 A useful review is Robbins (2003). The strongest views and disagreements occurred during the
neoliberal assault on protectionism (Krueger, 1983), as the proponents of openness and liberalization
argued that not only would this policy reform accelerate growth but also that it would diminish inequality.
The underlying theory was mainly static, building on the plausible idea that under free trade developing
countries would export labour intensive goods and services and import capital intensive ones. While this
pattern has been at work in many developing countries, especially densely populated Asian ones, it was
not generally dominant across the developing world and has in most cases been outweighed by some of
the other mechanisms noted above. The main error of this body of thought was the overconfidence it
exuded on the basis of partial analysis and in advance of any empirical confirmation of the predictions.
The result was one of the more striking mispredictions by a group of development economists over the
last few decades.
21 A prominent statement was Galenson and Leibenstein (1955). Early critics of this view included
Adelman and Morris (1973).
22 Lewis’ (1955) theory of development incorporated this view.
23 This was a plausible view when most of the rich were capitalists, but not when they were mainly
rentiers. As the former gradually replaced the latter at the top of the income hierarchy its overall validity
rose.
24 Among many authors discussing this issue are Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) and Easterly (2001).
25 For example, Alesina and Rodrik (1994). Suggesting that the issue should be framed in a more
complicated way and that methodological differences need to be taken carefully into account in
comparing results are studies like , who found that inequality was bad for growth in poor countries but
good for it in rich (i.e. developed) ones, and who, using non-parametric methods, find that a change in
inequality in either direction is associated with a reduction in growth.
26 In the classic case of Taiwan, for example, the land reform contributed to an already strong legacy of
equality in educational attainment as well as strength in and support for smaller enterprises that dominated
the labour intensive industries.
27 Achieving a high demand for labour is partly a matter of having a high level of aggregate demand
(macroeconomic policy) but, especially in developing countries, it is mainly a matter of keeping the
demand for labour high relative to that for other factors of production, the aspect on which we focus
here. The former component involves Keynesian economics, the latter neo-classical economics.
28 It is understandable that elite-serving governments would give at best modest priority to labour
variables and there have been many such governments. Many specific models have been proposed to
explain their modus operandi (e.g. Acemoglu, Ticchi and Vindign, 2006). Seers (1983, 6) noted that
“Those who hold power rarely have much interest in such matters, still less in attention being drawn
to them. It is preferable to shelter behind the ’growth rates’ that are commended in the reports of
international agencies.”
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économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 05 mai 2015. URL :
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Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Inequality, Poverty, and Employment: What we Know
Résumés
D'énormes disparités économiques existent au sein des pays et plus encore dans le monde
entier. Les inégalités sont beaucoup trop élevées dans la plupart des pays en développement
et en moyenne (pondération selon la population) elles ont augmenté depuis les dernières
décennies. Cela engendre d'énormes coûts sociaux, en parce que cela généralise la pauvreté
et en partie par d'autres mécanismes sociaux et psychologiques. L’article met l'accent sur les
causes de ces écarts et tente de déterminer dans quelle mesure ils pourraient se justifier pour
des raisons économiques ou autres, tout en s’intéressant aux mesures que les gouvernements
peuvent prendre pour réduire ces écarts. L'analyse économique suggère un ensemble de
politiques, y compris (surtout dans les pays les plus agricoles) la réforme agraire ou d'autres
mesures pour assurer une répartition équitable des terres, avec l'appui du public pour accroître
la productivité dans les petites unités familiales agricoles, une politique de l'éducation qui soit
forte et équitable, une politique industrielle offrant des incitations adéquates pour les activités à
forte intensité de main-d'œuvre, y compris le soutien pour les petites entreprises hors du secteur
agricole, de même qu’un ensemble de politiques visant à diminuer les préjugés anti-pauvres
de certains marchés et de certaines formes d'intervention publique (par exemple, contraintes
administratives) contre les pauvres. Enfin, on pourrait ajouter un système fiscal approprié et
équitable, les transferts sociaux et les biens publics qui réduisent l'inégalité tout en ne réduisant
pas trop considérablement les incitations à travailler ou à créer une entreprise. Un ensemble
intégré de politiques visant à promouvoir la demande de travail, clé de l'augmentation des
revenus sur une large échelle, serait basé sur ce type de politiques. Malheureusement, la
politique sans doute la plus pertinente et efficace, soit la politique foncée sur les réformes
politiques touchant l’affectation des terres et les systèmes de soutien à la petite agriculture,
une politique de soutien actif à la demande de main-d'œuvre, et un État fortement redistributif
sont politiquement intenable dans la plupart des pays, et par ailleurs difficiles à atteindre pour
des raisons techniques, mais aussi politiques.
Enormous economic gaps exist within countries and even more so in the world as a whole.
Inequality is unacceptably high in most developing countries and has, on average (weighting
countries by population) been increasing for the last several decades. It has enormous social
costs, partly by making poverty unnecessarily widespread and partly through other social and
psychological mechanisms. The paper focuses on the causes of these gaps, the extent to which
they could be justifiable on economic or other grounds and the steps governments can take
to reduce them. Understanding provided by economic analysis suggests a package of policies
including (especially in the more agricultural countries) land reform or other steps to achieve
an equitable distribution of land, together with public support to raise productivity in the
small family agricultural units; a strong and equitable educational policy; an industrial policy
providing adequate incentives for relatively labour intensive activities, including support for
smaller businesses outside agriculture; a set of policies to diminish the anti-poor biases of
some markets and of ill-chosen forms of government intervention (e.g. unneeded red tape)
against the poor; and a tax, transfer, and public goods system that lowers inequality while not
significantly lowering incentives to work or pursue business enterprise. An integrated set of
policies to promote the demand for labour, key to raising incomes on a broad basis, uses several
of the above policies as its building blocks. Unfortunately the potentially most powerful of
these policies—land reform/small farm support systems, a generally strong policy to create
labour demand, and a strongly redistributive state are, in the first case politically untenable in
most countries, and in the others difficult to achieve for technical as well as political reasons.
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : agriculture familiale, biens publics, inégalité, politique d’employabilité,
politique industrielle, travail intensif
Keywords : employment policy, family agriculture, industrial policy, inequality, labourintensive, public goods
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
23
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Mircea Vultur et Jean Bernier
Inégalités structurelles et inégalités
fractales dans le contexte postfordiste
du marché du travail
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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Référence électronique
Mircea Vultur et Jean Bernier, « Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du
marché du travail », Revue Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013,
consulté le 27 avril 2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1877
Éditeur : Télé-université, UQAM
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Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du marché (...)
Mircea Vultur et Jean Bernier
Inégalités structurelles et inégalités
fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du
marché du travail
Introduction
1
2
3
4
Au tournant des années 1980-1990, l’inégalité est redevenue un problème suscitant de forts
débats dans les sociétés occidentales, tant dans l’espace public que dans le milieu de la
recherche1. Alors que les tendances à long terme indiquaient une réduction globale des
inégalités depuis le début du XXe siècle, les données statistiques recueillies à ce sujet pour
les 25 dernières années indiquent le renforcement dans plusieurs domaines comme le revenu,
l’éducation, l’emploi, etc. Au cours de cette période, le coefficient de Gini2, qui mesure l’écart
entre riches et pauvres, a augmenté dans la plupart des pays occidentaux, et le Québec n’en
a pas été épargné. Ce coefficient, mesuré après l’impôt, est passé au Québec de 0,363 en
1996, à 0,376 en 2006 et à 0,380 en 20083 (Statistique Canada, 2011). Les politiques fiscales
et redistributives mises en place sur les paliers provincial et fédéral, bien qu’importantes, ne
parviennent pas à freiner son évolution à la hausse ni à compenser la progression des écarts
des revenus du marché. La majorité des gains vont aux 10 % des ménages les plus riches, alors
que les ménages de la classe moyenne voient leur situation se détériorer (Cousineau, 2011).
L’évolution des inégalités mesurées sur la base du revenu et plus globalement, du niveau de vie
des individus à l’intérieur d’une société, ne peut pas être dissociée des transformations socioéconomiques en cours (Dubet, 2012). En effet, nous assistons actuellement à des mutations
économiques importantes : la mondialisation des échanges économiques sous l’impulsion
des pays émergents (Chine, Inde, Brésil et autres), l’ébranlement du mode de production
fordiste, qui a structuré le fonctionnement des sociétés occidentales depuis la Deuxième Guerre
mondiale, l’émergence d’un nouveau modèle productif post-fordiste qui refaçonne de manière
importante les rapports entre économie et société (Boyer, 2004 ; Mercure et Vultur, 2010).
Ces mutations induisent une amplification de certaines inégalités structurelles existant entre
des catégories ou des groupes d’acteurs différents ainsi que l’apparition de nouveaux types
d’inégalités qu’on peut qualifier de « fractales », et qui surgissent à l’intérieur d’un groupe
dont les caractéristiques sont relativement homogènes. Notre article a pour objectif la mise en
relief et l’analyse de ces deux types d’inégalités4.
Dans un premier temps, nous abordons les inégalités structurelles issues du traitement
différencié des individus en fonction du statut d’emploi ; ces inégalités subsistent et
s’accentuent. Devant la multitude de critères susceptibles d’être considérés dans l’étude de ce
type d’inégalités (revenu, patrimoine, capital culturel, santé, conditions de vie, etc.) de même
que les nombreuses catégories d’acteurs (groupes définis en fonction du sexe, de l’âge, de la
religion, de la « race », de la génération, du groupe professionnel, etc.), nous avons choisi
de centrer l’analyse sur les inégalités face à l’emploi en mettant l’accent sur les traitements
inégaux et sur la discrimination des individus en fonction du statut d’emploi.
Dans un deuxième temps, nous analysons les inégalités « fractales », soit celles qui
apparaissent à l’intérieur d’une même catégorie de personnes auparavant considérées comme
homogènes. Ces inégalités sont le reflet de l’augmentation des situations d’hétérogénéité des
acteurs sociaux dans les conditions d’un changement des mécanismes régulateurs du système
économique. Ces inégalités sont plus difficiles à saisir, plus silencieuses, mais non moins
importantes. Nous en proposons une analyse fondée sur la mise en perspective de deux groupes
définis par le niveau de formation, à savoir : les diplômés universitaires et les jeunes sans
diplôme.
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Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du marché (...)
Les inégalités structurelles
5
Nous analyserons d’abord divers types d’inégalités structurelles dérivées du statut d’emploi
et induites par l’émergence du travail atypique ainsi que par les prescriptions des conventions
collectives en vigueur dans divers secteurs d’activités au Québec.
Les inégalités dérivées du statut d’emploi à la suite de l’émergence
du travail atypique
6
Dans les conditions d’organisation de la production propres au système productif postfordiste,
marquées par une flexibilité organisationnelle et temporelle grandissante, au cours des
dernières décennies, le travail atypique (travail à temps partiel, temporaire, autonome,
occasionnel, à domicile, travail sur appel ou obtenu par l’intermédiaire d’une agence de
placement de personnel, etc.) a connu au Québec une augmentation importante. Si en 1976,
la proportion de ces formes d’emploi dans l’ensemble des emplois était de 16,7 %, en 1997,
cette proportion atteint 37 % (Matte et coll., 1998). Depuis, la tendance à la hausse du nombre
d’emplois atypiques occupés par les travailleurs québécois continue, comme l’indiquent les
données du tableau 1 :
7
Malgré une série d’avantages qui lui sont associés, l’expansion du travail atypique engendre
des effets sociaux moins désirables, notamment des inégalités entre les individus selon le
critère du statut d’emploi. L’émergence du travail atypique n’est pas uniquement synonyme
de flexibilité, mais il entraîne aussi des inégalités au chapitre des conditions de travail entre
des individus détenant un statut d’emploi différent. Trois types d’inégalités relatives au statut
d’emploi et dont les fondements sont liés en grande partie au domaine du droit du travail seront
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Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du marché (...)
présentés dans la première partie de l’article : a) les inégalités qui résultent de l’exclusion des
travailleurs atypiques de la protection sociale, b) les inégalités issues du traitement différencié
dans l’exercice du travail et c) les inégalités qui résultent de la location de personnel.
8
9
10
11
Les inégalités qui résultent de l’exclusion de la protection sociale sur la base du
statut d’emploi
Dans la société québécoise, comme dans l’ensemble des sociétés occidentales, l’édifice de
la protection sociale et de la sécurité d’emploi s’est construit autour du rattachement du
travailleur à l’entreprise dans une relation d’emploi de type « fordiste ». Ce mode de relation
s’inscrit dans la continuité et s’appuie sur un principe d’échange en vertu duquel le salarié
consent à la subordination dans l’exécution du travail en retour d’une rémunération directe,
ou sous forme de protection sociale, tels les régimes de retraite ou les régimes d’assurance
complémentaire. Pendant longtemps, cette forme d’aménagement de la relation de travail, sur
les plans individuel ou collectif, a assuré une certaine cohésion sociale par son homogénéité et
sa stabilité (Supiot, 1999 ; Perret, 1999 ; Bernier, 2007 ; Mercure et Vultur, 2010). Si l’on fait
abstraction des grands régimes à portée universelle tels que l’assurance-maladie et la sécurité
de la vieillesse, la voie d’accès privilégiée à la protection sociale réside dans le statut de salarié.
C’est ainsi que, pour avoir droit à des conditions de travail convenables, à la syndicalisation,
à des prestations d’assurance-emploi, il faut détenir le statut de salarié.
Cependant, l’émergence et l’extension du travail atypique au cours des dernières décennies
ont fait en sorte que ce modèle correspond de moins en moins à la réalité du monde du travail
québécois, tel qu’il existe aujourd’hui. La montée en force des technologies nouvelles, la
concurrence entre les entreprises dans un contexte de mondialisation, l’autonomie plus grande
dont jouissent dans l’exercice de leur fonction de nombreux travailleurs qualifiés, contribue à
mettre en place de nouveaux modèles d’organisation du travail. Ces modèles ne correspondent
plus aux caractéristiques d’unicité de lieu du travail, de contrôle immédiat de son exécution, de
continuité de l’activité dans le temps. Dans le champ de l’emploi, on retrouve une pluralité de
modes d’organisation du travail qui sont susceptibles d’engendrer des situations d’inégalités,
notamment sur le plan de la nature juridique des rapports entre employeurs et travailleurs.
Pour illustrer ce type d’inégalités, prenons le cas des individus attirés par des emplois dits de
« travailleurs autonomes ». Au Québec, ce type d’emploi a connu une forte croissance (18 %
entre 2001 et 2011), s’appliquant à un nombre de plus en plus important de travailleurs (ISQ,
2012). Mais certains de ces travailleurs se retrouvent souvent dans une sorte de « zone grise »
du rapport d’emploi, en raison du fait qu’ils ne sont ni tout à fait « salariés » classiques, ni
tout à fait « indépendants » ou « entrepreneurs ». Même si, « officiellement », il n’existe que
deux statuts d’emploi légaux (salarié ou indépendant) les différentes formes de flexibilité du
travail mises en place par les entreprises font en sorte qu’un nombre grandissant d’individus
appartenant au groupe des travailleurs atypiques de type indépendant se trouvent aujourd’hui
dans une situation difficile à définir, c’est-à-dire dans une zone grise se situant aux limites de
la relation de travail de type classique et du contrat commercial ou contrat d’entreprise. Cette
zone grise recueille en effet de multiples situations d’inégalité qui résultent soit des relations
de travail ambiguës, soit des relations de travail déguisées.
Les relations de travail ambigües apparaissent quand la situation de travail formelle des
individus ressemble à celle des travailleurs autonomes, alors que sur le plan des conditions
d’exécution de leur travail, leur situation s’apparente davantage à celle des salariés. Ainsi,
certains employeurs considèrent ces individus comme indépendants ou autonomes, ce qui
leur permet de réaliser des économies importantes quant aux charges sociales, tout en se
dégageant des obligations que leur impose la loi en matière de conditions de travail et de santé
et sécurité au travail. Ces travailleurs sont souvent qualifiés de « faux autonomes » ou de « faux
indépendants », et leur situation au regard des conditions de travail et de la protection sociale
est fort différente de celle des salariés classiques. Les « faux indépendants » font l’objet d’une
relation ambiguë, génératrice d’inégalités à l’égard des conditions d’emploi, puisqu’en dépit
de l’apparente autonomie dont ils jouissent dans l’exécution de leurs fonctions, ces travailleurs
sont soumis aux mêmes contraintes que les salariés réguliers de l’entreprise (quant aux horaires
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Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du marché (...)
12
et à la disponibilité), sans pour autant bénéficier des avantages de ces derniers ; de plus, ils se
retrouvent en position de dépendance économique face à l’entreprise qui les embauche.
Les relations de travail déguisées, quant à elles, sont définies par le Bureau international du
travail (B.I.T) de la manière suivante :
« Déguiser une relation de travail consiste à lui donner une apparence différente de la réalité
afin d’annuler ou de diminuer la protection assurée par la loi ou d’échapper à la fiscalité et
aux obligations en matière de sécurité sociale. Il s’agit donc d’un acte qui vise à dissimuler ou
à déformer la relation de travail en la revêtant d’un autre aspect juridique ou en lui donnant
une autre forme. La relation de travail déguisée peut aussi correspondre à une situation où l’on
dissimule l’identité de l’employeur en désignant comme l’employeur un intermédiaire, afin de
libérer l’employeur véritable de toute implication dans la relation de travail et surtout de toute
responsabilité vis-à-vis des travailleurs. » (Conférence Internationale du Travail, 2006 :13)
13
14
15
16
Pour réaliser le déguisement, plusieurs entreprises ont souvent recours aux contrats civils
ou commerciaux de façon à ce que la relation revête l'apparence d’un travail indépendant.
D’autres embauchent des travailleurs pour une tâche précise ou pour une période déterminée
et renouvellent leur contrat à chaque expiration. Cette deuxième technique a pour effet de
maintenir le travailleur dans une situation de contrat à durée déterminée et de le priver des
avantages reliés au contrat à durée indéterminée et de l'accès à un emploi permanent. C’est le
cas, par exemple, d’un salarié embauché à titre de temporaire pour un contrat d’une année, et
qui voit, depuis quatre ans, ce contrat renouvelé à chaque année, toujours à titre d’employé
temporaire surnuméraire. Une autre variante possible dans la relation de travail déguisée est le
changement de statut d’emploi par décision unilatérale de l’employeur, par exemple le passage
du statut de salarié à celui de travailleur indépendant.
Les inégalités qui résultent du traitement différencié des individus dans l’exercice de
leur travail
La multiplication des emplois atypiques entraîne également des inégalités de traitement de
plus en plus nombreuses entre des personnes exécutant des tâches similaires pour la même
entreprise. En effet, aucune mesure légale n’interdit que des salariés accomplissant le même
travail bénéficient de conditions de travail différentes, par exemple au chapitre du salaire5 ou
des avantages sociaux, selon qu’ils sont des employés à temps complet ou qu’ils détiennent
un autre statut, soit celui de salarié à temps partiel, de salarié temporaire ou autre. De telles
inégalités existent, non seulement dans le cadre de relations de travail individuelles, mais aussi,
et ce, en toute légalité, dans certaines conventions collectives (voir la section 1.2 de l’article).
Par ailleurs, il existe une autre forme d’inégalité dont sont victimes les travailleurs atypiques,
soit en matière de santé et sécurité au travail. En effet, des études démontrent que les
travailleurs atypiques sont plus vulnérables que leurs collègues qui occupent des emplois
permanents, particulièrement lorsqu’ils ont à exécuter des travaux comportant un risque élevé
(Lippel, Brenstein et Messing, 2004, Godin et al. 2009). Et malgré que l’incidence d’accidents
de travail soit plus grande chez les travailleurs occasionnels ou temporaires que chez les
salariés à temps complet, et que ces accidents surviennent le plus souvent dans les premiers
jours suivant l’embauche ou le début du remplacement, rien dans la loi n’interdit ce type de
traitement inégalitaire.
Les inégalités qui résultent de la location de personnel
À ce qui précède viennent s’ajouter les difficultés particulières qui résultent de la location de
personnel par les agences de travail temporaires, laquelle donne lieu à des relations de travail
triangulaires. Le secteur des agences, en pleine croissance, n’est aucunement réglementé au
Québec depuis l’abrogation de la Loi sur les bureaux de placement en 1982. La situation
des salariés des agences de placement soulève un certain nombre de questions qui dépassent
largement le cadre des interrogations sur les inégalités de traitement, telles que l’identification
de l’employeur véritable, la responsabilité par rapport aux sommes dues aux salariés, les
clauses qui limitent l’accès à des emplois permanents de qualité dans l’entreprise cliente ou
chez un groupe d’entreprises avec lesquelles l’agence fait affaire. En fait, certains contrats
contiennent des clauses interdisant au salarié d’agence d’accepter un emploi permanent dans
l’entreprise utilisatrice ou à celle-ci d’offrir un tel emploi à celui qui effectue un remplacement.
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Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du marché (...)
Cette transaction peut toutefois avoir lieu à la condition que le salarié et l’entreprise versent
à l’agence une indemnité que ceux-ci n’ont pas, plus souvent qu’autrement, les moyens de
payer, ou qu’ils ne souhaitent pas payer. Il arrive aussi que certaines entreprises recourent à des
salariés d’agence pour combler des postes permanents, notamment pour des travaux insalubres
ou dangereux. Cette utilisation de salariés d’agence pour combler des postes permanents
permet non seulement de réduire les coûts de main-d’œuvre, mais rend impossible, en pratique,
la syndicalisation de ces travailleurs. Il faut noter aussi que les salariés des agences, à l’instar
de la plupart des autres salariés atypiques, ne bénéficient pratiquement jamais de régimes
complémentaires de protection sociale tels que des assurances collectives, un régime de retraite
ou un Régime enregistré d’épargne-retraite (RÉER) collectif.
Les inégalités de traitement en fonction du statut d’emploi dans les
conventions collectives.
17
18
19
20
Un autre type d’inégalités structurelles résulte du traitement discriminatoire des travailleurs
atypiques prévu par les conventions collectives. Nous exposons dans cette section quelques
éléments d’analyse qui montrent dans quelle mesure et en quelles matières les salariés
occupant des emplois atypiques bénéficient de conditions moins favorables que les autres
salariés qui sont couverts par la même convention collective.
Une recherche que nous avons réalisée portant sur les conventions collectives du secteur privé
et des municipalités6 nous a permis de constater une multitude d’inégalités de traitement en
fonction du statut d’emploi. Ainsi, plusieurs catégories de travailleurs atypiques sont exclues
des avantages que procure la convention collective. Ils ne sont pas non plus visés par
la procédure de réclamation qui est préalable au recours à l’arbitrage des griefs, forum
exclusif en matière de plaintes relatives à l’interprétation et à l’application des conventions
collectives. Les étudiants et les travailleurs occasionnels sont particulièrement concernés par
cette exclusion de l’ensemble des dispositions de la convention collective. Le plus souvent
cependant, les travailleurs atypiques demeurent couverts par la convention collective sans pour
autant bénéficier des mêmes avantages que les salariés permanents à temps complet (Bernier,
2007a ; 2011).
Comme mentionné précédemment, dans la majorité des cas, l’inégalité s’exprime sous la
forme d’une discrimination dans l’accès à certains avantages que procure la convention
collective. Il s’agit, soit de l’exclusion des salariés atypiques de l’application d’une disposition
ou d’un ensemble de dispositions (par exemple, les clauses relatives à l’ancienneté et ce qui
en découle), soit d’écarts entre les avantages consentis par une disposition donnée aux salariés
permanents à temps complet, d’une part, et aux salariés atypiques, d’autre part (par exemple,
le taux de salaire applicable).
Le tableau 2 ci-dessous présente les objets de disparités les plus fréquemment observés dans
les conventions collectives étudiées.
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Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du marché (...)
21
22
23
L’examen plus détaillé de quelques-uns des objets de disparité présentés dans le tableau cidessus7 illustre les diverses inégalités de traitement qui affectent les travailleurs atypiques.
L’ancienneté, par exemple, est un critère déterminant dans la prise de décision touchant de
multiples aspects de la vie du salarié tels que la promotion, l’assignation, la mise à pied,
le licenciement pour motif économique, la durée des vacances annuelles et le choix de la
période où elles seront prises, le choix des horaires de travail, etc. La privation totale ou
partielle de l’ancienneté est donc très lourde de conséquences pour un salarié. Or, sur ce
plan, certaines catégories de travailleurs atypiques subissent de fortes inégalités de traitement.
Ainsi, les salariés étudiants et les occasionnels, bien qu’ils travaillent sur une base régulière,
n’accumulent aucune ancienneté. Quant aux salariés à temps partiel, ils accumulent de
l’ancienneté au prorata du temps travaillé, ce qui donne parfois lieu à des formulations
ambiguës comme celle-ci : « le salarié à temps partiel travaillant trois jours par semaine
se voit reconnaître une semaine d’ancienneté. » Dans ce cas, on peut se demander quelle
reconnaissance est accordée à celui qui travaille seulement deux jours par semaine !
Relativement au cadre dans lequel les salariés détenteurs d’un emploi atypique peuvent
exercer leurs droits d’ancienneté, il est fréquent de trouver dans les conventions étudiées des
formulations qui ont pour effet de les enfermer dans une sorte de « ghetto ». L’exemple suivant
est illustratif à cet égard : « Les salariés à temps partiel exercent leurs droits d’ancienneté
entre eux » ; ou encore : « Les salariés permanents à temps complet ont toujours préséance
sur les salariés atypiques sans égard à leur ancienneté réelle. » Quant au cas où un salarié
accèderait à un poste permanent à temps complet, la question de la conversion de l’ancienneté
acquise dans son emploi atypique apparaît comme fortement problématique. Généralement,
la convention prévoit qu’il pourra transférer une partie seulement de son ancienneté (50 %,
par exemple), imposant parfois même un plafond à cet égard (de deux ans, par exemple).
En témoigne cet extrait d’une convention collective : « Lorsqu’un salarié à temps partiel ou
occasionnel devient salarié régulier dans son département, son rang d’ancienneté devient le
dernier du même statut dans ce même département pour les fins de la distribution des vacances
et des heures de travail. »
Si l’on examine les congés payés, d’autres types d’inégalités ressortent. Ainsi, il n’est pas
rare que les salariés à temps complet bénéficient de douze à quatorze jours de chômage payés
chaque année, alors que la même convention collective ne reconnaîtra aux atypiques que les
huit jours prévus par la Loi sur les normes du travail8. Pour ce qui est des avantages sociaux,
les atypiques ne bénéficient pas des régimes complémentaires de protection sociale (par
exemple, assurances collectives, régime de retraite, bonification du régime public d’assurance
parentale). Les disparités salariales témoignent fortement de l’existence de traitements
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inégalitaires. L’écart dans le taux de salaire peut atteindre les 40 % en défaveur des atypiques.
Cet écart peut être le résultat d’une discrimination en fonction du statut d’emploi, mais il
peut aussi rendre compte de tâches ou de responsabilités légèrement différentes, d’où le fait
que nous avons apprécié avec prudence les données relatives aux salaires. La proportion de
49 % figurant au tableau 2 est donc vraisemblablement très conservatrice. Cependant, certaines
disparités observées ne laissent aucun doute, comme l’illustre la citation suivante extraite
d’une convention collective : « À la fin de sa période d’essai, le salarié à temps complet voit
son salaire augmenté de 2,5 %, le salarié à temps partiel de 1,5 % ». Notons aussi que dans
les conventions collectives de certaines municipalités, un étudiant reçoit 70 % du salaire du
salarié permanent pour le même travail.
Pour ce qui est du temps supplémentaire et des congés sans solde, l’analyse démontre que la
plupart des conventions collectives prévoient que le travail effectué en temps supplémentaire
est rémunéré à un taux majoré, soit par exemple le travail au-delà de huit heures dans la même
journée et, sur une base hebdomadaire, au-delà de 35, 37 ou 40 heures selon le cas. Mais, la
même convention précisera que le salarié atypique n’aura droit au taux majoré qu’après les 40
heures hebdomadaires prévues par la Loi sur les normes du travail. Cela a pour conséquence
qu’un salarié à temps partiel, par exemple, qui aura travaillé trois journées de dix heures sera
rémunéré à taux simple, alors que son collègue à temps complet touchera, dans les mêmes
circonstances, six heures à taux majoré. Par ailleurs, notons que les salariés atypiques n’ont pas
accès aux congés sans solde, lorsqu’ils existent ni pour des raisons de convenance personnelle
ni pour des fins de formation, ou autres.
Enfin, sur le plan de la rémunération minimale garantie et des équipements de sécurité
individuels, il est à souligner que lorsqu’un salarié se présente au travail alors que l’entreprise
n’a pas de travail pour lui, certaines conventions prévoient qu’il a droit à une indemnité
compensatoire égale à l’équivalant de quatre à huit heures de travail. Pour le travailleur
atypique, cette indemnité sera limitée aux trois heures prévues par la Loi sur les normes du
travail. En ce qui concerne les équipements de sécurité individuels, dans des entreprises où
les travaux présentent des risques pour la santé ou la sécurité, certaines conventions prévoient
que l’employeur assumera le coût des équipements de sécuritéindividuels (par exemple, des
chaussures) pour les salariés permanents ou leur versera annuellement un montant forfaitaire
à cette fin. Rien de cela pour les salariés occupant des emplois atypiques.
En somme, les éléments d’analyse présentés jusqu’ici montrent que des inégalités structurelles
issues du traitement différencié des individus en fonction du statut d’emploi et du type de lien
qu’ils ont avec l’entreprise pour laquelle ils travaillent persistent et s’accentuent. Ces inégalités
sont commandées par le droit du travail et par les conventions collectives à l’œuvre dans
différents secteurs d’activité qui ne sont pas adaptés aux nouvelles formes d’emploi atypiques
et à la montée en puissance de différents intermédiaires du marché du travail, spécialement
les agences de placement de personnel. Les arrangements institutionnels ne réussissent pas
à articuler de manière juste l’égalité relative des conditions de travail qui devrait primer
et les différences de positions qui s’intensifient dans un monde du travail de plus en plus
mobile et hétérogène. Cette situation a comme conséquence l’émergence d’autres inégalités,
de type « fractal » qui caractérisent les individus d’un groupe dont les caractéristiques sont
relativement identiques (en termes d’âge, d’éducation, de statut professionnel ou autre). Ces
inégalités font l’objet de l’analyse dans la section suivante de l’article.
Les inégalités fractales
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Les inégalités « fractales » ou intraniveaux générées par l’hétérogénéité des situations qui
caractérisent le monde contemporain du travail peuvent être de type frictionnel, mais, dans
beaucoup de cas, elles tendent à devenir permanentes, difficiles à rattraper et aussi persistantes
que les inégalités structurelles. Elles ont pour effet de fractionner les catégories, de créer
des intersections intracatégorielles, de rendre floues les frontières qui séparaient jusqu’à
maintenant certains groupes sociaux ou professionnels. Ces groupes qui donnaient une image
cohérente de la société en raison de leur homogénéité perdent de leur pertinence en tant que
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« baromètre social » et ne permettent de la comprendre qu’à la condition d’analyser leurs
dynamiques internes.
Sur ce plan, des inégalités apparaissent, par exemple, entre des diplômés de même niveau,
a priori d’égale compétence, mais dont certains ont trouvé un emploi qui correspond à leur
formation tandis que d’autres se retrouvent sans emploi ou contraints de travailler en situation
de surqualification, dans un emploi mal rémunéré et sans lien avec leur formation. On observe
également des inégalités fractales dans le groupe des travailleurs indépendants que nous avons
analysés et qui sont loin de constituer une catégorie homogène soumise au même type de
situation d’emploi. Non seulement exercent-ils des professions ou des métiers fort différents,
mais leur attitude face au besoin de protection sociale par exemple s’étend sur un large spectre.
Certains sont en affaires depuis longtemps et n’entretiennent pas vraiment d’inquiétude pour
leur avenir. Ils ont parfois accumulé un capital important, sous forme de biens immobiliers
par exemple, qui leur garantira des revenus suffisants une fois venus l’âge de la retraite.
D’autres ont des conditions de travail et des revenus qui ressemblent davantage à ceux des
bas salariés. Ils n’ont souvent même pas les moyens de contribuer à un régime d’épargneretraite ou encore de se payer une assurance santé. Il en va de même pour le groupe des femmes
qui est marqué dorénavant par des différences significatives. Certaines sont bien insérées
sur le marché du travail, ont des emplois qui leur permettent de toucher de bons salaires
et de s’accomplir professionnellement, même si elles sont toujours discriminées par rapport
aux hommes quant au salaire et à la progression de leur carrière. L’accès massif des jeunes
Québécoises à l’université leur a permis d’être de plus en plus présentes dans des professions
liées à l’enseignement, à la santé et à la recherche, etc. Elles peuvent souvent « sous-traiter »
une partie des tâches ménagères et familiales. Mais d’autres femmes, par contre, demeurent au
bas de l’échelle, travaillant dans des professions peu porteuses et dévalorisées. De même, dans
les emplois à temps partiel, certaines femmes sont à temps partiel contraintes et travaillent
selon des horaires imposés, tandis que d’autres peuvent choisir un travail à temps partiel pour
une période transitoire et ont une garantie de retour à l’emploi à temps plein.
Ces quelques exemples constituent des prolégomènes à une analyse plus détaillée des
inégalités fractales qui, on s’en rend bien compte, ne sont pas toujours facilement observables.
Elles nécessitent un examen des dynamiques internes des groupes, et notamment des
trajectoires effectives des individus, parce qu’elles représentent en grande partie des inégalités
de parcours. Nous allons présenter, dans les pages qui suivent, quelques éléments d’analyse
de deux groupes spécifiques, choisis selon le critère du niveau de formation, soit les diplômés
universitaires et les jeunes sans diplôme, en mettant en évidence différents aspects des
inégalités fractales qui les caractérisent.
Les inégalités à l’intérieur de la catégorie des diplômés universitaires
30
Le groupe des diplômés universitaires subit aujourd’hui une polarisation importante marquée,
entre autres, par une dispersion des salaires et par des situations et parcours professionnels
très différents dus à des expériences de plus en plus hétérogènes sur le marché du travail. Au
Québec, les diplômés de niveau universitaire représentent le groupe le plus nombreux parmi
la catégorie des revenus les plus élevés, touchant parfois plus de deux fois le revenu d’emploi
médian9. Cependant, si 36 % d’entre eux se classaient en 2006 dans cette catégorie, 16 %
des diplômés universitaires se situaient dans la catégorie des revenus les plus faibles (revenu
égal ou inférieur à la moitié du revenu d’emploi médian national). À l’échelle canadienne,
le pourcentage de travailleurs ayant fait des études universitaires dont le revenu était égal ou
inférieur à la moitié du revenu d’emploi médian national était en 2006 plus élevé que dans la
plupart des pays de l’Organisation de coopération et de développement économique (OCDE) ;
18 % des diplômés universitaires et 23 % des diplômés de niveau collégial âgés de 25 à 64
ans touchaient moins de la moitié du revenu d’emploi médian national. Les revenus annuels
de ces travailleurs canadiens étaient donc inférieurs à 16 917 $ avant impôts et transferts.
Les proportions étaient de 6,3 % et de 7 % respectivement en France et de 17 % et 11 %
respectivement aux États-Unis (OCDE, 2008).
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L’insertion professionnelle des diplômés universitaires est devenue également plus difficile.
Cette catégorie de diplômés met plus de temps à se trouver un emploi et comporte des
différences significatives entre individus qui se sont accentués au fil du temps. En 2007, les
titulaires d’un baccalauréat prenaient environ onze semaines pour se trouver un emploi par
rapport à neuf semaines en 1999, tandis que, pour les titulaires d’une maîtrise, la période de
recherche d’emploi est passée de huit semaines à quatorze semaines (ISQ, 2007). De même, le
nombre de chômeurs parmi les diplômés universitaires s’accroit : de 2000 à 2008, la proportion
de chômeurs détenant un diplôme universitaire dans l’ensemble des chômeurs a augmenté de
9,2 % à 13,2 %, phénomène susceptible d’augmenter les inégalités face à l’emploi à l’intérieur
de ce groupe (Vultur, 2010).
Le domaine de formation apparaît également comme un facteur non négligeable d’inégalité
dans le groupe des diplômés universitaires en raison de son lien aux secteurs d’activité et aux
types d’emploi. Ainsi, certains domaines professionnels ont un lien formation emploi fort,
d’autres plus flous, et c’est cette dernière tendance qui s’amplifie de plus en plus. Les données
de l’Enquête nationale auprès des diplômés (END) de 2000 montrent qu’au Québec, si 54 %
des diplômés universitaires travaillaient dans un domaine qu’ils considéraient comme ayant
un lien fort avec leurs études, 21 % n’y voyaient qu’un lien faible et 25 % n’y voyaient aucun
lien. Ces proportions varient en fonction du domaine de formation ; en sciences humaines par
exemple, seulement 35 % des diplômés considèrent que leur travail a un lien fort avec leurs
études.
Par ailleurs, si l’on établit une distinction entre les titulaires d’un grade universitaire non
immigrants et immigrants, on peut constater que ces derniers sont moins favorisés au regard
de l’emploi. Ils connaissent un taux d’emploi plus faible et surtout, un taux de chômage plus
élevé qui se situe chez les immigrants récents à des valeurs avoisinant les 20 %, par rapport à
4 % pour les diplômés non immigrants. À l’intérieur du groupe des diplômés universitaires, on
remarque aussi un écart important dans la distribution des revenus entre hommes et femmes.
Le salaire des femmes ne représente que 72 % de celui des hommes. En dépit des avantages que
les études supérieures procurent en matière de revenus, les écarts de revenus observés entre
hommes et femmes à niveau égal de formation demeurent substantiels (OCDE, 2011 : 38).
Le phénomène de la surqualification, qui touche les diplômés universitaires est, sans aucun
doute, un autre facteur générateur d’inégalités. Les données de l’END de 1995 et 2000
recueillies au moyen de l’approche subjective10, indiquent que, deux ans après la fin de leurs
études, 34,4 % et 33,5 % respectivement des diplômés se considéraient comme surqualifiés et
cinq ans après, respectivement 26,9 % et 24,5 % étaient dans cette situation. Le pourcentage
des diplômés universitaires canadiens qui sont surqualifiés est relativement stable d’une
cohorte à l’autre et positivement corrélée avec la durée passée sur le marché du travail. Il
demeure toutefois à des valeurs élevées avec des conséquences importantes sur cette catégorie
d’individus. Les diplômés surqualifiés sont ainsi moins bien payés que leurs pairs détenant
le même niveau de formation et ayant trouvé un emploi correspondant à leurs compétences.
Au Québec, un diplômé universitaire qui occupe un emploi de niveau technique est payé en
moyenne 22 $ l’heure (le taux de salaire moyen au Québec), tandis que le salaire moyen d’un
diplômé universitaire travaillant au niveau professionnel est de 30 $ l’heure. En termes de
statut, les surqualifiés ont également une position économique relative plus basse que ceux
qui ne le sont pas et des attentes relatives au travail inaccompli (en termes de salaire et de
responsabilités, par exemple). Ces situations entraînent des effets négatifs sur le plan des
attitudes par rapport au travail, générant un fort taux d’insatisfaction (Vultur, 2010a).
Les inégalités à l’intérieur de la catégorie des jeunes sans diplôme
35
Le contexte économique actuel induit aussi des inégalités à l’intérieur de la catégorie
des jeunes de bas niveau de formation, ceux qui abandonnent leurs études secondaires
ou collégiales. Ces jeunes sont, généralement, relégués au marché du travail secondaire
caractérisé par l’instabilité, des conditions de travail et de formation médiocres, des bas salaires
et de faibles possibilités de promotion. Cependant, on constate que le diplôme ne constitue
qu’un des éléments qui influencent l’insertion professionnelle de ces jeunes et leur situation
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sur le marché du travail. Les effets de l’expérience et des qualités individuelles viennent
concurrencer de plus en plus les effets du diplôme. Cette situation fait en sorte que les jeunes
sortis sans diplôme du système de formation ne forment pas un groupe homogène et tous ne
sont pas confrontés aux mêmes difficultés. À l’intérieur de ce groupe, de fortes inégalités face à
l’emploi persistent et s’approfondissent. Nous illustrons ce constat avec la mise en perspective
des trajectoires d’insertion de ces jeunes cinq ans après avoir quitté leurs études secondaires
ou collégiales avant l’obtention du diplôme, sur la base des résultats d’une étude qualitative
et rétrospective de l’insertion professionnelle de ces jeunes11.
Les données de cette recherche montrent que cinq ans après la sortie de l’école ou du cégep,
la situation des jeunes sans diplôme était très hétérogène, caractérisée par des inégalités
importantes en termes de parcours professionnel. Si une majorité de ces jeunes était en emploi,
d’autres se retrouvaient au chômage, en période d’inactivité ou dans une reprise de formation.
Sur la base de nos données, nous avons distingué quatre types de jeunes dont la situation reflète
des fortes inégalités dans leur parcours professionnel. Il s’agit de :
a) jeunes qui s’étaient stabilisés sur le marché du travail
Contrairement au stéréotype souvent accolé aux jeunes qui interrompent leurs études
secondaires ou collégiales, une majorité de jeunes que nous avons interviewés avaient réussi à
se stabiliser sur le marché de l'emploi ou étaient en voie de le faire cinq ans après leur décision
de quitter l'école ou le cégep12. Les types d'emploi qu’ils occupaient correspondaient le plus
souvent à un emploi que le jeune croyait devoir conserver à court et à moyen terme. Ces divers
types d’emploi leur avaient permis de subvenir à leurs besoins, de maintenir leur autonomie
financière et de former des projets de vie d'ordre personnel (achat d'une maison, planification
de la naissance d'un enfant, voyages) ou professionnel (passage à un statut d'emploi amélioré
dans une entreprise, démarrage d'une petite entreprise, perfectionnement ou retour aux études).
b) jeunes qui étaient en voie de stabilisation sur le marché du travail
Ces jeunes avaient encore à consolider leur situation, car ils avaient pris plus de temps à obtenir
l'emploi qu'ils détenaient au moment de l'entrevue et l'occupaient depuis moins longtemps.
Plusieurs avaient effectué un retour aux études dans un domaine qui leur plaisait en vue
d'obtenir les qualifications requises pour un emploi. Certains venaient tout juste d'obtenir, au
moment de l'entrevue, un emploi permanent dans une entreprise. D’autres, bien qu’ils aient eu
un emploi stable, planifiaient leur transition vers un autre emploi en se donnant une formation
d'appoint ou en amorçant le démarrage d'une petite entreprise.
c) jeunes qui étaient en situation précaire
Si une proportion relativement élevée de jeunes a réussi à se stabiliser ou était en voie de
le faire, un nombre non négligeable d’entre eux n’y est pas parvenu et se retrouvait dans
une situation précaire qui ne leur permettait pas de subvenir entièrement à leurs besoins, de
maintenir leur autonomie financière et de former des projets de vie réalisables13. Plusieurs des
jeunes appartenant à ce type en étaient à un point tournant en ce qui concerne leur avenir, après
être passés d'un boulot à un autre qui ne leur a pas permis d'assurer, de façon satisfaisante, une
certaine continuité. Ils ont néanmoins appris à se connaître à travers ces diverses expériences
et songeaient à des stratégies de repositionnement dont la principale est le retour aux études.
D'autres assumaient leur situation de précarité ; parallèlement à l'emploi qu'ils occupaient pour
assurer leur subsistance, ces jeunes avaient un projet qui mobilisait leur énergie en relation
avec un idéal artistique dans le domaine de la musique, des arts visuels ou des arts de la scène.
d) jeunes qui étaient en marge du marché du travail
Ces jeunes, minoritaires dans l’ensemble de l’échantillon, n'avaient jamais travaillé ou
l'avaient fait sur une courte durée à cause de problèmes de santé physique ou mentale. Ils
vivaient des prestations de l'aide sociale. D'autres ont eu plusieurs emplois qu'ils n'ont pas
conservés à cause de problèmes reliés à l’usage abusif de drogues ou encore de comportements
qualifiés de délinquants.
On voit bien que les trajectoires professionnelles des jeunes qui ont abandonné les études sont
marquées par de fortes inégalités de parcours. On retrouve des convergences et des différences
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de situation qui se déclinent selon le niveau et le secteur de formation ou selon le sexe. Ainsi,
le passage par une formation professionnelle et technique, même incomplète, est souvent un
atout pourvu qu’elle serve de support à l’emploi ultérieur. Un DEP en foresterie ou en finances
autant qu’un DEC en administration ou en informatique donnant accès à un emploi dans le
domaine de formation peut devenir un gage de stabilité même sans être complété. Ce qui n’est
pas le cas si le parcours de travail se situe dans un champ complètement différent de celui de la
formation professionnelle ou technique abandonnée. Il n’y a alors aucune reconnaissance de
ces sessions de formation. Les jeunes qui n’ont pu utiliser leurs acquis scolaires professionnels
ou techniques se retrouvent dans une situation semblable à ceux qui ont abandonné des études
générales ou en sciences humaines. Quant aux formations générales ou préuniversitaires,
elles mènent à tout, pourvu que l’on se donne une formation plus pointue, que l’on prolonge
carrément les études ou encore que l’on se spécialise dans un champ d’emploi particulier. Dans
ce dernier cas, le hasard, la débrouillardise ou les contacts jouent souvent un grand rôle.
À l’intérieur de cette catégorie de jeunes, des inégalités s’observent aussi sur le plan du salaire
et des conditions de travail offertes. Ainsi, le salaire moyen hebdomadaire des jeunes stabilisés
en emploi ou en voie de l’être est plus élevé à la suite de l’abandon des études collégiales
que secondaires avec un écart d’environ 100 $. Quant aux conditions de travail, on note une
présence plus grande d’emplois de cols blancs et d’emplois syndiqués pour les sortants du
collégial, alors que ces emplois sont beaucoup plus rares pour les sortants du secondaire qui
se retrouvent davantage dans des emplois de cols bleus et dans les services.
La variable sexe joue également dans la configuration des trajectoires. Elle tient à la distinction
qui a été faite entre les choix des formations techniques chez les femmes et les hommes. Les
choix faits par les femmes dans des domaines plus traditionnellement féminins débouchaient
souvent dans un cul-de-sac, même après plusieurs sessions parce que ces techniques n’étaient
valides sur le marché du travail qu’une fois le diplôme obtenu : c’est le cas par exemple des
formations techniques en soins infirmiers ou en hygiène dentaire. Les hommes ont plutôt suivi
des formations techniques pouvant être reconnues en milieu de travail sans l’obtention du
diplôme comme des techniques en administration, en gestion ou en informatique. Ces choix
ont, par la suite, influencé directement le parcours d’emploi ultérieur. Les femmes devaient se
réorienter complètement ou aborder le marché du travail sur la base d’une 5e secondaire, alors
que les hommes pouvaient être embauchés sur la base des connaissances acquises pendant leur
technique au collégial.
On est donc en état de constater que la situation des jeunes, cinq ans après être sortis sans
diplôme de l’école secondaire ou du cégep, varie considérablement, et que les formes d’accès
au marché du travail sont très différentes, relevant des fortes inégalités à l’intérieur de ce
groupe. L’analyse fait ressortir le fait que les premières années de la vie active après la sortie
sans diplôme de l’école secondaire ou du cégep sont le moment d’une « construction de
carrière » qui mobilise des stratégies et des ressources différentes, lesquelles génèrent des
inégalités fractales. Certains jeunes intègrent le marché du travail pour ensuite se diriger vers
des formations spécifiques ou arrêtent de travailler pour réintégrer le système d’enseignement
(stratégies de reconversion) ; certains se réorientent vers d’autres secteurs et vers d’autres
emplois que ceux pour lesquels ils ont reçu une formation (stratégies de reclassement) ;
d’autres pratiquent une stratégie de fil d’attente. Rien n’est donc joué au moment de l’abandon
des études et les situations d’emploi et de formation s’articulent les unes aux autres pour
construire des trajectoires inégales et différenciées qui ne sont pas déterminées au départ.
En guise de conclusion 45
Les analyses présentées dans cet article montrent que, dans la situation actuelle du marché
du travail, caractérisée par une hétérogénéité croissante des situations face à l’emploi, les
inégalités structurelles et les inégalités fractales se complètent réciproquement. Les lois du
travail et les conventions collectives maintiennent et accentuent les inégalités de traitement
en fonction du statut d’emploi, affaiblissant ainsi l’inscription des individus dans un collectif,
réduisant aussi les conditions nécessaires pour « faire société » avec leurs semblables. Cette
situation conduit à la « dé-collectivisation » des relations de travail qui prend le contre-pied
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du marché (...)
46
47
48
des formes d’inscription collectives propres au fordisme et mène à une « société des individus
au travail » dans laquelle les appartenances collectives se délitent et les solidarités se défont.
Elle génère, par ricochet, des inégalités fractales, signes d’une différenciation de plus en plus
forte entre des individus appartenant au même groupe et dont la source se trouve dans les
transformations récentes du mode d’organisation du travail et de la production.
Ainsi, les écarts dans la répartition des revenus à l’intérieur des groupes relativement
homogènes ne sont pas étrangers du déclin du système fordiste, phénomène qui a réduit
le poids des arrangements institutionnels en faveur d’une gestion plus individualisée de la
rémunération. Cette gestion semble d’ailleurs rencontrer les aspirations d’une grande partie
de la population québécoise qui adhère en proportion de 70 % à l’exigence managériale de la
rémunération au rendement (Mercure et Vultur, 2010 : 77). C’est ainsi que l’établissement des
salaires sur une base plus individuelle et décentralisée a mené à une plus forte dispersion des
revenus à l’intérieur des groupes homogènes.
L’intensité différente de l’activité des individus de la même catégorie sur le marché du
travail entre également en ligne de compte comme facteur explicatif de ce processus. Ainsi,
les travailleurs à temps plein risquent beaucoup moins de toucher un faible revenu que les
travailleurs à temps partiel ou occupés une partie de l’année. La même logique s’applique au
domaine de formation : ceux qui ont tendance à se concentrer dans des domaines d’études
« peu rémunérés » comme les sciences humaines gagneront beaucoup moins que ceux qui sont
dans des domaines à forte rémunération comme le génie. Les transformations des modes de
recrutement des entreprises qui mettent prioritairement l’accent sur les qualités individuelles
et l’expérience (Vultur, 2012) sont aussi un facteur favorisant les inégalités fractales. Cette
situation fait en sorte que les possibilités de traitement inégalitaire à l’embauche sont plus
fortes, mettant en cause l’égalité des chances d’avoir un traitement équitable pour les individus
qui ont le même diplôme ou la même formation.
Notons aussi, sur un autre plan, l’incidence du revenu familial total qui peut jouer dans la
dispersion des revenus à l’intérieur des groupes homogènes. Par exemple, si un membre
de la famille touche déjà un bon salaire, son conjoint peut alors accepter un emploi moins
bien rémunéré, travailler à temps partiel ou choisir de ne pas travailler du tout. En situation
d’homogamie (épouser une personne possédant le même niveau de scolarité que soi), il peut
arriver que des individus très scolarisés acceptent volontiers de toucher un faible revenu si
leur conjoint, très scolarisé aussi, reçoit déjà un revenu élevé. Le renforcement des écarts de
revenu entre les individus appartenant à des groupes relativement homogènes traduit ainsi
d’autres phénomènes sociologiques tels la montée du nombre de familles monoparentales ou
la préservation des familles à double revenu, avec corrélation croissante des salaires entre
les deux conjoints. Les transformations du monde du travail, mais aussi celles de la famille
constituent des facteurs explicatifs importants de la disparité de revenus, de la persistance et
de l’apparition des nouvelles inégalités. Ce champ de recherche reste ouvert et requiert des
perspectives d’analyse dynamiques et comparatives et des démarches de recherche de plus en
plus empiriques.
Bibliographie
Bernier, Jean (2011). « Les jeunes et les syndicats au Québec : une analyse des disparités de traitement
dans les conventions collectives », dans Mircea Vultur et Daniel Mercure (sous la direction de),
Perspectives internationales sur le travail des jeunes, Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, p. 253-267.
Bernier, Jean (2007). « Les mutations dans les formes d’emploi et leurs conséquences sur les jeunes »,
dans Sylvain Bourdon et Mircea Vultur (sous la direction de), Les jeunes et le travail, Québec, Les
Éditions de l'IQRC/Les Presses de l'Université Laval, p. 247- 258.
Bernier, Jean (2007a). « Les conventions collectives et les emplois atypiques », dans Regards sur le
travail, vol. 4, No. 1, p. 2-17.
Boyer, Robert (2004). La théorie de la régulation, Paris, La Découverte.
Conférence Internationale du Travail (2006). 95e Session, 2006, Cinquième item à l’agenda, Rapport
V(1), La relation de travail.
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du marché (...)
Cousineau, Jean-Michel (2011). Les inégalités de revenu, causes, évolution et situation québécoise,
Association des économistes québécois, octobre, http://blogue.economistesquebecois.com/2011/10/20/
les-inegalites-de-revenus-causes-evolution-et-situation-quebecoise/ (site consulté le 14 février 2012).
Dubet, François (2012). « Régimes d’inégalités et injustices sociales », SociologieS, Débats, Penser les
inégalités, mis en ligne les 18 octobre 2011, consulté le 25 avril 2012.
Fitoussi, Jean-Paul et Pierre Rosanvallon (1996). Le nouvel âge des inégalités, Paris, Seuil.
Gaudrey, Jean (2006). En finir avec les inégalités, Paris, Mango, Coll. « En clair ».
Gauthier, Madeleine, Claude Trottier, Jacques Hamel, Marc Molgat, Mircea Vultur (2004). L’insertion
professionnelle et le rapport au travail des jeunes qui ont interrompu leurs études en 1996-1997, Rapport
de recherche. Montréal. INRS Urbanisation, Culture et Société.
Godin, Jean-François, Benoît Laplante, Elise Ledoux, Mircea Vultur, Zacharie Tsala Dimbuene (2009).
Étude exploratoire des parcours d’emploi en lien avec l’apparition des premières lésions chez les jeunes
de 16 à 24 ans, Montréal. Institut de recherche en santé et sécurité au travail.
ISQ (2007). Réalités des jeunes sur le marché du travail, Québec, Gouvernement du Québec.
ISQ (2012). Annuaire québécois des statistiques du travail. Portrait des principaux indicateurs du
marché et des conditions de travail, 2001-2011, Québec, Gouvernement du Québec.
Lippel, Katherine, Stéphanie Bernstein et Karen Messing (2004). « Travail atypique » : Protection légale
des conditions minimales d’emploi et de la santé, Rapport de recherche, CINBIOSE, Université du
Québec à Montréal.
Matte, Denis, Domenico Baldino et Réjean Courchesne (1998). L’évolution de l’emploi atypique au
Québec, Québec, Ministère du travail.
Mercure, Daniel et Mircea Vultur (2010). La signification du travail. Nouveau modèle productif et ethos
du travail au Québec, Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, coll. « Sociologie contemporaine ».
Oberti, Marco (2008). « Des inégalités aux discriminations », dans François Gonthier (sous la direction
de), Justice sociale et action publique, La Documentation Française, No. 949-950, p. 83-85.
OCDE (2008). Regards sur l’éducation. Les indicateurs de l’OCDE.
OCDE (2011). Regards sur l’éducation. Les indicateurs de l’OCDE.
Perret, Bernard (1999). « Mutations économiques et fonctions sociales du travail », dans Marc-Henri
Soulet (sous la direction de), Le travail, nouvelle question sociale, Fribourg, Éditions universitaires
Fribourg, p. 57-72.
Spitz, Jean-François (2009). Pourquoi lutter contre les inégalités, Paris, Bayard.
Statistique Canada (2011). Enquête sur la dynamique du travail et du revenu (1996-2008).
Supiot, Alain (1999). « Transformations du travail et devenir du droit du travail : une prospective
européenne », Revue International du Travail, vol. 138, No. 1, p. 32-48.
Tonnancour (de), Véronique et Guylaine Vallée (2009). « Les relations du travail tripartites et
l’application des normes du travail au Québec », dans Relations Industrielles/Industrial Relations,
vol. 64, No. 3, p. 339-441.
Vultur, Mircea (2010). « Pratiques d’entreprise et insertion professionnelle des jeunes », dans Jacques
Hamel et al. (sous la direction de), La jeunesse n’est plus ce qu’elle était, Rennes, Presses Universitaires
de Rennes, p. 165-177.
Vultur, Mircea (2010a). « Hausse d’éducation et déclassement des jeunes sur le marché du travail au
Québec » dans Christian Papinot et Mircea Vultur (sous la direction de), Les jeunesses au travail.
Regards croisés France-Québec, Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, coll. « Regards sur la jeunesse
du monde », p. 101-133.
Vultur, Mircea (2012). « Formation du jugement sur la compétence et formes d’évaluation de
la performance au travail » dans Diane-Gabrielle Tremblay (sous la direction de), Performance
organisationnelle et temps sociaux, Presses de l’Université du Québec, coll. « Études d’économie
politique », p. 41-56.
Notes
1 Parmi les plus récents débats sur ce thème, voir le dossier « Débats sur la précarité » dans la revue
SociologieS, novembre 2011, ainsi que la discussion autour du livre « La société des égaux » de Pierre
Rosanvallon dans la revue Débats, No. 169/2012.
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Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du marché (...)
2 Ce coefficient mesure l’inégalité de répartition des revenus en distribuant les inégalités sur une échelle
de 0 à 1 ou 0 équivaut à une situation théorique d’égalité absolue (toute entité détiendrait la même
richesse) et 1 à une situation d’inégalité absolue (une entité détiendrait toute la richesse). Ainsi, plus l’on
s’approche de 1, plus la situation est inégalitaire, et plus l’on s’approche de 0, plus celle-ci est égalitaire.
3 Dans l’ensemble canadien, cet indice a aussi augmenté, passant de 0,378 en 1996 à 0,396 en 2008
(Statistique Canada, 2011).
4 Précisons que, dans le contexte de cet article, nous définissons les inégalités comme le résultat
d’un processus structurel, objectif, intentionnel ou non, qui se traduit par un accès inégal à différentes
ressources. Les discriminations et les disparités de traitement, en tant que restrictions des droits d’une
personne par rapport à une autre en raison de différents critères et caractéristiques (âge, sexe, statut
d’emploi, etc.) apparaissent donc comme des modalités particulières d’inégalités puisqu’elles constituent
des obstacles à l’accès à certains droits. Sur la définition des inégalités, voir entre autres, Gadrey (2006 :
191) et Oberti (2008 : 83-85).
5 À cette exception près : l’article 41.1 de la Loi québécoise sur les normes du travail prévoit qu’ « un
employeur ne peut accorder à un salarié un taux de salaire inférieur à celui consenti aux autres salariés
qui effectuent les mêmes tâches, pour le seul motif que ce salarié travaille habituellement moins d’heures
par semaine. » Toutefois cette disposition « ne s’applique pas à un salarié qui gagne un taux de plus de
fois le salaire minimum. »
6 Cette recherche a eu comme objet 156 conventions collectives conclues au niveau de l’entreprise
ou de l’établissement, déposée en 2004 auprès de la Commission des relations de travail du Québec,
s’appliquant à 75 salariés et plus et couvrant au total 34 307 salariés, dans cinq secteurs d’activité réputés
pour avoir largement recours à des travailleurs atypiques (hébergement, alimentation, autres commerces,
manufacturier, municipalités).
7 Afin de ne pas singulariser certains employeurs ou certains syndicats, les exemples sont présentés de
façon anonyme. Retenons seulement qu’ils ont été choisis parmi les situations les plus caractéristiques
et souvent les plus fréquentes.
8 La Loi sur les normes du travail définit les conditions minimales de travail auxquelles doivent satisfaire
aussi bien les contrats individuels de travail que les conventions collectives.
9 La valeur du revenu d’emploi médian de l’ensemble de la population canadienne âgée de 25 à 64 ans
s’établissait en 2006 à 33 834 $ avant impôts et transferts.
10 La question posée était la suivante : « Compte tenu de votre expérience, de votre niveau d’éducation
et de la formation que vous avez reçue, pensez-vous être surqualifié pour exercer votre emploi principal
actuel ? »
11 Cette recherche, réalisée par un groupe de chercheurs de l’Observatoire Jeunes et Société (Madeleine
Gauthier, Jacques Hamel, Marc Molgat, Claude Trottier et Mircea Vultur) a été effectuée auprès de 104
jeunes Québécois sortis sans diplôme de l’école secondaire et du cégep en 1997 et interrogés en 2003.
Les résultats de l’ensemble de cette recherche se trouvent dans Gauthier et al. (2004).
12 Nous avons regroupé dans cette catégorie les jeunes qui, au moment de la collecte des données a)
étaient en emploi depuis plus de deux ans, b) occupaient un emploi depuis moins de deux ans, mais étaient
sûrs de ne pas le quitter à court terme, c) avaient occupé plusieurs emplois sans avoir été en chômage
depuis deux ans ou plus et sans anticiper une période de chômage et d) ont eu un ou plusieurs emplois
en alternant entre le travail à temps plein et le travail à temps partiel par choix et selon leur convenance.
13 Nous avons regroupé dans cette catégorie les jeunes qui, au moment de l’entrevue (a) étaient au
chômage ou qui avaient connu de nombreux épisodes de chômage depuis l'interruption de leurs études
(b) avaient un emploi en attendant d'en trouver un qui corresponde davantage à leurs attentes (c) avaient
des « emplois de survie » leur permettant de poursuivre parallèlement un projet d’ordre artistique qui
leur tenait à cœur (d) voulaient effectuer un retour aux études à temps plein ou dont l'emploi n'était
accessible qu'aussi longtemps qu'ils conservaient leur statut d'étudiant, occupaient un emploi favorisant
leur réhabilitation tout en leur permettant d'intégrer graduellement le marché du travail.
Pour citer cet article
Référence électronique
Mircea Vultur et Jean Bernier, « Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le
contexte postfordiste du marché du travail », Revue Interventions économiques [En
ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 27 avril 2015. URL : http://
interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1877
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
15
Inégalités structurelles et inégalités fractales dans le contexte postfordiste du marché (...)
À propos des auteurs
Mircea Vultur
Professeur agrégé, INRS Urbanisation Culture Société. mircea.vultur@ucs.inrs.ca
Jean Bernier
Professeur émérite, Université Laval. jean.bernier@rlt.ulaval.ca
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Résumés
Les mutations actuelles du monde du travail induisent une amplification de certaines inégalités
structurelles existant entre des catégories ou des groupes d’acteurs différents ainsi que
l’apparition de nouveaux types d’inégalités qu’on peut qualifier de « fractales », et qui
surgissent à l’intérieur d’un groupe dont les caractéristiques sont relativement homogènes.
Notre article a pour objectif la mise en relief et l’analyse de ces deux types d’inégalités. Dans
un premier temps, nous abordons les inégalités structurelles issues du traitement différencié
des individus en fonction du statut d’emploi. Trois types d’inégalités relatives au statut
d’emploi et dont les fondements sont liés en grande partie au domaine du droit du travail
seront présentées : les inégalités qui résultent de l’exclusion des travailleurs atypiques de la
protection sociale, les inégalités issues du traitement différencié dans l’exercice du travail et les
inégalités qui résultent de la location de personnel. Dans un deuxième temps, nous analysons
les inégalités fractales, soit celles qui apparaissent à l’intérieur d’une même catégorie de
personnes auparavant considérées comme homogènes, en proposant une analyse fondée sur la
mise en perspective de deux groupes définis par le niveau de formation, à savoir les diplômés
universitaires et les jeunes sans diplôme.
The current changes in the labour market take the form of an amplification of certain
structural inequalities among different categories or groups and the emergence of new types
of inequalities that we can classify as "fractal". They arise within a group with relatively
homogeneous characteristics.
Our article aims to underline and analyze these two types of inequalities. At first, we will
address the structural inequalities resulting from the differential treatment of individuals based
on employment status. We will present three types of inequalities, related to the employment
status and whose foundations are largely connected to labour law: inequalities resulting
from the exclusion of atypical workers from social protection, inequalities resulting from the
different treatment during the working experience and inequalities resulting from the use of
temporary agencies work.
As a second step, we will analyze fractal inequalities, those taking place within the same
category of people that we previously considered as homogeneous, offering an analysis of
two groups defined on the basis of their educational level (young university graduates versus
young people without qualifications).
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : conventions collectives, diplômés universitaires, disparités de traitement,
inégalités fractales, inégalités structurelles, jeunes sans diplôme, statut d’emploi,
travail atypique
Keywords : atypical work, collective agreements, employment status, fractal
inequalities, structural inequalities, treatment inequalities, university degrees, young
people without education
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
16
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Shanti Fernando et Alyson E.King
Winners and Losers: Literacy and
Enduring Labour Market Inequality in
Historical Perspective
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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Référence électronique
Shanti Fernando et Alyson E.King, « Winners and Losers: Literacy and Enduring Labour Market Inequality in
Historical Perspective », Revue Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013,
consulté le 23 avril 2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1912
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Winners and Losers: Literacy and Enduring Labour Market Inequality in Historical Perspect (...)
Shanti Fernando et Alyson E.King
Winners and Losers: Literacy and
Enduring Labour Market Inequality in
Historical Perspective
Introduction
1
2
Creating a literate population has been an ongoing concern for policymakers and educators in
Canada since Confederation. Originally there were attempts to give the most basic of literacy
skills to first create moral, Christian citizens and, later, a skilled workforce. After WWII,
literacy and education programs were established to help create a less stratified workforce as
governments became cognizant of more broadly defined equality and rights issues surrounding
literacy, education and the equalization of opportunities. By the end of the 20th century,
conceptions of literacy and education had expanded further to include (multi)literacies,
life-long learning, re-skilling and the need to create a flexible and knowledgeable labour
force that understands the world in more complex ways. This broadening of definitions
of literacies and education has paralleled the increasing policy emphases placed on a
knowledge-based economy and information society. While knowledge and information are
not synonymous, they do go hand-in-hand. As Roberts (2009) succinctly puts it: “Knowledge
creation is dependent upon information, yet relevant information can only be collected with
the application of knowledge” (p. 299). The importance of knowledge and information work
to post-staples economic progress was acknowledged by Peter Drucker in 1959, Fritz Machlup
in 1962, and Robert E. Lane in 1966, yet it was not until the 1980s and 1990s that the Canadian
government began to explicitly include the concept in policy announcements.
The recent Government of Ontario (2012) Commission on the Reform of Ontario’s Public
Services, known as the Drummond Report, points to the need for employment and training
services to meet Ontario’s labour market challenges. The recognition of the need for such
training tacitly acknowledges the social inequities within the labour market, with youth, recent
immigrants, older workers, female single parents, and those with disabilities being particularly
affected by labour market shortages. While the need for such training programs across
Canada is clear, the underlying problems of literacy and basic skills attainment are relatively
invisible as these problems are rarely present in the minds of policy makers, employment
counsellors and the like. In other words, “the lack of literacy and basic skills in the population
is an invisible problem being tackled by invisible practitioners."1 However, implementing
efficiencies in the labour market is not simple. For instance, there is debate surrounding the
reasons for poor access to the labour market. In addition, there are disconnects between literacy
levels, educational attainment, and the actual skills required for labour market attachment
and adaptability. Indeed, Hanushek and Woessman (2008) make a strong argument for the
role of cognitive skills in improving economic development; in doing so, they highlight the
complexities of attempting to determine connections and causalities between education and
economic development. The importance of cognitive skills is clear, but their measurement is
no more straightforward than measuring the quality of schools and education, literacy skills,
and so on. The surveys used by Hanushek and Woessman (2008) are not without problems.
For instance, they only focus on the skills acquired by teenagers by aged 15 years. In addition,
the ability to complete those surveys requires a level of functional literacy. Most of the skills
measured are those generally acquired through schooling. Therefore, there is a link between the
quality of education provided by a country’s schools, the number of years of school attendance,
and the cognitive skills scores. All of these factors are also correlated to social economic
class, which is in turn related to literacy levels. The standardized surveys, such as Programme
for International Student Assessment (PISA), have been critiqued for their lack of attention
to social economic class, among other issues (MacRuairc 2011).2 For the purposes of our
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Winners and Losers: Literacy and Enduring Labour Market Inequality in Historical Perspect (...)
3
4
paper, however, one finding regarding cognitive skills in particular stands out: “both basic
and top dimensions of cognitive skills seem to have independent positive effects on economic
growth” (Hanushek and Woessman 2008, p. 646). As aspects of cognitive skills, therefore, the
importance of functional literacy and (multi)literacies skills are validated as factors in strong
economic development.
In this paper we argue that improved support for (multi)literacies training will provide a
building block for greater equity in both the social and labour context. To ground our
argument, we will discuss definitions of literacies within the Canadian historical context
demonstrating ongoing connections between literacies, employment and social inequalities.
While the primary focus of this paper is on English-speaking Ontario, we attempt to draw
connections with literacy programs and policies across Canada. The broad strokes of the
underlying reasons for the development of education across Canada is fairly consistent,
but there are some significant regional variations due to differences in power structures
and the timing of the entrance of particular provinces into federation. In addition, minority
language rights, particularly in Quebec, have an impact on policy issues and the acquisition
of (multi)literacies skills by individuals. Because employers and government tend to see this
training for (multi)literacies as optional, labour market inequality is increased. The model
we propose recognizes that polarization in the labour force damages economic growth and,
as a result, requires targeted government investment in literacy and basic skills training.
This investment involves both acknowledgement that such training is necessary for economic
growth and recognition of the centrality of meaningful employment to the dignity and rights
of those in the labour market.
Literacy and illiteracy are not a dichotomy, but rather parts of a continuum (Walker 2008;
Taylor et al. 2011). The need to address literacy training is therefore not a matter of making
someone “literate” but instead a matter of giving someone the ability to achieve their potential.
The need to address literacy training is a fundamental issue of equity and dignity for those
who are trying to integrate themselves into society and the economy in a meaningful way.
The shifting nature of the economy and the move to a more contingent work force places
increased responsibilities on the various levels of government to deal with the question of
(multi)literacies and basic skills. If, as T. Scott Murray et al. (2009) have said, key production
inputs such as raw materials, financial capital, advanced production technologies, and leadingedge research and development are available to competitors at the same prices on global
markets, the skills of the workers in a country and their adaptability to knowledge and
information-rich environments then become even more vital.
Education & Literacy: A Historical Context
5
For the purposes of this paper, literacy and basic skills training is being narrowly defined.
Our focus is on the formal education-oriented programs, excluding more informal methods
of dealing with illiteracy such as libraries, development of the book trade, and ‘selfimprovement.’ In the early part of Canada’s history, literacy training and education were
in essence the same; however, there were tensions between developing literacy skills and
employability skills. The lure of factory jobs drew young people out of the education system
and reduced the acquisition of basic literacy skills. Most jobs in the 19th and early 20th centuries
required little formal education and literacy. By the early 20th century, literacy training began
to be separated from general education; in most provinces, both citizens and governments
began to see literacy training as key to social and economic improvements. Yet, it is not until
the late 1960s and early 1970s that the government became involved in supporting various
literacy programs (Taylor et al. 2011). This coincides with the new government focus on
an information or knowledge economy. Our concern with literacy in this paper is primarily
focussed on policy and its implications for labour market accessibility, which is, admittedly,
a rather narrow perspective in that the voices of those who have participated in such literacy
programs are not heard. We are also not addressing the debate over the numbers of Canadians
who were literate at any given period of time, beyond the general trend that, over time, more
Canadians have become literate.
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7
8
9
In Canada, literacy – and education in general – long has been tied to moral development
and self-improvement; being literate meant that one could read the Bible and could thereby
benefit from its Christian values and mores. Indeed, many of the first schools were founded to
provide basic biblical instruction and were supported by the Anglican, Catholic and Methodist
churches (Prentice 1977; Houston & Prentice 1988; Selles 1996; Axelrod 1997; Walter
2003; Brunet 2007). Education was understood as having two main functions: preparation to
maintain one’s existing place within the social order and the inculcation of denominational
religious beliefs. As a result, children from poor families were given only rudimentary literacy
training, while those from richer families were extensively schooled so that they could take
their rightful positions as leaders of the community and nation (Curtis 1988; Houston &
Prentice 1988; McKillop 1994; Barman 1995; Brunet 2007). In other words, literacy and basic
education at the end of the 19th and start of the 20th centuries were focused largely on good
citizenship (Graff 1987; Luke 2008) and based on the idea that children belonged to the state
as future workers in a segmented and hierarchical labour market (Houston & Prentice 1988;
Dehli 1990; Heathorn 1996).
Since the mid-nineteenth century, Canada has experienced a trend towards mass education.
Despite this trend and government efforts to increase participation through mandatory
attendance laws, many people were unable to benefit for a variety of reasons. Public education,
literacy, and labour, particularly child labour, have overlapping histories and are tied to the age
for mandatory school attendance. In Canada today, students must stay in school until age 16,
except for Manitoba, New Brunswick and Ontario where the school leaving age is 18. Until the
mid-20th century, males in particular often left school without graduating because they were
able to find jobs in the primary industries (such as fisheries, mining and forestry) or in factories.
Economic motives for families were strong for keeping children out of school to work on
farms, in factories or in the fisheries. Families weighed the short-term economic benefits
of employment against the delayed advantages of higher earning power through extended
schooling (Heron 1995; Oreopoulos 2005). In some instances, such as with the Newfoundland
fisheries, illiteracy was a symptom of economic participation because all family members,
regardless of gender, were needed to participate in the family fishing economy (McCann
1988). In Quebec, both the curriculum and access to education were tightly controlled by the
Catholic Church until the Parent Report in the 1960s helped to liberalize the system (Wade
1968; Corbeil 2006). In addition, many children and youth had only minimal access to schools
due to geography, weather and finances. Today, some of these trends continue, particularly in
Alberta where the oil patch draws young people out of school earlier than in other provinces,
leaving the province with some of “the lowest growth rates for human capital and labour
productivity” (Coulombe 2011, p. 1).
The linkages between prosperity and literacy are also evident, but it is a circular relationship.
Education for literacy cannot occur until there is a level of prosperity both for the nation as
a whole and for the individual and his or her family but achieving that prosperity is difficult
without education for literacy. Once a basic level of financial security has been reached and
literacy is made a priority, increased literacy among the general population is linked to further
increases in both national and personal prosperity. Compulsory attendance laws were gradually
introduced as Canada and its provinces became increasingly industrialized and prosperous.
However, the lack of teeth in the early attendance laws played a role in low attendance rates,
as well as the other barriers to education, contributing to a relatively low literacy rate among
adult Canadians until the post-WWII period (Adamson 1966; Brunet 2007).
In the period prior to the Quiet Revolution, formal education in Québec was set up along
denominational and language lines with English Protestant and French Catholic school boards.
During the 1960s, Quebec education was democratized with education becoming accessible
at both the secondary and postsecondary levels. Although later modified, the enactment of
Bill 101, the Charter of the French Language, in 1977, caused Quebec education to change
dramatically again because only those students “whose parents had received most of their
elementary education in [English] in Quebec or whose brother or sister had been educated in
[English]” were allowed to enroll in an English school (Corbeil 2006, pp. 18-19; Oreopoulos
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2005). Disparities in educational attainment continued to be high in Quebec at the start of the
21st century. In eastern Quebec, for example, 26% of Anglophones had less than a grade 9
education; in the Montreal area, this number was 6% for 2001. For all Anglophones in Quebec,
5% had a grade 9 education in 2001 (compared to 15% in 1971). Greater success was had
improving the education levels of Francophones: in 1971, 44% had not attained grade 9; by
2001, this rate had improved to 15%. A similar situation is seen in Quebec when literacy levels
are examined (Corbeil 2006). It is important to note here that when literacy levels are available,
as Coulombe et al. (2004) argue, literacy scores provide a better measure of human capital
than number of years of schooling.
Issues of (multi)literacies and basic skills will continue to be important to discussions of
the knowledge-based economy. Indeed, in a knowledge economy, as Graham (1999) argues,
thought, language, ideas and the like become commodities: “In the knowledge economy,
the products of human imagination, including particular types of thought, the language used
to convey these, and the perceived value of these two socially inseparable phenomena, are
commodities” (p. 487). Just as certain skills are more valued in the knowledge economy, so
too are perceived levels of literacy and types of language (or dialects). The key word here
is ‘perceived’: even though various literacy tests have ranked over a third of Canadians as
having low literacy skills, other surveys have found that most Canadians see their own literacy
skills as adequate for their needs (Livingstone 2009). Livingstone (2009) concludes that while
literacy in relation to job requirements is not declining, there is evidence of underemployment
(i.e., workers have more educational qualifications than a particular job requires). In addition,
when the extent of underemployment is examined by economic class, inequalities continue
to persist. If those workers with high levels of credentials and academic achievements are
underemployed, does this mean further marginalization for those who struggle with traditional
schooling because of low literacy skills?
Literacy for Equity
11
The three main organizations prior to WWII that provided some form of literacy training and
adult education were Mechanics Institutes, local school boards, and the Workers Education
Association. Mechanics Institutes, which first opened in Canada in the 1820s and 1830s,
provided the foundations of adult education and, later, public libraries. The Mechanics Institute
movement arose out of the need to provide further education for the thousands of artisans
and factory workers created by the Industrial Revolution. Founded in England in the 1820s,
the Mechanics Institutes initially provided technical instruction. Their role gradually changed
to a social one combined with a programme of general education. English colonists brought
the first Mechanics Institutes to eastern Canada in the late 1820s and early 1830s where they
were opened in Quebec, Ontario and Nova Scotia. Workers could attend evening lectures after
work in order to ‘improve’ themselves (Johnson 1964; Friesen 1994; Kuntz 1993). By the
1860s, the school boards in Kingston and Toronto had established night classes for adults, a
concept that soon spread across the country. As with the Mechanics Institutes, it was hoped
that young men who worked during the day would attend these classes rather than going
to “places where temptations for spending for spending money and acquiring bad habits
are almost irresistible” (British Columbia 1875, p. 18). Although the moral dimension was
prevalent in the 19th century, the emphasis shifted to education’s vocational function by the
1900s. In the Victoria school board’s 1909 pamphlet, Prepare for Promotion, new courses
were introduced to teach working men about new technologies, such as the gasoline engine,
while women could learn cooking, dress-making or physical culture. Similar programs were
created across Canada (Johnson 1964; Rowe 1976). The Workers’ Education Association
(WEA) was formed in Canada in 1918 to provide education for citizenship for working people.
The underlying motives of its founders and the businessmen who supported it, however, were
more elitist, based on concepts of imperialism and providing a “University culture to the labour
man” (Friesen & Taksa 1996, p. 178). Although created well before his birth, by the 1930s, the
WEA programs echo Paolo Freire’s pedagogy of the oppressed in that the workers controlled
the courses, appointed the teachers, and administered the agency. The WEA of the interwar
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years was one of the great successes of the labour movement. By 1945, however, the advent
of the Cold War and other changes in social conditions led to its opposition by business and
ultimately the demise of the WEA (Friesen & Taksa 1996; Friesen 1994). During the interwar
years, the first national organization, the Canadian Association for Adult Education (CAAE),
was created. It was a key part of the increasing awareness of illiteracy and adult education
(Kidd 1951), along with many other groups, in the post-war era.
While these early examples of programs addressing the literacy of Canadians were positioned
as general education for adults, they were the forerunners to later literacy-specific programs.
Such programs, both literacy-oriented and more broadly adult education, were often viewed
as essential to the training of good workers. Implicit in human capital theory, particularly
popular in the post-war period, was the idea that as the use of technology grew, it was important
to invest in education and training. Education, as such, was viewed unproblematically, as
was the “competitive, meritocratic society where individual characteristics are recognized and
rewarded by employers” (Gaskell & Rubenson 2004 p. 4). By the end of World War II, the
general population was relatively well-educated as a result of fairly strong provincial public
education systems and the question of literacy became one of shame: the stigma of illiteracy
is seen as something to be overcome. In the immediate post-war era and into the 1970s, those
classed as illiterate were still able to earn a living wage in factories and the trades. Once those
labour-oriented jobs begin to disappear in the 1980s and 1990s, however, workers who were
unsuccessful in moving closer to the literate end of the literacy continuum faced increasing
challenges in finding and keeping well-paying jobs. The statistics show much of what one
would intuitively expect looking at the history of adult literacy and education programs: older
Canadians who may have had limited amounts of schooling are more likely to score lower on
the literacy continuum; younger Canadians who have benefited from a longer time in school
score higher; those with post-secondary education score higher than those without. Related to
this, Canadians with more schooling and higher literacy levels are usually more successful in
the work force, in terms of both wage levels and job attainment (Statistics Canada, Building,
2003; Riddell 2004; Livingstone 2009; Oreopoulos 2005).
The nature and quality of the literacy, adult, and basic education programs has significant
impacts on the acquisition of (multi)literacies skills and subsequent earnings potential. Formal
education, for example, is more effective in improving literacy skills when compared to
programs providing labour market experience. While work experience programs have a
positive impact on earnings growth, there is usually no improvement in cognitive skills.
Work experience programs may show benefits as long as a worker is employed, but formal
education usually has a greater long term benefit in a worker’s ability to find and adapt to
new jobs. Indeed, a “twenty-point increase in the literacy score – equivalent to one-third of a
standard deviation of the literacy score distribution – produces an increase in earnings equal
to that associated with an extra year of formal schooling” (Riddell 2004, p. 47). Livingstone
(2009) argues that while “there has probably been an overall gradual upgrading of both entry
credential and performance requirements for jobs in advanced market economies since the
1970s” (p. 40), there is little information about the relationship between individual workers’
formal education and their jobs, nor about their overall general knowledge and abilities.
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While those with low literacy skills are more likely to be unemployed compared with those
with higher literacy scores, there are significant numbers of employed Canadians who are
considered illiterate according to the International Adult Literacy and Skills Survey (IALSS) in
2003 (Table 1). Such Canadians are more vulnerable to economic fluctuations and during these
fluctuations those with high literacy skills and academic attainment are able to take jobs usually
held by those who are illiterate or have minimal educational qualifications (Song and Webster
2003). As the nature of jobs continues to change in the 21st century, how will those Canadians
with low literacy who are employed cope with the shifting labour landscape? The historical
record suggests that they will be further marginalized by the segmented labour market into
even poorer quality jobs or pushed out of the workforce altogether. The ‘problem’ of illiteracy
will not disappear as the KBE continues to grow and as workers begin to work beyond the
traditional ages of retirement by choice, need, or as a result of the recent Conservative omnibus
budget bill C-38 that allows for the gradual extension of the age of qualification for Old Age
Security benefits.3
Measuring literacy rates over long periods of time is impossible since records are either
unavailable or inaccurate; however, it is possible to measure educational attainment. Although
not a perfect measure of literacy rates – some people manage to graduate from university with
minimal literacy skills – educational attainment is usually an indicator of literacy levels, as
seen in Table 2 (Riddell 2004). The results of the 2003 Adult Literacy and Life Skills Survey
indicate that some 40% of Canadians do not have the minimum level of literacy skills needed
for survival in the knowledge-based economy, a proportion that is unchanged from the 1994
International Adult Literacy Survey. Yet, over that same period of time, high school drop-out
rates have declined and more Canadians have enrolled in post-secondary education (Canadian
Council on Learning 2006, 2009).
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What it means to be literate is socially constructed – it means different things in different
countries, but also at different points in time. Given the fact that there has been a significant
amount of credential inflation over the last twenty-five years (Livingstone 2010), the literacy
requirement – literacy in the traditional alphabetic sense – may serve as a form of oppression.
Formal education systems privilege alphabetic literacy (and numeracy) over other forms of
knowledge and communication. Informal learning tends to be undervalued, even denigrated,
even though access to literacy is mediated by class, gender and race. Literacy has become a
credential, “an externally imposed measure of the individual that conditions educational and
life trajectories, rather than a tool for the literate person to make sense of the world” (Sears
2003, p. 90). It is the vocational perspective of literacy that limits the ability of individuals to
develop the broad-based problem-solving and critical thinking skills that will be needed for the
knowledge-based economy to be successful – and for individuals to succeed in it. The nature
of testing in Ontario’s current education system rewards individual results and “treats learning
as an individual acquisition” (Sears 2003, p. 91). Literacy is one indicator of the ability to
understand “codified knowledge embedded in the written word” (Roberts 2009, p. 296); much
of the activity in the KBE occurs through the written word. While some aspects of literacy
are individual in nature, collaborative learning, team work, and communities of practice are
already important in the knowledge-based economy. Without the ability to participate in
such collaborative groups, individuals and nations are restricted in their participation in the
knowledge economy (Roberts 2009; Howells, et al. 2012).
There are those who see the information society and knowledge-based economy as inextricably
linked to the welfare state rather than as parallel elements of society. Castells and Himanen
(2002) argue that the Finnish model gives an example of how a successful information society
can finance a welfare state and a welfare state can in turn produce a well-educated populace
who can facilitate the continued success of that information society. The history of basic
skills and literacy training as well as the history of labour segmentation and exclusion is the
history of marginalized groups being excluded from the economy and the labour market. What
history shows us, however, is that the welfare state has been changed to decrease the ability of
marginalized groups to rely on it for labour market integration and development. Castells and
Himanen (2002) warn that “as different types of exclusion are on the rise, the global trend has
also brought into question the idea of inclusive development, which was the task of the welfare
state” (p. 79). The trend of growing income polarization and labour segmentation shows that
the withdrawal of the development functions of the welfare state has dire consequences. At
its core, the welfare state provides a collective protection of the labour force and the rights
of labour; now, this protection is becoming more fragile and restricted (Castells and Himanen
2002).
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The Drummond Report (2012) pointed to the need for greater labour and basic skills training in
Ontario and that support for that training is necessary for economic growth and development.
One recommendation is to “develop a labour-market policy framework to link planning for
employment and training services more strongly to economic development initiatives led
by ministries such as Economic Development and Innovation; Agriculture, Food and Rural
Affairs; and Northern Development and Mines” (p. 285). The Report (2012) makes it clear
that employment and training services are necessary in both efficiency and equity terms.
It acknowledges that training programs help to raise skill levels and make them relevant
to jobs available in the labour market. It is also clear that “government training programs
help reduce the skills gap for many of these displaced workers and can increase their reemployment earnings” (p. 277). In terms of an equity and human dignity argument, it claims
that “government intervention includes the promotion of equal opportunity, social mobility
and more equal distribution of economic rewards” (p. 277).
The lack of on-the-job training can be seen at all levels, but is most evident in the low-paid
occupations. Statistics Canada’s Workplace and Employee Survey data shows that less than a
quarter of low-paid workers received on-the-job-training, although to what extent that training
was ongoing or helpful is unknown, and only one-third of higher-paid workers received such
training (Zeytinolglu et al. 2008). These data demonstrate that the most vulnerable and lower
wage workers, who are more likely to have lower literacy levels, will not increase their
literacy in the workplace. For all workers, skill training and upgrading is needed to maintain
a competitive employability profile; it is even more important for vulnerable workers who
find this training and upgrading critical not only to develop skills in order to progress in the
labour market, but also in maintaining dignity in the workplace (Zeytinolglu et al., 2008, p.6).
Employers are also under-investing in training, further increasing the vulnerability of workers
(Ibid.).
Literacy for Economic Growth
20
21
Governments need to address the development of broad-based (multi)literacies among all
Canadians for a number of reasons, including the lost potential of workers’ knowledge and
societal contribution which is part of both an equity argument and an economic growth
argument. When Murray et al. (2009) conducted a cost-benefit analysis of Canada addressing
its literacy challenge, they found that the cost to the provinces and the federal government
of delivering requisite literacy programs would be offset by the increase in aggregate income
tax and decreases in Employment Insurance and Social Assistance benefits. They estimate
the total net benefit to be at least $16,083 million per annum, excluding “a range of indirect
economic benefits associated with lower health, social and educational costs and increases
in consumption taxes” (p. 58). These benefits would also be accompanied by a lowering of
poverty rates which in turn lowers crime rates and raises social capital. These factors make
a strong case for increased government investment in broad-based literacy programs. The
history of basic skills and literacy education and the enduring segmentation of that education in
Canada, demonstrates that some sectors of society are relegated to little or no labour mobility
and security despite official commitments that a knowledge-based economy will be beneficial
for all workers.
Although formal education is not a guarantee that workers will become more productive, when
employers invest in their employees, a virtuous cycle is created “whereby better workers gain
jobs where complex skills matter and are subsequently improved through work experience and
on-the-job training, while the remainder of the labour force is relegated to more mechanical
or routine jobs” (Webster 2001, p. 259). This cycle further strengthens the position of the
KBE winners and makes the position of others more precarious and marginalized, polarising
the labour market as demand increases for workers with the skills and ability to deepen their
knowledge and decreases for manual labour. It is clear that formal education helps workers
to cope with technical change as they improve their problem-solving abilities and develop the
flexibility to transfer skills from one job to another (Webster 2001). Furthermore, Webster
(2001) concludes, most short labour market programs aimed at improving workers’ skills
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23
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do not provide the necessary training to make the deep changes in knowledge and creative
thinking that lead to flexible workers. As a result, “there appears to be restricted mobility
between sectors even when educational attainment is allowed for” (Webster 2001, p. 269).
This means that we need to create a model that supports meaningful systemic investment rather
than short term or ineffective solutions.
Labour segmentation and structural barriers are part of systemic inequality in society. Theories
surrounding labour inequalities are difficult to separate from theories that deal with underlying
societal privilege in general. The current marginalization of certain segments of the labour
market shows the continuation of inequalities and the creation of further polarization of
incomes. Social inequalities are exacerbated by the knowledge-based economy (KBE) and
taken to a new level. While blue collar workers are often set up in a dichotomy with white collar
workers, there are now gold collar workers who are displacing the white collar workers with
less adaptable literacies and basic skills. There is a need for workers who can more easily adapt
to change as a result of their flexible skill base and high level of technological knowledge.
Knowledge is the greatest resource of the 21st century and the “multi-skilled, knowledge based,
gold-collar worker, using information to solve problems and create solutions is highly valued
and likely to become even more so” (Wonacott 2002, p. 6). The gold-collar worker needs a
high level of multiliteracies skills, is a self-managing strategic thinker and will understand
technology, business and science, as well as how these areas intersect (Wonacott, 2002). It is
this type of worker who is sought, while the blue collar and white collar workers are further
segmented rather than integrated into the workforce. Indeed, Song and Webster (2003) studied
the dual segmented labour market in Australia and they found that “the rate of downgrading
of skilled job seekers is sensitive to labour market conditions but not the rate of upgrading of
unskilled job seekers. This implies that there is more mobility of skilled workers rather than
unskilled workers between segments” (p. 340). In other words, unemployed skilled workers
can usually find jobs in the unskilled sector, further marginalising unskilled labour.
Labour has long been segmented by gender, race and education level. Up until the mid-20th
century, most Canadian men who were not farmers were employed in the staples (primary
resources) industry or in the emerging factories. In 1871, for example, 51% were farmers,
lumbermen, or fishermen. Those in manufacturing and handicrafts constituted 13%, while
36% were evenly distributed between services and construction and unskilled labourers. By
1931, the ratios had not changed significantly. Among Canadian men in 1931, approximately
52% were employed in agriculture or primary (i.e., logging, fishing, trapping, mining, and
quarrying) and unskilled labour (Porter 1968). It is not until after WWII that these numbers
begin to change. In 1951, the proportion of men employed in these categories had dropped
to 32.7%. After another ten years, the proportion had dropped again, to 22.2% (Porter 1968).
Once women were included in the employment statistics, they were clustered in personal
service and in clerical types of jobs. In terms of race, Germans, Dutch, and Scandinavians
dominated in agriculture, while Italians, French, Native Canadians, and other Europeans were
more likely to be found in the primary industries and unskilled labour. British workers were
spread more evenly across all categories (Ashton 1988).
Up to and throughout the 1980s, ethnicity continued to be an important determinant of labour
market opportunities (Ashton 1988), and the segmentation of the labour market continued well
into the 1990s with “men and women of color … frequently locked into the least-paid, leastsecure jobs” (Hiebert 1999, p. 364). In 1961, statistics from the Census of Canada suggested
that level of schooling and occupation were connected. For example, 69% of men employed
in the primary industries had grade 8 or less. Similarly, 55% of those in blue collar work had
completed grade 8 or less, while 44.1% of men in the professions had a university degree
(Porter 1968). By this time, there was an increasing awareness that continued reliance on
the staples industries would lead to a “staples trap” (Wellstead 2007). At the same time, the
problem of illiteracy was starting to be highlighted by educators, employers and government:
in 1961, almost 110,000 people between 15 and 29 years had four years of schooling or less and
were no longer attending school (Adamson 1966); among male workers of all ages, only 7.1%
or 334,091 had completed grade four or less (Porter 1968). During the 1960s, governments
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began to pay more attention to the types of education that would move Canada out of the staples
economy and into what, at the time, Drucker called the knowledge economy and Machlup
named the information society (Kenway et al., 2006). With the advent of the Cold War and the
space race, focus was turned to the creation of a skilled workforce. Students were required to
stay in school longer and were provided with more postsecondary education choices through
the newly designed community college systems that targeted those looking to work in the
burgeoning technological industries. During the 1960s, awareness of the vocational need for
adult basic education programs also increased, resulting in the 1960 Technical and Vocational
Training Assistance Act and the 1967 Adult Occupational Training Act (Stamp 1982). There
was little direct attention paid to literacy until the 1970s, in spite of the International Literacy
Day being declared by UNESCO on 8 September 1965.
In recent years, literacy has become an international issue with literacy levels closely linked
to economic progress. This has come with an emphasis on the human capital economic
perspective and has pushed governments to focus policies on retraining unemployed workers
for the knowledge economy. This need for a constant “re-skilling” is part of a globalizing and
rapidly shifting KBE, and the concern about remaining competitive puts pressure on workers:
[An encompassing, broad-based] definition of literacy and the increasing focus placed on it can
be seen as part of a rapidly growing global concern with lifelong learning. … Being able to
engage creatively and adeptly with new technologies is increasingly becoming crucial, with a nontrivial number of jobs requiring certain skill sets and mastery of and/or familiarity with certain
technologies. As a response to a perceived gap between people’s skill sets and those necessary for
survival in the job place or to function in society, an atmosphere of crisis has emerged pervading
public discourse with the call for citizens to engage in lifelong learning (see Field 2001, Martin
2003) and to shape-up their ‘inadequate literacy skills’, especially for those at the bottom of the
pack. (Veeman et al. 2006 quoted in Walker 2008, 465)
26
27
Those who participate in building the economy need to be supported in the demanding
labour market. Efforts by governments and institutions to promote adult literacy are based
in the concept of competition: “Individuals are not only engaged in a competition to ensure
their own success but also that of their country” (Walker 2008, p. 465). Because labour
competition emphasises the role of the individual, “the need to be both unique as well as
better than others” (Walker 2008, p. 478) increases the pressures and levels of anxiety at an
individual level. This competitive model is in opposition to more collaborative approach seen
as necessary to a strong KBE (Howells, et al. 2012); in a similar vein, “Preece (2006) argues
for the idea of a ‘learning world’ rather than distinct learning societies” (Walker 2008, p.
477). A more collaborative approach would improve the abilities of marginalized workers to
participate in the KBE.
In addition to the increased competition, the technological skill bias undoubtedly impacts
anxiety about competition and lifelong learning. According to Goldin and Katz (2008), during
the twentieth century in the United States, changes in technology resulted in an increase in the
demand for skilled workers, but did not always increase economic inequality. Rather, any rise
in inequality was the result of “an education slowdown” in the last part of the twentieth century
(pp. 7-8). Looking at these issues from an economic perspective, researchers such as Lavoie
et al. (2003) have tracked continuous trends of the substitution effect, the productivity-lag
effect and the demand effect and have examined these effects to shed some light on Canadian
labour market and skill gap trends. They found that these effects vary according to the nature
of the knowledge involved in these different groups of occupations, thus reflecting not only
the importance of the technological change ‘skill bias’ but also the increasing complexity of
controlling and managing new and innovative economic activities. This bias towards those
who are highly skilled in technological terms reveals the nature of the economy in which
Canadian workers must find their place. Not only do traditional literacy skills matter, but so,
too, do the multiliteracies skills related to the new technologies of the KBE and information
society (New London Group 1996). The effects of literacy skills go beyond national growth
and make Canada more competitive internationally. Willms and Murray (2007) argue that:
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Finally, there is a significant amount of evidence that human capital will become an increasingly
important input, one that allows Canadian firms to adopt the more knowledge and skill intense
technologies and work organizations that will keep us competitive in the global economy
(Brink, 2002; Krahn and Lowe, 1998). There is considerable evidence that the rate at which
Canadian workers will be able to adopt productivity-enhancing information and communication
technologies will depend upon their literacy levels. (Statistics Canada and Organisation for
Economic Cooperation and Development, 2005, 10)
28
Linking literacy to economic growth and competitiveness is necessary in order to argue for a
firmer government policy commitment to literacy funding.
Disconnects: KBE Policies and the Labour Market
29
30
31
The latter quarter of the twentieth century saw significant changes in the labour market as a
result of the introduction of new technologies and policy changes. Between 1971 and 1996,
the proportion of goods workers dropped by 15% (Lavoie et al., 2003). The introduction
of computerized processes (such as CAD/CAM) made manufacturing more efficient and
productive, while decreasing the need for workers who mainly have routinized expertise.
Following traditional economic thinking, it was anticipated that the impact of technology
would not negatively affect employment in the long term. Technology would improve
production levels and decrease prices; some jobs might be lost, but lower prices would
increase demand; increased demand would increase employment levels in order to meet the
higher production needs (Lavoie et al., 2003). However, this causal relationship has not been
demonstrated in recent years. Investments in new technologies have tended to result in shifts
in employment to service-oriented jobs rather than simply job decreases or increases. In other
words, there has been a trend towards de-skilling labour needs alongside credential inflation
(Livingstone 2010). In addition, factors such as interest rates and fuel costs have impacted
discretionary income which has reduced consumption of luxury and non-essential products
and services. In 2007, spending on personal consumption was the primary driver of the U.S.
economy, even as personal consumption grew at the slowest rate since 2003 (Richards 2008).
Between 1980 and 2000, consumer spending grew at a rate of 3.4% each year, higher than
the growth in gross domestic product (GDP). This higher rate of consumer spending was the
result of the wealth effect of increasing stock market prices and a declining savings rate. This
consumer spending generates employment, but such increases are spread unevenly across all
occupations (Toossi 2002).
In the 1980s, the Mulroney Conservative government began a more purposeful shift to a
knowledge-based economy, marking the reduction of industrial incentives, and the promotion
of Free Trade and a knowledge-based industrial strategy (Wellstead 2007). The increased
emphasis on the knowledge-based economy coincided with a transformation of forms of
employment. Since the 1980s, increasing numbers of Canadians have been employed as
contingent workers recruited from outside individual firms (i.e., the external labour market
[ELM] rather than from the internal labour market [ILM]). Before the 1980s, many companies
developed strong ILMs in order to reduce turnover and promote from within (Rutherford
2006). In doing so, there was more incentive for such firms to provide internal training
programs or to subsidize employees’ professional development. Once employers began to
recruit from outside (in the ELM), responsibility for training and upgrading shifted to the
individual. The rise of the contingent workforce undermined the commitment of employers
to their employees. In order to remain competitive in the ELM, workers had to anticipate the
needs of employers and market themselves. For low income workers with low literacy skills,
such upgrading becomes even more challenging. The promotion of the ‘nimble’, knowledgebased economy by the federal and provincial governments has encouraged employers,
including the government sector, to hire workers at all levels on an as-needed basis rather than
developing a stable and experienced workforce (Rutherford 2006; Heisz and Picot 2000).
Some labour market theorists argued that the earlier strategy of promoting from within (i.e.,
the ILM) encouraged labour segmentation based on race and gender because ILMs were
dominated by white men (Rutherford 2006). Women and workers of colour were often (and
still are in many fields) segmented into lower skilled jobs or secondary firms. Shifting to the
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32
33
34
ELM has had the effect of shifting labour segmentation from one based primarily on sector, to
one based on core versus periphery workers (Rutherford 2006). Although high level jobs are
just as vulnerable to outsourcing as other lower level jobs (Rutherford 2006), those workers
with low literacy skills and limited education are particularly vulnerable because they have
little access to training or advancement. More recently, some firms have turned their attention
to developing continuous learning environments, which shifts attention from technical skills to
communication skills, in an effort to reduce the turnover rates of highly skilled workers (Sears
2003; Rutherford 2006). In addition, while employers continue to look for required technical
skills, they are more interested in hiring those who have “learned how to learn” (Crouch et
al. 1999, p. 6, qtd in Rutherford 2006). As a result, new forms of segmentation are created
based on the “ability to be trained” (Rutherford 2006). Rutherford (2006) found in one case
study of workers in Kitchener, Ontario, that nearly three quarters of all training was focused on
managerial and technical/scientific staff, who constituted about one-third of the workforce. If
overall educational attainment levels in general are rising, what is the incentive for employers
to hire or train workers with low levels of literacies when it is a “buyers’ market”?
The staples industry continues to be important for the Canadian economy even though it
employs a relatively small proportion of workers. In 2002, the natural resources sector
employed only 7% of Canadian workers; at the same, exports of natural resources grew
from $72 billion to $167.5 billion between 1990 and 2001 (Wellstead 2007). Given that
those employed in the staples industries have historically tended to have lower levels of
education, it is likely that many of these workers also score low on the literacy scale.
Indeed, Frontier College’s target population for most of the 20th century was those employed
in the staples industries (Cook & Robinson 1990; Walter 2003). Although many of these
workers may not be literate, their experiential knowledge may still be relevant in strengthening
the knowledge-based economy. Even though early efforts at developing a knowledgebased economy emphasized industries such as computer games and software development,
much of knowledge-creation has been focused on classic staples “such as agriculture
(genetically-modified foods), forestry (new pulp and paper techniques, biologically enhanced
siliviculture), fisheries (aquaculture), mines (enhanced reclamation) and energy (hydrogen
fuels, renewables, offshore drilling and tar sands production” (Hutton 2007, p. 9).
Beyond the staples industries, other occupations have been significantly transformed by
information and communication technologies (ICTs). As Lavoie et al. (2003) argued a decade
ago, jobs that use and manipulate information in routine ways (i.e., clerical and technical work)
are more susceptible to being replaced or supported by electronic devices. Similarly, those
jobs that create goods in ways that can be codified and routinized are also easily transformed
by technology. These are the occupations that are arguably suitable for those with lower levels
of literacy as they may not require much use of traditional literacy skills once the worker learns
the routine. Occupations that require the creation of knowledge and ideas, however, are not
conducive to being routinized or codified in ways that allow technologies to replace workers.
Similarly, the service industries continue to grow because many of those activities, such as
personal service, require expertise built on experience rather than tasks that are routinized.
None of these types of jobs involve the creation of ideas or the use of ingenuity and, therefore,
do not fit with the discourses about jobs in the knowledge economy. Although the shift to
more knowledge-based employment has occurred within all occupations, not simply in a
narrow category of knowledge industries, most knowledge workers are only a small part of
the workforce in Canada (Gibb & Walter 2011). Nonetheless, the shift has occurred within
the staples industries, data occupations, and goods production, with the result that as more
knowledge workers and new technologies become part of these fields, workers who cannot
adapt are pushed out.
In addition, the on-going increases in levels of education attainment – the proportion
of workers with “higher education qualifications has grown by 50% over the past 25
years” (Livingstone 2010, p. 208) – have resulted in “apparent surpluses of workers in
relation to compatible jobs” (Livingstone 2010, p. 208). If there are more workers with higher
qualifications than needed for available jobs, the potential for credential inflation increases. In
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difficult economic times, workers with few (multi)literacies skills and educational credentials
are pushed aside even if they have the skills and knowledge appropriate for a particular
job. The disconnect between the skills and abilities of the worker and the required skills of
particular occupations results in the exclusion not only of the worker, but also the knowledge
he or she brings to society. In a true knowledge-based economy and society, all types of
knowledge must be supported and nurtured. This interpretation of the knowledge economy
and information society is one that values all members of society. Indeed, Livingstone
(2010) argues that sustainable economic production would result “if the current labour force
were more highly valued for capabilities to develop and use reserves of abilities” (p. 228).
During the 1990s, particularly in Ontario under the Harris Conservative government, adult
education and literacy programs were being cut at a time when elementary and high schools
were increasingly required to test for those same skills (Gidney 1999). In 1996, the funding
formula for adult education was changed so that school boards were forced to make deep
cuts to those programs. Similar cuts to adult basic education and literacy programs were also
made in other Canadian provinces (see Centre for Literacy 2012; Walker 2008). Ironically,
the acknowledgement of the importance of literacy and numeracy skills by Harris and his
government was only directed towards children rather than those currently in the workforce
or looking for jobs (Sears 2003; Dare 1997). These changes increased polarization in the
labour market and marked a move away from the traditional welfare state development model.
These cuts created more polarization in the labour market because of the combination of
less government investment in education and less welfare protection for workers affected by
these cuts and economic fluctuations. Similar program cuts were seen in other provinces. In
Quebec, the government’s focus on the economy, the creation of jobs, and the development of
business competitiveness has led to warnings that “the diverse learning needs of individuals
are at risk of being marginalized” (Centre for Literacy 2012, p. 29). In order to meet the
needs of Quebec employers and businesses, educational institutions may end up inadequately
serving individual learners. In addition, the Quebec government’s funding formula for adult
education and caps on literacy service has had the effect of limiting the number of literacy
and essential skills classes being offered (Centre for Literacy 2012). In British Columbia
where literacy education funding is also unpredictable, competition for funding among literacy
service providers has been exacerbated by the shift from core funding for programs to projectbased funding, leading to increased instability in programs, barriers for at-risk groups, and
potential of the deprofessionalization of literacy workers (Walker 2008). Stable funding and
support for broad-based (multi)literacies programs are essential components in the creation of
stable economies and societies.
Conclusions: Modelling Equity in the KBE
35
36
What we argue is that we need to develop a model that sees (multi)literacies and basic training
as a necessary investment and a strategy for not only economic development and growth,
but also social welfare. This is a model with which to develop an action plan on greater
accessibility to labour markets that includes government support for (multi)literacies training
and on-the-job training. This support includes increasing funding to educational institutions
and literacy programs, as well as to individuals. What underpins the model is the need to
reconcile the importance of education for economic and social progress with the cuts that
have come in the areas of literacy and education. There must be a steady state commitment to
literacy education and basic skills training. As Walker (2008) notes, “economic development
through education is being promoted as a patriotic duty. Under a knowledge economy, literacy
is considered a reflection of a healthy citizenry who can contribute to the financial well-being
of the nation-state” (p. 477). If this is true and this health is to be promoted, it is governments
that must take the lead in doing so (McCracken & Murray 2010).
The complex connections between literacy, labour and the knowledge-based economy are
important ones. Looking at the relationship between these things give us insight into enduring
social inequalities which were more glaring 100 years ago but are no less pervasive today.
We are dividing workers into winners and losers in the knowledge-based economy based on
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Winners and Losers: Literacy and Enduring Labour Market Inequality in Historical Perspect (...)
literacy skills in the same way that they have been divided throughout Canadian history into
those who had class and labour mobility and those who did not based on access to education
and training. There must be public and political recognition that investment in literacy and
basic skills training is key in creating more winners and, ultimately, developing the Canadian
economy. As McCracken and Murray (2010) assert:
[l]iteracy skill affects many aspects of individual, societal, and national well-being. This includes
health status, crime reduction, motivation, reliance on welfare, job satisfaction, employment, and
the country’s overall economic performance and competitiveness in the global market. Overall,
government policies need to recognize the key role of literacy as an economic driver, and to shift
toward encouraging a balance between the supply and demand for skills. (McCracken and Murray,
2010, 50) This acknowledgement of the importance of literacy skills to all aspects of the economy
and the labour market will help to create support for educational programs as an investment.
37
The creation of greater equity in employment and the integration of more people into the
economy are both necessary in order to meet the challenges of innovation and flexibility
inherent in the knowledge-based economy. A development model needs to be embraced by
Canadian policymakers in order to provide dignity for those in the labour market and to foster
greater political will to invest in ongoing literacy and basic skills education. Skills need to be
used and updated in order to keep them relevant because, as the Literacy Council of Durham
states, literacy is a “use it or lose it skill.”4 Access to such ongoing education helps to equitably
distribute employment opportunities and to integrate as many workers as possible into the
knowledge-based economy in a meaningful way. The linkage between literacy and economic
growth must be acted upon by governments to increase economic growth, community and
national stability and wellness and to stem the tide of Canada’s increasing labour market
inequity and polarization.
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Notes
1 Interview with Jennine Agnew-Kata, Executive Director of the Literacy Network of Durham Region
(LiNDR) February 13, 2012 in Oshawa,ON.
2 We are aware of the wide range of critiques regarding the various literacy surveys (see Hamilton &
Barton 2000; Gomez 2000; Bernardo 2000).
3
The
bill
received
Royal
Assent
on
June
29,
2012.
The
legislative
summary
is
available
at:
http://www.parl.gc.ca/LegisInfo/BillDetails.aspx?
Language=E&Mode=1&Bill=C38&Parl=41&Ses=1&View=8
4 Literacy Council of Durham website accessed Oct 10, 2012. http://www.literacydurham.ca/index.php?
option=com_content&view=article&id=49&Itemid=55
Pour citer cet article
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Shanti Fernando et Alyson E.King, « Winners and Losers: Literacy and Enduring Labour
Market Inequality in Historical Perspective », Revue Interventions économiques [En
ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 23 avril 2015. URL : http://
interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1912
À propos des auteurs
Shanti Fernando
Faculty of Social Science and Humanities, UOIT –University of Ontario Institute of Technology
Alyson E.King
Faculty of Social Science and Humanities, UOIT –University of Ontario Institute of Technology
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Résumés
Les changements économiques à l’échelle mondiale ont transformé la nature de la
compétitivité économique et placé l’apprentissage des matières de base comme conditions au
succès économique des travailleurs. En Ontario, l’augmentation des emplois et la prospérité
économique ont été liées à l’économie du savoir, qui est maintenant considérée comme
la panacée qui favorise l’ensemble de la population. Nous démontrons, au contraire, qu’il
n’existe qu’un petit nombre de gagnants qui bénéficient de cette économie du savoir contre
un grand nombre de perdants. L’alphabétisation (ou multi-alphabétisation), que l’on peut
définir comme comprenant l’alphabétisation à l’égard de l’imprimé, du numérique et du
visuel ainsi que la numératie, est un facteur essentiel pour que les individus puissent avoir
véritablement accès au monde du travail et à l’économie du savoir. Le besoin de développer des
politiques d’alphabétisation dans le monde du travail et le lien historique entre alphabétisation
et privilèges systémiques ont été mis en évidence par la recherche scientifique, mais n’ont pas
été prise en compte dans les pratiques politiques. Nous nous intéressons donc d’une part aux
travaux scientifiques réalisés sur l’alphabétisation, et d’autre part, à l’absence de politiques d’
alphabétisation dans le monde du travail. Nous fondons notre analyse sur le contexte historique
de l’éducation, de l’emploi et de la formation en alphabétisation au Canada, tout en nous
penchant plus particulièrement sur la situation en Ontario anglophone, et en examinant les
liens entre ces facteurs et les problèmes systémiques d’accès au marché du travail. Cela nous
permet de recommander un modèle politique permettant un meilleur accès au monde du travail
fondé sur les résultats scientifiques sur les questions de développement et d’investissement.
La possibilité d’obtenir des formations pour développer les capacités humaines au maximum
et ainsi permettre aux travailleurs d’obtenir un travail satisfaisant fait de l’alphabétisation un
problème de droit et d’équité, tout autant qu’un problème de croissance économique.
Changes in the global economy have transformed the nature of competitiveness and heightened
the importance of basic skills for the economic success of those in the labour market. In
Ontario, job growth and economic prosperity have been linked to the knowledge-based
economy (KBE), which is looked to as a panacea that will ultimately benefit the majority of
the population. We argue, however, that there are a select few who are KBE “winners” and
far more KBE “losers.” Literacy (or multiliteracies), defined broadly to include print, digital
and visual literacies, and numeracy, is a major factor in the ability of individuals to access the
labour market and the KBE in a truly meaningful way. The need for labour market relevant
literacy training policies, and the connection of literacy to the history of systemic privilege,
power and labour market accessibility has been well identified by research but are not part of
accepted policy practice. This research, along with the policy disconnect, are the focus of this
paper. We will ground our discussion by putting it in the context of the history of education,
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
19
Winners and Losers: Literacy and Enduring Labour Market Inequality in Historical Perspect (...)
labour and literacy training in Canada, with an emphasis on English-speaking Ontario, and then
connect this to the current systemic problems of labour market accessibility. This allows us to
advocate for a policy model allowing for greater accessibility to labour markets that is founded
upon a research-based development and investment model. The ability to have training that
will maximize one’s potential and allow one to have the basic dignity of meaningful work
makes literacy an equity issue as well as one of economic growth.
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : alphabétisation, apprentissage, économie du savoir, monde du travail
Keywords : knowledge-based economy, labour market, literacy
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
20
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Marjorie Griffin Cohen
Teenage Work: Its Precarious and
Gendered Nature
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
Marjorie Griffin Cohen
Teenage Work: Its Precarious and
Gendered Nature
“[They go to work] with no plan and no training; their jobs usually anything they can get, having
nothing to do with their interests and their capacities, only with business demand…What would
the average middle-class parent say to such an ‘educational’ program for his adolescent boys and
girls?”1
Introduction
1
2
3
4
When Katherine DuPre Lumpkin and Dorothy Wolff Douglas (authors of the above quote)
wrote about teenage work in the U.S. during the Great Depression of the 1930s, they were
writing about teenage workers from poor and working class families. Work was their education
and not something middle-class families would tolerate for their own children because it was
bad work and, as a result, an exceedingly poor ‘education.’ Over the years the nature and
conditions of work changed and work for teenagers of all classes is now encouraged, in large
part because it is supposed to prepare them for the work world by teaching them skills they
cannot obtain in classrooms. This preparation includes time management, cooperation with
co-workers, acquiring occupation specific skills, learning how to carry out the instructions
of management, acquiring useful references, and learning how to manage a certain degree of
financial independence. (Frone 1999)
All of these positive aspects of teenage work presume reasonably good work: workplaces
and employers that are respectful of teenagers, spend time in their instruction, allow them to
develop a skill set, are concerned with their safety, pay them decently, keep working hours
limited, provide some intellectual or social stimulation during the working process, and treat
workers fairly. Governments, schools and parents are all part of a process that buys into the
notion of teenage work as a good thing. (Greenberger & Steinberg, xiii). In many jurisdictions
in Canada work experience is a requirement for graduation. Both parents and students appear
to have accepted the program, and while teenagers frequently complain about their work,
they do appear to want work and many absolutely need the money. But many choose to
work because they too believe this will give them the ‘experience’ future employers or postsecondary institutions will demand. For teenagers themselves, parents, educators and public
policy makers, the widespread assumption appears to be that the conditions of work, while
frequently not what they should be, are just one of those things teenagers should and can
tolerate because the work they are doing is unskilled and temporary.
This study assess the working conditions of teenagers in the Vancouver area of BC. The study
was prompted by the deterioration in the public policy protections afforded all workers, but
particularly those of the youngest, during the neo-liberal shift in labour protections in BC in the
early 21st century and the increased need for students to work to finance their education. (Cohen
and Klein 2011) Through interviews with teenagers it became clear that teenage work can
sometimes be all that it is supposed to be, but the positive nature of this work experience was
less prevalent than the negative. The young workers themselves often accept their experience
as ‘normal,’ even when it violates the legal requirements for their work.
Two main themes emerge from this study: one relates to the highly precarious nature of
work for teenagers and the other relates to the gendered nature of teenage work. In some
respects neither of these issues is particularly surprising because of the familiarity with both
the increased precariousness of work for workers in general in the 21st century and the well
documented over-all gendered nature of the workforce. (Vosko 2006, Lahey 2005) What is
different in this study is the recognition of the intensity of both the gendered and precarious
nature of teenage work and the way that this establishes patterns that continue as workers
mature.
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
5
6
Underscoring the significance of gender differences counters some generally held beliefs
about the relative similarity of the work of teenage males and females. Because of the
fairly low skill levels of much teenage work and the similarity of entry-level wages, it is
usually noted that young entrants to the labour force have work experiences that tend to be
more homogeneous than that experienced by adult workers. (Crompton and Sanderson 1990
(162); Bauder 2001). This study will show that while this is true, in comparison with older
workers, teenage work has considerable variations, particularly by gender, even within specific
industrial and occupational categories. So while young males and females may both work at
fast food outlets, for example, their specific jobs and experiences are not the same and their
experiences of precariousness in their jobs are different. There are also significant variations
in the experience of teenage and adult workers with regard to labour protections, which adds
to the precariousness of teenage workers’ jobs. The failure to account for teenage workers’
level of experiences and their vulnerability in the design of labour protections make teenagers
specifically vulnerable workers and teenage work to be among the most precarious of all kinds
of work.
In pointing out the gendered nature of the work experiences of teenagers, this paper does not
argue that either males or females have an overall advantage or disadvantage. The point will
be to show that the gendered distinctions that become so apparent in later work experiences
are present even when workers are not as separated by wage differences as occurs as workers
mature. These gendered distinctions relate to issues such as participation rates, hours of work,
distribution by industry and occupation, and the ways that precarious work is experienced.
Study Methodologies
7
8
9
10
The resources for this paper rely on government statistics and documents, published material,
and interviews with teenagers. The in-depth interviews focused on issues related to the
gendered differences in youth labour experiences, the conditions of teenage work in BC,
and the extent that students understand their workplace rights. Each teenager in the study
undertook a written questionnaire and participated in either an individual interview or a
group discussion. Group discussions focused on experiences such as gender differences in
task selection and general treatment on the job, perceptions and knowledge of employment
standards, perceptions of ‘safe’ and ‘unsafe’ experiences while at work, experiences of
workplace cultures, and the various ways that the lives of young people are affected by work.
Recruitment for this study was undertaken through non-profit community youth groups and
through colleges and universities. One hundred students between 15 and 19 years old who were
doing paid work and going to school, college or university were interviewed in groups of 2-12
people, with seven interviewed individually.2 An information sheet about basic employment
rights in BC was presented before the interviews. One-half of the participants were going to
high school and one-half were in college or university. Also, one-half of the participants were
male and one-half were female. The final usable sample was 97 participants. Of these the
following were the numbers for each age group: 15 years (11), 16 years (8), 17 years (20),
18 years (20), 19 years (38).
The demographics of the participants reflect the diverse nature of the Vancouver area
population. 35% of the participants were not born in Canada and 52% had both parents born in
places other than Canada. About one-half of the participants self-identified as Asian or South
Asian (immigrants or from immigrant families); 27% of European background; 11% of mixed
origins; 7% were of Aboriginal/Metis origin; 4% of Central/Latin American origin. 55% of
the participants have English as a first language, 17% have Cantonese as a first language and
6% reported Tagalog as their first language. Other language groups of the participants were
Mandarin, Spanish, Vietnamese, and Korean.
The qualitative data in this study attempts to uncover the experiences of teenagers in the
workplace in a specific area. It is not an attempt to generalize this experience, but to offer
insights into the variations in the types of jobs teenagers hold, what teenagers expect from their
experiences, and how they understand their workplace experiences and rights. This is the kind
of information that cannot be gleaned from the formal statistics on teenage employment, but
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
11
compliments the broader picture that the statistical data provides for the gendered dimensions
of occupational and industrial distribution, and workplace injuries.
Teenage work is rarely treated as a specific category when labour issues are analyzed in
Canada. It is categorized with ‘youth’ labour in statistic collections and analysis, a category
that covers those in the 15-24 age group. These workers are normally treated as a homogeneous
category, yet substantial differences exist in the work experience of someone who is 15 from
someone who is 24. In this study a general overview of teenage work in Canada will be given,
but the primary focus for the interviews was to understand the conditions of teenage workers
who are still in an educational institution. This is because of the rise in expectations that teenage
students will work and the increased time they are spending in the paid labour force.
Part I: Changes Affecting Teenage Work
Public Policy Changes
12
13
14
15
16
Public policy changes associated with providing a more ‘flexible’ workforce is one of the
more prominent features of economic and social shifts associated with globalization. The work
regime changes that have occurred in BC and Alberta are among the most harsh in Canada for
young workers, but they are unique in neither their direction nor their durability.
In British Columbia a Liberal government was elected in 2001 and immediately began a series
of initiatives to ensure that the rules under which workers are hired, work, and fired became
more ‘flexible.’ Included in these sweeping changes were measures that targeted the youngest
workers. Two of these changes were especially disquieting. For the first time in living memory
the state officially sanctioned expanded child work and reductions in regulations affecting
their work. Children in BC between the ages of 12 and 14 are now able to work without
approval of the government.3 Before this change children of this age were, under special
circumstances, allowed to work, but government oversight was required: they could not work
unless the Director of Employment Standards granted a specific permit.4 The deregulation of
labour meant that teenagers, and even children as young as 12 years could be employed for
up to four hours on a school day to a maximum of 20 hours a week, and during non-school
periods for up to seven hours a day to 35 hours a week. There also are no longer prohibitions
on work that is inappropriate for children, such as selling door-to-door or using power tools.
(Luke and Moore 2004, p. 13).
The second change deliberately targeting young workers was the reduction in their minimum
wage. The ‘first job’ minimum wage (or the ‘training wage,’ the wage workers would receive
for their first 500 hours of work) was instituted at $2.00 or 25% less than the standard minimum
wage at the time.5 Both of these practices are in contravention of the International Labour
Organization standards (Irwin, McBride, Strubin 2005).6
Other employment standards changes that affect all workers also appear to have a negative
impact on the working conditions of teenage workers. One of the more important changes
relates to budget cuts to the Employments Standards Branch that resulted in a one-third
reduction in branch offices throughout the province and the elimination of routine workplace
inspections. This makes enforcing even the reduced level of protections unlikely. Pursuit of
complaints against employers always require stamina on the part of workers, a situation that is
compounded when youth are involved. In B.C. change procedures involved shifting to a ‘selfhelp’ kit, rather than talking directly to a government official when filing a complaint. The
result was a stunning reduction in complaints: they dropped 46% the first year the ‘self-help’
kit was in place and 61% over the following three years (Fairey 05).7
In most Canadian jurisdictions the hours of work and overtime pay have been made more
‘flexible’ in recent years, a development that makes it easier for employers to manipulate
workers’ hours of work. In B.C. the government reduced the mandatory ‘call-out’ time
for a shift from four to two hours and instituted complicated ‘overtime averaging’ that
permits employers to have people work 12 hour days for seven straight days. Also allowed
are ‘voluntary’ agreements to forgo legal rights to overtime pay. All of these changes
make teenagers more vulnerable to employers’ pressure for agreeing to unpleasant working
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
17
conditions. But many young workers have no idea about the legal demands on their employers:
the requirement to post Employment Standards in the workplace was also abolished.
These are only some of the vast changes to disadvantage labour that have had particularly
significant implications for teenage workers and has added to the precarious nature of their
work in the 21st century.
Employment Changes and the Rise of Precarious Work
18
19
20
21
Teenage work is precarious in many of the ways that the term ‘precarious’ is now used
in relation to new features of the 21st century workforce, but it has added dimensions of
precariousness because of the age, inexperience, and vulnerability of this group of workers.
As labour force conditions associated with globalization changed during the 1990s new
types of working conditions led an increasing proportion of the workforce to have ‘nonstandard’ work. The ‘standard’ employment model, where a worker has one employer and
works full-time throughout the year, was likely to provide economic security that occurred
less frequently with non-standard employment (Krahn 1991, Vosko 2006). Examinations
of the development of non-standard employment focuses on the ways that employment
insecurity is manifested through deteriorations in working conditions, poor wages, little room
for advancement, and public policy toward workers that continued to be constructed as
though the ‘standard’ model of employment is the norm. The term ‘precarious’ employment
is now frequently used in Canada to distinguish between different kinds of ‘non-standard’
employment, some of which do not necessarily place workers in a position of precarious
employment or economic insecurity. The dimensions of precarious work usually encompass
issues related to employment status, level of control at work, security of income, and regulatory
effectiveness for job protections. (Vosko 2006).
Teenage work has become associated with some of the emerging forms of precarious work
associated with globalization, with work at places like McDonald’s conjuring up terms like
‘mcjobs.’ (Jackson 2005, Tannock 2001). These are jobs that are highly controlled and are
characterized by involuntary flexibility, low wages, low status, low skill, and physical danger.
However despite the increasing presence of teenage workers in more precarious forms of
employment, less attention has been paid to the specific nature of the precarious employment
they experience. This may be because the dimensions of the changes in the pattern of adult
work are so large it commands the most attention, but possibly also because teenagers remain
teenagers for a fairly short time and their situation is considered temporary and transitional.
As some scholars have noted, age stratifications are not permanent, as is race/ethnicity and
sex. Some analysts have claimed that gender plays less of a role in determining whether
teenage work is precarious or not, since the demands of unpaid work (i.e., childcare) that are
disproportionately shouldered by women, emerge after teenagers become adults (Lucas, 1997;
Hakim, 1996). In the view of these scholars, the significant gendered dimensions of work
emerge in adulthood as women attempt to balance the increased time demands associated with
care giving responsibilities with paid work.
Normally ‘precarious’ work is related to part-time and temporary work and in this virtually
all teenage work could be defined as precarious. However, in the case of teenage workers,
it is not only expected but desirable that their work be part-time – at least during the school
year. Also, the kind of work they perform usually does not promote a work life ideal for
adult permanent workers, so the temporariness of the work is a positive aspect of the work
as well. Precariousness of work for teenagers would be employment that includes economic
insecurity and/or poor labour conditions. This would include work that is dangerous or
adversely affects health, has poor supervision or training, is not paid regularly or well, or
requires excessive hours of work or inappropriate scheduling. Work would also be considered
precarious when there is the existence of harassment, discrimination, contravention of any
legal work requirements, and where there are few employment supports by either a trade union
or access to government protection from exploitation.
These kinds of negative conditions are all too prevalent in many part-time and temporary jobs,
but not in all of them, so it is important to make the distinctions about what is good work for
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
teenagers and what is not. This can be done by looking at work situations where teenagers
are particularly vulnerable because of their age, the kinds of work they do, and the kinds of
support that they receive, either from government protection or from trade unions. Because
so much of the work teenagers perform is part-time in the personal services sector, few are
protected by trade unions. This means that governments’ employment policies are critical for
ensuring that teenagers are not exploited.
PART II: General Characteristics of Teenage Work
22
The ability of teenagers to find work is highly dependent on the state of the economy.
During economic recessions their participation rate drops dramatically, but when the economy
improves, it increases (Beaudry, Lemieux, Parent 2000, Lowe and Krahn, 1999). This pattern
is clearly visible during the recession of the 1990s, the improvement toward the end of the
decade, and the decline in the subsequent 2008 economic crisis. (Chart 1)
23
The changes that have occurred with the increase in teenage work in the 21st century is notable
for the rather dramatic switch in the participation rates between males and females. Before the
21st century teenage males consistently had higher participation rates than females.
As with adult female workers, teenage females have increased their labour force participation
substantially since the 1970s although unlike adult female workers, teenage females now have
a rate of participation that is higher than that for males.
In general teenaged students have a lower labour force participation rate than non-students,
but it has been increasing over the past thirty years so that in 2011 43% of all teenage students
were in the labour force, with female students having the highest participation rate. (Chart 2).
Unlike the general female working population, female students have had higher rates than
males since the early 1990s, although the rates between males and females began diverging
dramatically in the 21st century.
24
25
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
26
Since the late 1990s the amount of time students spend at work has increased considerably, but
the size of the increase has been especially significant for females. Both males and females
decreased their work hours throughout the period from 1987 to 1997, but both have increased
work hours until 2007 to those approaching the levels in the late 1970s. (Chart 3) Teenage
males have consistently had higher hours of work than have females: Until the recession that
began in 2008 over 45% of teenage males and about 40% of teenage females worked more
than 16 hours a week.8 As was clear with previous recessions, the hours of work decreases for
teenagers during these periods of labour stress.9
27
In the 21st century there also appears to be a more consistent number of hours worked during
the year than in earlier periods when students were more likely to spend more time at work
during the summer months. There is some variation now, but the differences are relatively
small compared to earlier decades. This means more students are working throughout the year
than only in summer months.
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
Industries and Occupations
28
Both young males and females in Canada are concentrated in retail trade and accommodation
and food services industries. These two main categories account for a total of 47% of teenage
male workers, but 62% of teenage female workers. As with the adult workforce, teenage male
labour is much less concentrated by industry than is the teenage female work force.
29
The past 25 years have brought about striking changes in the industries where teenagers are
employed with a much higher concentration now than in the late 1980s. The major reductions
in some areas reflect structural shifts in the economy that are reflected in the overall decline
in the proportion of workers in agricultural, primary and secondary industries and an increase
in service-sectors jobs. For teenage males the shifts were primarily represented by a decline in
work in agriculture, primary industries, transportation and warehousing, public administration,
and manufacturing, while for females the declines were mainly in manufacturing, finance,
other services, public administration, and health care and social assistant industries. With the
exception of manufacturing, the decline in employment in industries for females does not
appear to be related to an over-all shift in the labour force away from these industries. The
main industries that have expanded for teenagers are retail trade, accommodation and food
services, management, and information, cultural and recreation jobs.
As with the employment of teenagers by industry, there as been an increased concentration
of occupations where they work. [Table III] Seventy percent of teenage females work in
sales, accommodation services, and as servers, while 52% of males work in these areas.
Teenage males’ occupations are more diverse with a substantial proportion of the total working
in construction and transportation (17%) and occupations in the primary sectors (9.4%).
30
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
Over time females had a smaller proportion of their work in social science and government
occupation and manufacturing, occupations. The major occupational changes for teenage
females over the past 30 years has been the reduction in the proportion of females working in
clerical occupations, which accounted for almost 20% of their total work in 1977, but about
8% in 2011. For males, the major changes are the reductions in farming and other primary
occupations totalling 15% in 1977, but about 9% in 2007 and manufacturing and construction
jobs, totalling about 41% in 1977, but about 23% in 2007.
31
The gendered distinctions in wages for teenagers are less strong than for other age groups. This
is primarily because a large proportion of all teenagers (41%) are working at the minimum
wage and most are concentrated in low-wage sectors. However, females are more highly
concentrated in the minimum wage category: 58% of teenage minimum wage workers are
female, representing about 42% of all teenage working females.10
PART III: Experiences of Work
32
The stories of teenagers themselves provide insights into their specific social experiences of
work, such as what job tasks they perform, how they interact with co-workers and customers
and how they understand their rights as employees. The interviews focused on a wide range
of issues and the focus group discussions where students interacted with each other raised
a great many more. For the purposes of this paper, the information related to the precarious
nature of the workplace and how work experiences differ by gender have been selected. Three
aspects of precariousness were particularly apparent through the interview and discussions
with teenagers. These are the physical dangers, harassment, and general working conditions
that affect the ability to retain a job or be paid decently. The gendered nature of these
experiences appear to be related to both the differences in the types of work males and female
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
perform and the distinctions in the ways that employers, co-workers, and customers treat
employees that is gender-related.
Physical Dangers
33
34
35
36
37
The physical dangers involved in teenagers’ jobs are made dramatically clear by work-related
deaths and serious injuries. The issue was national news in late 2011 when Walmart was
charged for the death of a 17 year old in Grand Falls, New Brunswick. Patrick Desjardins died
from injuries as a result of an electric shock after touching the cord of a floor buffer. (Toronto
Sun, 2011) Recent teenage work-place deaths in BC involved an 18 year-old male sawmill
worker crushed by a log, a 19 year old male diver drowned, and another 19 year old male
killed in a forklift accident (Worksafe BC). All of these deaths were in jobs that are typically
held by males.
From 2008 to 2010 thirty-one teenagers in Canada died on the job, most within a few months
of being hired, and 30,850 had injuries serious enough for their loss work-time claims to be
upheld by workers compensation boards. (Association of Workers Compensation Boards).
In B.C. the industries with the highest lost time claims from injuries were the industries
where teenagers are concentrated: the retail industry, accommodation and food services.
But injuries were also high in the construction, metal and minerals, and wood and paper
industries. (Workers` Compensation Board of British Columbia). Teenagers have higher rates
of occupational injuries than adult workers and this receives some attention but so far this
has not been sufficient to give rise to serious consideration of policy changes to avoid them.
According to a study in the Journal of Occupational & Environmental Medicine, young
workers are at a higher risk for job-related injuries than older workers because of unsafe
working conditions, lack of supervision and training, lack of proper equipment, and an overall
lack of attention to health and safety in many workplaces (Mardis and Pratt, 1998.)
The gender differences in job-related physical injuries are strong with males reporting higher
rates of injury than females. These gender differences are related to differences in the type of
work that males and females perform, but it should be noted that it is possible that the higher
rate for males may be associated with the kinds of injuries studied and reported.11
The details of how teenagers perceive danger and their working conditions were evident in
the group interviews for this study. Students tend to underestimate the dangers associated
with their work; they rarely report injuries, so clearly they are not a part of official statistics;
they assume some injuries will be just a normal part of a job; and in general they receive
inadequate job-safety training that pertains to their specific work. Most of the workers in
this study said that they did not receive any health or safety training at work. While many
recognized dangers in their workplaces, many appeared to have little understanding of just
how dangerous some work situations can be. This might have something to do with their level
of maturity, but it is clear from their interviews that a great deal relates to poor training, little
supervision, inadequate government monitoring of the work, and a workplace culture that does
not accentuate health and safety protocol.
In one example, the issue of safety came up in the group discussion and a 17- year old
female participant (Amy, 17 Asian/European12), who attends safety committee meetings each
month in the restaurant where she works, used her workplace as a good example of safety
consciousness and how the managers assume responsibility when things get tough. They do
this especially when people are doing drugs in the washroom. Amy’s job then was to `just
clean up the mess, like needles in the washroom. I usually just throw it in the garbage… it’s
really common.’ The group dynamic in this case was interesting because some of the workers
understood the inherent dangers in this task, while others clearly did not. A 17 year old male
(Mel, Asian) in the same focus group who works at McDonald’s also deals with needles but
did not throw them in the garbage saying ‘we have this boxy thingy. Every time we see the
needle we just grab it and then put it in the can.’ Len, a male participant in the focus group
who was older, more experienced and much more cognizant of the dangers these kinds of
actions imposed, pointed out that the needles were biohazards, and because they could be very
dangerous should have special protocols, such as not disposing them in the general garbage and
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
38
39
that they should not be touched by these workers at all.13 But this observation was dismissed
by Amy who said ¨it’s not like I’m touching the needle. ¨
In another group interview Michael (19) who works in a retail shoe store talked about the
dangers in the store and because `things are not kept properly` they keep `falling over.¨ He once
hurt himself falling off a ladder. But serious problems arise when the store is understaffed and
crowded. This is when theft can occur and management fully expects employees to prevent the
theft. One of Michael’s co-workers tried to apprehend a shoplifter, who returned the following
day and shot a gun at the window of the store. Although handling bio-hazardous material and
dealing with customers with guns are not typical experiences of teenage workers, the above
incidents illustrate that some teenagers are exposed to very dangerous conditions at work that
are not properly acknowledge by management and are not reported in any statistics.
Some of the most dangerous work was reported by a focus group with a majority consisting of
aboriginal youth at a community centre. Almost all of these workers tended to perform heavy
labouring work. A striking example of the harm that can occur because of age and lack of
training is clear from the testimony of a 19 year-old aboriginal male. He has worked as a daylabourer “doing just about everything you don’t want to do” and described his injuries: ¨I’ve
had carbon monoxide poisoning, I’ve been rendered unconscious with a brick. I’ve had both
my knees hyper-extended, broken both wrists. I’ve had multiple back problems.’ He explained
ignorance, inexperience, and lack of training as the problem: ¨I’ve been doing this kind of
work since I was 13 years old, and a 13 year old kid isn’t going to know that when you hop
into an oil tank you’re going to get CO2 poisoning.” The discussion in this group spent time
talking about the problems of companies hiring really young workers. Another 19-year-old
male (European identity) said:
We used to hire kids as low as 16 and were they ever bitchy. Like, these kids are so accidentprone. When you’re that age you don’t know how to properly handle things. You’ve got this one
guy, 17, carrying asbestos out of the building with his bare hands, you know, putting it in the
dumpster with dust all over his face.
40
41
42
These are the kinds of injuries and hazards that tend to be specific to the work that is associated
with construction and primary-sector work, work that is rarely done by female teenagers but
is often entry-level work for males who hope to enter apprenticeship programs eventually.
Many discussions focused on the training that teenage workers received and while most did
not dwell on the inadequacy of the safety training, those working in cooking-related jobs
seemed to be acutely conscious of the problem. A 19 year old female who works as a cook in a
casino worried about the lock-down procedures to protect the casino’s money and what might
happen in a fire or an earthquake: `They don’t really go over any safety procedures for fires,
earthquakes or anything like that. What happens if there’s a fire and the building locks down?
They don’t tell you, oh here’s your access code. ¨ She also reported that although she had
Food First and First Aid training, there is no training in the handling of knives, meat slicers or
any other kitchen apparatus: ¨they pretty much hand you a stack of potatoes and a big blade
and tell you, here, make French fries. ¨
Similarly, a 17 year old male high school student who works at a bakery received 12 hours of
training, but it was ¨mainly how to sell, how to deal with the customers, ¨ but not in baking,
which he found dangerous because of inadequate gloves that wear out quickly, the lack of
instruction for using either the oven or the 25 blade bread blazer, and a very slippery floor.
His baking instruction pretty much involved ¨don’t touch the blade. ¨ But as he describes it,
¨ when the polling comes out, you are touching the blade and you are touching the bread. ¨
He said he talked to his boss about getting burnt, falling almost every shift, and that he was
worried about having the tips of his fingers cut off: ¨but other than that it’s a pretty safe place
to work. ¨14 Most students interviewed assumed that minor injuries were to be expected on the
job and this may explain why so few ever reported their injuries. The minor injuries included
burns, cuts, falling, and even minor acts of violence at the workplace.
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
Harassment
43
44
45
46
Workplace hazards not only include physical injuries incurred on the job, but also workers’
exposure to harassment. There are very clear gendered distinctions in respondents’ experiences
with harassment, something that is consistent with the finding of other studies of teenage
workers. (Mayhew and Quinlan, 2002; Koerhoorn and Breslin, 2003). Though not often
classified as a workplace danger or occupational hazard, harassment appears to be a
widespread workplace risk for both adolescent male and female workers, although it was
experienced more often among females in this study.
Initial conversations about the various different types of actions that could be considered
harassment (sexual, verbal, physical, and psychological harassment from co-workers,
customers, management or employers) seemed to trigger wider recognition that harassment did
not only mean sexual harassment, but could include a range of inappropriate behavour. Most
students were more comfortable discussing harassment they had witnessed than their own
experiences, but once someone would open up, this triggered willingness to recognize their
own experience as harassment. In general the females interviewed experienced harassment
more than males and aboriginal respondents most often reported incidents of harassment.
Of the males who had been harassed, the most common type of harassment was verbal,
although more than half of those harassed had experienced some form of physical harassment
at work. None of the male participants experienced or recognized psychological harassment,
however some male participants reported incidents of sexual harassment. Almost all of the
male harassment was by a manager or employer.
Young women were more likely to be harassed by customers than the young men, although
they also experience harassment from co-workers, and managers. The differences in the type of
harassment experienced by males and females are clearly related to the different types of work
males and females were performing, even within the same industry or occupation. Teenage
females experienced harassment from customers because they were more likely to work at
jobs that entailed direct contact with customers than were males. In this study the majority of
young women who experienced harassment were harassed by clients or customers.
A number of participants understood the relationship between sex-typed jobs and the
harassment they experienced. But they tended to attribute innate characteristics of being female
or male to the type of work they did – e.g., young women were concentrated in customer
service type jobs because they are more polite and social, which helps them to deal with the
public better. Despite the general notion among the teenagers that women were more suited to
jobs dealing with the public, many respondents who worked in customer service felt customers
were likely to treat them harshly precisely because of their age and gender and some appeared
to be frustrated with this gendered division that forced women to take on the type of stress that
customer service entails. Lisa tells the group that,
“90 percent of the customer service representatives are women, but for sales it’s basically men at
the management levels. There are two supervisors who are women but the rest are men. Basically
for my department customer service rep, you take all the shit. So women take the shit.”
47
On her first day on the job “Friday” (18 years) who works at a fast food chain was
verbally harassed by an elderly male customer standing in line who was impatient with her
inexperience.
“Well I was serving this customer and it was my first day and I didn’t exactly know how to work
the cash register and …this guy …was yelling at me… I’m like, ‘I’m not even serving you!’
48
Sarah (17 years) related an incident of customer rage:
“One time an angry customer threw a bottle at one of my co-workers because she would not take
it for the deposit return because it was all dirty. But he’s been harassing her for a while. It wasn’t
an isolated incident at all.” When asked why the store keeps letting him in she said, “there is a
policy of not banning people.”
49
The workers interviewed rarely understood their own participation in harassment, particularly
when it was related to racalized incidents. One male working in retail describes the place where
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
he works where most of the employees are Asian. “There is harassment but it’s in a joke way.
Like, there’s no grabbing or anything like that, or touching.” He gave examples:
Like we make up a joke: the manager says we’re missing some shoes – is that black guy working
there? He must have taken it. That kind of thing, but we just joke around like that. One time it
was really busy before Christmas so someone took a dump in the washroom there and somehow
there was poop on top of the seat and no one would admit it. We had a secret meeting between
a couple of employees and we blamed it on the black guy, just for fun. We don’t think it’s him
but we just joke around.
50
Others referred to racist customers that harass staff. Sarah, who works at a café with workers
from a variety of ethnic backgrounds, all of whom treat each other well, recounted the racism
the staff encountered from customers.
This one guy called in and found out they were Jewish and he started swearing and said that he’s
never going to come back again and all that stuff. Another lady came in another time and said
that the girl messed up her order because of the colour of her skin. It’s like the colour of her skin
made her not understand?
51
Sexual harassment was most frequently reported and discussed by females and comes in a
variety of forms and from customers, co-workers, and managers or employers. According to
19-year old ‘Brooke’, her experience of sexual harassment from a co-worker began when
“…He just said something about having a ‘great ass’ and you know, ‘if you’re this good at your
job, imagine what you’re like in bed’. The kind of thing where I know it was meant as a joke, it’s
not the kind of thing where I can turn around and sue him for sexual harassment even though I’d
love to get him fired. He just says these annoying things…it’s not funny!”
52
53
One of the biggest problems expressed by the participants in the focus group discussions was
how management dealt with harassment once they complained. Usually nothing happened, but
when it was management that was the problem, the workers had no option but to leave. ‘Jeri’
told the focus group of harassment she witnessed in her workplaces “…the current manager,
although he was charged with sexual harassment, the charges kind of went away, and I don’t
know what happened.” In this case the employee left the workplace.
In another case ‘Osete’ (18 year old male) described an instance of sexual harassment he and
another female co-worker experienced.
“I was working with this guy and he was a pervert and he touched a lot of girls in there…one time
I was taking out the garbage and he locked me in the garbage place. He wouldn’t let me out and
he tried to do something to me. I was so scared. They caught him but they never did anything.
They complained but the boss still let him stay there and then that’s where, right there I quit.”
54
The lack of avenues for teenagers’ complaints speaks to a serious lack of proper enforcement
of employment regulations and standards and the lack of avenues for teenagers, should they
experience harassment. This inability to find avenues to redress inappropriate employer
behaviour became particularly problematic in BC when labour protections were undermined
early in the 21st century. ‘Self-help’ kits accessible on the internet became the primary way that
employees could deal with employer infraction of labour law. No longer were people available
to take calls and give advice to those who had a complaint. This meant that the recourse most
frequently used was to walk away from the job.
Working Conditions
55
The group discussions highlighted the kinds of negative working conditions that teenage
students often encounter and for which they had little redress. On the whole they had very
little knowledge of employee rights or of legal requirements for employers. As part of these
sessions, information about employment standards were distributed and information about
recent changes to these standards became part of the discussion. Students were most eager to
talk about the stresses of the job, although many recognized that they were gaining valuable
experience. Often the poor treatment was simply accepted as part of the job and included a
variety of types of employers’ actions such as too little instruction for the work demanded, too
much responsibility, a job description that did not match the job, poorly maintained premises
and not being paid what was promised.
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
56
A large proportion of the students in this study self-identified as either immigrants or from
immigrant families and it was fairly characteristic for them to work in establishments that
were owned or managed by people from their own ethnic group. In a surprising number of
discussions the problems of poor working conditions were associated by the employees with
the ethnicity of the employer and a sense that the employers themselves were not aware of
appropriate and inappropriate demands on workers in Canada. One example of this was the
experience of Sophia, who worked in a Korean restaurant and complained of the pace of the
work. This restaurant is part of a large chain of restaurants in Korea and all of the people
working at this restaurant in Vancouver were Korean. Her work involved “everything chefs
don’t do, including washing toilets.” There was no socializing and no rest periods at the
workplace ‘because the camera is always watching.” When asked to explain she said:
Four cameras are always watching from the head office in Korea. We can’t drink or eat in front of
the camera, there are no breaks and we are always standing. There is no talking between waitresses
and there is only a five minute break to eat. Korea phones in, shift manager gets feedback. Shift
manager gets mad.
57
She has had conflicts with the manager ‘over what comes out on camera.” Sophia feels the
manager ‘has a Korean mindset and does not live like a Canadian.” She definitely does not like
her job and “doesn’t want to work for Asian restaurants.” A similar complaint was heard from
a 19 year old female who self-identified as Chinese who was working refilling ink cartridges
and dealing with customers at an all Asian establishment. She describes her boss as being very
demanding and she resents the lack of employee benefits, such as health care.
I have to say working for an Asian boss, like not being stereotypical, but they kind of go underneath
things, reduce costs and stuff. They want more money and more profit but they kind of neglect
the workers and stuff and especially young ones.
58
59
60
This worker recognized that workplace rights are “a very sensitive area to be talked about
culturally. Probably for Asians it’s more like you work and that’s it. Even my dad complains
there are no benefits and he works for a really big company.” The issue of the ethnicity of
the workplace sometimes led to greater responsibilities than the workers felt was appropriate.
This seemed to occur mostly because the owner or manager did not speak English well, or
had a clientele whose language s/he did not speak, as was the case for one worker whose boss
only spoke Mandarin while she could speak Cantonese as well. The teenage workers who
spoke the needed language had to do things and make decisions that seemed to them to be
more managerial in nature than the job they were hired to do. For some this was stressful,
particularly if they had little previous experience, but for others it was an good opportunity
to gain more experience.
One of the most stressful situations for students related to instability in employment hours.
Cancelling work was fairly common, particularly in retail and food-service work when
business was slow. Lucy (18) for example, did not always get paid every two weeks “because
sometimes when my boss is not in her office, she asks me not to go into work because she’s
not there.” But the most stressful was when employers demanded more work time, even when
they knew this meant students would not be able to attend classes. Bruce, a 19 year old male
said of his employer, “he knows my timetable but he puts his priority first over mine. But
that’s totally because he’s my boss.”
Problems related to pay were fairly common, with most students feeling they were underpaid
for what they were doing. Because of the existing ‘training wage’ that was $2 per hour less
than the minimum wage, the pay of the younger teenage workers in this study was usually very
low. The ‘training wage’ was more significant for females as they entered the labour force than
it was for males in the interview group. Many participants complained that they were not paid
for the minimum two-hour call out when they were sent home during a shift and others were
not being paid on a regular basis.15 When a 15-year old female joined the discussion about
pay she said, “I haven’t got my salary yet but I think they’re not going to give it to me.” She
seemed to be under the impression that her employer did not need to pay her for a training
period. One of the most common problems was not being paid what was expected. It was not
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
uncommon for students to answer an ad that specified a specific wage, but then discover at
the first pay check that it was different. There were also problems with not getting paid for
the hours of work done, as was clear from the report of an 18 year old male who identified
as ‘aboriginal/French/European’:
The people in the office sit around and doodle in people’s time cards….and even if it says on the
time card that we worked 12 hours that day they put down 8 hours…and that’s how much you get.
61
62
The females interviewed were more concentrated in the minimum wage and training-wage
jobs than were males. This pattern is typical of the national pattern as well and is likely related
to the concentration of females by industry and occupation. Few females related their relatively
lower pay to discrimination, although they did think unequal wages and the ‘training wage’
were unfair. Problems with sufficient hours of work and low pay led many of the interviewees
to have multiple jobs, with females more likely to have several jobs than males. Teenage
women’s higher concentration in multiple jobs may be a result of their lower levels of pay.
The females tended to associate their lower pay with different work and the likelihood that any
heavy lifting would be done by males, although some resented the gendered division of labour
such as situations where cooks are males and the wait staff female. The most usual complaint
about gender-related unfairness was with regard to workload with females frequently feeling
they had too much responsibility and had to take on duties like closing the establishment late
at night.
Many of the participants in the study believed that they were underpaid for the tasks they did
on the job and sensed that they were paid less because of their age, and not because of their
lower level of job skills, or performing different job tasks than that of their adult counterparts.
As ‘Michael’ recounts,
“I get paid to lift heavy boxes of clothing, sometimes I think I’m underpaid. The amount of work
that I do is because I’ve been there for so long, I can do almost everything. The only thing I can’t do
is the refund but I can do everything else in the store like paperwork for transfer, window display.”
63
Young women also felt that they were not paid appropriately for the work they performed. As
‘Jane’ (19 years) expressed to the focus group,
I think I do too much for the wage I’m being paid, only because the responsibilities that were
outlined to me when I joined the job aren’t what I’m doing now…at times my manager will leave
and say, ‘can you finish the mailing list for me, can you do this for me?’ and you can’t really say no.
64
As with other negative workplace experiences, both young women and men found it very
difficult to complain about poor working conditions, and often resorted to quitting their jobs
rather than bringing their complaints to management. Older teenage workers seemed to be
more willing to leave poor working conditions. When asked why she left her job at the fast
food outlet, 17 year old ‘Patricia’ said,
I left because no one wanted to close so they made us do closing shifts and they were really bad…
weekdays you have to close at midnight and then weekends you close at 3 in the morning.
65
66
Violations of employment standards stretch far beyond inappropriate pay schedules or
withholding ‘training’ pay from teenage workers who are unaware of their rights as employees.
Teenage workers often go for long periods of time without proper breaks, work excessive
hours and experience inappropriate work schedules. In one case, a 19 year old female who
worked at a retail job was denied a break during a shift that lasted for over 18 hours and was
forced to eat while she worked. She was also required to come in the next day for another shift.
While most of the respondents recognized the exploitation that was occurring in their
workplaces, they tended not to associate poor working conditions with low levels of
unionization in the workplace. When asked about unions, some expressed a dislike for
unions, while most knew little about unionization. Few of the participants were part of a
union (four males, eight females). This is consistent with other studies that have noted low
levels of unionization of teenage workers in Canada (Bryson et al., 2005). Teenage workers’
concentration in service sector jobs such as in food and retail service generally have low levels
of unionization. One 17 year old female respondent was part of a union, but didn’t know what
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
being in a union actually meant, beyond getting paid ‘union wages’. In contrast, Ambrose
(Male, 19) clearly understood the benefits from being in a trade union.
“All my jobs except for this one are with a union. With a union there's much more protection
against what your employer can and cannot do. So I felt perfectly safe because I have my union
backing me up. That was a bonus.”
67
68
The youngest age group of teenage workers, the 15 and 16 year olds, seemed to be the least
knowledgeable of their rights as employees and employment standards. Those who were
between 17 and 19 and who had some experience in the labour force were more knowledgeable
about their rights, and could identify a dangerous or improper working environment.
In the discussion groups the positive aspects of work were often identified and ranged from
the freedom the money gives, to a relief that the work is mindless and in this respect an escape
from the pressures of school. Almost all appreciated meeting people, socializing, and many
recognized the skills they were developing, including the ability to practice English. Students
had surprisingly similar opinions about what made jobs good or bad. One 19 year old male
who had two jobs summed it up this way:
A good job is one when you finish every day feeling satisfied, receive good pay, are treated with
respect and a bad job is one where you don’t enjoy your work, you hate going there, you hate
getting up in the morning and come home feeling bad.”
69
The general consensus from those interviewed is that the best jobs are those where the
workplace culture is pleasant, the boss is fair, where employers can be flexible to accommodate
academic demands, where there is a positive attitude between employees (particularly where
the employees socialize with each other), and when there is some variation in the work. The
pay rate was not high on the list of requirements for a good job. As Clair (19 year old female
of Asian origin) said:
I don’t think wages are really a good indication of whether it’s a good or bad job. You can get paid
really well for a job that just sucks, and you can get paid badly for a job that’s really worthwhile.
70
For Clair, feeling she’s good at what she does (making burgers) and getting to ‘hang out and
have fun with the other workers’ was most important.
Conclusions: Experiencing Gender Distinctions and
Precarious Work
71
72
Gendered differences in male and female paid employment is evident even at entry-level
work. While the wages between male and female teenagers are much more similar than they
are for any another age group, other aspects of work reflect significant gender differences.
Statistical information about teenage workers show that females tend to be more concentrated
in specific industries and occupations than are males, a characteristic that is found in older
workers as well. Over the years this concentration has increased for both male and female
teenage workers, but it is more pronounced among females. Teenagers mostly find work in
retail trade, accommodation and food services, and the industries associated with information,
culture and recreation. Occupational distribution has similarly narrowed with most working
in sales, accommodation services, and as servers, but the concentration for females is much
greater than for males: 70% of females work in these occupations, compared with 52% of
males.
The gendered distinctions are also evident in the labour force participation rates and hours
of work. Since the beginning of the 20th century female teenagers have maintained higher
participation rates than males. Among students, females began to have higher participation
rates in the early 1990s. For all teenagers and for teenage students, the participation rates are
increasingly diverging by gender. Both males and females experienced a severe reduction
in the ability to find work since the recession beginning in 2008. This is true for all
teenagers and for teenaged students. Males were more dramatically affected by females in
this downturn, with participation rates reaching lows approaching those in the late 1990s.
The 2008 recession hit industries with a male workforce particularly hard, especially in the
manufacturing, construction, and primary industries. Female participation rates dropped, but
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
73
74
75
not as dramatically. The effect of the recession on participation rates is one aspect of the
especially precarious nature of teenage work, since this category of workers’ participation
rates are most affected by recession.
The precarious nature of work experienced by many teenagers also is related to the gendered
differences in the workforce. This is not only evident in distinctions in the participation
rates, but also in the physical dangers experienced on the job and the types of harassment
encountered. Male teenagers are much more likely to be injured or be killed on the job than are
females. Those interviewed in this study showed that females were more likely to experience
harassment on the job than were males and the types of harassment encountered was different
as well. Males reported experiencing verbal harassment from an employer or manager, while
females reported verbal and sexual harassment more frequently by customers, but also from
co-workers and employers or managers. These differences in experiences of harassment also
seemed to be related to the different types of work performed by males and females, even
within similar occupations and industries.
The neo-liberal approaches to public policy have characterized BC in the 21st century.
Changes in labour policies have led to many fewer protections for workers, a shift that most
affects vulnerable workers and has led to a deterioration in conditions for some groups of
teenage workers.This study has shown that the current labour protections for both teenage
male and female workers are inadequate to deal with the conditions they encounter. Too
many experienced exploitative conditions where they had little alternative except to leave the
job. The overall picture is that while for many teenagers work is decent and employers are
conscious of their need to train and adequately supervise teenagers, the exceptions to this
are frequently encountered. The teenagers interviewed showed that they have little protection
against dangerous working conditions, harassment, excessive or inappropriate hours of work,
or problems with pay. The BC government’s restructuring of the Employment Standards Act
gave workers even fewer protections than they have had in the past. This is a disturbing
development of the 21st century and one that does not appear to be about to change with the
focus on assuring low-waged labour that characterizes the current economic climate.
The age and vulnerability of teenagers requires that their working conditions are not
exploitative or dangerous. Appropriate monitoring of their working conditions to ensure
that employers are obeying the law is a minimal requirement to protect these workers. But
also necessary are appropriate regulations to prevent unscrupulous behaviour on the part of
employers and wages that do not exploit youth. In pointing out the gendered nature of the
teenage workforce, the objective is not to show that either males or females necessarily has an
employment advantage at this initial stage of workforce participation. Nevertheless, distinct
work experiences are evident from initial work experiences and this is contrary to an accepted
belief that it is the subsequent responsibilities that women have regarding children and family
that creates the major distinctions between adult male and female wages and occupations. The
tendency for these gendered divisions to occur can be seen even in entry level work. Acknowledgments
This study was part of a large-scale 5-year research project, The Economic Security Project,
that examined the implications of public policy changes in B.C. on vulnerable populations.
This project that was funded through the Community-University Research Alliance grants
through the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada. The principle
partners in the Economic Security Project were Marjorie Griffin Cohen (Simon Fraser
University) and Seth Klein (Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives-BC). I would like to their
the following for their work doing interviews, research and analysis: Lisa Clark, Matt Pelling,
Natasha Paterson, Xinying Hu, Cecila Carlaw, Stewart Murray, Monica Tang, Thi Vu, and
Heather Whiteside. I also appreciate the cooperation of the students interviewed.
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
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Performance, and Academic Engagement,” Sociology of Education 83, 3 pp. 183-200.
Statistics Canada: Labour Force Survey (Public Use Microdata Files) Tannock, Stuart (2001). Youth at Work: The Unionized Fast-food and Grocery Workplace. Philadelphia:
Temple University Press.
Toronto Sun, “Walmart charged in teen’s workplace death,” June 12, 2011.
Vosko, Leah, ed. (2006) Precarious Employment: Understanding Labour Market Insecurity in Canada
(Montreal: McGill-Queen’s Press).
Worksafe B.C. (1998). Protecting Young Workers: Focus Report.
Worksafe B.C. http://www.worksafebc.com/
Notes
1 Katherine DuPre Lumpkin and Dorothy Wolff Douglas, Child Workers in America, 1937, quoted in
Ellen Greenberger & Laurence Steinberg, When Teenagers Work: The Psychology and Social Costs of
Adolescent Employment (New York: Basic Books, 1986), p. ii.
2 The two small two-person interviews and the seven individual interviews were undertaken out of
necessity to accommodate either language or scheduling issues. Some students originating from China
were more comfortable being interviewed in their primary language.
3 It now requires only the consent of one parent. Similar legislation was introduced in Alberta in 2005.
(Schultz and Taylor 2006, pp. 431).
4 The point of the government oversight was to ensure that the child’s academic standing would not be
impaired through this work. A government permit is still required for children under 12 years.
5 This ‘training wage’ was eliminated in 2011 by the new Liberal Premiere, Christy Clark. The minimum
wage itself did not change for 10 years in B.C.
6 Both the UN and the ILO define the appropriate minimum working age as 15 in developed countries
and 14 in developing countries. While a ‘child’ is identified as anyone under 18, ‘child labour,’ is
generally acknowledged to mean work for children that harms or exploits them. These internationally
defined age norms would indicate that government sanctioned work for those under 15 in Canada,
such as occurs in Alberta and BC, does not conform to international standards. Sources: www.ilo.org;
www.childlabourphotoproject.org/childlabor.html
7 After the study on Child and Youth Employment Standards by Irwin, McBride and Strubin was
published the government did shift its policy for young workers so that they could speak directly to a
government employee rather than use a self-help kit.
8 This varies during the year with higher rates of participation during the summer months.
9 The appropriate number of hours a teenager should work is a continuing focus of study. Most conclude
that there is a correlation between long hours of work and poorer school or university performance.
(Staff, Schulenberg, and Bachmann; Rozick 2007.
10 Statistics Canada, Table 3, “Women and young people occupy most minimumwage
jobs,”
http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/75-001-x/tables-tableaux/topics-sujets/minimumwagesalaireminimum/2009/tbl03-eng.htm
11 Work typically done by females can lead to chronic and acute conditions that are frequently
overlooked in studies and are less frequently reported. These types of work related injuries include
musculoskeletical injuries from fast repetitive motions or static standing as well as emotional risks
associated with the stress of some service-type jobs. (Mayhew & Quinlan 2002, Breslin, Loehoorn, Smith
Manno 2003)
12 The names of participants are pseudonyms they selected themselves. Their ethnicity is self-identified.
13 Len was 22 and was in the focus group discussion because it took place at a community centre and
he was a member of the general group interviewed. He was one of the three whose participation was
outside the age limit, but in this case his perception was significant for the group discussion.
14 This might have been said with irony.
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature
15 The minimum amount of work time an employer was able to provide dropped from four hours to
two hours when significant changes to Employment Standards were made in the first decade of the 21st
century in BC.
Pour citer cet article
Référence électronique
Marjorie Griffin Cohen, « Teenage Work: Its Precarious and Gendered Nature », Revue Interventions
économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 30 avril 2015. URL :
http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1895
À propos de l'auteur
Marjorie Griffin Cohen
Professor, Political Science/GSWS, Simon Fraser University
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Résumés
Cet article analyse les changements dans le travail des adolescents au fil du temps au Canada
et les met en relation avec l'évolution néolibérale de la politique. Cet accent sur le travail des
adolescents a donc été motivé par la détérioration des politiques publiques de protection sociale
offertes à tous les travailleurs, mais surtout aux plus jeunes, pendant les grands changements
en sens néolibérale qu’ont eu lieu au 21ème siècle.
La méthodologie de cet étude repose sur100 entrevues faites avec des étudiants adolescents
dans la région de Vancouver (50 garçons et 50 filles) afin de saisir comment ils comprennent
et perçoivent leur travail.
Cet article s’appuie aussi sur des statistiques de la population active afin de documenter les
changements des modèles et de l'intensité du travail au fil du temps chez les adolescentes au
Canada. Il met l'accent sur les différences de genre dans le travail chez les adolescents, les
évolutions du travail adolescent. Il souligne que la rétribution pour ce travail s’est détériorée
au fil du temps, et indique que les politiques publiques adoptent une perspective limitée pour
traiter la question des nouvelles arrivées sur le marché du travail.
This paper examines the changes in the work of teenagers over time in Canada and relates
this to policy changes in a neoliberal era. This focus on teenage work was prompted by the
deterioration in public policy protections afforded all workers, but particularly the youngest
during the dramatic neoliberal shifts in the 21st century.
The study’s methodology focuses on an interview of 100 teenage students in the Vancouver
area (50 male and 50 female) to understand how teenagers understand and experience their
work. In addition to this primary material gained through interviews, labour force statistics are
used to document the shifts in the patterns and intensity of teenage work over time in Canada.
It focuses on the gendered distinction in teenage work, the shifting nature of teenage work,
how the rewards from this work has deteriorated over time, and the blindness of public policy
to adequately deal with the issues of new entrants into the labour market.
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : emplois précaires, inégalités, jeunes, travail, travail des adolescents
Keywords : employment, inequalities, precarious jobs, teenage work, young people
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
20
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Senada Delic
Measurement of labour market
attachment in the northern
Canadian context: Conceptual and
methodological issues
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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Référence électronique
Senada Delic, « Measurement of labour market attachment in the northern Canadian context: Conceptual and
methodological issues », Revue Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013,
consulté le 26 avril 2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1969
Éditeur : Télé-université, UQAM
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Document généré automatiquement le 26 avril 2015.
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Measurement of labour market attachment in the northern Canadian context: Conceptual and (...)
Senada Delic
Measurement of labour market attachment
in the northern Canadian context:
Conceptual and methodological issues
Introduction
1
2
3
4
Strong attachment to the labour market is widely recognized and endorsed as a source of
economic empowerment and a crucial pathway out of poverty, especially for the historically
disadvantaged segments of a population such as the Aboriginal groups in Canada (Fleury,
2002; Harrison & Lindsay, 2009; Government of Canada, 2011).1 In examining the official
indicators of the labour market attachment, the existing studies report large size gaps in the
labour force participation rates between similarly qualified Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal
Canadians, with the most drastic differences being reported for the individuals living in the
northern Aboriginal communities (Stabler, 1989; Drost, 1994; Kuhn & Sweetman, 2002;
White, Maxim & Gyimah, 2003; Gee, Kobayashi & Prus, 2006; Delic & Abele, 2010). It
is generally accepted that some portion of these participation rate gaps reflects a relatively
weaker attachment to the paid labour market among Aboriginal people living in their
traditional community settings (Kleinfeld & Kruse, 1982; Kuhn & Sweetman, 2002; Fleury
2002; Harrison & Lindsay, 2009). This assumption, however, has never been subjected to a
critical scrutiny.
The conventional approach to the measurement of labour market attachment in Canada is based
on guidelines set forth by the International Labour Organization (ILO) that involve specific a
priori assumptions as to what constitutes labour market activity and inactivity (International
Labour Organization, 1982; Statistics Canada, 2009). The two key criteria used to classify
respondents as “active labour market participants” and “inactive out of the labour force” are the
individuals' self-reported survey responses about their job search activity and their availability
to accept a job. The rule stipulates that, if an individual reports being available to take a job
but fails to report any job search activity, that individual is automatically classified as being
out of the labour force. Lack of evidence about job search activity is deemed as evidence of
weak attachment to the labour market and the rule is applied uniformly across all regions of
the country (Jones & Riddell, 1999; 2006; Riddell, 2000; Statistics Canada, 2009).
This paper discusses the pertinence of uniformly applying this rule in the northern Canadian
context, focusing in particular on living conditions in the four Inuit regions, collectively called
Inuit Nunangat.2 The discussion is motivated by an observation that the wage employment
opportunities and especially the paid job search service networks in the northern Inuit
communities are exceptionally scarce (Delic, 2009), implying a higher risk of collecting
inaccurate statistical information on job search activity, which in turn can have a direct effect
on the accuracy of the derived official rates. Lacking access to suitable longitudinal data
needed to examine this issue in greater depth, the paper employs cross-sectional data from the
master files of the 2006 Aboriginal Peoples Survey and presents some descriptive evidence of
job search activity among Inuit living in the Inuit Nunangat and compares it to the evidence of
job search activity among self-identifying Aboriginal individuals living in the southern large
urban centers.
In relation to public policy, the importance of this examination is twofold: First, the need
for the measurement accuracy is high in view of the fact that regional official labour market
indicators such as the unemployment rates serve as an important input for the development
and for implementation of regional labour market policies and programs such as Employment
Insurance (Service Canada, 2010; Godfrey, 2012). Second, given the general lack of critical
scrutiny in relation to the prevailing stereotypes about the strength of attachment to the paid
labour market among Aboriginal people living in their traditional settings (Kleinfeld & Kruse,
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Measurement of labour market attachment in the northern Canadian context: Conceptual and (...)
5
1982; Merrill, Bruce & Marlin, 2010), this examination can provide some comparative insights
and inform policy discussion in this particular area.
The paper is structured as follows: The conventional way of measuring the labour market
activity in Canada is described in the following section, drawing attention to the primary drive
for the measurement and to the historic developments made to the measurement methods.
Section 3 discusses the uses and the relative potential of the existing measures to effectively
capture the true state of the labour markets in the northern and in the southern parts of
Canada. In this section, the paper takes a comparative look at the institutional characteristics
in the two labour markets and examines the appropriateness of uniformly applying the official
methods of measurement of labour market activities such as the unemployment and labour
force participation. The comparative descriptive evidence of job search activity among Inuit
residing in the North in Inuit Nunangat and among self-identifying Aboriginal population
residing in the South in large urban centers is presented and discussed in Section 4 while
Section 5 concludes the paper.
Conventional Measures of Labour Market Activity in Canada
6
7
8
As in most other developed countries, the current labour market activity framework in Canada
is based on a double-dichotomy. First, the total working age civilian non-institutionalized, offreserve population aged 15 and over is divided into the economically active population, which
constitutes the total labour force, and the economically inactive population, which is classified
as out of the labour force. The total labour force is then divided into the employed and the
unemployed labour market participants, based on the type of economic activity they report.
Statistics Canada currently takes a monthly or quarterly snapshot of a representative sample of
the total working age population in selected households living in the ten provinces and the three
territories, applying an essentially identical Labour Force Survey (LFS) questionnaire.3 The
survey results, however, are published separately for the population living in the ten provinces
(national file) and for the population living in the northern parts of Canada (territorial file), to
account for the differences in the survey methodology between the North and the provinces.4
Although explicit in stating that “the concepts of employment and unemployment are derived
from the theory of the supply of labour as a factor of production” the LFS documentation
files provide no explanation as to the meaning of this statement (Statistics Canada, 2009, p.
7). As in other developed countries, the concept of economic activity in the Canadian labour
market is based on particular yet somewhat flexible guidelines established by the International
Labour Organization (ILO). These guidelines suggest defining an economic activity in terms
of production of goods and services as set forth by the System of National Accounts (SNA).
Thus, in the Canadian LFS, individuals are considered economically active only if they
contribute or are available to contribute to the production of goods and services that are within
SNA production boundary. The unpaid housework and volunteer work have historically been
excluded from this boundary as have all traditional activities such as hunting and gathering.
Based on these ILO guidelines, the working age population in Canada is classified into three
mutually exclusive categories, ranked as employed, unemployed and economically inactive.
The first two categories are composed of individuals who are supplying or offering their labour
services in the reference period, regardless of the amount, while the third category consists of
those neither currently supplying nor offering their labour services (Statistics Canada, 2009).
Even though the basic concept of the economic activity and the objectives of the LFS have
not been changed since its inception, our understanding and interpretation of the concept in
the definitions has changed noticeably over time. According to the survey documentation
files, “[s]ince its inception in 1945, the objectives of the LFS have been to divide workingage population into three mutually exclusive classifications – employed, unemployed, and
not in the labour force – and to provide descriptive and explanatory data on each of these
categories” (Statistics Canada, 2009, p. 5). The survey documentation files provide not much
detail on the motives behind the initiative, except to state that the primary drive for launching
the survey was the transition from a war-time to a peace-time economy that entailed major
labour market changes and required reliable and timely data to assist the transition. In 1960,
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the survey was officially designated to be the source of the official measure of unemployment
in Canada and that remains today (Statistics Canada, 2009).
The initial design of the survey contained a simple and short questionnaire in which labour
force status was determined through questions of “main activity”. The employed were
considered those individuals whose responses to the survey indicated that that their “primary”
or “secondary” activity was “working”. The unemployed category was identified using two
questions from the survey, one inquiring about duration of unemployment and the other
inquiring whether the respondent was looking for part-time or full-time employment. The rest
of the working age respondents, at that time those aged 14 and over, were classified as out of
the labour force on the grounds that their responses to the main activity questions specified
non-work activities such as keeping house, attending school, or retired. This out of the labour
force category originally also included people on temporary layoff and people with a job to
start in the near future, unless they explicitly stated that they were looking for a job (Statistics
Canada, 2010; 2010a).
The information collected by the survey was expanded considerably over the years. Switching
from the “main activity” to the currently used “direct questioning” style to determine labour
market status of the working age population, now aged 15 and over, the content of the survey
questionnaire was revised in 1976 to collect more information, particularly relating to the
nonemployed population. The concepts of employment and unemployment were refined to
include all economically active individuals that fit within the SNA production boundary. The
unemployed category in particular was expanded to include people on temporary layoff and
those who had a new job scheduled to start in the near future, in addition to the job searchers.
The survey also commenced counting the discouraged workers in this year, although the
definition of discouragement was restricted to the individuals who looked for work in the past
six months but who have since stopped searching (Statistics Canada, 2010; 2010a).5
The survey content was further redesigned in 1997, mostly with respect to information
pertaining to the volume and the quality of jobs held by respondents, in response to a number of
structural and cyclical developments in the Canadian labour market that followed from the two
recessionary periods in the early 1980s and 1990s. In addition to collecting basic information
for identifying the labour force status, in this year the survey started soliciting information that
can be used to characterize the degree of employment, underemployment, and marginal labour
force attachment by asking the non-searchers about their desire for work (Statistics Canada,
2010). This particular redesign of the survey responds directly to the idea driving this paper
– that, under certain conditions, the number of labour force states might be greater than three.
The subsequent augmentation made to the survey in 2007, which added an Aboriginal identity
indicator to the survey questionnaire, made the future inquiries about the marginal attachment
to the labour force among Aboriginal people possible6.
The most recent guide to the LFS describes the employed as those individuals who, during the
reference week “(a) did any work at all at a job or business, that is, paid work in the context of
an employer-employee relationship, or self-employment. It also includes unpaid family work,
which is defined as unpaid work contributing directly to the operation of a farm, business or
professional practice owned and operated by a related member of the same household; or (b)
had a job but were not at work due to factors such as own illness or disability, personal or
family responsibilities, vacation, labour dispute or other reasons (excluding persons on layoff,
between casual jobs, and those with a job to start at a future date)” (Statistics Canada, 2009,
p. 7).
The unemployed status is ascribed to those individuals who “(a) were on temporary layoff
during the reference week with an expectation of recall and were available for work, or (b)
were without work, had actively looked for work, in the past four weeks, and were available for
work, or (c) had a new job to start within four weeks from reference week, and were available
for work” (Statistics Canada, 2009, p. 7). This classification of the unemployed requires two
specific criteria to be met; the first criterion, the ‘availability to take a job’ must be met by
all currently nonemployed individuals while the second criterion, the ‘active job search’ must
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15
be met only by those who currently have neither a job nor the specified job prospects in the
near future.
The first of the above criteria is considered met if the individuals reported that “they could have
worked in the reference week if a suitable job had been offered (or recalled if on temporary
layoff); or if the reason they could not take a job was of a temporary nature such as: because
of own illness or disability, personal or family responsibilities, because they already have a
job to start in the near future, or because of vacation” (Statistics Canada, 2009, p. 10). The
“suitable job” here refers to the jobs in the formal labour market. The second criterion is met
if the individuals reported that, in the previous four weeks, they resorted to at least one of the
active or passive job search methods. The survey gives examples of job search methods such
as checking with employers directly, checking with public or private employment agency,
union, or friends and relatives or looking at, placing and answering job ads. The respondents
are also given an option to write in other methods, in case they were not listed on the survey
questionnaire.
The remainder of the working age population, that is the individuals who were neither
employed nor unemployed, are classified as out of the labour force, on the grounds that, during
the reference week, they were either unwilling or unable to offer or supply labour services
under the given conditions in their labour market. Each month, each surveyed individual in
Canada is assigned to one of these three categories, according to his/her responses to a number
of questions during the interview. The information is then used to produce and disseminate
the standard official rates for labour market participation (the fraction of the working age
population in the labour force), employment (the fraction of the working age population that
is employed), and unemployment (the fraction of the labour force that is unemployed) on a
national or regional level or on industrial, ethnic and other demographic identifiers.
Uses and Effectiveness of Conventional Labour Market
Indicators
16
This section provides an overview of the uses and discusses the relative potential of the
conventional labour market indicators to effectively capture the true state of the attachment to
the paid labour markets in different regional settings such the northern and southern parts of
Canada. The section discusses key institutional characteristics in the two labour markets and
examines the appropriateness of uniformly applying the official methods of measurement of
labour market attachment. This discussion is followed by a presentation of some descriptive
insights into the key attachment-classification criterion, the job search activity in the two
labour markets.
Uses of Conventional Labour Market Indicators
17
18
The major purpose of the employment statistics has been relatively unchallenged and generally
accepted as straightforward, at least in the developed industrialized world – in essence to
provide an indicator of the number of persons who, during a specified time period, contribute
to the production of goods and services in the society. The measurement of this statistics has
also been relatively controversy free, owing primarily to the inclusiveness of the definition
of employment as endorsed by the ILO. The widespread use of the official measure to
demonstrate the economic strength of a country or a region and the economic wellbeing
of its residents, however, has been challenged in both developed and developing countries
on the grounds that the official measure paints an unrealistic picture of employment by
concealing a serious issue of underemployment. Some aspects of this issue, however, are
straightforwardly addressed by distinguishing the full-time full-year employment from othertypes of employment when comparing the rates.
The purpose, the uses, and the measurement of the unemployment statistics, and by extension
of the labour force participation rate, are not as clear-cut and have in fact been subject
to extensive debates in both developed and in developing countries (Hussmanns, 2009). In
Canada as well, as Riddell (2000) points out, “[w]e do not have much disagreement about how
to identify those who are employed. The problems arise because of the many “gray areas”
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involved in separating the nonemployed into two groups: the unemployed and out-of-thelabour force, or participants and non-participants” (p. S102). Problems also arise in applying
this measure in the analyses of practical policy issues, both on macro and micro economic
levels. Yet, out of the three standard labour market indicators, the official unemployment rate
is by far the most closely monitored and the most frequently reported and discussed economic
indicator in the media.
As in other industrialized countries, the unemployment rate in Canada is linked with both
the economic health of the country on the macroeconomic level and the economic health of
its population on the microeconomic level. On the macroeconomic level, the rate is cited
as one of the key measures of the country’s overall economic vigor. In the macroeconomic
literature the rate is found to play a central role in many key macroeconomic relationships such
as Okun’s Law and Phillips curve and is particularly fundamental to the concept of natural
rate of unemployment. The rate is thus closely monitored and treated as a proxy indicator
of macroeconomic performance as is the inflation rate treated as a proxy of macroeconomic
stability. The amount of output generated by an economy depends to a large extent on the total
supply of labour that is available to produce goods and services. Just as rising prices erode the
purchasing power of consumers in the sense that they reduce the quantity of goods and services
that can be purchased with a given amount of money so does the rising unemployment erode
the country’s productivity and performance by reducing the pool of gainfully employed. As the
periods of high inflation undermine the economy’s ability to sustain prosperity, periods of high
unemployment hurt the country’s labour productivity and its gross domestic product growth
(Benjamin, Gunderson & Riddell, 2002). This analogy and adherence to monitoring cyclical
changes with unemployment figures is shared with the rest of the industrialized world. In this
macroeconomic context the debate revolves around the conceptual basis of the definition of
unemployment and the accuracy of measurement of the rate in terms of utilization of labour.
On the microeconomic level, unemployment is said to bring on disturbing consequences
for individuals, their families and the communities in which they live. Hence the debate on
the microeconomic level is extended to the accuracy of the measurement of the economic
hardship. High unemployment is routinely linked to a range of socioeconomic conditions
such as prominent rates of poverty, homelessness, income inequality, poor health outcomes,
low self-esteem, and social exclusion. Most researchers in the industrialized nations, and in
the United States in particular, treat their official unemployment rates as a good vehicle for
microeconomic analyses, particularly for comparing unemployment rates of men and women
or of whites and blacks to infer about group differentials (Flanagan, 1976; Stratton, 1993;
Cohn & Fossett, 1995; Fairlie & Sundstrom, 1997; Clark & Drinkwater, 2005; Lindley, 2005).
Social scientists in Canada have also resorted to this practice when examining gender and
ethnic differentials in labour market outcomes (Myatt & Murrell, 1990; Kuhn & Sweetman,
2002; White et al., 2003; Gee et al., 2006). The findings from these studies are generally used
to discuss the degree of economic hardship experienced by different groups and to propose
policy suggestions to alleviate the burdens for the vulnerable groups.
The concept of economic hardship, however, is not as straightforward to measure and the
unemployment rate contains hardly any information needed for its measurement. In the
broadest sense, the economic hardship is generally described as entailing subjective personal
expectations about attaining and maintaining a certain level of standard of living but “in a
policy-oriented context, economic hardship is more frequently associated with an absolute
income level that is inadequate to provide minimum consumption requirements or basic
material needs” (Werneke, 1979, p. 43). The two measures that have historically been
most commonly associated with economic hardship are the official poverty line and the
unemployment rate. The former is intended to provide a universal measure of the population in
poverty and the latter to track the overall performance of the population in the labour market.
But how persuasive is the content of the output of the latter measure?
Properly defined and accurately measured, the unemployment rate can indeed be a useful and
reliable indicator of latent labour pool. To some degree, it can also be a useful and relevant
indicator of economic development in a region, particularly if measured consistently over
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time and supplemented with other relevant indicators. Its potential to reveal the degree of
economic hardship experienced by the unemployed individuals and their families, however,
is very limited. For instance, an unemployment rate of a certain percentage may reflect a
situation in which that percentage of the labour force is unemployed in the reference month
and spends only a few weeks searching for a new employment but it may also relate to a
situation in which the same percentage of the labour force is unemployed for an entire year
or for even a longer time period. Clearly, these two situations would have very different
implications for the wellbeing of the unemployed, with the latter situation implying a severe
case of hardship while the former carrying no serious consequences. The presence of cyclical
or seasonal employment, which prevails in most Northern regions and Aboriginal communities
in general, adds a further complexity to the interpretation of the rates in the context of the
economic hardship.
While this particular problem can easily be mended by correcting the standard unemployment
measure for the duration of the unemployment spells, the more general problem of its strength
to accurately convey the size of the underutilized labour pool, and especially the nature and the
degree of economic hardship, remains. This problem carries serious implications, especially
for the jobless population and for policy-makers placing priority on self-sufficiency of the
treated population. The official unemployment rates in Canada are routinely consulted in
designing many government policy plans such as those to adjust labour market programs and
services and to respond to regional disparities. The official unemployment rate is, in fact, one
of the key criteria used by the Employment Insurance (EI) program to determine the maximum
duration of an EI claim in a given region.7 The importance of the accuracy here cannot be
overstated. As Mankiw and Scarth (2001) point out, historically, “the Canadian employmentinsurance program has been substantially more generous in the high-unemployment regions
of the country” (p. 145).
As for the welfare purpose use, the official unemployment rate is clearly insufficient and
as such should not be interpreted as a measure of economic hardship – no single statistic
can summarize the nature and the extent of such a multifaceted concept. As conventionally
defined, the unemployment rate merely specifies the proportion of the labour force that
does not have a job but is available and actively searching for work. It does not convey
any information about the economic resources of the unemployed workers nor of their
families.8 This holds true in both formal and in subsistence-based economies where hunting
and gathering activities are done to provide for living. Even the less-controversial labour
market indicator, the employment rate, has no capacity on its own to reveal the true state
of the economic wellbeing of individuals. As Werneke (1979) points out, to even begin
understanding the concept of economic hardship in the labour market “requires simultaneous
consideration of the individual’s status in the labor force together with the adequacy of the
income he or she derives from that status” (p. 43-44). Even then, it is conceivable to have
people employed full-time who remain poor due to particular social conditions or the type of
institutional arrangements in their region, industry or occupation.
Hence, while popular, the unemployment rate must be replaced with other broader incomerelated measures in the evaluation of economic hardship of individuals and of groups. The
average income has traditionally been used as a measure of economic wellbeing but the
interest in composite indicators has grown rapidly over the past decade. The simplest forms of
these indicators take into account the availability of employment opportunities in the region
of residence and the adequacy of earning or income. Werneke (1979) develops and tests
one of such indicators of economic hardship in the labour market in the United States and
Sharpe (1999) provides a summary of the best known and most important general indices of
economic wellbeing used in Canada for tracking the trends on community, regional, national
and international levels.
The use of the unemployment rate as a measure of the degree of economic hardship
among groups of a population has also been accompanied by sharp criticisms from the
public regarding the ineffectiveness of such a measure and its inherent tendency to conceal
hidden unemployment and underemployment. These remarks have led Statistics Canada
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to introduce a set of alternative ‘supplementary measures of unemployment’ which it has
published regularly since 1977 (Akyeampong, 1989; Devereaux, 1992; Statistics Canada,
1999; 1999a).9 Although useful and informative in the sense that they attempt to capture
both the amount of unutilized labour as well as the degree of economic hardship, these
supplementary rates of unemployment are what their name implies – supplementary – as they
do not alter the magnitude of the official rate and they do not necessarily get any serious
attention when policies are devised. Their purpose “is more to illustrate the variety of ways
that unemployment and the underutilization of labour can be measured” (Devereaux, 1992,
p.1). They are published primarily to enhance understanding of the labour market because
they expose aspects of unemployment which are not reflected in the official rate but the
official unemployment rate remains the primary indicator for policy making purposes, which
explains the choice researchers studying economic hardship make when choosing the rate for
comparative analyses.
Effectiveness of Conventional Labour Market Indicators
27
28
29
While the definition of unemployment was not designed for general welfare purpose, it seems
reasonable to undertake such studies and discuss the extent of socioeconomic distress related
to unemployment among different groups existing in the same labour market. The practicality
of such an endeavor, however, diminishes the more one moves away from the boundaries
of what can be regarded as institutionally different labour markets with historically different
economic systems and conditions. As documented in the existing research, northern and
southern economies in Canada are quite different, as are their labour markets (Elias, 1995;
1997; Usher, Duhaime & Searles, 2003; Natcher, 2008; Poppel & Kruse, 2008; Abele, 2009).
Applying the same concepts and measurement tools in the two markets is bound to produce
hard-to-interpret comparative figures on labour utilization, and by extension the degree of
economic hardship.
Although not explicitly stated, the existing concepts and measurements of labour market
activity in Canada, as in other industrialized countries, reflect the organization of labor markets
in a capitalist society that has a well-established formal market economy in which the amount
of labour supplied is taken as an increasing function of the wage, other things equal. Under
this conception, closeness to the market and access to technology are a given. With exception
of some rural areas, most of the southern urban Canada is densely populated and wellserviced with good physical and social infrastructure and an open access to national and
international business networks and economies. This dense urban environment, especially in
large metropolitan centers, serves to facilitate an easy flow of ideas and transfer of technology
through well-established informational networks. These networks are readily and widely
available to individual workers who use them not only to gain access to available job openings
but also to add to their general knowledge, establish support groups, and enhance job-related
skills that are dictated by continuous and rapid transformations of the local economy in the
increasingly globalized world.
The labour markets in the northern Canada, like in other circumpolar countries, are situated
in a specific form of a structural economic dualism that is somewhat similar to yet distinctly
different from the one that characterizes most developing countries. The economic dualism
in the Canadian North, often termed as a ‘mixed economy’ model, involves the coexistence
of the larger ‘traditional’ and the smaller ‘modern’ sectors side-by-side, where the excess
supply of labour from the traditional sector is captured by the modern sector depending on
the level of development and the economic dynamism in the region (Stabler, 1989; Elias,
1997; Usher et al., 2003; Abele, 2009). As Usher et al. (2003) explain, the “subsistence
activity does not constitute a separate and distinct economy in northern communities, but is
combined, at the individual, the household, and the village level with wage labour and transfer
payments. People move between subsistence and market activities, depending on opportunities
and preferences. Subsistence in a mixed economy thus acts like a sponge, absorbing labour
when other opportunities decline, and releasing it when they arise” (p. 177-178, emphasis in
the original).
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31
32
33
34
The objectives behind the economic development in the northern parts of Canada have
historically been vague and the expansion of the modern sector is still very volatile and
greatly hindered by the challenges that are unique to the North. These challenges involve
limited infrastructure, high transportation costs, remoteness from the formal markets and small
populations with limited formal education and industrial skills (Simeone, 2008). Accordingly
the wage employment in the North is scarce and is currently generally offered by three key
sectors: mining sector, small business and tourism service sector, and government support
service sector. High levels of formal education and industrial skills are generally required to
enter the government and mining sectors while the service sector offers lower paying jobs,
often of a temporary nature (Simeone, 2008).
Unlike in the South, Aboriginal people in the North constitute a large portion of the total
population and they reside in a number of small, isolated communities whose size ranges
from less than 100 people to at most about 22,000 people (Abele, 2009). In the four Inuit
regions, these small communities are dispersed across large areas of land and most of them
are accessible only by air, by ice road, or, by water during summer time. Recent years have
brought some advancement in telecommunications and information technology but, relative
to the southern urban regions, the northern Inuit regions are still characterized by a severe lack
of formal informational networks to assist the search for wage employment (Delic, 2012).
The economic development activities, involving primarily resource extraction, have created
modern sectors in a few ‘larger’ northern communities, known as ‘major wage centers’
and that is where the wage job opportunities are still concentrated (Abele, 2006). The
potential and the desire for geographic mobility among the northern residents oscillate from
limited to nonexistent (Statistics Canada, 2006). While the circumstances necessitate and the
cultural attachment dictates some involvement in the mixed economy for all, the economic
wellbeing of the majority of Aboriginal peoples in the North is determined primarily by their
commitment to subsistence activities (Abele, 2009). The economic contributions from these
activities, however, are not incorporated in the conventional economic activity measures as
the subsistence is not included in the Canadian SNA production boundary.10
Although a great number of Aboriginal people in the South still live on reserves, the trend
to their urbanization that started in 1960s continues to be on the rise. According to the 2006
Census, 54 percent of Aboriginal people reside in either large Census Metropolitan Areas
(CMAs) or smaller urban centers, and display high levels of mobility both in and out of the
CMAs (Statistics Canada, 2008). While the great poverty plight and the lack of employment
prospects for the on-reserve southern Aboriginal residents have been well documented, it can
be argued that, relative to northern Aboriginal residents, southern on-reserve residents still
enjoy a slight location advantage, because, unlike northern communities, a number of the
southern reserves are located adjacent to towns and cities, some of which are the centers of
economic activity and job opportunity. This spatial proximity potentially gives them an access
to formal job search networks that are not available to most northern Aboriginal residents
(Delic, 2012).11
The labour markets in the southern large urban centers are characterized by physical
and informational proximity of businesses, services and workers and they entail networks
and middlemen which serve as vehicles to disseminate information about vacant jobs or
screening mechanisms that improve worker-job matches. Like other southern urban residents,
Aboriginal people residing in large urban centers are able to perform and report the required
active job search as they have access to labour market institutions, which include both
formal organizations such as union hiring halls, government labour exchanges, and third
party intermediaries such as employment agencies and informal means of communication
about employment opportunities through family and friends. The increasing urbanization
of Aboriginal people has also been accompanied by establishments of various Aboriginal
institutions, designed to serve the specific socioeconomic needs of urban Aboriginal residents.
Northern Aboriginal people rely primarily on word-of-mouth (Delic, 2012).
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Job Search Criterion
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36
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38
As can be deduced from the above, there are many factors that affect the need for and the
intensity of job search for northern and for southern Aboriginal residents. Knowing that their
economic wellbeing is determined primarily by the jobs they hold and by the incomes they
generate in the formal labour market, southern urban residents are inclined to read attentively
the signals and incentives provided by the formal labour market in order to make the ‘right’
decisions and seek to acquire the needed skills and training that will ensure their preparedness
to take advantage of various job opportunities as they arise in their surrounding rich and well
developed labour markets. The existing transportation networks in the southern large urban
centers also serve to workers’ advantage, assisting them to make the ‘right’ decisions with
regards to job-related spatial mobility.
The job search incentives for the northern residents are quite different because the key issue
they have historically been and are still facing is the pervasive lack of wage employment
opportunities across northern Canada (Abele, 2006). In a recent survey of living conditions
in the North an overwhelming majority (79%) of Inuit adults have reported unemployment as
the main problem in the community and creation of more wage jobs as the top suggestion for
improving the quality of life in the community (Statistics Canada, 2006). A related problem
is the skills mismatch; although present, the problem of occupational and spatial mismatch of
jobs is far less of an issue in the southern metropolitan labour markets, relative to the northern
labour markets. Studies repeatedly find that the most common reason given for not working
among Inuit is that they feel there are no jobs available that match their skills (Stabler, 1989;
Senecal, 2006).
Given the small communities in which they live and the general lack of formal wage
employment support networks, it then seems unreasonable to demand from Inuit residing in the
North to prove their attachment to the formal labour market by providing evidence of active job
search. The conventional concepts of job search, even in the passive form, have no application
in their small communities where the information about job availability is readily known and
regularly shared among the residents. Their condition is more likely exemplifying the case of
structural unemployment than that of weak attachment to the labour market. As Riddell (2000)
notes “the classical definition of structural unemployment involves situations in which there
are unemployed workers in one region or occupation or skill category and unfilled vacancies
in different regions, occupations or skill categories. Such unemployment may result in job
search, but if the workers are well informed [as they are in the northern Inuit communities]
about the situation they face it is also likely to show up as desiring work but not searching.
Thus some of what we conceptually refer to as structural unemployment appears likely to show
up as non-participation rather than unemployment in our labour force statistics” (p.S103).
In the case of Inuit, there is also a larger question to be addressed – what constitutes a job in
the North? Is the exchange-in-kind and working on-the-land to provide sustenance considered
employment? As mentioned in the previous section of this paper, at the essence of the mixed
economy model is general reliance on several sources of provision for livelihood, and often
simultaneously. The results from the most recent survey of living conditions in the North
have shown that employment status has relatively little impact on individuals’ engagement in
subsistence production as both employed and nonemployed respondents report being engaged
in roughly equal number of subsistence activities (Statistics Canada, 2006; Abele, 2009). The
following section will provide some descriptive comparative insights into job search activities
among northern Inuit and among southern off-reserve urban Aboriginal people.
Descriptive Evidence of Job Search Activity
39
This section provides some descriptive comparative insights into job search activities and some
related labour market conditions pertaining to Aboriginal people residing in the northern and in
the southern parts of Canada – more specifically, to Inuit living in the four Inuit regions in the
North and to the self-identifying Aboriginal population living in nine large urban centers in the
South. Data used to derive these insights are described next and the comparison is presented
separately for each region.
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Data and Measures
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The insights presented in this paper are derived from the master files of the 2006 Aboriginal
Peoples Survey (APS). This survey is a special post-censal survey whose target population was
selected based on their answers to the Aboriginal identity question in the 2006 Census. The
survey combines a range of additional Aboriginal-specific information with the key census
information, thus offering the most comprehensive overview of the conditions of the offreserve Aboriginal population. In relation to the present topic, the APS comes closest in value
to the unavailable monthly territorial files of the Labour Force Survey because it includes
detailed information on job search activity as well as the information on remote geographical
classifications that is needed for the present discussion (Statistics Canada, 2008a; 2008b;
2009).
The 2006 APS analytical files contain individual records both for “Aboriginal ancestry/origin”
population and for “Aboriginal identity” population.12 This study makes use of the latter
definition, Aboriginal identity, which pertains to those individuals who reported identifying
with at least one Aboriginal group, namely North American Indian, Métis or Inuit, and/or
those who report being a Treaty Indian or a Registered Indian, as defined by the Indian Act of
Canada, and/or those who report being members of an Indian band or First Nation (Statistics
Canada, 2009).13 The analysis is focused on the single-reporting of Aboriginal identity, that is
single Inuit identity, single Métis identity, and single North American Indian identity living
off-reserve.14 Because the discussion is focused on the northern-southern residence spectrum,
with a special emphasis on the remote northern communities, the information presented for
the North relates to individuals of single Inuit identity residing in Inuit Nunangat while the
information for the South relates to individuals belonging to any of the three Aboriginal
identity groups living off-reserve.
Group-relevant data files were used to observe job search activity, separately for men and
women. Thus the mean estimates for the total off-reserve Aboriginal population residing in
large urban centers are derived from the “Adult Core” analytical file. This file contains all of
the Aboriginal-specific information from the 2006 APS as well as all of the selected variables
from the 2006 Census for the population aged 15 and over (Statistics Canada, 2008a). The
mean estimates for northern Inuit population were derived from the “Arctic File,” which
contains all of the information from the Adult Core file as well as the information from the
Arctic supplement that was administered to respondents living in Inuit Nunangat (Statistics
Canada, 2009a).
In each of the two analytical files, the samples were restricted to individuals aged between
15 and 64 years who are not attending school. This resulted in the sample size of 3,500 for
Inuit identity in the Arctic file and the sample size of 17,500 for all three Aboriginal identity
groups in the Adult Core file. Excluded from these samples are the records of individuals with
missing values on important variables such as Aboriginal identity or the labour force activity.15
All estimates are derived using the bootstrapping weights procedure, as suggested by Statistics
Canada (Rao, 2006; Statistics Canada, 2008b).16
Two geographical classifications are used in the comparison. The first classification pertains to
four census subdivisions or municipalities that lie outside census metropolitan areas (CMAs)
and census agglomerations (CAs) and are differentiated by their proximity to a census
metropolitan area and census agglomeration influenced zones (MIZ), as defined by Statistics
Canada. This classification is used as a crude measure of the remoteness of communities and
the categories include strong MIZ, moderate MIZ, weak MIZ and no MIZ (Statistics Canada,
2010b).17
The second geographical classification relates to the four Inuit regions in the North and to
nine urban centers in the South. The four Inuit regions include (1) communities situated in the
northern coastal Labrador region called Nunatsiavut, (2) communities in the northern Quebec
region called Nunavik, (3) communities dispersed across the territory of Nunavut, and (4)
communities in the Inuvialuit region of the Northwest Territories (Statistics Canada, 2009a).
These four regions contain about 52, generally small communities, which can be accessed only
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by air or by sea during the summer months (Statistics Canada, 2007). The primary selection
criterion for the nine southern urban centers (Winnipeg, Edmonton, Toronto, Vancouver,
Calgary, Saskatoon, Regina, Ottawa, Montréal) was the large concentration of Aboriginal
identity population in them (Statistics Canada, 2008; Peters, 2007).
The comparison is based on two focal points. First, the proportions of the employed Aboriginal
population in the area of residence are presented for men and women, living in the northern
and in the southern MIZ regions as well as for those living in the Inuit Nunangat and in urban
centers.18 The same classification is used to compare the proportions of jobless Aboriginal
workers who are actively searching for a job and those who are not searching.19 In comparing
the proportions of nonsearchers, the emphasis is placed on two criteria: (1) the individuals
have given up on search because they believe that no jobs are available in the area they reside
in; and (2) the individuals are not searching because they think they are not qualified for the
available jobs or they think no jobs are available in the field in which they were educated or
trained.20 Economists, in general, describe this category of workers as discouraged workers
(Riddell, 2000; Benjamin et al., 2002).
The second point of comparison is related to the general conditions of the labour market in the
respondents' area of residence. One aspect of this is the respondents' view on how significant
the unemployment is as a problem in the area they live in, relative to other socioeconomic
problems. This aspect was addressed both in the Adult Core and in the Arctic files of the survey
and was selected for the present discussion because of its general relevance to the community
members, regardless of their place of residence.21 The other aspect, addressed only in the Arctic
file of the APS, relates to the respondents' awareness of the availability of employment and
career counseling services in an Aboriginal language in their areas of residence.22 This aspect is
highly relevant to the present discussion because the great majority of Inuit people in the North
report an Aboriginal language (some dialect of Inuktitut) as their first and main language,
particularly in Nunavik and in Nunavut.23 In addition, recent surveys have revealed a trend
among Inuit people learning Inuktitut as a second language. The most recent reports indicate
that "the large majority of Inuit adults in each region stated that it was very or somewhat
important for them to keep, learn and relearn Inuktitut" (Statistics Canada, 2008, p. 29). The
following four tables present the comparison results, separately for men and women.
Descriptive Evidence
48
Table 1 presents mean estimates of the proportions of job holders and of job searchers living
in the northern and in the southern MIZ regions. Three points are worth highlighting here. The
first point is the sizable difference in the proportions of job holders in the northern and in the
southern MIZ regions. For men, for instance, the difference amounts to 12 percentage points
in the weak MIZ region and to 6 percentage points in the no MIZ region. The second point
to highlight here is the difference in the proportions of active job searchers between northern
and southern residents. As illustrated in the third column of Table 1, the proportion of male
active job searchers in the northern weak MIZ region is identical to the proportion of male job
searchers in the southern weak MIZ region and in the southern moderate MIZ region. In fact,
for the jobless male working age population, only the southern no MIZ region has a greater
proportion of active job searchers, relative to the proportion in the no MIZ northern region. For
the female jobless working age population, the proportion of active job searchers is higher in
the northern no MIZ region than it is in the southern no MIZ region and in the southern weak
MIZ region. The scale of the difference for female residents, however, is relatively smaller.
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An interesting insight here is that this initial evidence of active job search speaks directly
against the existing stereotype that Aboriginal residents living in their traditional community
settings have a weaker attachment to the paid labour market. The evidence presented in Table
1 suggests that, in each case, the proportions of active job searchers are in fact much higher in
other than the southern strong MIZ region. This insight applies equally to men and to women.
The third point to highlight from Table 1 provides the clearest evidence in this regard. As
illustrated in the fourth and in the sixth columns of Table 1, the proportions of discouraged and
of unqualified job (non)searcher are drastically larger in the northern MIZ regions for Inuit
men. For instance, while 27 percent of jobless working age male population in the northern
no MIZ region has given up on job search because of the belief that no jobs are available in
the area of residence, in the corresponding southern region this proportion amounts to only
4 percent of the jobless working age male population. The difference in the proportions in
the weak MIZ regions is also sizable, amounting to 11 percentage points of the jobless male
working age population. The pattern is the same for the unqualified male job (non)searchers,
though the difference scale is smaller in this case. It is noteworthy that the southern strong
MIZ region has no instances of discouraged male job (non)searchers.
The instances of the discouraged female job (non)searchers are also more prevalent in the
northern no MIZ region than they are in the southern no MIZ region, with the difference in
the proportions amounting to14 percentage points. Similarly, a significantly larger proportion
of female job (non)searchers in the northern no MIZ region, relative to those in the southern
no MIZ region, is not searching due to the job qualifications mismatch. In the weak MIZ
regions, however, the proportion of discouraged female job (non)searchers is slightly larger
in the South than it is in the North but the proportion of unqualified female job (non)searchers
is much larger in the North than it is in the South. The proportions of discouraged and of
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unqualified female job (non)searchers in the southern strong MIZ region are trivially small,
0.2 - 0.4 percent of the female jobless working age population.
Table 2 presents the mean estimates of the proportions of job holders and of job searchers
for the four Inuit regions. The key point that stands out in Table 2 is that the proportions of
the employed working age population differ significantly across the Inuit Nunangat. While 64
percent of male working age population and 67 percent of female working age population in
Nunavik had a job in 2006, the corresponding proportions in Nunatsiviaut amount to only 36
percent for male and 42 percent for female working age population. The proportions of active
job searchers also differ significantly, both across region and across gender. In Nunatsiviaut,
for instance, 39 percent of the jobless working age male population reported actively searching
for job while in Inuvialuit region this proportion is only 23 percent of the jobless working age
male population. In 2006, Nunavik region had the smallest proportion of working age female
population actively seeking work.
Another key point that stands out in Table 2 is that the discouraged worker phenomenon
appears to be most prevalent in the Nunatsiviaut region and in Nunavut, and more common
among men than among women. The unemployment in these two regions, as shown in Table
3, is also perceived to be a problem for the community by a larger proportion of working age
population than is the unemployment in the other two Inuit regions. In Nunavut, however,
82 percent of working age population stated that the employment and career counseling
services were available to them in their spoken Aboriginal language while in Nunatsiviaut
this proportion amounted to only 17 percent of male and to 15 percent of female working age
population.
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While this regional difference in availability of the employment and career counseling services
may reflect the fact that the use of Aboriginal languages is more prevalent in Nunavut and less
prevalent in Nunatsiviaut (Statistics Canada, 2008b) there is no information in the 2006 APS
that can be used to verify if the same services were made available to them in one of the official
languages. Also, relatively smaller proportions of working age men and women in Inuvialuit
region, which is another region where the use of Aboriginal languages is not as prevalent as it
is in Nunavut and Nunivak, report availability of employment and career counseling services
in their spoken Aboriginal language but the proportions of discouraged and unqualified job
(non)searchers in this region are not as large as they are in the Nunatsiviaut region.
Notwithstanding the regional differences in Inuit Nunangat, as illustrated in Table 4, the
proportions of the employed self-reporting Aboriginal identity working age population in the
southern urban centers are much larger, in comparison to those of working age population
living in any of the northern Inuit regions, including Nunavik. On the other hand, the
proportions of active job searchers among the nonemployed working age populations in most
southern urban centers are significantly smaller, in comparison to those of the nonemployed
working age population in Inuit Nunangat, especially in Nunatsiviaut. In addition, the concerns
about unemployment being a problem for Aboriginal identity people in the city they live in
are significantly less widespread among southern Aboriginal residents than they are among
those in the northern Inuit regions. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the proportions of
discouraged and unqualified Aboriginal job (non)searchers in the southern urban centers are
very small – in fact, as shown in Table 4, in most urban centers they do not exist.
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This brief comparative look into job search activity of Aboriginal people and the related labour
market conditions facing them in the northern and in the southern parts of Canada brings
home two important points. First, the comparative descriptive evidence clearly contradicts the
existing stereotype that Aboriginal people living in their traditional community settings have
a weaker attachment to the paid labour market. Despite the institutional and other constraints
discussed in Section 3 of this paper, the descriptive evidence presented in this part of the paper
indicates that significantly larger proportions of jobless Inuit living in the four Inuit regions
are actively engaged in job search, relative to the proportions of self-identifying Aboriginal
population living in the southern large urban centers. Second, the descriptive evidence reveals
that the discouraged worker phenomenon is clearly an issue in the northern Inuit communities,
suggesting that the conventional approach to the measurement of labour utilization and the
attachment to the paid labour market in the North is likely producing highly inaccurate
statistics. Given the policy stake in this, an empirical inquiry into this issue is warranted.
The concepts and the definitions behind the official indicators of labour market activity,
particularly those of the unemployment rate, have been challenged empirically by researchers
in both the developing and the developed parts of the world.24 In Canada, Jones and Riddell
(1999; 2006) used longitudinal data to compare bihavioural differences between various
subgroups of marginally attached and unemployed population living in the ten provinces.
They found strongest evidence of distinctiveness among the nonsearchers who expressed
desire for work and were waiting for replies or for recall from the existing employers. They
concluded that the nonemployed in the “waiting subcategory have very strong labour force
attachment, even stronger than those classified as unemployed” (Jones & Riddell, 1999,
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p. S105). However, they found no sufficient evidence to support the distinctiveness of the
discouraged workers subgroup, relative to other subgroups in the nonsearchers desiring work
group, even after controlling for regional labour market conditions at the provincial level.
In other parts of the world, the evidence on the effectiveness of job search criterion as a
measure of attachment to the labour market remains inconclusive. However, the great majority
of studies report no empirical distinction or only a weak distinction between some categories of
nonemployment and the conventional category of unemployment (Clarck & Summers, 1979;
Schweitzer, 2003; Brandolini, Cipollone & Viviano, 2006). Several studies, particularly those
in countries with less developed formal market economies, have found strong evidence in
support of discouraged workers in some regions of the country (Byrne & Strobl, 2004; Kingdon
& Knight, 2006; Suryadarma, Suryahadi & Sumarto, 2007) and have argued for broadening
the definition of unemployment in those regions by including the discouraged workers. This
proposition might be appropriate for Canada's North as well, given the above discussed
differences in the institutional aspects of the southern and the northern labour markets.
If it is the case that the northern discouraged workers, who are by convention systematically
classified out of the labour force, behave similarly to the unemployed, then the measured
unemployment rates for the northern Inuit regions have a little analytical value as their use for
policy making purposes might be unfounded. Considering the fact that regional unemployment
rates play an important role in determining the length of EI benefits coverage, the EI claims
of eligible unemployed northern residents are likely being affected adversely by this. Even if
the sole purpose of the labour force enumeration is to uncover the size of unused potential
labour pool, an empirical investigation of the appropriateness and the need for a modification
of the survey questionnaire in the Canadian North is warranted for the measurement precision
reasons.
Concluding Remarks
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This paper has examined the conceptual and definitional basis behind the conventional
approach to measurement of labour market attachment in Canada and has discussed some
important issues related to its application to an institutionally different economic environment
such as the one in the Canadian North. The principal objective of this undertaking was
to discuss the pertinence of using the established job search criterion in classifying the
nonemployed northern Inuit working age population into unemployed and out of the labour
force categories. Relevant information on job search activity of the southern self-identifying
Aboriginal identity population was used as an assessment comparison point.
The key conclusion to be drawn from this examination is that blindly applying the marketbased concepts to a non-market-based environment is bound to produce unreliable and perhaps
even misleading statistics, use of which could have severe policy implications. More than ever
before governmental and nongovernmental policy makers in the Aboriginal policy area have
come to rely on the official statistics as a foundation for policy as well as an empirical test
of the success or failure of their labour market initiatives. If the reported official rates for
northern Inuit population are misleading or if their definitional significance is misunderstood
the policies based on them are certain to result in unintended and far-reaching consequences.
Based on the examination presented in this paper, it is very likely that, under the current
postulations, the official unemployment and participation rates are acutely understating the
extent of underutilization of labour in the northern Inuit communities and are thus giving
social scientists and policy makers a false notion of the extent of economic hardship in the
region. They are also perpetuating the existing stereotype about a weaker attachment to the
paid labour market among Aboriginal people living in their traditional community settings.
Given the current state of the economic deprivation in most northern Inuit communities and the
demographic shifts that are under way, an empirical inquiry into this issue is highly warranted.
The examination presented in this paper suggests that a potential problem lies in the very
construct of the key criterion used in the classification of the nonemployed – the active job
search. The reasoning behind this criterion is based on an a priori assumption that those
who report actively seeking work are displaying by their behaviour strong attachment to the
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paid labour market. Without this explicit declaration of active job search, they are regarded
as not providing sufficient evidence of their labour market attachment and are therefore
automatically classified as out of labour force. But interpreting the lack of reporting of active
job search among the northern residents, most of whom live in small remote communities
where the information about job (un)availability is widely known to the residents, as the lack
of seriousness on their side about obtaining paid employment is naïve, to say the least.
Since the insights presented in this paper were derived by comparing the job search information
of northern Inuit people living in the four Inuit regions with that of the total self-identifying
Aboriginal identity population living in the southern large urban centers, an important task for
future research is to attempt to assess this issue from a closer angle. For example, it would be
insightful to know if a comparison of the information of northern Inuit population living in the
four Inuit regions with that of the urban Inuit population residing in the southern large urban
centers would produce evidence that is different from the one presented in this paper. Data
quality here, however, could be a challenge since a relatively small number of Inuit reside in
the southern large urban centers. An alternative approach can be to undertake a qualitative
inquiry.
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Notes
1 The term “Aboriginal people” in Canada is a collective term used in relating to the original peoples
of North America and their descendants. The term encompasses three distinct groups of Aboriginal
peoples (North American Indians, Métis, and Inuit) that are recognized in the Canadian Constitution (the
Constitution Act, 1982). In collecting statistical information on these three groups of Aboriginal peoples,
Statistics Canada employs two methods: the first method uses the general “ethnic origin” question,
which allows derivation of the most inclusive definition of “Aboriginal ancestry” population while the
second method uses the more specific “Aboriginal identity” question, which allows the most precise
identification of the members of each group of Aboriginal peoples. In the most recent censuses, and in
related surveys, the Aboriginal identity question is phrased in such a way as to accommodate multiple
responses – that is, a respondent could identify with more than one Aboriginal identity group. Although
not as detailed, the information on Aboriginal identity is included in several other surveys, including
the monthly Labour Force Survey, which is the main data source used for deriving the official labour
market indicators such as the labour force participation, employment and unemployment rates (Statistics
Canada, 2007; 2008a; 2009). In the present paper, the Aboriginal identity concept is used to differentiate
the three main groups of Aboriginal people.
2 The four Inuit regions include: (1) Nunatsiavut, (2) Nunavik, (3) Nunavut, and (4) the Inuvialuit region
(Statistics Canada, 2009a). Section 4.1 provides more details on these four regions.
3 The survey documentation indicates that the territorial questionnaire does not contain rent questions
or any supplements to the LFS (Statistics Canada, 2009).
4 The key methodological difference between the territorial and provincial surveys relates to rotation
pattern. In the provincial file, the selected households are interviewed monthly and they remain in the
sample for six consecutive months. Selected households in the territorial file are interviewed eight times,
once every three months, thus they remain in the same sample for two years. Another important difference
is that the provincial file does not contain any information on Aboriginal population living on reserve
and other settlement areas (Statistics Canada, 2009).
5 Economists use term "discouraged workers" to describe jobless working age individuals who may
desire work but have given up search because they believe no work is available or they are lacking
required schooling or training for the available jobs. This phenomenon of "hidden unemployment or
marginal labour force attachment" is not reflected in the official statistics and is most prevalent in regions
where few jobs are available, although it can occur in any region, especially in times of recessions
(Benjamin, Gunderson & Riddell, 2002, p. 512). 6 Although the LFS has been conducted in the North as a pilot survey since 1991, the survey contained no
Aboriginal identity indicator. In fact, the question inquiring about Aboriginal identity was first introduced
in 2004 for the population living off-reserve in four provinces (Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and
British Columbia) and to all residents in the three territories (Yukon, Northwest Territories, and Nunavut)
and was only later expanded in 2007 to all provinces and all territories (Statistics Canada, 2009; 2010a;
Nunavut Bureau of Statistics, 2009).
7 The eligible individuals can receive EI from 14 weeks to up to a maximum of 45 weeks, depending
on the unemployment rate in their EI region at the time of filling a claim and the number of insurable
hours accumulated in the last year (Service Canada, 2010; Godfrey, 2012).
8 Indeed, the guide to the LFS serves best to support this stance as it explicitly maintains that the
concept of unemployment is designed to measure solely the amount of unutilized labour supply (Statistics
Canada, 2009).
9 The set of supplementary measures is composed of eight different rates, which are based on various
labour market concepts and definitions and are designed to shed more light on the extent of economic
hardship and underutilization of labour. Thus, with the official unemployment rate labeled R5, the
measures R1 and R2 are designed as indicators of long-term unemployment and severe economic
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Measurement of labour market attachment in the northern Canadian context: Conceptual and (...)
hardship, R3 and R4 as indicators of various degrees of labour force attachment, R6 and R7 as
indicators of hidden unemployment and underutilization of labour, and finally R8 and R9 as indicators
of underutilization based on hours worked and part-time status (Statistics Canada, 1999).
10 Statistics Canada, however, did recently publish estimates which show that Inuit produce
approximately $40 million dollars of country (traditional) food per year (Statistics Canada, 2006).
11 This assertion, of course, applies only in cases where the transportation system is well developed.
Being connected by a forestry road would not serve to improve much the employment prospects for
southern on-reserve residents as they would still need to move in town to get a steady job.
12 The four questions used to identify Aboriginal population on the 2006 Census questionnaires included
the ethnic origin question (question 17), the Aboriginal self-reporting identity question (question 18),
the Indian band or First Nation membership question (question 20), and the Treaty or Registered
Indian question (question 21). The first question was used to derive the counts of the total Aboriginal
ancestry population while the Aboriginal identity population, both single Aboriginal identity and multiple
Aboriginal identities, was derived using the last three questions. Those who reported an Aboriginal
origin without reporting an Aboriginal identity were defined as the Aboriginal ancestry-only population
(Statistics Canada, 2008b; 2010b).
13 The former definition refers to those individuals who reported at least one Aboriginal ancestry,
namely North American Indian, Inuit or Métis. Based on the 2006 Census counts, most members of the
Aboriginal identity population, 99 percent, also have Aboriginal ancestries while a substantial portion, 27
percent, of the Aboriginal ancestry population are not part of the identity population (Statistics Canada,
2008b).
14 In the ten provinces, the 2006 APS targeted only Aboriginal population 6 years of age and older,
living in private dwellings, excluding people living in Indian Settlements or on reserve (Statistics Canada,
2008b).
15 The missing values problem was present in each analytical file. The large standard deviations reported
in the following tables indicate a skewed distribution in each sample. The bootstrap estimates of standard
errors are available upon request.
16 The APS has a complex survey design that involves stratifications, multiple stages of selection,
unequal probabilities of selection, non-response and post-stratification adjustments (Statistics Canada,
2008b). Applying standard weights that do not account for these design features can lead to incorrect
conclusions (Rao, 2006) hence the bootstrap resampling technique was applied in deriving the reported
mean estimates. The resampling procedure involved randomly sampling with replacement from the
original observed data set 1000 times and estimating the bootstrap mean from each sample and the
standard deviation of the distribution of that mean.
17 The MIZ categories are based on the percentage of resident employed labour force that commutes to
work in the core of CMAs and CAs. Thus the strong MIZ category includes census subdivisions where
at least 30 percent of the resident employed labour force commute to work in any CMA or CA. The
percentage for the moderate MIZ category is at least 5 percent but less than 30 percent and for the weak
MIZ category the percentage is less than 5 percent. The no MIZ category includes census subdivisions
where none of the resident employed labour force commute to work in any CMA or CA (Statistics
Canada, 2010b).
18 The employment information in the 2006 APS was collected from all respondents. The APS gives a
brief description of the "employed" category, referring to the individuals who worked for pay or in selfemployment or who were temporary absent from job (Statistics Canada, 2008a, p. 80). Census documents
give a more elaborate description, defining the employed as individuals who, during the week (Sunday
to Saturday) prior to Census Day, did any work at all for pay or in self-employment or without pay in a
family farm, business or professional practice or were absent from their job or business, with or without
pay, for the entire week because of a vacation, an illness, a labour dispute at their place of work, or any
other reasons (Statistics Canada, 2010b).
19 The question about job search activity in the 2006 APS is more restrictive than that in the LFS in the
sense that it inquired only about active job search methods, not passive job search methods. The question
was taken from the Census 2006 questionnaire and was posed to respondents who, in the week prior to
the survey, did not work for pay or in self-employment and were not on vacation, ill, on strike or locked
out, or absent for other reasons. The question asked: "Did you look for paid work during the past four
weeks? For example: did you contact an employment centre, check with employers, place or answer
newspaper ads" (Statistics Canada, 2008a, p. 79; 2010, p. 67). It should be noted here that, until fairly
recently, the Canadian Census was in fact the main source of data for deriving the statistics on labour
market indicators for Aboriginal Canadians. It still is the only source of data for deriving statistics on
labour market indicator for the participating on-reserve population.
20 The question asked: What was the main reason you did not look for work during the period? Following
reasons were listed as possible responses: illness or disability, caring for own children, caring for elder
relative(s), other personal or family responsibilities, going to school, waiting for recall (to former job),
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Measurement of labour market attachment in the northern Canadian context: Conceptual and (...)
waiting for replies from employers, believe no work available, waiting to start new job, not qualified for
available jobs, no jobs available in the field in which I was educated or trained, retired, no transportation,
seasonal employee/Hunting/Fishing/Trapping in the bush/Waiting for freeze-up, and other (Statistics
Canada, 2008a, p. 80-85).
21 The information on this was solicited from all respondents and the question asked: Are any of the
following a problem for Aboriginal people in the community or neighbourhood where you are living
now? The listed responses included: suicide, unemployment, family violence, sexual abuse, drug abuse,
alcohol abuse and other (Statistics Canada, 2008a, p. 161-163).
22 This information was solicited from respondents who stated that they understand an Aboriginal
language. The question asked: Are any of the following services within your city, town, village available
in this Aboriginal language? The list of services included: health service, justice, legal, policing service,
education services, employment, career counselling services, social services, for example housing, social
assistance, financial services, for example banking, other community services (Statistics Canada, 2009a,
p. 71-73).
23 The five distinct Inuit dialects of the Inuit languages include: (1) Inuvialuktun, which is spoken in
the Inuvialuit region, (2) Inuinnaqtun, spoken primarily in the western Nunavut, (3) Inuttitut, spoken in
eastern Nunavut, (4) Inuttitut, spoken in Nunavik, and (5) Inuttitut, spoken in Nunatsiavut. These five
dialects are collectively known as Inuktitut language (Statistics Canada, 2008).
24 Outside of Canada, empirical analysis were done in the United States (Clarck & Summers, 1979; Flinn
& Heckman, 1983), in the United Kingdom (Schweitzer, 2003), in European Union countries (Rettore,
Torelli & Trivellato, 1990; Brandolini, Cipollone & Viviano, 2006; Battistin, Rettore & Trivellato,
2007) and in some developing nations and economies in transition (Byrne & Strobl, 2004; Kingdon &
Knight, 2006; Suryadarma, Suryahadi & Sumarto, 2007). The analytical focus in these studies was placed
primarily on the concepts of willingness and availability for work and on job search activity methods
and search intensity.
Pour citer cet article
Référence électronique
Senada Delic, « Measurement of labour market attachment in the northern Canadian
context: Conceptual and methodological issues », Revue Interventions économiques [En
ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 26 avril 2015. URL : http://
interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1969
À propos de l'auteur
Senada Delic
Carleton University, School of Public Policy and Administration
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Résumés
Un fort attachement au marché du travail est largement reconnu comme une source
d'émancipation économique et une voie essentielle pour sortir de la pauvreté et de ce fait,
cette mesure est surveillée de près. L'approche classique de la mesure de la participation au
marché du travail employée au Canada est fondée sur des hypothèses a priori qui spécifient
ce qui constitue l'activité sur le marché du travail et l'inactivité. Cet article jette un regard
critique sur les fondements conceptuels et méthodologiques de cette approche conventionnelle
et met en évidence certaines questions importantes liées à son application au contexte du Nord
canadien, en se concentrant en particulier sur les conditions de vie dans les collectivités inuit
et en les comparant à la réalité des grands centres urbains du Sud . L’article appelle à un
examen empirique de ces questions, en faisant valoir que la ligne de démarcation entre les
sous-groupes économiquement actifs et ceux aux limites de la population en âge de travailler
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
23
Measurement of labour market attachment in the northern Canadian context: Conceptual and (...)
vivant dans les communautés inuit du Nord est sans doute plus floue que celle qu’on observe
au sein de la population des Autochtones qui s’identifient ainsi, mais vivent hors réserve dans
les grands centres urbains et ce, en raison de différences significatives dans les arrangements
institutionnels entre les marchés du travail du Nord et du Sud.
Strong attachment to the labour market is widely recognized as a source of economic
empowerment and a crucial pathway out of poverty and as such is attentively measured
and closely monitored. The conventional approach to the measurement of labour market
attachment in Canada is based on a priori assumptions that specify what constitutes the
labour market activity and inactivity. This paper takes a critical look into the conceptual and
methodological basis behind this conventional approach and highlights some important issues
related to its application to the northern Canadian context, focusing in particular on living
conditions in Inuit communities and comparing them to those in southern large urban centers.
The paper calls for an empirical examination of these issues, arguing that the dividing line
between economically active and marginally attached subgroups of working age population
residing in the northern Inuit communities is likely to be more blurred than that of selfidentifying Aboriginal population residing off-reserve in large urban centers due to significant
differences in the institutional arrangements between northern and southern labour markets.
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : centres urbains hors réserve, identité autochtone, Inuit Nunangat, mesure
de la participation au marché du travail, population en âge de travailler, recherche
d'emploi
Keywords : Aboriginal identity working age population, Inuit Nunangat, job search
criterion, measurement of labour market attachment, off-reserve urban centers
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
24
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Françoise Carré et Chris Tilly
“So Far from God, so Close to the
United States”, and Yet…: Unexpected
Differences in Modern Retail Jobs
Between Mexico and the United States
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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Référence électronique
Françoise Carré et Chris Tilly, « “So Far from God, so Close to the United States”, and Yet…: Unexpected
Differences in Modern Retail Jobs Between Mexico and the United States », Revue Interventions
économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 22 avril 2015. URL : http://
interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1921
Éditeur : Télé-université, UQAM
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Document généré automatiquement le 22 avril 2015.
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“So Far from God, so Close to the United States”, and Yet…: Unexpected Differences in Mod (...)
Françoise Carré et Chris Tilly
“So Far from God, so Close to the
United States”, and Yet…: Unexpected
Differences in Modern Retail Jobs Between
Mexico and the United States
Introduction
1
2
3
4
Mexican dictator Porfirio Díaz famously remarked that Mexico’s curse was to be “So far from
God, and so close to the United States.” This saying is a good metaphor for jobs in Mexico’s
retail sector, which, as in the United States, are among the worst jobs. Retail trade constitutes
one of the largest employment sectors in high income countries, as well as middle-income
ones like Mexico. Modern retail chains generate large quantities of entry-level jobs, many of
which are low-wage. The sector’s employment patterns and practices make up an important
strand among processes that generate and reproduce economy-wide inequality.
Retail trade jobs are also emblematic of service work as a whole. Soft skills are needed to
perform adequately even in entry-level positions but these soft skills, while “hired for,” are
expected to be acquired outside the market. The sector (in the United States, Mexico, and
elsewhere) hires a high proportion of women for customer contact positions, relying upon
socialization processes and gender role expectations to access these skills. In so doing, it also
does its part in maintaining gender-based hierarchies and occupational gender segregation.
Also, long hours of operation are common, another feature of in-person service work.
The ways in which modern retailers deploy labor in order to provide long opening hours
have significant consequences for workers and for inequality. Weekend and night work are
common. Increasingly the competitive model has had the twin, oftentimes conflicting, goals
of cutting labor costs through thin staffing, short and variable schedules, and low wages, while
also seeking to improve customer service and product quality and variety in order to retain or
expand market share. For all of these reasons, retail work is an ideal window for understanding
bad jobs—and what it is that leads to variation in the quality and characteristics of these jobs.
The processes which shape retail job quality are a complex mix of corporate strategy—as
it evolves in response to threat and opportunity—institutional frames for labor and product
markets, aspects of the reproductive sphere of society, and worker responses. In this paper,
we explore the role of work-related and non-work related societal institutions in directly
and indirectly affecting retail job quality and its consequences for workers. As discussed
immediately below, the role of societal institutions and norms is best studied with crossnational comparative studies. We compare the processes that shape retail jobs in Mexico and
the United States relying upon sectoral field work in both countries conducted over the past
nine years. Three dimensions of job quality are used as focal points of comparison: hours of
work; compensation structure; and job mobility.
The next section addresses the framework for thinking about the role of societal institutions in
a particular sector, why Mexican and US retail job quality can be fruitfully compared, and the
questions we seek to answer. The following sections describe data and methods and review
key institutional differences between Mexico and the US. The main part of the paper reports
findings on three dimensions of job quality. A final section draws conclusions.
The Role of Societal Institutions
5
We begin with an interest in job quality outcomes and seek to understand the role of
societal institutions and norms in shaping business practices (affecting their decision terms)
regarding the deployment and compensation of labor. Of course, jobs are affected by product
market characteristics and corporate strategy—and this is the primary reason for looking
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within a particular sector, retail, and broadly similar firms within it–here chain stores (bigbox and otherwise) in food and consumer electronics. Still, as is well documented, even in
a globalized economy nation-level societal institutions and norms continue to impact job
quality outcomes. The literature on varieties of capitalism has documented this variation at
the macroeconomic level (Gallie 2007, Hall and Soskice 2001, Katz and Darbishire 2000,
Whitley 1999). To fully understand the interrelationships of markets, technology, work
organization, and societal institutions, a sector-based comparative approach yields the richest
information (Bank Muñoz 2008, Coiling and Clark 2002, Royle 2006). Such an approach starts
from observed differences in average job quality and analyzes the contribution of societal
institutions to these differences using sector-specific cross-national comparisons (see Maurice,
Sellier and Silvestre 1986 for a standard-setting study).1 Starting from a micro-level analysis
focusing on selected job characteristics, authors move up to locate jobs within systems of
employment and the latter within a constellation of interacting social and economic spheres.
For example, Baret, Lehndorff and Sparks (2000) examine working time in retail in three
European countries and Japan and Bosch and Lehndorff (2005) analyze multiple service
industries (including retail) in ten European countries. Bosch and Lehndorff (2005) summarize
four main spheres of influence on work (Gadrey 2000 offers a slightly different formulation
with similar implications):
1. Product market and consumers, including parameters of competition and product
market regulation
2. Management strategies, including corporate governance and technology
3. The labor market and associated institutions and norms, public policy, customers and
industrial relations
4. The welfare state and gender relations including family structures and taxes and
benefits
6
7
8
9
Existing retail sector studies have primarily focused on comparisons across rich countries
(Askenazy et al. 2012, Baret 2000, Carré, et al. 2010, Jany-Catrice and Lehndorff 2005, as
well as those above) and there is much to be learned from comparing business practices across
a broader range of countries. Middle income countries, such as Mexico, have their national
modern retail chains and discounters as well as, increasingly, foreign-owned chains. Large,
multinational chains—primarily those based in Europe, the United States, and Japan—act on
business practices in middle and low income countries both through direct investment and
through the diffusion of their competitive model. Modern retail chains in Mexico, as in the
US, seek ways to cut labor costs, while seeking to maintain, or even improve, service levels
and the quality and variety of goods that they provide. Hence, it is important to extend crossnational studies of modern retail to countries with more dissimilar institutions.
We focus here on retail job quality in Mexican and US chains in the modern sector of retail in
both countries. Such a sectoral comparison of retail job quality can include average measures
but, in order to explain how institutions and market forces relate, detailed case-study work
yields the intermediate processes that come into play in such interactions.
The comparison of US and Mexican retail jobs juxtaposes two very distinct sets of societal
institutions and social norms, on one hand, with modes of retail service that are quite similar
in the two countries, on the other hand—chain supermarkets and convenience stores in food
retail, and consumer electronics chains. The first set of relevant institutions for comparison
is those with direct impact on the workplace; to wit, employment regulations and their
enforcement, and the labor relations system. In Mexico, weak enforcement of a wide range of
labor regulations (Bensusán 2009, Cook 2007) must be taken into account because it mitigates
regulatory effects. Second, there are institutions with direct labor supply impacts as well as
indirect impact on the workplace. Buttressing the latter are social norms related to gender
roles, family and leisure time.
Prior work has examined the activities of specific multinationals (particularly Wal-Mart) in
Mexico (Chavez 2002, Schwentesius and Gómez 2002, Tilly 2005, 2006) and has summarized
the characteristics of Mexican retail jobs (Álvarez and Tilly 2006, Tilly and Álvarez 2006).
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The present study takes a view that is broader than the case studies (examining the full range of
chain stores in food and electronics), deeper than the job quality summaries (capturing a wider
range of retailer practices and why they vary), and is comparative. This richer perspective
enables us to bring Mexico into the discussion of the variegated ways in which national
institutions and norms matter in job characteristics.
In comparing the relative roles of institutions, norms, and markets, as well as resulting business
practices, within retail, it is essential to take into account the context of national labor markets
and economies that differ across the two countries. The majority of Mexican workers face a far
thinner set of work alternatives and income supports than US workers (de la Garza and Salas
2006). While movement to informal retail is always a possibility, informal retail employment
(as opposed to retail entrepreneurship) yields low incomes relative to formal work.
We address the following questions:
• To what extent can we explain national differences in retail jobs as resulting from
institutional differences?
• Which institutions seem to be most important in explaining which differences in job
characteristics?
• Within the parameters set by institutional and market differences, how much discretion
is left for companies to adopt different policies and practices?
12
Guided by these questions, we explore in depth three main dimensions of job quality:
schedules; compensation structure; and mobility. They display similarities and differences
which we summarize as follows. Regarding hours of work, the most striking contrast is
the heavy use of part-time in the US and its very thin use by Mexican retailers. Regarding
compensation, retailers in both countries experiment with varied forms of incentive pay, but
display divergent practices regarding pay ladders, with Mexican retailers showing more pay
inequality than US ones. Regarding mobility patterns, we find higher average turnover rates
in Mexican than in US retailers. Moreover, more traditional gender roles in Mexico translate
into women being more likely to drop out of the labor market to care for children for extended
periods, and less likely to be able to advance into management. (Gender differences are highly
relevant because retail employment is disproportionately female in both countries: a retail
worker was 1.09 times as likely to be a woman as the average worker in the US in 2007, 1.20
times as likely in Mexico in 2009 [US Bureau of Labor Statistics 2012b, INEGI 2010, 2012])
However, retailers in both countries share a common tendency toward diminishing reliance
on internal promotion. Within these average patterns, retailers do not behave uniformly and
there is room for individual corporations to diverge from the main trend.
Methods
13
14
In the United States, we conducted case studies at 16 grocery and consumer electronics
chains (regional and national) during 2005–2007, interviewing 195 executives, managers,
and workers and gathering quantitative human resources indicators.2 These quantitative
indicators provide a context for information gathered in individual interviews and document
broad patterns such as pay scales across job categories. In Mexico, we conducted 133
interviews at 20 chains and 12 small retail firms (in food, general merchandise, clothing,
and consumer electronics) located across Mexico in 2003–2004; we also conducted a threeperiod longitudinal survey of 91 food retail workers in the state of Tlaxcala in 2006–2008.
In both countries, about one-third of interviews fell into each occupational category (US:
30% executives, 30% managers, 40% workers; Mexico: 31% executives, 42% managers, 27%
workers). Interviews were tape recorded, transcribed, and coded for qualitative analysis. In all
three studies we asked about hours of work, compensation, and work history and job mobility.
In the US and earlier Mexican study we also asked about company operations and the nature
of tasks and skills involved in jobs. Mexican chains were reluctant to participate, so at 6 of the
Mexican chains we only succeeded in getting access at the single store level. Some Mexican
executives and managers also declined to give certain details, especially about salaries.
The US chains follow formats that will be familiar to most readers: Large supermarkets, big
boxes (food and broad-line, electronics-only, office equipment and supplies), smaller format
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electronics specialists, and two smaller format food chains (a compact warehouse store and a
large convenience store selling a range of merchandise in addition to food).
The two Mexican studies include a broader range of retail formats than the US study but,
for this analysis, we limit our attention to the Mexican food and electronics chains most
comparable to the US sample. The 2003-04 Mexican sample includes all the same formats
as in the US (except the last two more idiosyncratic formats); indeed, there are four chains
representing “autoservicios”, big-box hypermarkets or supercenters that have become the
dominant retail format in Mexico. This earlier Mexican study includes five convenience store
chains, two chains of intermediate-sized food stores, and five department store chains as
well as a range of other formats (analysis of which falls outside the scope of this study).3
Distinctive to Mexico is the fact that one of the autoservicio chains is the government-owned
ISSSTE chain, run by the public sector workers’ retirement fund (later privatized in 2007).
The longitudinal study includes all the food-selling formats. Pseudonyms are used to refer to
both US and Mexican companies, except for the ISSSTE stores (whose identity would have
been difficult to obscure in any case).
We also draw on publicly available data as appropriate to characterize workers and companies
in the two countries.
Main Institutional Contrasts
17
Clearly the two countries differ along numerous dimensions of political and social institutions.
We highlight the institutional features that most directly impact retail work and that contrast
across the two countries.
Hours Regulation, Minimum Wages, and Social Protection Benefits
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19
20
The systems regulating work hours and minimum wage laws contribute, in each country,
to shaping important aspects of work, particularly retail work because of its low wages and
nonstandard hours. US retail environments are shaped by the lack of regulation of work hours,
an hourly minimum wage, and a federal overtime mandated pay premium over 40 weekly
hours. The minimum wage, to which retail entry-level wages are pegged—slightly above
—is low and has declined in real terms (Economic Policy Institute 2010), standing at 70
percent of its 1968 level in real terms in 2011 (calculated by authors from US Bureau of Labor
Statistics 2012a, US Department of Labor 2012). Key social protection benefits, such as health
insurance and pension, are employer-sponsored and are often not available to part-time and
casual workers. The possibility to establish sharp cost differentials between full-time and parttime workers directly affects retailers’ staffing patterns (e.g. most cashiers are part-time) and
impacts workers’ experience.
There is no universal, public and free, child care system in the US; instead, parents use
a patchwork of private pay services, subsidized child care in centers or family providers,
and informal arrangements (Clawson and Gerstel 2002; Gerstel et al 2002). Therefore a
ready supply of people with caretaking responsibilities, primarily mothers, will seek and
maintain part-time jobs in spite of the limitations which they entail simply to handle their care
responsibilities.
Mexico has a longer work week, a daily minimum wage (at the time the research was
conducted), and universal social insurance. Mexico’s full-time work week is 48 hours (six
days x eight hours), with overtime provisions only applying beyond this point. The Mexican
minimum wage was until late 20124 set by daily pay, and not hourly pay. Mexican law also
mandates universal social insurance (via employer contributions), though the level is low and
workers with greater market power generally get plans above the minimum. Formal sector
workers can in principle benefit from subsidized housing and child care schemes though, in
reality, ease of access and availability vary across regions.
Collective Bargaining
21
Collective bargaining can play a significant role in affecting job quality. Unions and
collective bargaining operate in distinct institutional environments in the two countries, with
consequences for job quality. In the US, with its context of the limited government role in
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employment regulation, collective bargaining can play a significant role in affecting benefit
access, hours of work, and procedures for promotion. As a result, there are differences in
job quality between unionized and non-unionized retail jobs, albeit differences that have
diminished over the past 40 years. Still, collective bargaining affects relatively few retail
workers.
Where they exist, US grocery unions have bargained hard, showing a willingness to strike,
notably in the hard-fought 2003-04 Southern California grocery strike and lockout (Broder
2003) and retailers have vigorously resisted unionization (Greenhouse 2011). But US union
coverage has fallen significantly over time, so that retail union density was 4.9% in 2011,
reflecting a grocery store unionization rate of 16.7 % (more than twice as high as the private
sector average) along with virtually no union presence in the rest of the sector (UnionStats
2012). For these reasons, collective bargaining has a limited impact, not only affecting
increasingly fewer workers directly but also having diminishing “threat” effect on non-union
workplaces.
In Mexico, where labor law is, in principle, much more conducive to unionization than US law,
unions have a limited impact. By law, a petition of 20 workers is sufficient to form a union,
whereas US law requires a majority vote that in practice is typically contested by employers.
In reality, in the retail sector, as in many other sectors, collective bargaining contracts consist
overwhelmingly of “protection contracts” that affirm the benefits required by law and specify
wages and fringe benefits somewhat above the legally required minima, but block entry by
any more militant union (Bouzas and Reyes 2007, Bouzas and Vega 1999, Tilly and Álvarez
2006). Indeed, Arturo Alcalde (1999, p.73), one of Mexico’s leading labor law experts, asked
rhetorically, “Who knows of a single democratic union of restaurants, janitors, offices, or retail
stores?” Author Tilly (forthcoming), based on an analysis of Mexican retail contracts, has
argued that there is more heterogeneity than this statement would suggest, but that the large
majority of contracts are essentially protection contracts. In our sample, the only case in which
there appears (based on worker and manager accounts) to be a union committed to serious
bargaining is the government-owned ISSSTE stores. In other chains, unions were absent or had
a minimal footprint. Even where a union was present, workers and even store-level managers
were often unaware of it. Particularly poignant were the comments of three department store
clerks (interviewed jointly) who, unaware they had a union in their store, commented on what
difference a union could make:
Interviewer: Does having a union make a difference?
Employees: They help the worker more. They respect holidays. Without a union, sometimes
we have to work on holidays. With a union, you receive a dinner, a transportation bonus, and
uniforms. You get all the fringe benefits.
24
In Mexico, retail union density was reported at 1.4 percent in 2002 (the most recent year
available; Esquinca and Melgoza 2006), but this percentage (based on a worker survey) is
suspect, given the fact that many unionized retail workers are unaware they have a union.
Findings
25
Now, we turn to findings from case studies including field interviews on several key
dimensions of retail job quality which we found to present the most salient contrasts between
the two countries, contrasts that illustrate most vividly the interplay between retailers’
competitive strategies on one hand, and national institutions and social norms governing work
as well as the reproductive sphere, on the other hand. These dimensions are: hours of work,
compensation, and career ladders and mobility.
Hours of Work
26
Table 1 shows average weekly hours of work in the two countries, for the entire economy and
for retail5. Two generalizations emerge. First, Mexicans work longer. Mexico unambiguously
has longer weekly hours, for the economy as a whole and within retail. Second, the cross
country difference is more extreme for retail. In the United States, retail workers work shorter
hours than others. In Mexico, retail workers work even longer hours.
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The differences stem from distinct management practices, which in turn respond to distinct
national institutions regulating employment. In the United States, retailers use the full-time/
part-time distinction as a legally and normatively acceptable way to exclude a large group of
employees from the standard wage level and full benefit package. The distinction has become
a status distinction that may have little to do with actual hours worked. A human resources
officer at a Value Fresh noted, “There’s probably plenty of 30-plus-hours part-time employees
that just are not full-time because the stores are not able to make anybody wholesale fulltime if they want to, because of the expense of the benefit packages.” And a part-time shift
supervisor at Megamart remarked, “It’s funny because when I started this job, I knew it was
part time and I figured part time would be, you know, maybe 25, 30 hours. Pretty much since
day one, I’ve been averaging almost 40 hours.”
Retailers achieve the control of total labor costs through the control of labor deployment—that
is, through achieving a close coupling of worker hours with customer flow while maintaining
minimum adequate staffing levels. In the United States, where standard full-time workweeks
are 37 to 40 hours, control of total labor cost is achieved in two ways: 1) with the use of parttime workers, some of whom who can flex up to 40 hours (and have lower unit cost); and 2) in
some cases, with relatively low guaranteed hours for full-timers (32 to 35 hours) who can also
flex up. As a part-time cashier at Food Chief summed it up, “I wouldn’t mind 40 full time but
they don’t do that. You can work 31 ½ Monday through Saturday and then Sunday you can
work 7 ½, so they keep you under [40 hours].” Retailers can meet several cost-control goals
this way: a close match of staffing with customer flow over time, avoidance of the federal and
state overtime premiums (which kick in at 40 hours) when hours must be flexed upward, and
the ability to reduce hours to achieve savings at short notice. Labor market institutions shape
this set of strategies: in particular, the overtime premium and the legitimacy of unilateral, realtime management decisions to alter an individual’s work hours.
As a result, hours in US retail tend to be short and variable. This sets up a tension between
part-time employees who want more hours, and managers trying to keep a large crew of parttimers on board for maximum flexibility, while minimizing the total hours budget. A part-time
cashier at Homestyle reported that the most common reason for co-workers quitting is “they
don’t get enough hours.”
Unlike the case in the United States, Mexico’s institutions motivate businesses in general,
and retailers in particular, to set longer hours. First, Mexico imposes a wage premium on
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overtime, as in the United States, but the premium only takes effect at 48 hours. While some
industries have adopted a shorter workweek, the 48-hour week consisting of six 8-hour days
is the standard in formal Mexican retail. A standard 48-hour workweek raises the average
number of hours and also makes it relatively easy to cover Saturdays and Sundays (simply by
staggering six-day schedules) without use of part-time workers. Second, Mexico’s minimum
wage set a daily minimum at the time of the research. For jobs that pay the minimum wage
or close to it, as many retail jobs do, there was no advantage to having workers cover just a
few peak hours per day, because the employer had to pay the daily minimum regardless of the
number of hours. Indeed, contractual wage rates have in general been set by the day. Third,
employer-provided health and pension benefits are relatively rare in Mexico; most Mexicans
depend on the inadequate and uneven but nonetheless nearly universal government-provided
systems (Dion 2010, Levy 2008). Avoiding benefit payments is not a major consideration for
employers, which removes another motivation for creating part-time jobs in the United States.
Thus, the key incentives for businesses, and retailers in particular, to shorten hours in the
United States are absent in Mexico. Moreover, given that pay is set by the day, there is an
economic incentive for employers to press workers to work longer while paying the contractual
daily wage. Fieldwork indicates that, in fact, retailers do save on labor costs by extending
worker hours: it appears to be common for stores to require workers to work added hours
without pay, in violation of the overtime law. Interchanges with a manager at a Día y Noche
convenience store and a clerk at a Hipermerca supermarket show two perspectives on this:
Interviewer: How do you handle overtime? Do you pay for the extra hours, or are they included
in the regular salary?
Día y Noche manager: For a shift—that is, if someone works on their day off—we just pay
them for an extra day.
Interviewer: But if somebody has to work, for example, one more hour at the end of a shift—
does that happen sometimes?
Manager: No, no, because here every employee has their own work, so if they don’t finish it
then they have to stay and finish it up.
***
Interviewer: And do you sometimes work some extra hours?
Hipermerca clerk: Oooh, yes, always. We never leave when we’re supposed to.
Interviewer: And do you get paid for the additional hours?
Clerk: (Laughs) No.
Interviewer: Never?
Clerk: It depends on whether…. Supposedly if they tell us they’re going to pay us overtime,
then yes. But if we stay because we choose to, or, if we have a lot of work we have to stay
because no way we can leave all that work undone.
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The operative conception is thus “a day’s work for a day’s pay,” even if the day’s work
takes more than eight hours. A number of workers at various retailers confirmed this practice,
with estimates ranging from “four extra hours in the average week” to “one or two extra
hours [daily].” Certainly this strategy occurs in the United States as well (see, for example,
Associated Press 2009), and Bernhardt et al. (2009) estimate that in their sample of low-wage
workers in New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago, nearly two-thirds of grocery store workers
who worked more than 40 hours were not paid the overtime premium. Still, our US fieldwork
pointed to managers seeking to avoid scheduling workers for over 40 hours, rather than making
it a routine practice; no workers in our US sample reported unpaid overtime.
This line of argument posits that some legal requirements bind more than others in Mexico:
employers are more likely to violate the legal requirement to pay for all hours worked than
the requirement to pay the minimum daily wage. This supposition is certainly consistent with
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our retail fieldwork: there were numerous reports of unpaid extra hours, and no reports of
contractual wages below the statutory minimum. It also makes sense, because there is a written
record of contractual wages in employment contracts and payroll records, whereas there is no
built-in record-keeping of extra work hours in retail establishments. Also contributing to the
incentive to dodge overtime payments is a high premium of 100% (i.e., double time) up to 57
hours, and 200% beyond that point.
An interesting indication that (on average) Mexican businesses press less-powerful employees
to work longer hours, whereas US businesses impose shorter hours, emerges from comparing
the hours of nonsupervisory and supervisory workers in Table 1. In the United States, weekly
hours are longer in the category with all employees (which includes supervisors and managers),
which resonates with our own fieldwork finding that store managers work extremely long
hours (typically 55 hours or more per week), whereas, in Mexico, weekly hours are longer for
line employees than for managers.
There are two reasons to think that hours extension may be more extreme in Mexican retail
than in the rest of the economy. First, Mexican chain stores are typically open seven days a
week and long hours, much like their US counterparts. Stretching out hours is one way to
cover customer flows over a service day of 12 or 14 hours. Second, as discussed above, retail
unions are notorious for being particularly prone to toothless “protection contracts”, leaving
retail workers particularly unprotected (Tilly forthcoming).
Compensation
36
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Compensation is a key characteristic and important quality indicator for retail jobs. In the
broadest terms, retail wages reflect the overall productivity and standard of living of the two
countries. Thus, average hourly retail pay is $15.86 in the United States, and Mexican pesos
20.22 (US $1.50) in Mexico in 2009 (the most recent data available)6 (US Bureau of Labor
Statistics 2012, INEGI 2010).
Particularly important, both in pay-setting differences across countries and variation within
countries, is corporate strategy. To illustrate this, we first examine how competitive strategy
shapes variable pay in the US and Mexican retail sectors. Then we look at how market,
institutional, and strategic factors come together in determining pay hierarchies within US and
Mexican stores.
Variable Pay
Outside the terrain of electronics sales (which we consider separately below), variable pay took
the form of bonuses. In both countries, store-performance-based bonuses for store managers
(and in some cases multiple layers of store supervision) were ubiquitous. But bonus policies
for non-managerial employees ranged all over the map.
In the US grocery sector, bonuses were historically limited to the managerial level. However,
one company has long provided bonuses based on store-level performance at the hourly level,
and four others recently added them. A Homestyle district manager commented:
One of the biggest issues that the rank and file had was, “The department manager gets a bonus,
co-managers get a bonus, store manager gets a bonus, all you folks at corporate get a bonus.
We don’t get a bonus. So we feel like we’re working for the good of the department manager,
not necessarily for the good of Homestyle.” We listened. Hey, that’s a valid point…. So we
developed this profit sharing program and the impact has been incredible.
40
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At Food Chief, where no such bonus is in effect, managers still have the discretion to give
Food Chief Bucks (store credits) to workers who have done something outstanding. Six of
the ten food retailers offer some form of variable compensation to nonsupervisory workers.
At the same time, two other chains recently dropped variable pay. Megamart ended its
variable pay program in response to a wage and hour lawsuit. Freshland for several years
paid productivity bonuses—tied to cases stocked—in certain production departments. But the
experiment was dropped because of dissension from employees who did not have access to
the incentives.
The Mexican retail landscape in terms of variable pay to non-supervisors has one baseline
element: Mexican law requires profit-sharing with all employees, which typically amounts
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to an extra two weeks of pay per year (but obviously depends on achieving an accounting
profit). Beyond this, however, practices vary widely, including group bonuses tied to store
or chain performance, individual bonuses for perfect attendance and good performance, and
“employee of the month” awards. This scattered set of practices suggests an ongoing process
of experimentation. However, a closer look at individual-level bonuses among grocery chains
points to some likely processes of organizational learning and imitation. The chains offering
performance bonuses (Bodegas López, Gusto, ISSSTE, and Sabor) are all based in centrally
located Mexico City. The chains with employee of the month competitions (Convenimax, Día
y Noche, and Tiendas Wilson) are all based in Monterrey, the largest city in Mexico’s North.
Neighboring companies are presumably learning from each other.
Commission pay in consumer electronics sales is a special case of variable pay, and presents
a striking contrast between the United States and Mexico. In the United States, our sample
includes four “pure” electronics retailers (as opposed to those selling electronics as part of a
broader set of merchandise lines). Of these, the two big-box chains, Electronix and Technology
Source, had both dropped commissions several years earlier. The main driver seems to have
been cost reduction, especially in the context of shrinking margins on electronic equipment.
As an executive at one of the big boxes described it:
It was great for the payroll side of the business and being able to reduce…. We [were] throwing
a lot of money at a very few individuals in our stores. The other problem, too, was you couldn’t
leverage your payroll very well. As your sales increased, so did your payroll. (TS12)
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He pointed to the incentive problem resulting from the abolition of commissions: “Now [the
worker is] not motivated to want to work on a Saturday…where prior, you wanted to work on a
Saturday and Sunday. That’s when you made your money, because the customers were there.”
In Mexico, we were only able to gain access to one electronics chain, Hogartónico, but it is
one of the largest, a successful and rapidly growing enterprise. There we found that 100%
of salespeople’s income was based on “pay for contribution to sales.” When asked about
the obligation this imposes on sales staff, Hogartrónico’s head of training replied, somewhat
dismissively:
We provide the marketing, products, a nice assortment, we provide all the means they need in
order to sell. What do they have to put in? Just love for the team, affection for customer service,
in order to start selling the products.
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Thus, both US and Mexican electronics retailers structured compensation so as to keep costs
low. But the leading US electronics sellers opted for cost-cutting over direct sales incentives
(they used supervision, team-building, and promotion opportunities to encourage sales). In
Mexico, on the other hand, a leading electronics retailer found a way to combine incentives
with low cost by eliminating the base salary altogether.
Pay Hierarchies
One simple measure in which there is a striking contrast between the two countries, is pay
hierarchy within the store, measured by the store general manager’s salary divided by the
entry-level clerk salary (including any bonuses in both cases), which we were able to calculate
for most chains in both countries (10 in the US, 13 in Mexico; not all chains provided sufficient
wage and salary data). Not surprisingly, this ratio is higher for larger stores with more layers of
management: full-size US grocery stores (with 200-450 employees) have ratios ranging from
4.3-5.4, whereas the two small format chains (20-40 workers) in our US sample both have
ratios of 2.8. But in Mexico, the two chains of full-size grocers for which we have information
both fall at the lower end of the large size category (about 200 employees), but have much
higher ratios, of 11.0 and 29.2! Confirming the contrast, smaller Mexican grocery chains (6-60
workers per store) show ratios of 3.3-3.8 (with the exception of Convenimax, to be discussed
below), well above the US ratio of 2.8.
The difference seems to reflect the overall higher level of inequality and hierarchy in Mexican
society. In Tiendas Wilson, which has the staggering top-to-bottom ratio of 29.2, the largest
portion of the gap occurs at the level of department heads (the lowest level of management),
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who earn 5.4 times as much as a full-time clerk—whereas in large US grocery stores this ratio
ranges from 1.1-1.6.
But variations within each country are as revealing as the gaping difference between them.
For example, unions evidently make a difference. Comparing the two large-format Mexican
grocers, the lower management to clerk ratio of 11.0 is at ISSSTE, where there is a formidable
union. At Tiendas Wilson, where HR officials commented, “We have a union-free life…
even though there’s a union” because the union does not get involved in any management
decisions, the ratio is nearly three times as large—and the pay ratio of department head to
clerk in particular is exactly three times as large as at ISSSTE. Similarly in the US, comparing
non-union Homestyle and unionized Food Chief, two otherwise similar chains, we find that
Homestyle has a larger ratio of 5.4 compared to 4.9, but even more revealingly, Food Chief
has a much larger gap between full-time and part-time clerks (full-timers are the core of union
membership), but a much smaller gap between full-time clerks and managers.
Corporate strategy, and in particular the effect of ownership structure, also enters into the
determination of these hierarchies. Convenimax is the one smaller-format Mexican grocery
chain where the manager-to-clerk ratio falls outside the neighborhood of 3.5: its ratio is 2.0
in franchised stores and 2.5 in company-operated stores. Clearly Convenimax management is
marching to a different drummer; one possible reason is that the chain is US-owned. Also, we
have wage information on one Mexican chain with mid-sized stores (about 100 employees),
Gusto, which has a ratio of 2.6, lower than all the Mexican companies except Convenimax.
Possible reasons for this outlier include the fact that Gusto is a small family-owned firm in the
process of implementing more formal management systems, and that it is based in a sparsely
populated state with little presence of the large chains. Thus, country-level differences, the
degree to which institutions shape salaries, and company-level discretion all affect withinstore pay inequalities.
Job Ladders and Mobility
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Retail chains in both countries follow similar strategies regarding promotion ladders and
tradeoffs between promoting from within and hiring from outside. However, significant
differences in norms regarding gender roles and reproductive sphere institutions result in
somewhat different trajectories for Mexican and US women retail workers, as well as slightly
different patterns of gender differences.
Before delving into similarities and differences in mobility trajectories for retail workers, it
is worth noting two contrasts that are important parts of the context for mobility in the two
countries. First, the general level of education is far lower in Mexico than in the US and
workers with any post-secondary education are considered part of the socio-economic elite.
Over 51% of the working age population (age 15+) does not have a high school diploma and
only 17% has a college degree7.
Also, formal sector jobs are far less available, even for workers with education. Retail jobs
are considered appropriate for educated workers relative to other options. This pattern holds
even given the caveats that jobs in retail are considered somewhat low pay and that, ultimately,
most workers with education aspire to run their own business, not remain employed in a chain.
Second, and of less importance in this cross country comparison, the lowest position in chains
— bagger—is not a waged position In Mexico. Baggers —usually school age youths—work
exclusively for tips. In the US, the job is often held by youths as well but is waged and is a
common first step into retail job ladders. Similarly, uniformed parking lot assistants (directing
motorists), a non-existent position in the US, work exclusively for tips; they are adult men.
Otherwise job ladders within chains are fairly similar in the two countries.
Turnover
Turnover for entry-level workers is high in both countries, a hallmark of retail work. It is
primarily due to quits, rather than firings, also a common pattern. Among entry-level workers,
turnover is high among young workers overall, in both countries. It is also triggered by workers
seeking higher pay (in Mexico) or longer work hours (US part-time workers). In Mexico,
women quit due to family responsibilities (see below). Among Mexican higher level workers,
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turnover is due, in addition to seeking higher pay, to setting out to run a business on their own
(sometimes managing a franchise store), and to moves and migration, while among their US
counterparts, it is more likely triggered by the desire for easier work schedules (less weekend
and night work).
Where US managers occasionally mentioned advantages of turnover such as keeping a lid on
wage growth through seniority or implementing reorganizations of work processes without
friction or inertia, we saw only rare instances of this view in Mexico manager interviews.
Mexican managers saw turnover rates above 25% as a liability and as eroding the ability of
the business to operate efficiently. Manager statements illustrate the contrast. An assistant
manager at The Market, a US grocery chain, stated, “High turnover can sort of give managers
a chance to somewhat start anew.” A Food Chief regional HR manager put it more bluntly:
“We like turnover because it keeps our average hourly rate down.”
In contrast, a Mexican manager commented on the disadvantages of turnover and his
company’s orientation to keeping workers, uttering words we heard in other interviews: "Of
course turnover is a problem. There's healthy turnover and there's turnover that gives you
trouble. It means doing it all over again--training and hiring--and all that costs money. Our
main challenge is to retain our people. Here they're valued, so we have to take care of them."
In spite of this apparent difference, turnover is on the whole higher in Mexican food chains
in particular than in US ones. (There is only one electronics chain in the Mexican sample
making comparison of turnover in this sub-sector impossible.) Perhaps it is this high turnover
that generates managers’ greater focus on retention. In food chains for which information
was available average turnover was 100% (as high as 113% if government owned ISSSTE
is excluded). This level of turnover is substantially higher than the average in the US study
sample (mean 53.4%).
Beyond averages, there is cross firm variation in both countries. Entry-level turnover ranged
widely across Mexican firms, from 1% yearly (in ISSSTE) to 230% in chains, and from zero
to 80% in single store retailers. The availability of other (formal) employment options affected
turnover rates directly, according to Mexican managers. For example, a Hipermerca manager
noted: “Turnover has stopped [because] the shoe industry is in recession; those are businesses
that offer much more manageable hours.” Respondents at Gusto noted that turnover had been
halved from a high of 60-80% after maquiladoras relocated away. Cross-firm variation is
evident in the US as well but the range of variation in the study sample was far narrower,
40-80% in food retail8 and 68-80% in consumer electronics.
Similar Strategies for Manager Hiring - Promotion from Within but with Recent
Changes
In both countries, the broad pattern of promotion has historically been to promote from within.
Interviewed US companies reported fairly high rates of manager promotion from within —in
parallel to the high turnover model for entry-level workers. Food chain respondents estimated
that 60-90% of upper level hourly jobs as well as store level management were filled from
within while electronics chains reported rates of 50%.
While Mexican chains also promote from within, Mexican workers with formal education take
jobs in retail more readily than in the US. They are considered for promotion ahead of those
who started in entry-level positions and who have a low education level (junior high).
At Convenimax, a US owned convenience store chain, 90% of managers started in lower
positions and were promoted from within; so were 30-40% of supervisors and 60% of district
managers. Promotion from within is seen as a means to ensure that there is congruence of
practice and adherence to company “spirit” across franchises. If the job of the manager is to
open new franchises, it is desirable to have someone promoted from within, who is dedicated
to the company. At a supermarket chain, a frontline worker estimated that 70-80% assistant
managers were promoted from within.
This average reliance on promotion from within also encompasses significant variation
between and within firms. For example, estimates from various interviewees ranged from one
third of store managers to none promoted from within at Día y Noche but were as high as 66%
in one region at Hipermerca. Also, mid-level managers (department managers and supervisors)
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are far more likely to be promoted from within than general managers, a pattern shared with
US retailers.
Even while mobility from within still distinguishes retail from other industries, recent changes
in practices include increasing hiring from outside. Modern retailers in both countries have
tapped increased availability of college-educated workers to hire for mid-level and higher level
managers. In the United States, educational requirements for retail positions are higher than
in Mexico (for example, a 4-year college degree for assistant store manager as compared to
a two-year degree in Mexico), but the patterns are similar. At Convenimax, the Manager of
Franchising noted that competitor 7-11 started raising the education level of some managers,
and expected Covenimax to follow suit. For example, several years earlier the chain had started
hiring regional managers with technical degrees. At ISSSTE, the government owned food
chain, very few managers come from within because internal candidates “do not have the
education level required.”
Mobility and Gender Differences
While retail job ladders and hiring patterns look roughly similar across the two countries,
gender differentiation of mobility patterns is more marked in Mexico than in the US.
In both countries, broad patterns of gender typing operate. On the whole, men are more likely
to be over-represented in management ranks (and rise faster) and, within these, in the higher
echelons. Mexican men were able to parlay promotions achieved in small business to similar
positions in retail chains. Taking these similar patterns into account, we find that Mexican
women workers have work patterns more marked by their reproductive roles than US women.
In the US, the gender differences appear to be ones of kind of job and degree of career
achievement. In Mexico, in addition to a similar job gap, women are much more likely to
withdraw from formal work during family formation and child bearing years.
This difference reflects both Mexico’s gender hierarchy and its reproductive institutions.
Mexico has much more clearly demarcated gender roles, with women expected to have primary
responsibility as family caregiver, particularly in the raising of children. Related to these
gender roles and further reinforcing them, child care availability and affordability are limited,
making it difficult to hold a job while raising young children. For example, by law, formal
workers can access publicly funded child care but, in reality, child care availability is limited
and unevenly accessible across the country. Social forces steering women toward a full-time
parenting role are further reinforced by the prevalence of full-time schedules in formal sector
retailers. Where US women workers might adapt to limited child care by working parttime—while suffering significant immediate economic costs and longer term negative career
consequences—Mexican women leave the workforce altogether because short hours are not
an option in formal retail, except in a few multinational retailers who can afford to pay an
effective hourly rate well above the minimum wage.
As a result, we find two different trajectories for Mexican women. First, women with higher
education are hired at mid-level or higher level manager positions which they seem to maintain
with some interruption for child bearing but with options for child care later. Second, women
hired in entry-level positions face two levels of challenges to mobility: they experience career
interruptions from withdrawal from the labor force; and those with continuous work histories
are hindered by education requirements for mid-level positions.
The career interruptions are quite significant. Those who worked while raising children
reported “family difficulties” as the reason for leaving positions over time. Similarly, managers
alluded to family difficulties that triggered turnover. Commenting on sources of turnover,
the HR manager at one Tiendas Wilson store said “recently we’ve had a series with family
problems “. The HR head at another Wilson store listed “married women who don’t have
anyone to take care of their children and family problems” as causes for turnover.Longitudinal
study interviews –for women who are older and in lower level positions—likewise indicate
stretches of time entirely dedicated to child rearing or, at least, to avoiding formal sector work.
The US study did not gather detailed career histories but did gather some work histories as
well as interview part-time workers (mostly cashiers). For part-time workers and for those who
recount shifting back to part-time from a full-time schedule, family responsibilities figured
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significantly. Workers reported working part-time due to the care of young children and the
need to reduce hours during school holidays. Given the limited availability of affordable child
care, two parents may work alternating shifts in order to avoid having to use non-family child
care at all and single parents find that the only way to watch over school children is to work
part-time. (Elder care responsibilities also played a role in part-time work.)
In the United States, day-time, steady, part-time schedules were filled by women with family
responsibilities. These women did not turn over much. The accommodation of family that the
job provides came with a cost: low pay, and small chances of moving up due to the accumulated
years in entry-level positions. These women, however, could shuttle back and forth between
short-hour part-time and time-adjuster status (seeking and waiting for full-time) when family
responsibilities lightened.
In addition, promotion paths were open for US women in entry-level positions. For example,
cashiers with a steady work record could be promoted to shift supervisor, and eventually
“front end” supervisor (who covers cashiers, customer service desk, and a few other functions).
This promotion path was peopled primarily by women. It is much less certain that front end
supervisors could migrate to supervisory positions in other sectors of stores. However, in
chains with smaller stores, those hired as cashier (a multi task job that also entails being a floor
clerk) could eventually manage a store. Beyond store manager, however, women were thinly
represented. In sampled grocery chains, we did not encounter a female regional manager. US
women workers beyond entry level and with higher education were found in HR, training,
merchandising, and a few in operations functions.
Discussion
73
We inquired about the role of institutional differences, if any, in job outcomes in Mexican and
US retail. Institutional differences indeed come into play. Exactly how and to what degree
they do so, however, varies depending upon the particular job characteristics of concern. In
some dimensions of job quality, within-country cross-firm differences are more salient for
job outcomes than cross-national contrasts. That is, there is room for firm discretion within
given national contexts. Furthermore, we note that where they have impacts on job outcomes,
institutional effects may be direct (as with a minimum wage law) or indirect (as with an
institution affecting labor supply characteristics). We elaborate these patterns below, focusing
on the main dimensions of job quality.
Hours of Work
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Regarding work hours, differences in labor market institutions have the most direct effects
even while modern retailers in both countries operate with long hours and 7-day operation.
The most salient contrast is that Mexico has higher average hours and low use of part-for most
entry-level jobs while US retail has a high rate of part-time as well as lower average hours.
We attribute these patterns to key features of employment regulation and social protection
mechanisms in each country. Most important are the fact that in Mexico, the minimum wage
and contractual wages were (until late 2012) based on the work day (rather than hourly), on one
hand, and the employer based benefit provision system in the US which has built in incentives
to use part-time, on the other hand.
In the two countries, incentives run in opposite directions regarding work hours. In Mexico,
the weekly overtime threshold of 48 hours, combined (until late 2012 when it was revoked)
with the day-based minimum wage, discourage creation of part-time jobs, particularly for jobs
close to the minimum wage level. The day-based wage also had a built-in incentive to extend
unpaid hours, a practice that is feasible in an environment of limited enforcement and weak
unions. Both of these processes led to high average hours. In the US, in contrast, the overtime
threshold of 40 hours is enforced on the whole, and, combined with the benefit cost differential
between full-time and part-time workers, yields incentives to use part-time as well as to keep
hours at or below 40 hours for both full-time and part-time workers.
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Pay Hierarchies and Variable Pay
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The major institutional contrast between the countries that affects pay hierarchy is greater
societal acceptance of hierarchy in Mexico than the US. We found greater gaps between
managers’ and wage workers’ pay in Mexican retailers than in the US; interestingly, in
some companies the gap was greatest between department heads (first level of management)
and entry-level workers suggesting high tolerance for pay differentiation indeed. Similarly,
where commission pay was used (in electronics), Mexican retailer Hogartrónico used 100 %
commission pay thus exposing sales staff to considerable fluctuation in earnings. In contrast,
US electronics retailers, having lost control of the costs of partial commission pay, had reverted
to 100% base salaries for sales staff thus reducing labor costs but also eliminating large
differences among workers.
But company discretion also plays a role in pay hierarchy. There were differences due to size,
with large stores having greater hierarchy in both countries. There were also differences due
to ownership type. Family-owned chain Gusto and government-owned ISSSTE were able to
implement more equal within-store wage distributions than their counterparts, presumably
in part because they are sheltered from some of the financial market pressures to which
other chains must respond. US-owned Convenimax also shows a different within-store
wage distribution than its Mexican-owned convenience store counterparts. This US-owned
chain was presumably less susceptible to societal norms regarding hierarchy. There also
were indications that unionized retailers (Mexico’s ISSSTE and US Food Chief) had more
compressed pay structures.
Regarding variable pay practices, we find that there are greater within-country, crosscompany, contrasts than cross-national differences illustrating a fair amount of firm discretion
in this matter. While store performance based managerial bonuses are common practice in
both countries, retailers differ significantly within-country as to their bonus practices for
non-managerial employees. Retailers in both countries experimented with different types of
pay, mixing forms of commission or bonus with base pay. There was variation over time
for some retailers, indicating a fair amount of experimentation, thus making it difficult to
discern reliable patterns. Also, within country variation might reflect joint experimentation.
For example in Mexico, there were shared practices among firms in close proximity (and
a concomitant contrast with practices of retailers across regions) pointing to the geographic
diffusion of learning.
Mobility and Turnover
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Modern retailers structure job ladders similarly in the two countries; we find little difference
and none that could specifically be attributed to national institutional settings. Of course,
education requirements for particular job grades are higher on average in the US, reflecting
the greater prevalence of secondary and post-secondary education in the population relative
to the situation in Mexico. Also, retailers in both countries have relied on recruitment from
within to populate the ranks of supervisors, store management and even regional management.
In recent years, retailers in both countries have displayed a tendency toward more “lateral”
recruiting (recruiting from outside) than in the past.
Turnover is high in retail in both countries but we do find differences in the reasons for
turnover that are attributable to national differences. Turnover levels appear to vary within
country and across retailers and are driven by practices at the firm level.
Even with similar job ladders, significant cross-national differences in gender roles in the
family and in interactions with the education and labor market spheres indeed are reflected
in mobility and turnover patterns for men and women in each of the two countries. Mexican
women are more circumscribed in their role than US women workers. So even while there is
gender-based stratification in US retailers, it appears less pronounced than in Mexico. Thus,
societal institutions beyond those regulating the labor market operate in concert to have an
indirect effect on jobs and contribute to shaping distinct outcomes in the two countries.
Higher levels of education, particularly post-secondary education, are less accessible to
women in Mexico; they are expected to become the primary family caretaker. We noted a twoRevue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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tier pattern to women’s paths in Mexican retail. On one hand, women with professional and
academic post-secondary degrees access retail jobs “from the outside,” being hired in at higher
levels. Women in these positions are either young and without children or purchase caregiving
in order to hold full-time jobs (thus adhering to a different norm). On the other hand, women
hired in entry-level positions experience limited promotion opportunities due to low levels
of educational attainment as well as truncated careers due to multiple interruptions caused
by responsibility for family care. Family caregiving—and difficulty with accessing child care
—were often noted as a reason for quits (causing turnover). The fact that Mexican retailers
create few part-time jobs contributes to this pattern. Full-time work is difficult to handle
for entry-level workers with family care responsibilities, particularly when transportation
is problematic. In these ways, socially constructed gender roles operate early in life and
throughout the work career, thus shaping women’s trajectories in retail.
Without being free of the pressures of gender-based job stratification, US women retail
workers, particularly entry-level workers, resolve the immediate difficulties of care giving
caused by lack of affordable child care and sparse paid family leave by relying on part-time
work, thus remaining connected to jobs (albeit with low earnings and scant benefits) over time.
Also, there is more widespread acceptance of women’s work outside the home and of the use
of non-family child care, even while the child care system is patchy. Without arguing that nonbenefitted part-time retail jobs are in some sense “good” for US women, we do find that gender
role norms are not quite as constraining to job mobility for US women in retail. Entry-level
women workers are better able to move up to supervisory positions and store management.
In brief, nation-specific institutional effects such as we have described typically interact with
corporate strategy. Companies react resourcefully to each set of institutional constraints, and
those reactions themselves compound the initial differences. So, for example, in terms of hours
of work and electronics commission sales, US retailers lean toward cost-minimizing solutions
(while of course seeking to ensure adequate effort), whereas Mexican retailers lean toward
worker-effort-maximizing solutions (while of course seeking to contain costs).
Beyond the national patterns of institutional frameworks and typical corporate responses,
we also found variation within each country. Some of that variation has to do with regional
differences in labor demand and regional level institutions, dimensions we did not explore in
this paper. But there is also space for businesses to come up with varied solutions to the same
basic problem as we have just demonstrated.
Conclusion
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We posed three questions about retail jobs in the United States and Mexico: To what extent
can we explain broad-cross national differences in retail jobs with institutional differences?
Which institutions seem to be most important in explaining which differences? And within
the parameters set by institutional and market differences, how much discretion is left for
companies to adopt different policies and practices?
We sought to limit extraneous variation by restricting our attention to similar businesses:
large chains, primarily in groceries and consumer electronics. Nevertheless, even within this
restricted universe, we did find that national institutions —both legal and social norms— have
discernible imprints on the characteristics of retail jobs. The simplest instances are cases where
institutions act directly on employment as is the case with hours of work outcomes. But indirect
institutional effects are also important, particularly involving institutions that surround the
reproduction of labor such as child care systems and norms regarding mothers’ role in child
rearing. At the same time, institutions are far from an iron cage: we find ample room for
managerial discretion and experimentation in both countries’ retail sectors.
These findings have implications for broader analysis and theorization of unequal employment
outcomes, and for public policy. On the analytical side, these results bolster the argument
that national institutions remain highly important in shaping workplaces even in conditions
of globalization of production models and ownership. They highlight the less visible role of
reproductive institutions, especially in a sector like retail with a disproportionate concentration
of women as is true of many service sectors. And they flag the impact of strategic behavior by
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firms in determining final employment outcomes. These analytical conclusions also translate
into insights on the policy side. Understanding the continuing weight of institutions remind us
that public policy gives us important levers to affect job quality—including a broader menu of
possibilities beyond what’s in place in any given country. At the same time, our findings make
the cautionary point that institutions can have major unintended and unexpected consequences
(widespread part-time work in the US and unpaid work hours in Mexico were certainly not
envisioned by those designing the policies that motivate them). This comparative glimpse at
one particular type of job in two particular countries suggests the rich possibilities for further
comparative work on the determinants and processes underlying labor market inequality and
job quality.
Acknowledgements
We thank the Russell Sage, Rockefeller, and Ford Foundations and the Upjohn Institute for
Employment Research for support in various portions of this research. Thanks also to Patrick
Adler and, especially, Diana Denham for excellent research assistance.
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Service Sector: Tales from Different Worlds, London: Routledge, pp.211-236.
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Levy, Santiago (2008) Good Intentions, Bad Outcomes: Social Policy, Informality, and Economic
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systems, Development Policy Review 20, 4, pp.487-502.
Tilly, Chris (Forthcoming) Beyond ‘contratos de protección’: Strong and weak unionism in Mexican
retail enterprises. Latin American Research Review, forthcoming.
Tilly, Chris, and José Luis Álvarez Galván (2006) The Mexican retail sector in the age of globalization:
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ed., From Bentonville to Beijing: Wal-Mart’s Footprint on the Global Economy, New York: Routledge,
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The Face of 21st Century Capitalism. New York: New Press. 189-209.
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#data . Consulted October 30, 2012.
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Consulted October 30, 2012.
Notes
1 The following draws upon Askenazy et al. 2012.
2 With varied degrees of comprehensiveness, US retail chains in the sample provided HR indicators
such as: the distribution of employment by main job categories; the full-time/part-time breakdown; the
demographic composition of the work force; pay scales (minimum and maximum for each pay category);
turnover rates; and the percent of store level and higher level management hired from within. Retail
chains varied greatly in their ability to provide time trends for these indicators. With similar variation,
they also provided information about benefit plans and eligibility rules for these, as well as descriptions
of their training programs. The text of collective bargaining agreements, where applicable, was obtained
either from the company itself or from the union local.
3 The study also includes a chain of mid-sized clothing stores, family-owned food and clothing stores,
one public market stand, and one stand at a tianguis, an open air market that operates in different locations
each day of the week.
4 At the time of revision of this article, November 14, 2012, the Mexican Congress had just passed a
labor law reform including an hourly minimum wage; it was expected that the President would sign the
legislation into law.
5 For a more extended discussion of retail hours levels and trends in the United States, Mexico, and
Canada, see Carré and Tilly 2012.
6 US figure is the median for all workers, 2011 annual average. Median for hourly employees alone
is $13.51.
7 Source for education: INEGI, Censo de Población y Vivienda 2010: Tabulados del Cuestionario
Básico, created 2/2011
8 The one exception was a food retailer with a low turnover of 20% that retains workers by exceeding
prevailing wages and benefits.
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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“So Far from God, so Close to the United States”, and Yet…: Unexpected Differences in Mod (...)
Pour citer cet article
Référence électronique
Françoise Carré et Chris Tilly, « “So Far from God, so Close to the United States”, and Yet…:
Unexpected Differences in Modern Retail Jobs Between Mexico and the United States », Revue
Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 22 avril
2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1921
À propos des auteurs
Françoise Carré
Center for Social Policy, University of Massachusetts Boston Francoise.Carre@umb.edu
Chris Tilly
Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, UCLA Ctilly@irle.ucla.edu
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Résumés
La grande distribution moderne a créé une quantité importante d’emplois de premier échelon,
dont beaucoup sont à bas salaire, au Mexique comme aux États-Unis d’Amérique. Les
structures et pratiques d’emploi du secteur composent des données importantes des processus
qui créent et reproduisent les inégalités dans une économie. Grace à une étude internationale
comparative, l’article explore le rôle des institutions et normes sociétales (liées et non-liées
au travail) dans le domaine de la qualité des emplois. L’article compare les processus qui
forment les emplois dans la grande distribution moderne de ces deux pays et s’appuie sur
des études de terrain conduites durant les neuf dernières années. Les points de comparaison
sont les trois dimensions de la qualité d’emploi : les heures de travail; les structures de
rémunération; et la mobilité interne et externe. L’article montre que les institutions ont une
empreinte visible sur les caractéristiques d’emploi dans la grande distribution. Les instances
les plus simples consistent de cas où les institutions jouent directement sur l’emploi comme
peut se voir avec les heures de travail. Cependant, les effets institutionnels indirects importent
aussi, particulièrement ceux qui concernent les institutions de reproduction de la force de
travail, telles que les systèmes de garde d’enfant ou les normes liées au rôle maternel dans
l’éducation des enfants. Néanmoins, il reste encore une marge de manœuvre ample pour les
choix et l’expérimentation de la part des managers de la grande distribution des deux pays.
Modern retail chains generate large quantities of entry-level jobs, many of which are lowwage, in Mexico as in the United States. The sector’s employment patterns and practices
make up an important strand among processes that generate and reproduce economy-wide
inequality. Retail trade jobs also are emblematic of service work as a whole. With a crossnational comparative study, the paper explores the role of work-related and non-work related
societal institutions and norms in affecting retail job quality. The paper compares the processes
that shape modern retail jobs in the two countries relying upon sectorial field work conducted
over the past nine years. Three dimensions of job quality are points of comparison: hours of
work; compensation structure; and job mobility. The paper finds that national institutions have
discernible imprints on the characteristics of retail jobs. The simplest instances are cases where
institutions act directly on employment as occurs with hours of work outcomes. But indirect
institutional effects are also important, particularly involving reproductive institutions such as
child care systems and norms regarding mothers’ role in child rearing. Still, ample room for
managerial discretion and experimentation is found in both countries’ retail sectors.
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
20
“So Far from God, so Close to the United States”, and Yet…: Unexpected Differences in Mod (...)
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : effet sociétal, emplois de premier échelon, grande distribution, marché du
travail, Mexique, qualité de l’emploi, travail à temps partiel
Keywords : entry-level jobs, job quality, labor market, Mexico, part-time work, retail
sector, societal effects
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
21
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Teresa Torns, Pilar Carrasquer, Sara Moreno et Vicent Borràs
Career Paths in Spain: Gendered
division of Labour and Informal
Employment
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment
Teresa Torns, Pilar Carrasquer, Sara Moreno et Vicent Borràs
Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division
of Labour and Informal Employment
Introduction
1
2
3
4
Employment models have been used to make a comprehensive and comparative approach
to work and employment in Europe, based on an institutionalist view that broadens the
usual analyses of the labour market. Employment models are defined by the interrelation
between labour market, State and family (Bosch et al., 2009). One question arising from
these approaches is the role played by the gendered division of labour in shaping employment
models. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this discussion.
In order to analyse the relationship between the gendered division of labour and the
employment model, this paper shows the strategies that actors have developed to enter and
remain in the labour market. More specifically, it analyses the importance of the labour market,
the gendered division of labour, and employment and family policies in defining the career
paths of men and women in Spain. A qualitative approach was used to study these paths, taking
into account the impact of structural factors (gender, age, qualification and ethnicity)1 and
socio-cultural traditions. This analysis was performed as part of a wider study of changes in
the Spanish employment model.2
The results indicate that the gendered division of labour persists and affects the career paths of
both men and women, which are marked by various types of informal employment. Informal
employment is a multidimensional phenomenon that can be understood in terms of economics,
regulation, qualification and working conditions. It depends on gender, social class and
ethnicity—features that characterize both continuity and change in the Spanish employment
model. This article shows how informal employment has become a widely accepted social
norm, and points out that the distinction between formal and informal employment is probably
a false dichotomy, especially in the paths of women and young people, and even in skilled
jobs. This situation has been reinforced by the recession that began in 2007, transforming the
relationship and location of the various social groups affected. In Spain, this situation seems to
have created a continuum with several gradations between formal and informal employment.
The results of this study improve knowledge of the employment model and of how it is affected
by the gendered division of labour. They are also intended as a contribution to the debate
on informal employment, which is one of the current concerns of politicians and scholars in
Europe as elsewhere. According to the Eurobarometer (European Commission, 2007b), the
Spanish employment model corresponds to that of southern European countries, in which
informal employment is one of the alternatives for relating to employment. Spain has a far
higher temporary employment rate (in weeks and hours) than other countries, particularly the
Nordic ones.The Europe 2020 Strategy3includes an explicit commitment to “fight undeclared
work” as a strategy for creating jobs. Scholars analyse the effects of the crisis on informal
employment and its social significance in an attempt to answer the following questions:
Does the economic crisis lead to a quantitative increase in informal employment? Is informal
employment only precarious employment or does it somehow contribute to social cohesion?
(Pfau-Effinger et al., 2009; Williams, 2009).
Theoretical Discussion and Hypotheses
The Employment Model and the Gender Perspective
5
The employment model is composed of a triangle with three vertices: the labour market, the
gendered division of labour, and public policies related to these areas. Two European-wide
studies show the analytical potential of this concept (Bosch et al., 2009; Miguélez and Recio,
2010), pointing to the need to extend the conventional approach based on labour market supply
and demand to include the family dimension and social and occupational policies. Doing
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Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment
6
7
8
so reveals that care work done by female family members is a key factor for analysing the
employment model. At present this model must be placed in a context of change marked
by high immigration, an increased presence of women in the labour market, and an aging
population.
Though the gender perspective has been widely used to analyse welfare regimes (Sainsbury,
1999; Daly and Lewis, 2000; Bettio and Plantenga, 2004; Simonazzi, 2009), this has not been
the case in employment models. Gardiner (2000) was one of the first authors to do so by
taking care work into account. His proposal suggests that in analysing the employment model
one must include the private sphere in addition to the labour market and labour policies. The
family, and more specifically women, will emerge as the main actors in this private sphere, in
which care work meets the everyday needs. It should also be noted that, according to Saraceno
(1995, 1996), the family is far from behaving as a harmonious unit of cohabitation. On the
contrary, it is a place of gendered division of labour that controls the availability of men and
women to enter and remain in the labour market. The control varies according to the welfare
systems established in European countries.
Other authors complement this theoretical proposal, integrating the conflict of class,
generation and ethnicity in the analysis of the gendered division of labour in order to avoid
giving a simplistic and distorted image of the employment model. Cromptom (2006) notes that
the material and symbolic dimension of the production/reproduction system is determined by
the social structure. An example of this is the fact that many middle-class women working in
the productive sphere follow male patterns and organize care work (the reproductive sphere)
through outsourcing in order to gain professional availability. Working-class women, on the
other hand, balance the two areas through internal family resources (Banyuls et al., 2009). They
base their integration in employment on the search for synchronization between the productive
and reproductive spheres, to the detriment of their working conditions.
Thus, taking into account the gender perspective in the analysis of the employment model
fills some of the gaps in the most habitual analyses of work. Such an approach allows
one to consider the social organization of the total workload and not just that of the job
(Glucksmann, 2006), going beyond the “male breadwinner/female housekeeper” model, which
fails to question the “breadwinner” concept (Warren, 2007). This approach defends the adult
worker model thesis, which holds that social policy is increasingly treating women and men
as individual workers. Daly (2011) states that some authors argue that individual agency is
valued, assumed and promoted in the labour market. In this case, women are treated as actors
with free choice between family and work. From a critical viewpoint, Lewis (2001) speaks
about the gap between the theoretical adult worker model and the characterization of real life.
After this theoretical criticism, Daly (2011) shows how this model is a partial characterization
of what is happening in real life. Certainly, there is a greater recognition of female agency but
there is also increased support by the state for familial roles based on gender. A good example
is the work-life balance policy. For this reason, Daly (2011) defends as more appropriate a
dual earner, gender-specialized model in which the state promotes family arrangement. The
present study wishes to determine the importance of the adult worker model in the Spanish
employment model. In other words, it analyzes the relationship between gendered division of
labour and labour market. The hypothesis is that the adult worker model does not characterize
the Spanish employment model because the division of labour persists with different career
paths for men and women.
The Employment Model and Informal Employment
9
As stated above, informal employment is a characteristic feature of the economies of southern
Europe, including Spain (Miguélez, 1989). Informal employment is usually understood as
employment that is not subject to labour law and tax law(European Commission, 1998;
ILO, 2002).4 It is often considered as synonymous with the underground economy, although
the boundaries between different forms of employment are not always clear (Pahl, 1988;
Gershuny, 1979; Mingione, 1983). Informal employment can affect any country or sector, but
it varies greatly according to sectors and countries. In southern European countries it is very
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Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment
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11
common in domestic service and in hotels and catering, whereas in the Nordic and central
European countries it is most common in the construction sector (European Commission,
2007a; Williams, 2009). Informal employment involves a legal problem of concealment of
business and failure to comply with tax obligations, which is tolerated to different degrees
according to context: for example, it is widely accepted in Spain, Italy and the whole of Latin
America (Richter, 2010).
Informal employment involves “concealing” employment, so the officially recorded
employment is less than the “real” employment. Therefore, the good living conditions and
the relative “social peace” of Spain in these times of recession, high unemployment and
temporary contracts result not only from the support provided by family networks, but also
from this hidden employment. This finding confirms the thesis of Pfau-Effinger (2009) on the
contribution of informal employment to social cohesion.
Informal employment is also seen as a means of avoiding regulation of employment. From
this viewpoint it is equated with “illegal employment” or “underground employment”, which
remains partly or wholly outside the official regulations. The workers are deprived of part
or all of their rights because they carry out an illegal business activity. In such cases,
informal employment is related to the idea of instability and precariousness. In Spain, informal
employment is helping to establish precariousness as a social norm (Cano, 2007).
Qualifications, Professionalism and Informal Employment
12
13
14
Studies of informal employment in Spain usually associate it with unskilled jobs (Jodar and
Lope, 1985; Alos et al., 1988a, 1988b; Banyuls, 2003; Pla, 2004; Castillo, 2005). However,
some experts warn that it is currently spreading to skilled jobs, in the form of permanent
work placement or recurring job instability. This situation affects young people in particular,
forcing them to compete for highly qualified jobs with no semblance of stability (Marsden,
2009). Nevertheless, most scholars relate informal employment with a lack of professionalism
or “non-professional” activities. They consider that because this work is not subject to the
obligations of a normal wage relationship (contract, salary, working hours), it can be performed
without specific competencies.
This understanding of informal employment will be used in the analysis of the gendered
division of labour within the employment model that is advocated herein. This analysis stresses
that care work in the family (Simonazzi, 2009; Flaquer and Escobedo, 2009), predominantly
done by women, unpaid and “non-professionalized”, is a key factor of the gendered division
of labour, making it difficult for women to obtain the benefits of a formal employment
relationship even when this type of work is done within the labour market (Rubery and Urwin,
2011). Though care work is undeclared and often not considered as work, it involves the same
obligations of continuity and availability in the provision of the service. Ultimately, care work
is present in the daily lives of most women throughout their life cycle (Torns, 2008).
Although there is no consensus about a theoretical definition of informal work, this paper
understands this concept in a wide sense. It defines informal employment as the set of jobs
or tasks that have one or more of the following features: unregulated, undeclared, unskilled
and low-paid.
Career Path, Gender and Informal Employment
15
16
The contributions made from a gender perspective have supported the view that the
relationship between informal employment and life trajectories should be addressed. On this
point, Saraceno (2001) suggested that the life course was a more appropriate concept than the
life cycle. Whereas the life cycle tends to be linked to the labour market, highlighting only
the time of entry and exit, the life course is a broader and more flexible term. These features
may provide greater heuristic potential for understanding multiple entries to and exits from
the labour market, which are not necessarily ordered or sequenced, reflecting the multiple
crossings of people’s work cycle and life cycle.
By introducing the life course as a dimension of analysis, one can distinguish different
degrees and periods of informal and precarious employment and identify career paths that
are composed exclusively of this type of employment (Carrasquer; 2001, 2008). Various
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Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment
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18
combinations of informal, precarious and formal employment and unemployment are quite
common in the life cycles of women in Spain (Candela and Piñón, 2005; Camarero, 2006).
The emphasis on rural women in some studies seems to imply that the mixture of formal and
informal employment in their career paths is proper to socio-economic situations with a low
level of industrialization. Castel (2002), however, in his reflection on the origins of industrial
wage labour, shows that this type of career path can also be identified in urban areas with an
industrial tradition.
Considering the life course dimension from a gender perspective also has a double added
value for analysing career paths and life trajectories. First, it shows the limits of a social
standard of employment that only includes adult male workers. Second, it shows that, far
from being invisible, domestic and care work interferes with the career paths of both sexes. A
gender perspective therefore allows one to analyse how the sexual division of labour affects
availability for employment according to sex. Domestic and care work, which is variable but
always present throughout the life course, determines the career path of women. On the other
hand, male availability for work is invariable, because domestic and care work is invisible or
non-existent for them. These features form the core of hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 2005)
and one of the main reasons why the gendered division of labour remains firmly unchanged
(Burchell and Fagan, 2004; Crompton et al., 2005), despite the equality policies introduced
in Spain and the European Union.
In conclusion, the issue of informal employment has become a subject of interest because of the
increase in non-standard forms of employment such as temporary work and precarious work
in the “advanced capitalism” of southern Europe. When the informal employment is analysed
from a gender viewpoint, two main questions arise. The first one is whether the different
forms of informal employment affect certain moments in working life—particularly the time of
integration into the labour market—or the entire working life. The second question is whether
informal employment affects the whole working population or mainly groups employed in the
secondary labour market (Torns, 2000). In order to answer these questions, this paper defends
the following hypothesis related to the Spanish case: the combination of gender, generation and
life course determine entries into and exits from the labour market. The career path of women
comes to depend on their domestic and care responsibilities. The generational difference is that
care responsibility represents an exit for older women, whereas it is a parenthesis for younger
women.
Methodology
19
As stated above, this article presents a comparative analysis of the career paths of men and
women in order to study the gendered division of labour in the Spanish employment model.
More specifically, it analyses the importance of the labour market, the gendered division of
labour, employment and the family policies in defining the career paths of men and women
in Spain. To perform this analysis, we chose a qualitative approach based on 21 biographical
interviews done during the 2010 in the context of the current economical crisis. This approach
allowed us to:
1. Gather the social practices and imaginaries that underlie the concepts of work,
employment and gendered division of labour.
2. Identify the relationships between formal and informal employment during the life
course of persons.
3. Determine how expectations, projects and demands regarding work and employment
differ during the life courseof men and women.
20
This qualitative approach takes into account the impact of structural factors (gender, age,
qualification and ethnicity) and socio-cultural traditions. For this reason, the informants were
selected using both a quantitative and a qualitative approach. The quantitative approach
identified the patterns of sample distribution of the most significant occupational biographies
and thus defined the first type of informant. This first statistical exploration was performed by
consulting three sources of official statistics: the Survey of the Active Population (Encuesta de
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Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment
21
22
la Población Activa, EPA) for 2010, the Time Use Survey (Encuesta de Empleo del Tiempo,
ETT) for 2002-2003 and 2009-2010, and the Survey of Living and Working Conditions
(Encuesta de Condiciones de Vida y Trabajo, ECVT) for 2008, all drawn up by the Spanish
National Statistics Institute).
Data from these three surveys were used to draw up a typology of career paths that is reinforced
by other qualitative studies (Torns et al, 2004; Torns and Moreno, 2008). In the sample
selection criteria we used four basic dimensions: gender, social class, generation and ethnicity.
Gender was considered a key factor for explaining the different conditions of entering and
remaining in the labour market and the employment conditions. It is also a differentiator of
the presence and absence of men and women in domestic and care work. Social class, defined
by occupation and educational level, was used to show the advantages and disadvantages
associated with employment conditions and job stability. Generation, defined according to the
changes that have taken place in the Spanish labour market since the 1980s, highlighted the
differences between the job security enjoyed by the generation that is now aged 50 years and
older and the instability of younger generations. Finally, we took into account place of origin
because of the importance of the migration project in career paths and the role played by the
immigrant population in the Spanish labour market in the last few decades (Torns et al., 2012;
Borras et al., 2012).
We used the snowball sampling method to find people for each profile. We carried out 21
biographical interviews with 7 sociological profiles,5 including middle class and working class
men and women of the two generational groups. We did three interviews for each sociological
profile, which was sufficient to reach the saturation point of the information. The information
obtained was subjected to content analysis using the Atlas.ti software. The data were coded
according to the fields of labour market and domestic and care work. Finally, a transverse
discourse analysis was performed on these two fields.
Results
23
The discourse of the interviewees revealed three main points about our hypothesis. The first
one is that the gendered division of labour is still very present in the career path of most women.
This presence is internalized by them and affects their availability for work.
“Well, I always say that if I’d been working in my speciality when I was pregnant, I wouldn’t
have given it up, but because I wasn’t. . . we decided I’d leave the job I had, so I didn’t think about
looking for another one while the children were small. . . (Woman, Middle Class, Older)”
24
The second point is that the analysis of interviews shows how domestic and care work is a
recurring absence in the career paths of men, or is seen as proper to women:
“Look, my wife is good-natured, and we’ve had problems, you see, but I haven’t provided too
much support, you know? And then, you see I was always . . . I don’t know how much I worked,
because when I was at home I was always on the computer, do you understand? So on Sunday
afternoon I was always…” (Man, Middle Class, Older)”
25
The third point is that the narratives of the people interviewed revealed that informal
employment is the most common way into the labour market. They also showed that informal
employment is the norm for different social groups and is determined by the gendered division
of labour, social class, gender and generation. These trends show the existence of a continuum
between formal and informal employment that governs the career paths analysed. At this point,
three main paths can be identified in the Spanish employment model:
1. Career paths of male hegemony characteristic of older males, whose lives have been
governed by formal employment, often accompanied by informal employment. In these
paths the continuum is mild or residual.
2. Career paths of female hegemony with a twofold presence characteristic of older
women with family responsibilities throughout the life cycle, who have used informal
employment as an (always unsuccessful) strategy for achieving work-life balance or for
achieving extra income. In these paths the continuum is moderate or transient.
3. Career paths of strong or compulsory continuum in which informal employment ceases
to be just a way into the labour market and becomes the norm. In general, this path is
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Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment
followed by young people of both sexes, including the most qualified ones. Because
of the current situation of unemployment, industry and business management, young
people are unable to reproduce the employment pattern of earlier generations, especially
those of men.
A Continuum Between Formal and Informal Employment
26
The above findings confirm the influence of the gendered division of labour in the Spanish
employment model. However, we also wish to stress the existence of a work culture that tends
to normalize informal employment. The respondents seem to be resigned to precariousness, or
at least to the fact that their career paths follow what we venture to call a continuum between
formal and informal employment. This situation seems to have originated in Spain in the preindustrial tradition of the 1950s and in the weak industrialization that followed. These factors
led to a poor dissemination of the Fordist-Taylorist industrial philosophy; an entrepreneurial
culture with a low level of innovation based on immediate profits; and a work culture in which
the combination of different forms of formal and informal employment is considered normal.
This situation is the background to career paths that mostly started with informal employment,
which was widely consented and normalized. The respondents told us that they had started to
work at an early age with the help and blessing of the family as an example of a career path
of male hegemony:
“And because my mother’s brother had a workshop, at the age of 8 or 9 I went to help on Saturdays.
Then, in the holidays I always worked as a casual farm labourer... At the age of 12 I went to do
the grape harvest in France!” (Man, middle class and older generation)
27
28
29
30
31
The generation aged 50 years and older was able to move in a few years from informal jobs to
formal ones, with a stable contract throughout their career paths. However, these stable jobs
were often combined with informal jobs to supplement their income. They therefore did long
working hours, overtime in industry, or other second jobs, which became a ruling factor in
male career paths. Indeed, those who did not have second jobs were forced to explain why not.
The career paths of women are no exception in this continuum. Like men, they often enter the
labour market through informal employment. Later, they also alternate stages of informal and
formal employment throughout their career paths. However, in women of the older generation
the border between formal and informal employment is not so clear as in men. They have a
career path of female hegemony. For these women, it is important to have a job only if they can
combine it with care work: “And combining it with the kids was difficult. I wanted a job like
the one I had before, from 8 to 3... And I worked for three years but I only paid contributions
for six months.”(Woman, working class and older generation)
Again, the continuum emerges as a female reality that is more pronounced in the younger
group, especially in the working class. Women adapt to the requirements of the labour market
with resignation. They see the situation of unemployment and precarious employment as
unchangeable and feel unable to influence it. In fact, the persistence of a social imagery
of women as housewives is still one of the reasons for the social tolerance toward this
employment situation. The discourse of the women interviewed was built around their family
responsibilities, which led them to accept more precarious working conditions and more
informal employment than men.
This uncritical acceptance of the gendered division of labour normalizes career paths of male
hegemony and the twofold presence of women. However, young middle-class women who
take on a male style of life project have a different attitude. Their higher career expectations
explain their greater frustration at work and their lower tolerance of precariousness in
comparison with their mothers: “…I admit I chose the profession I liked. I’ve been very happy
in it and that makes a difference. There are jobs everywhere...” (Woman, middle class and
young generation)
Informal work was a way into the labour market for men and women of the oldest generation
who represent male and female hegemony cases. However, it now continues throughout the
career path although a generational change is observed especially among men. The career
paths of men of the younger generation show a greater number of changes between formal
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Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment
32
33
34
35
and informal employment. They are the example of a career path of strong continuum.
Labour mobility often involves having to take jobs without a contract. The younger generation
also shows greater acceptance of precariousness, temporary employment and flexibility in
all sectors and at all career levels. Career expectations are constructed so as to allow job
uncertainty and informal employment to form part of life projects. Workers accept these
conditions as a toll that they pay for getting a job commensurate with their qualifications or
for maintaining their status: “I was working as a teacher. I had a contract as a freelancer. I
didn’t have a salary. I was given the money in an envelope and that’s it.” (Man, middle class
and younger generation)
At present, in addition to informal jobs on entry into the labour market, the career paths of
the young respondents include a set of employment practices far removed from the ideal
of a regular job, good working conditions and fair pay. In this generation, we see many
strategies and ways to continue working and ensure an income: unemployment plus informal
employment, employment contracts with overtime, employment contracts plus undeclared
work, self-employment plus informal employment, etc.
The trade union culture also shows a clear generational change. Older men in industrial jobs
tend to have better knowledge of their rights, and claim to have participated in trade union
struggles to improve their working conditions. By contrast, younger respondents accept their
employment situation with resignation and seek individual strategies to improve it outside the
unions. Individualized labour relations and acceptance of job instability are becoming constant
underlying factors in the career paths of young people.
These paths form the core of what we call the continuum between formal and informal
employment. They exist regardless of training and qualifications: “It’s over, once again.
“Could you come into my office?” And you’re in the street! In one day they dismissed the
whole creative team. There were five of us and only one was left.”(Man, middle class and
younger generation)
In summary, it can be concluded that gender and generation show significant differences in
the social perception of the continuum between formal and informal employment. Informal
employment is better tolerated among women and young people than among men and older
people. The gendered division of labour and the generation change are key for explaining
this phenomenon. The labour market gives priority to formal employment for older men. The
younger generation is forced to accept informal employment as part of their career. If they do
not, they will fail to be present and active in the professional world. This situation reinforces
male hegemony and prevents or hinders a change in the gendered division of labour.
The Reasons for the Continuum of Formal and Informal Employment
36
37
38
To understand the links between career paths, the persistence of the gendered division of labour
and the continuum between formal and informal employment, one must consider the factors
that allow a work culture to tolerate informal employment. In other words, how does informal
employment affect perceptions and social and labour strategies of individuals throughout
their life course? Southern European countries have tried to regulate or eradicate this type of
employment and thus increase income for the welfare state, which is now in crisis. Several
attempts to do so have been made in Spain.6
One of the problems of eradicating informal employment is that it offers competitive
advantages. Competing through low labour costs is a very common approach in Spanish
business strategies (Recio, 1986; Ybarra, 2000). However, despite the advantages for
employers of not paying taxes and social security contributions, undeclared work involves
undeniable disadvantages for workers (ILO, 2002).
It should also be taken into account that the familistic nature of welfare regimes in southern
Europe, with limited funding of care services, explains the failure of the formal labour market
in this sector (Simonazzi, 2009). Furthermore, the long tradition of the informal economy
in these countries is particularly noticeable in care work. When such work is converted into
jobs on the labour market, it tends to be delegated to immigrant women, giving rise to the
phenomenon called the “care drain”(Bettio and Plantenga, 2004).
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Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment
39
40
41
42
This tolerance towards informal care work is possible because familistic welfare regimes have
been built on a narrow concept of citizenship. Welfare policies are based on assistance rather
than rights and duties and do not seem capable of regulating the public sphere in terms of
social responsibility. In other words, there is no offer of services and benefits in exchange
for contributions from citizens. This post-Fordist “crisis of labour citizenship” (Alonso, 2007)
has been further eroded by a view of citizenship that is not even based on redistribution, let
alone recognition of rights. This view is shown by European Commission (2008) figures on
public confidence in national and European institutions in the context of crisis, which associate
a low awareness of citizenship with certain welfare models. With regard to their ability to
overcome the crisis, the Nordic countries show more confidence in their national governments
than in European institutions, Germany and the UK show the same level of confidence in both
institutions, and the remaining countries show more confidence in European institutions.
Finally, an added element in the Spanish case is the fact that the work culture is built on the
limited industrialization developed under the Franco regime. This regime probably hindered
the development of an industrial culture and labour relations similar to those observed in other
European countries during the period of Fordism. Instead, it fostered a work culture strongly
based on the gendered division of labour and the presence of women in domestic work. In this
culture women tended to have informal, illegal, precarious and discontinuous jobs, whereas
men at almost all levels of qualification often held multiple jobs. These two features are widely
tolerated and accepted in the Spanish work culture (Carrasquer and Torns, 2007).
In addition to the work culture and the persistence of the gendered division of labour, the
respondents’ perception of public policy also helps to explain the existence of the continuum.
The results suggest that the impact of employment or welfare policies on career paths is small.
They also suggest an awareness of citizenship that involves reluctance to perform duties and
belligerence in claiming rights. This awareness of citizenship acts as an explicit or implicit
framework for tolerance and uncritical acceptance of the continuum of informal and formal
employment. One of the most frequent reasons for justifying this situation is the discrediting of
the tax system and the idea that access to public services is not beneficial or useful. The social
class of the respondents affects the discourse on taxation and public services. The widespread
position of the middle-class people interviewed is that: “For some things you’re too poor
and for some things you’re too rich” (Man, middle class and older generation).This discourse
is often used to justify living conditions characterized by home ownership, private health
insurance and private schooling.
Working-class people also seem to share this discourse on the low use of public services.
However, in this case, the reasons stem from a distrust of assistance-based welfare policies.
With the exception of education and health, they only accept public services if they perceive
a strictly utilitarian capacity of agency in the short term. However, the interviews showed
that it is not unusual for workers to accept unemployment as a strategy for taking advantage
of unemployment benefit as if it were paid leave or early retirement. Such practices appear
to be fairly entrenched, and some people facing situations of instability regret not having
taken advantage of past opportunities. This perception is reinforced by the fact that companies
include this practice in their business strategies: “In fact it’s not bad. It could have lasted
longer, receiving unemployment benefit and working on the side’s okay. You always earn a
little extra”. (Man, working class and young generation)
Conclusions and Discussion
43
The analysis of career paths allowed us to study the relationship between the gendered division
of labour and the employment model. It allowed us to obtain a broader and more rigorous
view of employment, revealing another reality that is less visible from other perspectives. In
relation to the first hypothesis, it can be concluded that in the Spanish employment model there
is a persistent gendered division of labour, expressed as the recurring presence of domestic
and care work in women’s career paths and its recurring absence in men’s career paths. The
career paths analysed show a strong internalization of an employment model in which the
gendered division of labour is a key factor. It also shows that the gendered division of labour
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment
44
45
46
still has enormous symbolic importance in the social contract between genders. Spain is far
from witnessing the decline of the male breadwinner/female housewife model that has been
reported by Lewis (2001). As this author warned, Spain is another example of the gap between
the adult worker model that social policies take into account and the real life of citizens. In
fact, the Spanish employment model is close to the dual-earner, gender-specialized, family
model reported by Daly (2011).
In relation to the second hypothesis, it can be concluded that gender and generation show
significant differences in the social perception of the continuum between formal and informal
employment. Informal employment is better tolerated among women and young people than
among men and older people. The gendered division of labour and the generation change are
key for explaining this phenomenon. The labour market gives priority to formal employment
for older men, whereas the younger generation are forced to accept informal employment as
part of their career expectations. If they do not, they will fail to be present and active in the
professional world. This situation reinforces male hegemony and prevents or hinders a change
in the gendered division of labour.
In addition, it can be added that the increase in informal employment during the economic
crisis is now affecting even the most qualified young people, most of whom are offspring of
middle class. However, the interviews reveal the existence of a strongly internalized work
culture that explains the normalization of long working hours, the acceptance of overtime
and second jobs among older males, and the social tolerance of unemployment and informal
employment among women and young people. In addition, a clear new feature that was not
sufficiently appreciated beforehand is that informal employment is the way into the labour
market. For the older generation this strategy was temporary for men and typical for older
women with dependents. For the younger generation, however, it seems to have become the
norm. The continuum between formal and informal employment materializes in different
ways, depending on the situation of each social type. The existence and acceptance of the
continuum differs significantly by gender, class, generation, and the moment in the life cycle
reflected in the discourse.
Further research should be devoted to exploring this model and its effects according to class
and gender, with particular attention to the effect of the prolonged recession on qualified young
people. It seems unlikely that employment and business strategies will remedy this situation,
which is part of the startling level of youth employment in Spain. Despite the changes that
have occurred in employment in Spain, its employment model still has distinctive features that
set it aside from its European neighbours and other countries.
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Notes
1 This article does not refer to the results related to ethnicity, which will be dealt with in a forthcoming
article.
2 “Changes in the Spanish employment model”, research funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science
and Innovation (R+D National Programme - Ref. CSO2008-01321).
3 The Europe 2020 Strategy is contained in the communication of the European Commission to the
European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee
of the Regions of 23 November 2010 under the title: “An Agenda for New Skills and Jobs: A European
Contribution to Full Employment”.
4 A recent study (Arrazola et al., 2011) estimated that the underground economy in Spain represented
17.4% of the total economy, accounting for 4 million jobs in 2008.
5 Of these profiles one corresponded to immigrants and, as stated above, is not analyzed in this article.
6 See the General Guidelines for the General Tax Control Plan (Directrices Generales del Plan General
de Control Tributario) of2011, published in the Spanish Official State Gazette on February 7, 2011.
Pour citer cet article
Référence électronique
Teresa Torns, Pilar Carrasquer, Sara Moreno et Vicent Borràs, « Career Paths in Spain:
Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment », Revue Interventions économiques
[En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 18 avril 2015. URL : http://
interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1935
À propos des auteurs
Teresa Torns
Centre d'Estudis Sociològics sobre la Vida Quotidiana i el Treball (QUIT), Universitat Autònoma de
Barcelona, Spain.
Pilar Carrasquer
Centre d'Estudis Sociològics sobre la Vida Quotidiana i el Treball (QUIT), Universitat Autònoma de
Barcelona, Spain.
Sara Moreno
Centre d'Estudis Sociològics sobre la Vida Quotidiana i el Treball (QUIT), Universitat Autònoma de
Barcelona, Spain.
Vicent Borràs
Centre d'Estudis Sociològics sobre la Vida Quotidiana i el Treball (QUIT), Universitat Autònoma de
Barcelona, Spain.
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Résumés
L’article présente une analyse comparative des trajectoires professionnelles masculines et
féminines visant à étudier le rôle que joue la division sexuelle du travail dans le modèle de
l’emploi espagnol. Les résultats montrent la persistance de la division sexuelle du travail et sa
contribution à l’élaboration des trajectoires professionnelles, où le secteur informel apparaît
comme l’un de ses traits distinctifs. Une réalité qui, bien que présente partout en Europe, diffère
selon le contexte socioculturel et productif de chaque pays. Dans le cas espagnol, celle-ci
devient réalité en temps de crise et met en évidence l’existence d’un continuum entre l’emploi
formel et le travail informel, que nous avons observé à travers les trajectoires analysées. Nos
résultats illustrent les différences entre les hommes et les femmes et confirment que la division
sexuelle du travail persiste.
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
13
Career Paths in Spain: Gendered division of Labour and Informal Employment
This article presents a comparative analysis of the career paths of men and women in order
to study the gendered division of labour in the Spanish employment model. A qualitative
approach was used to study these paths, taking into account the impact of structural factors
and socio-cultural traditions. The results show that the gendered division of labour persists and
helps to consolidate informal employment as a distinctive feature of career paths. Though this
situation is found throughout Europe, the socio-cultural context and the labour market in Spain
shows particular features and in times of crisis career paths involve a continuum of formal and
informal employment. This situation shows continuing inequalities between men and women.
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : division sexuelle du travail, genre, modèle d’emploi, trajectoires
professionnelles, travail informel
Keywords : career paths, employment model, gender, informal employment, sexual
division of labour
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
14
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Amélie Artis
Le groupement d’employeurs : une
réponse à la recherche de flexibilité et
de sécurité dans la gestion de l’emploi
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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gestion de l’emploi », Revue Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013,
consulté le 24 avril 2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1982
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Le groupement d’employeurs : une réponse à la recherche de flexibilité et de sécurité dan (...)
Amélie Artis
Le groupement d’employeurs : une
réponse à la recherche de flexibilité et de
sécurité dans la gestion de l’emploi
Introduction
1
2
3
4
5
Depuis plusieurs années, la norme de l’emploi issue du modèle de la grande industrie,
soutenue et accompagnée par les politiques publiques de l’emploi et du développement
économique, est déstabilisée par plusieurs phénomènes. D’abord, la montée du chômage
rompt la stabilité de l’emploi et creuse les inégalités entre les travailleurs ayant un emploi
salarié et ceux en recherche d’un emploi. Puis, l’organisation du travail au sein de l’entreprise
se transforme du fait du développement des nouvelles technologies et de la logique du
« service client ». Enfin, les nouvelles stratégies des entreprises, privilégiant la sous-traitance
et l’externalisation de certaines tâches, s’accompagnent d’une diminution du salariat interne,
voire d’une transformation du contrat de travail vers un contrat commercial. Face à ces
mutations, le concept de flexicurité se renforce, en faveur d’une refondation du compromis
social sur le marché du travail. La flexicurité tend à répondre aux mutations des normes
de l’emploi, entre la demande d’une augmentation de la flexibilité par les entreprises et le
maintien d’une continuité des garanties pour les salariés. Ce concept est très prégnant dans le
dialogue social actuel.
Pourtant, des secteurs d’activités ont depuis longtemps cherché à articuler les besoins
saisonniers et irréguliers de leur activité avec les demandes de garanties des salariés. Par
exemple, le secteur agricole est marqué par le travail saisonnier ; la réduction du temps de
travail a participé à l’accroissement du secteur des loisirs en fin de journée ou en fin de semaine.
Or dans ces deux secteurs, on observe la mise en place de groupements d’employeurs, comme
forme organisationnelle innovante qui tend à répondre aux besoins de gestion flexible de
l’emploi salarié et à la consolidation de ces emplois.
Bien sûr, il convient d’opérer clairement une distinction entre les pratiques traditionnelles
de régulation collective du marché du travail dans lesquelles le concept de flexicurité est
souvent mobilisé, et les pratiques émergentes de conciliation entre la flexibilité et la sécurité
de l’emploi. Nombre d’analyses de la flexicurité proposent de façon assez normative des
préconisations pour les politiques actives de l’emploi ou la transformation du système
social. Pourtant, comme le préconisent Xhauflair et Pichault (2012), il semble que les
innovations contribuant à l’évolution des formes du compromis social sont à observer dans
les pratiques effectives des acteurs au niveau micro-économique. Dans ce sens, le groupement
d’employeurs est une forme organisationnelle réactive de mutualisation de gestion de l’emploi
dans le but de la consolidation et de la pérennisation d’emplois pour des secteurs ayant des
besoins spécifiques de main-d’œuvre.
Cet article vise à explorer les caractéristiques du groupement d’employeurs face aux défis de la
flexibilité et de la qualité de l'emploi. Il semblerait que le groupement d'employeurs participe
à la sécurisation des parcours individuels dans des dimensions collectives qui s'expliquent
par la forme triangulaire des rapports de travail et la nature socioéconomique du groupement.
Dès lors, la méthodologie de ce travail s’appuie sur l’étude de groupements d’employeurs
associatifs dans le monde du sport et des loisirs, et de l’agriculture en France.
Dans un premier temps, le cadre théorique de la recherche articule le concept de flexicurité et
l’économie sociale et solidaire pour comprendre les objectifs du groupement d’employeurs.
Dans un deuxième temps, l’article montre que le groupement repose sur une triangulation
de la gestion de l’emploi ; or ce système de l’emploi présente des faiblesses expliquant
partiellement les limites des groupements d’employeurs sur la qualité de l’emploi. Quelques
éléments d’amélioration sont discutés.
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Le groupement d’employeurs : une réponse à la recherche de flexibilité et de sécurité dan (...)
Le groupement d’employeurs dans une logique d’économie
sociale et solidaire : une pratique effective de flexicurité ?
6
Il s’agit de construire un cadre théorique pour analyser le groupement d’employeurs comme
une pratique effective de flexicurité. En effet, le concept de flexicurité s’attache à mettre en
lumière les besoins d’ajustement du marché de travail de la part des entreprises comme des
salariés du fait des transformations des normes et de l’organisation de l’emploi salarié. La
flexicurité fait l’objet de nombreux débats, entre une vision positive d’adaptation du marché
de l’emploi (Auer et Gazier, 2006) et une vision négative de déconstruction du compromis
social (Ramaux, 2006). Dans une perspective plus microéconomique de la flexicurité, nous
proposons d’analyser le groupement d’employeurs comme une pratique qui met en œuvre les
ressorts de la flexicurité. Le groupement d’employeurs tend à offrir une main-d’œuvre souple,
adaptée et disponible à ses membres tout en garantissant la sécurité d’un contrat de travail
unique et consolidé aux salariés, mais la qualité de l’emploi ne semble pas systématiquement
garantie. C’est pourquoi nous suggérons que l’inscription du groupement d’employeurs dans
une logique d’économie sociale et solidaire favorise une situation « gagnant-gagnant ».
Flexibilité et sécurité dans l’emploi
7
8
En France, deux rapports successifs (Boissonnat, 1995, Supiot, 1999) s’accordent sur
l’affaiblissement de la linéarité des parcours professionnels ; cette linéarité est la norme
dominante dans le système productif depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale et module le
rapport salarial fordiste1 et le système de protection sociale attaché au contrat de travail. Par
conséquent, les auteurs préconisent de transférer les garanties précédemment attachées au
contrat de travail vers une continuité des droits liée à un statut d’emploi qui intègre les périodes
d’emploi salarié avec des périodes de formation ou de non-emploi. Cette transformation
implique de favoriser une gestion des ressources humaines plus flexible au sein de l’entreprise
ou entre les entreprises, et elle suppose de renforcer la pluriactivité et la polyvalence des
salariés. Le compromis social entre les différents partenaires sociaux (État, entreprises et
syndicats) doit alors être refondé. Le « modèle danois » fait office d’exemple phare et
prometteur de la flexicurité au niveau macro-économique.
Dès 2003, ce concept a aussi fait l’objet de modélisation : la flexicurité est définie comme
des échanges (« trade-offs ») entre la flexibilité et la sécurité ; quatre formes de flexibilité
sont identifiées - numérique interne, numérique externe, fonctionnelle, de la paie – avec quatre
formes de sécurité - du poste (job security), de l’emploi (employment security), du revenu
(income security), combinée (combination security) (Wilthagen et al., 2003). Cette matrice
a fait l’objet d’amendements, en particulier en séparant la « fonctionnelle interne » et la
« fonctionnelle externe » au sein de la « flexibilité fonctionnelle » (Leschke et al., 2006).
L’employeur peut mobiliser quatre formes de flexibilité - numérique externe, numérique
interne, fonctionnelle interne, fonctionnelle externe- tandis que l’employé accède à quatre
formes de sécurité - sécurité du poste (rester sur un même poste chez un même employeur),
sécurité de l’emploi ou de l’employabilité (avoir un emploi, mais pas nécessairement chez
le même employeur), sécurité du revenu (revenu assuré, même en cas de chômage, maladie,
ou autre interruption de travail…), sécurité d’option (possibilité de combiner travail payé
et non payé). Ces travaux ont fait l’objet de critiques, car ils favorisent la position de
l’entreprise et ils évincent le fait que les firmes ont aussi besoin de sécurité – disponibilité et
fidélité des travailleurs – et que les travailleurs souhaitent aussi de la flexibilité – évolution
de carrières, conciliation de la vie familiale et de la vie professionnelle. Une flexicurité
positive semble possible si elle permet l’organisation concertée et décentralisée d’un marché
du travail « adaptable » en intégrant les besoins de formation à la demande des entreprises
comme des travailleurs, et en considérant les capacités d’ajustement des acteurs locaux via
des groupements d’employeurs ou l’aménagement séquentiel d’emplois saisonniers (Gazier,
2008).
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Le groupement d’employeurs : une réponse à la recherche de flexibilité et de sécurité dan (...)
L’apport de l’économie sociale et solidaire
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Historiquement, l’économie sociale et solidaire questionne le sens du travail et les rapports
sociaux qui découlent du développement du salariat. Au 19e siècle, face à la paupérisation
du monde ouvrier en France, les premières associations ouvrières de production développent
des formes collectives de travail pour assurer l’autonomie et l’indépendance des travailleurs
(Demoustier, 2001). Pour le mouvement associationniste, l’association des travailleurs permet
de réduire les inégalités des ouvriers qualifiés du fait de leur vulnérabilité individuelle face
aux marchands et aux capitalistes tout en leur permettent de développer leur autonomie. Dans
son rapport pour l’exposition universelle de 1900, Gide classe l’association professionnelle
ouvrière « parmi les institutions qui visent à l’accroissement du salaire (comme aussi à
la diminution du travail) » (Gide, 2007). Il s’agit donc de réparer les inégalités liées au
salariat tout en développant l’activité économique et le travail, les seules sources de revenus
et d’émancipation.
Aujourd’hui, face au chômage, des personnes développent une activité économique en tant
qu’entrepreneurs indépendants. Or ces créateurs d’activités sont souvent isolés et manquent
de moyens financiers, techniques et de réseaux professionnels pour que leur activité soit
pérenne. Face à cette situation, les coopératives d’activités et d’emploi, forme émergente
dans les coopératives de travailleurs, accompagnent les créateurs d’activités. Elles permettent
d’accéder à la protection liée au contrat salarié tout en soutenant le développement de leur
propre activité. Il s’agit donc de mutualiser les moyens pour favoriser l’autonomie des
travailleurs par l’augmentation de leurs revenus et de leurs mobilités.
Parallèlement, l’économie sociale et solidaire s’est saisie de la question de l’accompagnement
vers l’emploi pour les personnes en difficultés afin de favoriser leur accessibilité au marché
du travail (par exemple, dans le secteur de l’insertion par l’activité économique).
Sous différentes formes et selon des logiques différenciées, l’économie sociale et solidaire a,
hier comme aujourd’hui, développé des innovations organisationnelles favorisant la souplesse
et la mutualisation pour que l’emploi salarié soit source d’autonomie et d’indépendance
pour les travailleurs. Cette émancipation se fonde sur la mutualisation des moyens et sur
l’internalisation du social dans une entreprise collective.
De plus, l’économie sociale et solidaire est présente dans plusieurs secteurs d’activités suite
aux mutations socio-économiques du système productif. En raison de la mécanisation et
de la modernisation du secteur agricole, les agriculteurs sont à l’origine de la création de
coopératives agricoles ou de CUMA2. Aussi, face à l’augmentation de la pratique sportive,
les organisations de l’économie sociale et solidaire ont participé à la création d’associations
qui gèrent la majeure partie des activités sportives et de loisirs. Dans ces secteurs, l’économie
sociale et solidaire est source de partenariats et de pratiques de mutualisation sectorielle.
Ainsi, l’économie sociale et solidaire tente-t-elle de répondre à des besoins non satisfaits, suite
aux déstructurations d’activités. Les agents économiques isolés ayant connu une dégradation
de leurs situations s’investissent dans la formation d’entreprises non capitalistes (Vienney,
1980 : 22). Ces organisations reposent sur un système de règles spécifiques qui les distinguent
de l’entreprise lucrative. Le service aux membres et à la communauté, la démocratie
économique et la non-lucrativité sont au cœur de ce système.
Pour l’économie sociale et solidaire, le groupement d’employeurs permet une mutualisation de
l’emploi qui favorise la consolidation des emplois, la formation des salariés et leur autonomie.
Cette forme organisationnelle a été particulièrement utilisée dans des secteurs d’activités où
l’économie sociale et solidaire est déjà présente.
Le groupement d’employeurs comme pratique effective de flexicurité
16
En France, le groupement d’employeurs (GE) est une association à but non lucratif instituée
par la loi du 25 juillet 1985, ayant pour mission de recruter des salariés et de les mettre à
disposition de ses membres selon leurs besoins respectifs. Cette mutualisation de l’emploi et
de la fonction employeurs favoriserait une gestion concertée des emplois tout en cherchant
à procurer un emploi à temps complet aux salariés (Mouriaux, 2005). Par rapport aux autres
formes de gestion de l’emploi, le groupement d’employeurs constitue une solution flexible
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Le groupement d’employeurs : une réponse à la recherche de flexibilité et de sécurité dan (...)
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pour des besoins de main-d’œuvre répétitifs, de courte durée et peu importants en quantité
d’heures de travail pour des postes requérant des compétences spécifiques, de la polyvalence
et de la confiance.
Le recours au GE permet de mutualiser les coûts de transaction liés au recrutement, de
minimiser les coûts de gestion et de fidéliser les salariés pour faire face au risque de ne
pas trouver de main-d’œuvre (Biche et Al., 2000). Le GE permet aux petites entreprises de
mutualiser des salariés sur des postes de travail de faible ampleur horaire, mais aussi de
recourir à un professionnel expert dans un domaine particulier. Le GE bénéficie d’un statut
social et fiscal avantageux ouvrant droit aux allégements de cotisations. Comme le groupement
d’employeurs propose un seul contrat avec un nombre d’heures significatif, il peut aussi
être une incitation positive pour le salarié une fois en emploi. Autrement dit, la possibilité
d’augmenter le temps de travail sans changer d’employeur peut être une incitation pour le
salarié à effectuer le maximum d’efforts, ces derniers pouvant être récompensés par la stabilité
et la consolidation de l’emploi.
Pour le salarié, le GE offre un contrat de travail unique avec un temps de travail consolidé,
réduisant les coûts de transaction du salarié qui cherche à compléter et à articuler plusieurs
employeurs ; le salarié n’a plus à gérer l’émiettement de ces contrats de travail.
Le groupement d’employeurs est une pratique concrète d’un nouveau compromis entre
la flexibilité et la sécurité. Il favorise une flexibilité numérique interne et une flexibilité
fonctionnelle interne pour les membres ; pour les salariés, il assure une sécurité de l’emploi
et une sécurité des revenus. Il développe aussi d’autres formes d’ajustements : la flexibilité
de métier, la flexibilité sectorielle, la flexibilité temporelle, la flexibilité des horaires, la
flexibilité organisationnelle et la flexibilité relationnelle (C.E.R.G.E, 2008). Faut-il encore
que ces flexibilités soient voulues, et non subies, en accord avec une volonté de concilier
la vie professionnelle et la vie familiale de la part des salariés. Nous supposons que ce
compromis entre la flexibilité et la sécurité est renforcé dans les groupements d’employeurs
qui s’inscrivent dans une logique d’économie sociale et solidaire.
En effet, le groupement d’employeurs peut aussi être utilisé par le secteur marchand privé
lucratif. Pourtant, l’inscription dans une logique d’économie sociale et solidaire suppose que le
statut associatif du regroupement s’accompagne d’un projet sociétal en faveur de la promotion
de l’emploi porté par plusieurs organisations. Autrement dit, le statut associatif ne doit pas être
une simple opportunité organisationnelle pour externaliser de l’emploi salarié. Le groupement
d’employeurs s’inscrit dans la logique d’économie sociale et solidaire dans le sens où il met
en œuvre un rapport au travail spécifique et il s’inscrit dans la continuité des logiques de
mutualisation associative et coopérative existantes dans certains secteurs d’activités.
Question de recherche et méthodologie
21
22
Plusieurs analyses ont déjà été menées afin de repérer les apports du groupement
d’employeurs. D’abord, ce dernier s’attache à réduire les coûts de transaction et les asymétries
d’information ex ante (Mouriaux, 2005). Puis, il redéfinit les spécificités des relations
d’emploi et il questionne la nature du lien d’emploi et de travail (Zimmermann, 2011). Enfin,
un environnement institutionnel bienveillant, qui permet d’associer les réseaux sectoriels,
intersectoriels et territoriaux, constitue une condition nécessaire de réussite du groupement
d’employeurs (Cromarias, 2010). Notre apport consiste à étudier les relations et les interactions
au sein du groupement d’employeurs. Deux principales hypothèses sont formulées : le
groupement d’employeurs serait un compromis pour articuler la recherche de flexibilité et de
sécurité sur le marché du travail, et le système de relations mises en œuvre dans le groupement
d’employeurs pourrait avoir un rôle structurant pour le groupement et pour la consolidation
des emplois.
Dans cette perspective, nous développons une lecture du groupement d’employeurs selon
des logiques sectorielles. En effet, les transformations sectorielles dans les formes du rapport
salarial, dans les formes de la concurrence et dans les formes de l’État (Boyer, 2004)
influencent les besoins de souplesse et de sécurité des acteurs (employeurs comme employés).
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Notre contribution se focalise sur l’analyse de deux secteurs d’activités (soit deux
populations) pour lesquels le groupement d’employeurs est représentatif quantitativement et
historiquement : le secteur agricole et le secteur du sport et des loisirs.
Historiquement, les premiers groupements d’employeurs ont été instaurés dans l’agriculture
en lien avec d’autres innovations dans le secteur (Biche et al., 200). Aujourd’hui, le recours
au GE dans le secteur agricole s’impose, augmentant de 25 % entre 2002 et 2008 (MSA,
2010). Le groupement d’employeurs est aussi ancré dans le secteur du sport, de l’animation
et de l’éducation populaire, pour lequel on observe une croissance du nombre de GE :
on comptabilise 251 GE répertoriés sur l’ensemble du territoire en 2010 (Mouvens, 2010).
Pourtant, les résultats sur la qualité de l’emploi sont mitigés. On observe que les groupements
employeurs agricoles utilisent beaucoup de contrats à temps partiel (80 % de CDD) et à durée
déterminée participant à la précarisation des emplois salariés agricoles (Elyakime, 2007). De
même, dans le domaine du sport et de l’animation, une part importante des contrats sont
précaires : 49 % des contrats sont des CDD ou des contrats aidés, avec un ratio de temps plein
de seulement 25 % (Mouvens, 2010)3. Pour comprendre ces limites, l’analyse se focalise sur la
nature spécifique du groupement comme une forme organisationnelle triangulaire de gestion
de l’emploi.
Ce travail s’inscrit dans une démarche de recherche exploratoire à partir d’études de cas. La
démarche consiste à isoler les caractéristiques générales des cas étudiés et de mettre en lumière
les interactions formant le système. Les deux secteurs ont été choisis pour leur représentativité
du phénomène en raison de l’existence structurelle de formes de travail variées et atypiques.
Le recueil des données s’appuie sur des informations quantitatives et qualitatives. D’abord,
l’étude des dynamiques de l’emploi dans les deux secteurs s’appuie sur la description et
l’analyse de données statistiques produites par l’agence nationale de statistiques, par des
services des ministères de tutelle et par des fédérations représentatives du secteur. Les
données qualitatives sont issues d’enquêtes réalisées auprès de dirigeants de groupements
d’employeurs et de fédération de groupements d’employeurs4. D’une part, des entretiens
semi-directifs ont été réalisés auprès d’un petit échantillon de dix structures, selon un guide
d’entretien qui a permis de questionner l’origine des besoins, la gouvernance de l’organisation,
les activités et les résultats en terme d’emploi. D’autre part, trois observations participatives
ont été réalisées lors d’ateliers collectifs régionaux ou nationaux, autour du thème de la
mutualisation de l’emploi. Ces données qualitatives ont été traitées par une analyse de discours
par des unités de sens ; il s’agit de repérer les éléments significatifs de sens sur les thèmes
de l’emploi, de l’activité et de la gouvernance. Le croisement des analyses quantitatives et
qualitatives a permis d’identifier les problématiques microéconomiques des cas étudiés et de
les inscrire dans les enjeux sur le marché du travail portés collectivement par les différents
acteurs (des groupements d’employeurs, des services de l’État, des experts juridiques, des
usagers, des dirigeants d’associations). Ce travail reste un travail exploratoire, qui nécessiterait
une enquête à plus large échelle.
Le groupement d’employeurs : entre éclatement de la
gestion de l’emploi et besoin de coordination
27
Le groupement d’employeurs semble une forme adaptée pour gérer les besoins spécifiques
d’emploi de certains secteurs d’activités. Néanmoins, il n’est pas « de fait » une organisation
vertueuse ; il peut être un support à l’externalisation de l’emploi saisonnier sans prise en
considération d’une réelle gestion durable des emplois (Biche et al. 2005). Ce décalage
s’explique par l’instabilité du système de triangulation de l’emploi dans le groupement
d’employeurs et le besoin de renforcer la coordination entre les membres. Pourtant malgré ces
limites, le groupement d’employeurs semble être une forme institutionnelle intéressante pour
favoriser l’adaptation aux évolutions de l’activité pour les membres tout en offrant une forme
de stabilité pour les salariés.
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Le groupement d’employeurs dans les secteurs agricole et sportif :
des besoins spécifiques de travail
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Le secteur agricole comme le secteur sportif5 associatif mobilisent un certain volume
d’emplois salariés. Cette salarisation s’est structurée autour des spécificités de ces deux
secteurs. D’abord, les statuts de l’emploi sont divers et le travail salarié à temps plein et à durée
indéterminée n’est pas la forme dominante ; puis les demandes du travail sont discontinues,
en raison soit de la saisonnalité des cultures soit de l’intermittence de la pratique sportive ;
enfin les structures employeuses sont différentes de l’entreprise classique, elles sont de forme
associative ou de forme familiale.
Les caractéristiques de l’emploi salarié dans le secteur agricole : saisonnalité et
technicité
Aujourd’hui seulement 2,9 % des personnes ayant un emploi (salarié ou non) travaillent dans
l’agriculture en France (Insee, 2011). La part de l'emploi dans l'agriculture s’est effritée : en
1975, les agriculteurs exploitants représentent 7.8 % de la population active occupée en France,
contre seulement 2.7 % en 2005. De même la part des ouvriers agricoles décroit, de 1.6 à
0.9 % en 2005 (Freyssinet, 2006). Le poids de l’emploi agricole s’amenuise, mais les besoins
spécifiques de main-d’œuvre persistent. La réduction de l’influence du monde agricole, en
nombre d’emplois, en volume d’activités et en nombre d’hectares de terres cultivées, est
qualifiée de « Révolution silencieuse » (Debatisse, 1964).
Ce secteur se caractérise par une grande diversité des formes d’emploi : les exploitants,
les conjoints exploitants et les autres aides familiaux, les salariés permanents et les salariés
saisonniers. Les saisonniers et les travailleurs occasionnels représentent 10 % de l’ensemble
du travail des exploitations agricoles en 2010 avec 79 000 UTA6 (Agreste, 2010). Il existe
aussi des formes alternatives de travail hors de l’exploitation : des organisations spécialisées
dans la gestion de la main d’œuvre qui mettent à disposition du personnel par un contrat de
prestation de service ou des organisations non spécialisées comme les CUMA.
L’activité agricole est modulée par la saisonnalité et la spécialisation des cultures qui induisent
des alternances dans les quantités de travail, de la polyvalence et de la flexibilité. De ce fait,
les dynamiques de l’emploi salarié agricole sont corrélées à la taille de l’exploitation et à
l’orientation agricole. Par exemple, les exploitations fruitières utilisent 30 % de travailleurs
saisonniers ou occasionnels de plus que la moyenne ; les exploitations maraîchères et
horticoles mobilisent souvent aussi des travailleurs saisonniers ou occasionnels. Le travail
agricole est spécialisé en fonction des cultures et de l’activité alors que l’emploi agricole
saisonnier est souvent peu qualifié.
Il existe une relation entre les spécificités de l’activité agricole, les exigences technicoéconomiques et le recours aux emplois salariés précaires (Elyakime, 2007). Le recours au GE
est principalement mobilisé pour des activités spécifiques ou pour des exploitations ayant une
production régulière, mais n’ayant pas assez d’assises économiques pour embaucher un salarié
permanent à temps plein.
L’emploi dans le secteur sportif : temps éclaté et relation de service
La pratique sportive a pris une place importante dans notre société à la fois pour des raisons
de « bien-être », mais aussi de lien social. Son poids économique engendre une industrie et
une économie de service florissantes (Bayle, 1999). Face à cette démocratisation du sport, les
clubs sportifs associatifs ont dû se professionnaliser et ont élargi leur rôle vers des activités de
compétition, mais aussi de loisirs. Mais ce secteur requiert aussi des besoins de main-d’œuvre
spécifiques, et la qualité et la pérennité sont à discuter.
La croissance de la pratique sportive et le soutien des politiques publiques ont participé
au processus de professionnalisation de l’emploi sportif salarié. En effet, l’accroissement
du volume de l’emploi salarié dans les clubs sportifs associatifs en France s’explique par
une demande plus structurée dans un environnement de plus en plus concurrentiel et par
l’utilisation des dispositifs d’aide à l’emploi mis en œuvre par le gouvernement français
à destination du secteur non marchand. Face à cette demande, les organisations sportives
se professionnalisent, se structurent et rationalisent leurs pratiques (Chantelat, 2001). Cette
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professionnalisation à la fois des acteurs et des structures a conduit aussi à un renforcement
de la logique de marché (Bayle, 1999).
Les établissements employeurs dans ce domaine sont majoritairement des organisations de
l’économie sociale et solidaire, elles représentent 80 % de l’ensemble du secteur ; les emplois
sont pour 57 % portés par l’économie sociale et solidaire. Pourtant seulement 44 % des salariés
sont à temps complet (CNCRESS, 2011).
L’emploi associatif sportif maintient une mixité des statuts entre des bénévoles et des salariés
dans l’encadrement de la pratique sportive et la gestion de l’organisation (Falcoz et Walter,
2007). Une grande partie des structures employeuses sont des « petits clubs » avec des budgets
annuels de faible montant et une séparation entre le travail salarié et le travail bénévole très
perméable.
Comme la pratique sportive est une activité de temps libre, elle implique des horaires de travail
élargis (en fin de journée ou en début de soirée) et morcelés. Ces contraintes se traduisent
par le recours aux contrats de travail à durée déterminée et des temps partiels encourageant
le recours à plusieurs employeurs.
L’accompagnement de la pratique sportive est une activité à forte composante relationnelle
du fait de la relation directe aux usagers. Cette relation de service modifie l’organisation du
travail et requiert de l’adaptation et de la réactivité de la part des salariés (Gadrey, 2003)
Le secteur associatif a participé à la reconnaissance de la compétence sportive comme
métier et comme compétence professionnelle. Cependant, le contexte actuel de réduction des
financements publics fragilise ces organisations et les emplois existants.
Pour répondre à leurs besoins, le secteur agricole comme le secteur sportif utilisent le
groupement d’employeurs pour mutualiser l’emploi salarié. Cette forme organisationnelle
repose sur une gestion intermédiée spécifique de l’emploi.
Le groupement d’employeurs comme gestion triangulaire de l’emploi
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Le groupement d’employeurs s’appuie sur un système de relations7 différent des autres formes
de gestion directe et intermédiée de l’emploi. En effet, le groupement d’employeurs est
l’employeur unique du salarié, ce dernier occupant un poste chez un ou plusieurs membres du
groupement. En gestion directe, le salarié aurait noué plusieurs relations de travail et d’emploi
avec plusieurs employeurs ; en gestion intermédiaire, les employeurs seraient de simples
clients de l’agence de placement, sans participation à la gouvernance et sans adhésion au projet
du groupement.
Dans le groupement employeurs, quatre relations se nouent : une relation de travail entre le
groupement d’employeurs et le salarié, une relation d’emploi entre le salarié et l’utilisateur,
une relation de service et une relation d’association entre le groupement et les utilisateurs.
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La relation de travail est la notion juridique qui crée des droits et des obligations réciproques
entre le salarié et l’employeur (BIT, 2006). La relation de travail entre le GE et le salarié
constitue la formalisation légale du travail précisant les droits et les garanties liés au contrat
de travail salarié.
La relation d’emploi se noue entre le salarié mis à disposition et l’utilisateur, qui est
« l’employeur d’usage ». Elle détermine les modalités de l’organisation du travail ; autrement
dit la relation d’emploi définit le travail in situ dans une organisation particulière.
La relation de service lie le GE et ses utilisateurs. Le service rendu est celui de la mise
à disposition de personnels compétents et motivés répondant aux besoins spécifiques de
l’activité. Une relation de service suppose que l’utilisateur du GE participe à la coproduction
du service par son implication dans la définition des besoins dans le cadre d’une relation de
long terme (Gadrey, 2003). La relation de service prend une importance croissante du fait de
la tertiarisation des économies développées, mais aussi du fait de la diffusion du « modèle de
service » (Ughetto et al., 2002) dans les secteurs industriels. La satisfaction du « client » est
à l'origine du développement de nouvelles modalités de contrôle, d'organisation du travail ou
d'évaluation des salariés et elle transforme les rapports de production, les rapports d’usage,
et le rapport salarial.
La relation d’association est le socle de l’adhésion des utilisateurs au groupement
d’employeurs et à son projet social. Par cette relation, les utilisateurs sont des membres du
groupement d’employeurs, ils bénéficient du service du groupement tout en participant à la
gouvernance et à la définition des règles. Cette relation implique que les membres sont égaux
selon la règle de gouvernance associative « un membre =une voix », ils sont aussi solidairement
responsables. Comme membre du GE, l’utilisateur a aussi intérêt à la bonne gestion du GE.
La mise en cohérence de ces relations dans un système semble permettre au groupement
d’employeurs d’innover dans la concrétisation d’une forme de flexicurité positive et dans la
réduction des inégalités.
Le besoin de coordination et de coopération pour favoriser la qualité
de l’emploi
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La gestion de la relation de travail par le groupement d’employeurs favorise la flexibilité
entre les membres tout en assurant une consolidation de la relation de travail. En effet, sans
l’intermédiaire du GE, le salarié devrait négocier de façon individuelle et inégale avec chaque
employeur tout en assumant les irrégularités de ses revenus. La relation de travail unique du
groupement d’employeurs permet d’assurer une continuité entre un employeur unique et le
salarié tout en favorisant une stabilité des revenus. De ce fait, le groupement d’employeurs
tend à consolider les revenus et à réduire les inégalités dues à la fragmentation de la relation
de travail entre de multiples employeurs. De plus, le groupement d’employeurs participe à la
formation des salariés, en lien avec les besoins spécifiques de ses membres, en internalisant
celle-ci au sein du groupement.
La relation d’association entre les membres du groupement est aussi adaptée à une
internalisation de la flexicurité. En effet, le groupement d'employeurs comme association
met en oeuvre une gestion non lucrative de l'activité économique au service d'un projet
sociopolitique partagé par les membres. Cette configuration est donc propice à promouvoir
la solidarité dans la gestion des risques sociaux : une solidarité interne entre les membres
pour mutualiser les coûts de main-d’œuvre et une solidarité externe envers les salariés
pour soutenir la pérennité de leurs emplois. Ainsi, le groupement d'employeurs permet-il de
créer des mécanismes de solidarité privée entre ses membres et ses salariés. Le groupement
d'employeurs constitue un espace de solidarisation des risques sociaux.
Pourtant ce système de triangulation du groupement d'employeurs est instable. La mise en
lumière du système de relations montre que la consolidation et la pérennité de l’emploi ne sont
pas directement au cœur du système, celui étant davantage focalisé sur le service aux membres
afin de répondre à leurs besoins de main-d’œuvre. De plus, il existe des tensions liées à la
combinaison de logiques d'actions différentes. Par exemple, les membres arbitrent entre leurs
logiques marchandes liées à leurs activités et la logique de coopération du groupement. Cet
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élément explique en partie les résultats mitigés sur la qualité de l’emploi dans les groupements
d’employeurs. Il semble indispensable de renforcer la concertation, la coordination et la
coopération des membres dans la gouvernance du groupement, au service du projet collectif,
et non au service de l'usage individuel des membres.
Dès lors, il est de la responsabilité des membres du GE de définir et défendre une politique
de l’emploi pérenne ; celle-ci nécessite une coordination importante des membres afin de
combiner les temps de travail, les compétences et les besoins de l’activité comme des
salariés. Cette concertation est plus facile entre des membres ayant des activités économiques
complémentaires plutôt que concurrentes. En effet, l'adhésion au groupement peut s'inscrire
dans une vision très utilitariste en terme de coûts et d’avantages individuels pour le membre,
en particulier quand l'activité est peu spécifique, ou quand les membres sont en situation de
concurrence. Dans ces configurations le groupement d'employeurs est un substitut à l'agence
de placement tel l'intérim.
La mise en place de groupement d'employeurs sur des secteurs différents avec des compétences
transférables semble être une condition de réussite. Certains groupements d’employeurs ont
aussi développé la complémentarité des métiers en regroupant ses secteurs d'activité d'origine
(le sport et les loisirs) et les métiers du tourisme avec pour objectif d’augmenter le temps
d'employabilité, en ouvrant aux salariés la perspective d’effectuer plusieurs métiers et par
conséquent d’élargir les possibilités de reconversion professionnelle. Dès lors, le groupement
d'employeurs se développe quand l'activité requiert du travail qualifié et spécifique avec une
instabilité intrinsèque (saisonnalité).
Le développement d’activités complémentaires implique aussi une plus grande polyvalence
des salariés mis à disposition et une spécialisation des salariés du GE dans des activités
supports (gestion, communication, comptabilité, secrétariat). La continuité de la relation de
travail favorise la confiance entre le GE et le salarié. Les qualités que le salarié développe par
la pratique de la mutualisation de l’emploi (polyvalence, confiance, souplesse et adaptation)
favorisent son employabilité, en particulier pour des postes à faible valeur ajoutée dans une
situation de l’emploi très concurrentielle.
Conclusion
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Les nouvelles configurations du travail déstabilisent le compromis salarial hérité de l'aprèsguerre, qui était fondé sur la stabilité et la protection collective liées au statut de salarié.
Aujourd’hui, le salariat reste la forme de travail la plus utilisée, mais les conditions de son
exercice sont modifiées et modifient les protections qui lui sont attachées. De cet effritement,
il découle des processus de précarisation et de pauvreté des travailleurs, creusant les inégalités.
Dans ce contexte, la recherche de flexibilité pour les entreprises et de sécurité pour les salariés
cristallise les enjeux du dialogue social. La flexicurité est au centre des négociations collectives
et de la refondation du compromis social en particulier en période de chômage structurel élevé
et toujours croissant.
Certains secteurs d'activités, comme le secteur agricole et le secteur du sport et des loisirs,
présentent des besoins de main-d’œuvre spécifiques et légitimes. Plusieurs employeurs tentent
d'articuler leurs besoins et les attentes des salariés par la création de groupement d'employeurs.
Cette forme collective de gestion de l'emploi est de plus en plus usitée. À son échelle, le
groupement d'employeurs permet une internalisation des questions sociales et favorise des
mécanismes de solidarité dans la gestion des risques sociaux. Pourtant, la qualité de l'emploi
dans ces secteurs est parfois discutable.
Ce constat peut s’expliquer du fait des spécificités du système triangulaire de gestion de
l'emploi. Ce système implique l'articulation de relations d’emploi, de travail, de service et
d’association. Or ces relations sont parfois en tension, créant une instabilité dans le système.
Cette instabilité nait d’un manque de coordination entre les parties prenantes qui peut se
traduire par des ajustements en quantité en détriment de la qualité de l’emploi. Dès lors le
groupement d’employeurs favorise la souplesse et l’ajustement de la main d’œuvre en fonction
des besoins des membres, mais la consolidation des emplois et la qualité de ces derniers
peuvent être secondaires. Pour que cette flexicurité soit positive pour l’ensemble des parties
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prenantes, la coordination et la coopération entre les membres du groupement d’employeurs
doivent être renforcées ; la définition et la défense d’un projet sociétal autour de la qualité de
l’emploi doivent être partagées et affirmées par les membres.
Néanmoins, ces difficultés sont aussi le résultat d’une transition, entre les modalités de
gestion de l’emploi de la période fordiste et le modèle en construction qui devrait s’imposer
aujourd’hui dans les entreprises. Le changement dans les représentations et les pratiques est
long nécessitant le recours à des régulations sociales. Or ces dernières ne sont pas fondées sur
le prix, mais sur des règles que les acteurs, d’abord privés, construisent (Reynaud, 1989). Dans
cette transition, le groupement d’employeurs peut être un support pour amorcer une flexicurité
pragmatique positive.
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Notes
1 Le rapport salarial fait partie des cinq formes institutionnelles d’un régime d’accumulation développé
par la théorie de la Régulation (Boyer, 1980)
2 CUMA : Coopérative d’utilisation de matériel agricole
3 L’étude en question met en garde sur l’interprétation des résultats car une part importante de structures
n’a pas répondu au questionnaire et les données sur les salariés sont peu renseignées et peuvent parfois
présenter des incohérences.
4 Nous remercions ces acteurs pour leur disponibilité et leur collaboration.
5 L’emploi sportif est à la fois lié aux pratiques professionnelles directement liées au sport mobilisant
principalement une compétence sportive (joueur professionnel, conseiller technique, entraîneur,
animateur, etc.) et les professions en relation avec le sport dont la compétence sportive n’est pas centrale
(Camy et LeRoux, 2002).
6 L’unité de travail annuel (UTA) permet de cumuler les différents temps de travail. Cette unité
correspond à l’équivalent du temps de travail d’une personne à temps complet pendant un an.
7 Une analyse systémique a aussi été étudiée dans le cas des associations d’aide à domicile (Puissant,
2010).
Pour citer cet article
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Le groupement d’employeurs : une réponse à la recherche de flexibilité et de sécurité dan (...)
Amélie Artis, « Le groupement d’employeurs : une réponse à la recherche de flexibilité et de sécurité
dans la gestion de l’emploi », Revue Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le
13 février 2013, consulté le 24 avril 2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1982
À propos de l'auteur
Amélie Artis
ESEAC – Sciences Po Grenoble amelie.artis@sciencespo-grenoble.fr
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Résumés
Cet article vise à interroger la capacité des formes de mutualisation de l'emploi comme le
groupement d'employeurs face aux défis des transformations du monde de travail et des
inégalités. Il s'appuie sur l'analyse des groupements d'employeurs dans le secteur agricole et du
sport et des loisirs en France. Cet article met en lumière la spécificité de la gestion triangulaire
associative du groupement d'employeurs tout en soulignant les avantages et les limites de ce
système face aux enjeux actuels de flexicurité.
The article aims at examining the ability of the pools of employers facing labor market
modifications. It is based on an analysis of pools of employers in the agricultural and sport
sector in France. This article highlights the specificities of the associative's management of the
poll of employers and discusses the benefits and the limitations of this system in the current
context of flexicurity.
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : emploi, groupements d'employeurs, innovation sociale, mutualisation
Keywords : employment, pools of employers, social innovation
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Inmaculada Cebrián et Gloria Moreno
Labour Market Intermittency and its
Effect on Gender Wage Gap in Spain
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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Inmaculada Cebrián et Gloria Moreno, « Labour Market Intermittency and its Effect on Gender Wage Gap in Spain »,
Revue Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 18 avril 2015.
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Labour Market Intermittency and its Effect on Gender Wage Gap in Spain
Inmaculada Cebrián et Gloria Moreno
Labour Market Intermittency and its Effect
on Gender Wage Gap in Spain
Introduction
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During the last decades the role of women in the labour market has been the main issue in
numerous studies and analysis from different perspectives1. Many of these studies are focused
on the decisions of labour participation and their consequences on employment and future
income. In particular, one of the most analyzed issues regarding labor inequality by gender is
wage differentials, not only in Spain but also in many other countries.
Generally, wages or average incomes of employed women are lower than those of men and
the distribution of occupations is unfavorable to women in a double sense. On the one hand,
women are concentrated in a relatively small number of occupations and, on the other hand,
their participation in the better-paid jobs is much lower than that of men. However, when
comparing the earnings of those who are employed in the same occupation the gender gap still
remains as it has became evident in numerous studies, like the global analysis in the World
Economic Forum Report (2012); from a theoretical perspective in Maruani, Rogerat and Tonrs
(2000) and empirical analysis for the case of the US in Blau and Kahn (2000).
One explanation is that, in general, women have less experience in employment than men.
Many times it is argued that one of the reasons why women earn less is because they work
intermittently, especially during the early years of their career as it is pointed out in Sutter
and Miller (1973), Stratton (1995), Jacobsen and Levin (1995) or Baum (2002). Between the
ages of 20 and 40, most men work full-time continuously, while many women are forced to
leave employment or to reduce their working hours to be able to combine their working career
with family life, especially with the care of their children2. This is why women accumulate
less work experience than men and therefore they have fewer opportunities to promote to
better paid jobs. According with the World Bank Report (2012) the gender differences in work
experience are still quite prominent, suggesting that they arise mainly during the childbearing
years. Because work experience is a valuable input into production, gender differences in this
dimension contribute to differences in productivity and earnings.
Broadly speaking, empirical works on wage differentials by gender recognize the importance
of labor trajectories on wages but in many cases it is difficult to find a suitable indicator to
measure it. For this reason papers come to very different conclusions about the duration of
periods out of employment and the magnitude of their effect on wages. Some authors find that
the influence of an interruption of employment on subsequent wages is greater the first five
years after the return to employment (Mincer and Ofek 1982). Others conclude that penalty is
maintained also in the longer-term, even after twenty years (Jacobsen and Levin, 1995). Some
studies reveal that women who work discontinuously have wages quite below of those who
work continuously (Sorenson 1993). The difference between these results is determined by
the method used to classify a worker as intermittent. In some studies a worker with a single
episode out of employment is classified as intermittent worker; in others the proportion of time
outside the labour market is taken into account and in others the total time out of employment.
However, it seems reasonable to think that employers take into account various aspects of the
previous career of their future employees. In particular, there are three important elements:
on the one hand the number of times that a person has abandoned a job, on the other hand,
time out of the labour market and, finally, how much time has elapsed since the last episode
of interruption. Taking all these factors into account, it seems advisable to use some synthetic
indicator to measure the importance of periods out of employment,as Hotchkiss and Pitts
(2005) propose, by estimating an index of labour interruptions.
Our main objective is to point out the gender differences in labour market interruptions with
reference to its role on the explanation of gender wage differences in Spain. This issue is
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Labour Market Intermittency and its Effect on Gender Wage Gap in Spain
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extremely interesting due to many circumstances. On the one hand, in Spain the gender wage
gap has been analyzee in many studies, using different methodologies and data sources, but
the employment trajectories are only measured using variables of potential employment or
experience on the current job (De la Rica and Ugidos 1995, Moreno et al 1995, Gardeazábal
and Ugidos 2004, Simon et al 2008, De la Rica et al 2008). On the other hand, Spain has
traditionally had one of the lowest female employment rates in the European Union as well
as it has one of the highest gender wage gap (see, for example, European Commission 2009).
Although this scenario is changing, Spain still has a higher incidence of the traditional male
breadwinner model. Family formation and motherhood are still associated with a sharp decline
in women’s employment rates despite rising participation rates as younger cohorts of women
move through their working lives. There are few institutional provisions to enable women
to combine employment with motherhood, as is showed by Escobedo and Meil (2012) the
relatively low public provision of childcare facilities for young pre-school children, the low
income replacement rate and the weakness of subsequent employment guarantees for parental
leave systems, still endorse the notion of the ‘housewife’ system of childcare and the ‘male
breadwinner’ system of family provisioning. Working-time rigidities and in particular the low
availability of part-time jobs, still constitute a barrier to women’s labour market integration
and so encourages a traditional gender division of labour, (Anxo et al, 2007, Salido 2011).
In Spain there is a source of data that provides information on labour trajectories of individuals
included in its sample since 2004. It is The Muestra Continua de Vidas Laborales or
Continuous Sample of Working Life (hereinafter the CSWL). The CSWL contains information
on all the employment episodes registered in the Social Security, so it is possible to know the
duration of employment and absence of employment periods for each individual. This allows
to reproduce the indicator proposed by Hotchkiss and Pitts (2005) to measure the importance
that interruptions in the labour career have had and to estimate whether there is any relationship
between them and current wages. To this purpose, the paper is organized as follows. Section 2
provides an overview of the evolution of the situation of women in the Spanish labour market
in recent years. Section 3 shows relevant differences in this indicator by gender and age in
Spain. In section 4 some wage equations are estimated in order to assess which variables
have influence on wages and the weight of the trajectories in the explanation of the current
wage. The last section summarizes the most important findings and some conclusions from
the analysis are finally presented.
Women’s Situation and Recent Evolution in the Spanish
Labour Market
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10
The Spanish female labour force participation rate is among the lowest of all OECD countries
although participation has been steadily growing during the past decades. However, this
increase has not been accompanied by the necessary changes to achieve equality between men
and women (Cebrián and Moreno, 2008).
During the last economic expansion, more than half of all jobs created have been filled
by women. There are several factors that explain the increased presence of women in the
workforce. One is the growing importance of the services sector; the jobs created here make
it easier to combine work and family as it is pointed in Blau and Juhn (2000) and in Hakim
(2004), and for the Spanish case in Iglesias, Llorente and Dueñas, (2009)
Another factor is the increase of the educational level of women; they are making great
progress in gaining access to education and the trend is for more women to become
economically active (Albert, 2008).
Despite the persistence of numerous obstacles, the presence of women in the labour market has
increased significantly. Figure 1 presents the evolution of the three main population groups of
the labour market in absolute numbers: actives, employed and unemployed men and women
with data from the Spanish Labour Force Survey (EPA). This shows how this evolution has
taken place and their current situation in the Spanish labour market. It is interesting to point
out that not only in terms of activity rate, as it is usually explained, but also in absolute figures,
the presence of women has increased remarkably, especially if we compare them with men.
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Labour Market Intermittency and its Effect on Gender Wage Gap in Spain
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This Figure shows the evolution of the active and employed population, in absolute numbers,
by gender from 1976 until the third quarter of 2012. The unemployed population is deducted
from the difference between the two series and the color bars stand out unemployment rate
levels of male and female in some key periods.
Although it can be said that the presence in labour market of men and women have been
reduced, some differentiating elements can still be found. At least five stages in the Spanish
labour market can be identified from 1976 to the present day. Firstly, between 1976 and 1985
the great crisis of employment took place caused by the world economic crisis. The crisis
was worse in Spain due to the Francoist protectionist economy and the serious technological
and competitive problems of the Spanish production system. In addition, since the beginning
of the 1980s, the active population began to grow as those born during the 1960s babyboom entered the labour market and the rate of infant mortality was reduced. Figure 1 shows
the growth of active population, both male and female, but with greater growth rate among
female active population. During this stage employment decreased dramatically and the female
unemployment rate was 1 out of 4 women in the labour market, while the male rate was 1
out of 5.
From 1985 to 1991, it was a period of recovery through which employment rose at a rate
unprecedented in the Spanish economy. Several factors contributed to that employment
expansion: the global recovery, the Spanish access to the European Community in 1986,
productive settings from the previous stage, but above all, the reform of the Statute of Workers
in 1984 which allowed fixed term labour contracts without cause to justify them.
However, in Figure 1 can be seen that, despite job creation, the growth of the female active
population only reduced the female unemployment rate to 23.5 per cent at the end of the
expansive period. On the contrary, the male active population grew more slowly, they were
better off with the job creation and male unemployment rate was reduced to 11.8 per cent.
From 1991 to 1994 the Spanish labour market suffered the effects of the economic crisis.
In addition to the negative effects of the international economic crisis, there were internal
problems of the Spanish economy, like the increase in wages and the loss of purchasing
power of the national currency (peseta), which significantly reduced the competitiveness of
the Spanish productive system.
Thus, the destruction of employment was more intense than during the previous crisis.
Although female's employment loss was less than male’s, the female active population rise
and the female unemployment rate reached to 31.4 per cent in 1994, which means that 1 each
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18
19
3 active women was unemployed. While male unemployment rate was 10 points lower than
female, despite the loss of male employment was greater than female.
The next stage includes the last expansion of the Spanish economy between 1994 and 2007.
The level of employment increased by 67 per cent, 8.3 million jobs were created and 4.3
million were held by women. But this increase was not enough to reduce the levels of female
unemployment and during the second quarter of 2007, the female unemployment rate was still
10.5 per cent, while male rate was 6.1 percent.
The current economic crisis is having a profound impact from a gender perspective on the
traditional Spanish labour market model, as women are currently assuming a more active role
in comparison to their male counterparts. The traditional socioeconomic model in the country
is being undermined, with changing economic activity rates, female employment proving to
be less vulnerable to the crisis and higher unemployment growth among men. The Spanish
male activity rate experienced for the first time in the last 10 years a small decrease in 2009,
from 69.5 per cent per cent in 2008 to 68.6 per cent per cent in 2009. In contrast, the female
activity rate increased from 50.5 per cent to 51.6 per cent in the same time period (Spanish
Labour Force Survey, EPA, National Institute of Statistics). Furthermore, the Spanish female
activity rate is slightly higher than the average level in the European Union for the first time
in the last 10 years. Meanwhile, the total number of Spanish male active workers decreased
by 0.7 per cent in 2009 in comparison to 2008 (from 13.03 million in 2008 to 12.94 million in
2009), whereas the number for women increased by 2.9 per cent (from 9.82 million in 2008 to
10.09 million in 2009). This trend reflects the more proactive role of Spanish women in terms
of employment opportunities. During the economic crisis, female employment has shown a
lower level of vulnerability than male employment.
This change in female participation is even more evident if the activity rates are examined
by age groups; last figures from the EPA (2012, third quarter) show that the activity rate for
women between 25 and 29 years is 84 per cent and between 30 and 34 is 85 per cent, when
seven years ago these rates were 79 and 74 per cent respectively.
However, nowadays the labour trajectories by gender are still different. It is possible that
women who today are young and have higher rates of activity will remain more stable in
employment than women of previous generations. If interruptions in employment are a source
of wage inequality, the stability could be a source of equality. The aim of this paper is to
analyze the impact of labour interruptions on gender wage gap in Spain.
Labour Trajectories, Differences by Gender. The Spanish
Case
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22
It seems reasonable to think that employers will take into account various aspects of the
previous professional career of a future employee. In particular, there are three important
elements: first, the number of times that employment has been interrupted, second, how long
has been these periods and finally, how much time has passed since the last episode of
abandonment. That is what Hotchkiss y Pitts (2005) do by proposing and estimating an index
to measure intermittency. We use this index as an instrument with the aim of measuring the
importance of drop-outs of the employment in the explanation of gender wage gap in Spain.
This index is an appropriate measure to weight the interruptions in employment trajectories
and it reflects the total time outside employment during working life observed, how many
spells of interruption are and how long ago was the last interruption. These three components
are related and analyzed together could be a good indicator of the role of interruptions of
employment during the life cycle. In particular, it allows observing the differences between
male and female careers and it is an appropriate measure of the valuation that will make the
employer in deciding what wage will pay to his employee.
The index calculated is:
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where:
Ii the index estimated for each individual
Ni number of spells of interruptions/number of total spells observed (employment + interruptions)
Ti total amount of time since first recorded employment
Ljilength of spell of absence j for the person i
wi proportion of employment time accumulated since the last spell of interruption
24
25
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The index ranges between 0 and 1, and a greater value indicates a greater weight for
interruptions in that trajectory. The index increases with the number of spells of interruptions
and the index decreases with total time in employment or with time in employment since the
last interruption.
The Muestra Continua de Vidas Laborales or Continuous Sample of Working Life Histories
(CSWL) is carried out by The Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs. It contains longitudinal
information about a representative sample of individuals registered with Social Security
administration3 at any time in the reference year, from 2004 to 20104. This database provides
annual information on more than one million people who have had some kind of relationship
with Social Security administration5 every reference year, and it comes from a 4 per cent nonstratified random sample of all people in the Social Security system in each year6. Information
from the computerized records of the Spanish Social Security is linked with the Continuous
Municipal Register and with tax data from the annual tax declaration of employers to the
National Revenue Agency. The tax module provides the total amount paid by employers to
their employees, including total salary payments and any other type of compensations in cash
or in kind. There are many very interesting aspects available in the data about worker and
employer characteristics, work turnover, wages, pensions, unemployment benefits, etc.
Longitudinal information in the CSWL is very useful to the aim of our work because it
makes possible to know for any person in the sample, how many times and how long she has
been employed and out of employment and, therefore, to attribute a value of the intermittent
employment index to each person (Moreno and Cebrián, 2009). We can calculate the weight
of the spells of interruption over the labor trajectories and to analyze the index proposed from
2005 until 2010. We select all individuals with at least one episode of employment registered
in the Social security system during the period of reference 2005--2010. We use retrospective
information to rebuild her past employment history and to define periods of no employment.
For each individual it is selected the last episode of full employment that is recorded in the
period. Part time is not considered because there is a significant variability in working hours
associated to this type of employment and in the CSWL data about working hours is not
available7.
The final sample is 468.204 people between 20 and 64 years old, the youngest people have
joined the labour market recently and they have not had time yet to have interruptions and older
people could have spells of interruptions associated with retirement. The data base includes
information about employees, their personal characteristics and their job characteristics, this
from the last episode of employment. As well as information about his professional career
since his first employment was recorded.
Employment interruptions can be defined in different ways and it is necessary to delimit how
we define them for this paper. With the CSWL it is possible to know for each individual
not only the number of spells out of employment, but also the time spent out of employment
without social security contributions. Given that the aim of this paper is to measure the possible
depreciation in human capital due to interruptions of employment, it seems appropriate to
include only periods of long interruptions, a year or more. Interruptions of employment by
less time may be related to frictional unemployment (the time between leaving a job and deal
with the following) and the high turnover rate of the Spanish labour market due to the high
temporality rate.. In fact, the average number of interruptions, considering as such any period
between employment and employment regardless of its duration, is by mean 11.7, while the
average number of long drop-outs is 1.3. Table 1 shows the average number of episodes of
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Labour Market Intermittency and its Effect on Gender Wage Gap in Spain
"short" and "long" interruptions, by gender and by age groups. There are just few differences
by gender, observed interruptions increase with age as it would be expect and there are more
differences by gender in ages associated with maternity.
29
As a prelude to the analysis of the index we present three graphics containing the components
included in the development of the indicator. First, Figure 2 shows the number of episodes of
interruption on the number of total episodes observed for an individual (employment plus non
employment). They are average values by age and sex. The weight of the spells of interruption
is greater for women in all age groups, except in the very young where are similar. The
differences are greater in the middle ages, which means that female labour trajectories are
more often interrupted than male.
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Figure 3 summarizes two of the components of the index, on the one hand the time that
one individual has been out of employment and, on the other hand, the seniority in the
labour market. The available information allows knowing the date of the first relation with
employment registered in the Social Security system for each individual. Then with this
variable and the date of the last episode of employment observed it is possible to calculate
how long each person has been in the labour market. In the case of the younger, up to 40
years, there is no significant difference in seniority, measured as the number of days in the
Social Security system, but differences increase with age. This indicates that the work pattern
of younger women is similar to that of men, at least in the sense that women enter the labour
market at the same time as men of their age cohort and during the first years they have similar
behavior.
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32
33
The other variable that is included in Figure 3 is the sum of the lengths of all the episodes of
non employment that an individual has had from his/her incorporation to the Social Security
system until the final episode of employment observed. Here the differences by gender are
notable. Practically in all age groups women have more days of non employment than men
and differences increase for ages higher than 40.
The proportion of time in employment since the last spell of interruption observed on the
total time that the persons have been employed in their working lives is also introduced in the
calculation of the index. Figure 4 shows that the proportion is slightly higher for females until
30 years old and above that age is higher for males. This could be because the work behavior
of both genders is very similar until age 30-34 and from here there are differences that reveal
the lower female linked to the labour market related to the age of motherhood. The number
of children is a determinant of female labour participation. Many studies, like Klerman and
Leibowitz (1994), Del Boca and Vuri (2007), Emery and Ferrer (2009) or Euwals and others
(2011), show that mothers have less probability of working than women without children.
Finally, Figure 5 shows interruptions index calculated for men and women and by age groups.
The differences are important almost from the beginning, although they increase with age,
reaching its maximum value between 40 and 50 years and subsequently decreasing.
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The analysis of the various aspects of the interruptions of employment shows that the
differences between men and women appear mainly in the sum of the duration of these periods
of absence of employment. The number of dropouts is similar for men and women, and also the
seniority in the social security system. This is what explains that the index take values higher
for women in the middle ages and what justifies the interest of using an aggregate indicator
containing all aspects that an employer can consider in assessing past labour trajectories of
his employees.
Estimation of Gender Wages Differentials and their Relation
with Labour Market Intermittency
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In this section, several wages equations are estimated to identify whether labour market
intermittency affect negatively wages as well as if this penalty is a source of the lower wages
observed for women, as women have a higher level of intermittency along their life cycle than
men, as it has been explained before.
In the first place, gross differences between men and women in their last job observed show
that there is a wage gap by gender of about 14 percent. This gap points out that female wages
are in general 14 per cent lower than male wages on an annual point of view. On the other
hand, when time spent in employment is taken into account, female duration in employment
is lower than for men, although only 1.5 percent. The CSWL does not show the number of
hours of work, but we can have the number of days worked in a certain job during a year, so
it is possible to calculate wages per day.
However there are many other variables which can be influencing salaries. These gross wage
differentials can be the result of several explanatory factors as well as some type of wage
discrimination practices. Wage discrimination exists only when the woman receives a lower
salary than a man for an equal work, being equally effective and productive, with similar levels
of qualification and the same experience. Nevertheless, as has been shown in previous sections,
women are at a certain disadvantage in the labor market and show greater intermittency levels.
All these factors can explain part of the gross wage differentials observed.
Consequently, we estimate wage equations in which the dependent variable is the wage per
day of work in the last year of observation. The explanatory variables are a vector of personal
characteristics (gender, age, nationality, number of children in household, type of municipality,
time since first contact with employment in Social Security is a proxy for work experience,
and intermittency index), job specific characteristics (professional category, as a proxy for
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39
40
41
42
43
44
45
occupation, and the type of contract) and some aspects related with the firm (region, size,
sector of economic activity and type of employer).
We estimate three wage equations. The first one includes gender as explanatory variable to
determine the possible net gender gap, and the two other estimations analyze separately males
and females daily wages.
These are the three wage equations:
w is the logarithm of daily wage, X are the regressors and β is the estimated coefficient related
to the market price for all these characteristics. f and m indicate females and males specific
equations and characteristics.
Taking into account that our most important concern addresses in this paper is to assess the
incidence of intermittency on wages, the results from the estimations related to gender and the
intermittency index are presented in Table 2.
The sample size is of 468.204 employees with a full time job. In our sample there are not
residents in Navarre and Basque Country because they have a different tax regime and their
salaries are not included in the fiscal version of the CSWL. Almost all the variables included
are significant as it is presented in Table in the annex, for space reasons, we will not discuss
the results for each variable in detail.
First of all, we have to point out that after controlling for all the explanatory variables, there
still exists a wage gap against women and all the coefficients have the expected sign.
Secondly, the intermittency index coefficients present a negative effect of interruptions on
wages, that is, the higher the index, a more intense drop in wages and therefore lower earnings.
The sign and the value of the coefficient is almost equal for men and women, indicating that
labor disruptions penalize equally both genders, although there is a slightly greater penalty for
women. Then if this variable had some weight in explaining the wage gap, it would have to
be attributed to the different paths of labor disruptions experienced by men and women and
not for being penalized in different ways both groups.
Conclusions
46
47
Labour market in Spain shows important differences between men and women, not only related
to type of jobs, but also on wages, after controlling for labour and demand factors. However,
there is an aspect never analyzed before in Spain that is how intermittency in labour life affects
those differences.
The main contribution of this paper is to introduce as a explanatory variable in wage equations
a measure of the weight of previous labour trajectories and different breaks that individuals
have throughout their active life in the analysis in order to understand the wage differentials
between men and women in Spain. Interruptions that are taken into account in this analysis
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49
50
are those which mean to be out of employment for a period of one year or more, regardless
that these interruptions or drop-outs are voluntary or not.
An index of interruptions has been estimated. This index collects various relevant aspects
like the number of times that the individual has been out of employment, the duration of
these episodes and the time elapsed since the last spell of interruption. The results of this
analysis show that women have a higher index than men, especially in the middle ages which
correspond to the periods of maternity when women can decide to quit the labour market for
ever or only for a period. The differences are mainly found in the average duration of these
breaks, which are greater for women.
Interruptions of employment have a negative impact on wages, both for men and women, as
can be seen from the coefficients obtained for this variable in the estimates of wages, which
is slightly higher for women. Thus it demonstrates that wages in Spain are affected by job
instability and trajectories in the labour market as it is also shown by Hotchkiss and Pitts (2007)
for the US. The index of interruptions and its results are a complement for the analysis on
wage differences, covering the various aspects of the interruptions.
The finding of the negative effects on wage income of discontinuous labor trajectories leads
to insist on the need to promote the permanence in employment or aim to reduce periods
out of employment, especially for women. In this sense, any measure which will enhance
the reconciliation of family and work life, including better maternity/parental leave and job
security during the leave, could contribute to improve incomes and reduce the gender wage
gap. However, the Spanish labour market is experiencing a silent but important qualitative
change in the last two years as a consequence of the current economic crisis, characterized by
an increasing presence of women in the labour market and a decreasing presence of men. The
situation may also have negative consequences since more women might also be involved in
household related work as it is not clear that most of their male counterparts are assuming a
more active role in household activities.
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Notes
1 For example, in 1986 Killingsworth and Heckman presented a survey of female labour supply from a
theoretical perspective. Rubery, Smith and Fagan in 1999 analyzed female employment in Europe and
ILO in 2009 introduced global analysis of female employment. In Spain there are also many studies, the
most interesting from an economic point of view are Bover and Arellano (1995), Alba (2000) or Cebrian
and Moreno (2008).
2 This is so because institutional maternity arrangements are insufficient, for example in Spain maternity
leave length is only sixteen weeks, funding hundred per cent of earnings. Parental leave is up to three
years after childbirth without payment or funding. During the first year, return to the same job position
is protected; after the first year, job protection is restricted to a job of the same category.
3 This is possible because an individual in the sample who remains registered in following years, stays
in the sample. Moreover, information about her past registered history is also available.
4 However, we only use data from 2005 because labour market information in more accurate since then.
5 Employees, self-employed workers unemployment benefits recipients and pension earners.
6 The sample is restored every wave to remain representative of the population.
7 Although there are no hours of work, there is a coefficient to measure working time. However results
obtained in several analyses previously done, recommended not to use, as far as there is no information
about the total amount of hours of work in the full time job of reference. This also explains why our
analysis is only based in full time episodes, mainly when we want to compare men and women.
Pour citer cet article
Référence électronique
Inmaculada Cebrián et Gloria Moreno, « Labour Market Intermittency and its Effect on Gender Wage
Gap in Spain », Revue Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février
2013, consulté le 18 avril 2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1950
À propos des auteurs
Inmaculada Cebrián
Universidad de Alcalá, Madrid, Spain.
Gloria Moreno
Universidad de Alcalá, Madrid, Spain.
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
18
Labour Market Intermittency and its Effect on Gender Wage Gap in Spain
Résumés
Cet article analyse les différences de genre dans les épisodes d´abandon de l´emploi salarié
dans les itinéraires de travail des individus, ainsi que leur répercussion sur les salaires perçus
dans le dernier emploi. L´analyse est fondée sur les données de la Muestra Continua de Vidas
Laborales, des années 2005 à 2010. Cette base de données permet de construire un indicateur
composé des aspects les plus importants touchant les interruptions de travail. Cet indicateur
est utilisé pour décrire la relation entre les itinéraires ou trajectoires de travail et la situation
sur le marché du travail des hommes et des femmes, ainsi que pour mesurer son influence sur
le salaire. Les résultats obtenus montrent que les interruptions dans l´emploi ont un impact
négatif et significatif sur les revenus salariaux et expliquent en partie les différences observées
entre les hommes et les femmes.
The current economic crisis is having a profound impact from a gender perspective on the
traditional Spanish labour market model, as women are currently assuming a more active
role in comparison to their male counterparts. Nevertheless important gender differences still
remain, especially in wages. The objective of this paper is to analyze how gender differences
in labour market interruptions explain gender wage gap in Spain. We use the information from
the Muestra Continua de Vidas Laborales (CSWL), from years 2005 to 2010. With this source
of data it is possible to define an index to control for the whole information from any type of
employment interruption. This index is used to describe the relationship between trajectories
and situation in labour market, and also to assess their influence on earnings. Our main findings
show that interruptions of employment have a negative impact on wages and they explain part
of the observed differences in gender wage gap.
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : écart de rémunération entre les sexes, index de l'intermittence,
interruptions, trajectoires d’emploi
Keywords : gender wage differentials, index of intermittency, interruptions, labour
market trajectories
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
19
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Egidio Riva et Laura Zanfrini
The Labor Market Condition of
Immigrants in Italy: The case of
Lombardy
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
Egidio Riva et Laura Zanfrini
The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants
in Italy: The case of Lombardy
Introduction: The Italian Migratory Context
1
2
3
Over the past few decades Italy has experienced a steep growth in immigration inflows, rapidly
turning into a net immigration country. According to national statistics, in 2011 foreignnational regular residents numbered 4.57 million and stood at 7.5% of the total population,
which is more than three times the 2001 figures (Istat 2012). In addition, estimates show that
there are almost 900 thousand as yet unregistered or undocumented immigrants, so that the
total number of foreign-nationals is 5.4 million, 95% of whom come from less developed or
developing countries (Fondazione Ismu 2011). Recent data reveal that in Italy, like everywhere
else in Europe, inflows have become highly differentiated, with more arrivals from Eastern
Europe (mainly Romania), South Asia and South America (OECD 2011a). They are still
largely driven by labor migration, but entries for family reasons have been growing rapidly.
The demand for immigrant workers, even though declining, has remained high, even during
the recent economic crisis: immigrant labor is cheap and tends to be concentrated on specific
jobs and sectors where there is low competition with locals and where the current economic
downturn has not brought about a steep decrease in demand for low-skilled labor. This is
particularly true in Lombardy, the region which has received the largest number of immigrants
so far and now hosts about a quarter of the foreign population resident in the country.
Immigrant labor has been a structural component of the Italian labor market since the second
half of the 1990s. Italy has turned to migration to satisfy its labor needs against concerns
about the impact of ageing population and, above all, in light of growing shortages of lowskilled labor in some sectors such as manufacturing, cleaning, hotels, social and domestic
services, health and long-term care. Households and small and medium enterprises have
actually struggled to meet increasing demand for some jobs with poor working conditions and
such a mismatch has sustained the idea that immigrants would ultimately always be available
for jobs that the locals refused to do. The argument that immigrants are complementary to
local workers, rather than substitutes, as they do jobs that locals reject, has been central to the
political, as well as academic debate (for a review see: Zanfrini 2004a), since the beginning
of the Italian migratory transition, which dates back to the 1970s. In this respect, scholars
stressed the relative “autonomy” of the domestic labor supply, that is to say its propensity to
select and choose among the available job opportunities. Women, in particular, proved to be
unavailable to work in domestic services. The young, especially if skilled, have increasingly
refused manual work and/or jobs with low prestige (Reyneri 1996). As a result of these trends,
which paved the way for the recruitment of immigrant labor, the Italian labor market has
undergone a massive process of ethnicization in specific occupations and sectors. This is the
other side of the complementarity between locals and immigrant workers.
The “complementarity paradigm”, which soon became an indisputable axiom (Zanfrini 2009),
has apparently produced a positive balance. Yet, it has several implications, given the current
labor migration policy framework. In fact, the Italian integration model seems to exacerbate
what may be called the “unresolved paradox of European history” (Zanfrini 2010b). It is the
paradox of a population of “guest workers” (admitted with a temporary permit conditional on
employment) then upgraded to the rank of denizens (entitled with a rich set of rights), without a
significant shift in the predominant expectations towards immigration (Standing 2011). These
expectations – which can be summarized by the statement “whoever has a job may enter the
country; more precisely, a job that we do not want to do” – generate an unsolvable contradiction
with the principle of “equal opportunities” affirmed by the European Union as the main route
for the construction of a cohesive society and a competitive economy. Hence, it is noteworthy
to review the framework legislation.
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
4
5
6
7
The first regulations explicitly aimed at managing the entry and stay of extra-UE immigrants
into the domestic labor market, on the basis of the principles of equal treatment and equal
access to rights with nationals, date back to the 1980s. It was only in 1998, though, with the
approval of Law no. 40 – the so-called “Legge Napolitano-Turco” – that Italy introduced
general and unitary legislation to regulate immigration. The law included specific provisions
on labor migration and established a quota for annual admissions of non-EU citizens to be
issued by the government in cooperation with the local authorities. The system of quotas for
labor migrations fixed numerical limits and set a sort of shortage list for the sectors where
labor demand was considered to be relevant. Yet it did not indicate any skill requirement.
Subsequently, because of prevailing labor needs, it has been largely a recruitment channel
for low-skilled workers. Law no. 40 was fully enacted for the first time only in 2000, in a
context of growing concern for the role played by immigrant workers in the domestic labor
market. Two years later, in 2002, it was reformed by Law no. 189 – also known as “Legge
Bossi-Fini”. This legislation aimed at reducing controlled migration inflows and reinforcing
measures to combat illegal entry and employment of immigrants. Entries, as well as renewal
of residence permits, became conditional on having a job, a job for which, as provisions stated,
the unavailability of either local workers or migrants already resident in the country has been
previously ascertained.
Despite the common perception, the new policy framework did not manage to restrict inflows
and labor migration. In recent years, up to the beginning of the international crisis, the quota
system authorized a considerable number of both seasonal and non-seasonal immigrant nonEU workers (OECD 2009). New entries to the labor market remained consistent, too. As a
matter of fact, the immigrant labor force increased significantly. On one hand, large-scale free
movement migration, mainly work-related, have developed over the last ten years following
EU enlargement. On the other hand, most entries under family reunion eventually entered the
labor force. In any case, empirical evidence shows that annual quotas are usually employed
to regularize illegal/undocumented immigrants already living in Italy. The provisions make it
quite hard for an eligible candidate worker to apply from abroad, as well as for an employer to
legally recruit a non-EU worker living abroad. In this way, the quota system is the functional
equivalent of amnesties and regularization initiatives which governments have periodically
launched (Zanfrini 2008).
On the whole, the national policy framework, in the way it has been implemented, may be
considered an attempt to regulate inflows ex-post, i.e. without any planning, on the basis of the
above mentioned complementarity axiom. Policy seems just to take note of the situation. Labor
migration is indeed supply-driven. Under the current system, immigrants tend to formulate,
on their own, strategies in order to be employed by private companies and household, improve
their human capital, become self-employed and so on. Otherwise, they have to rely on ethnic
networks and that explains why workers from different origins tend to concentrate in certain
occupations and sectors. In this regard, empirical findings show that this combined strategy,
which draws on individual and ethnic resources, may lead immigrants to overcome obstacles
and eventually to integrate into the labor market, but mainly in its secondary sector (Zanfrini
2010a).
In the light of such migratory context, the purpose of this article is to move towards a better
understanding of the labor market outcomes of immigrants in Italy, specifically in Lombardy.
We intend to contribute to the existing literature in two ways. First, we provide an overview
of the labor market condition of immigrants at regional level, so widening the research
perspective. Immigrants tend to be quite responsive to local differences in the opportunity
structure (for the Italian case, Zanfrini 2004a), thus calling for new analytical models able to
disclose the peculiarity of local labor markets. Second, unlike most of the literature, we do
not take local workers as our point of reference, but rather study the differences according
to nationality/country of origin and thus identify significant ethnic variations in the patterns
of economic incorporation. The structure of the article is as follows. Section I proposes a
brief overview of the most prominent literature and sets the theoretical framework for the
analysis. Section II reviews data and methods. Section III examines the labor market condition
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
of immigrants and its main predictors. The article ends with a summary and some concluding
remarks.
The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants: Theoretical and
Empirical Literature
8
9
10
11
Participation in the labor market, specifically employment, is one of the most important
factors for the successful integration of immigrants. As such, it has been widely recognized
on the international political agenda and established in both the legal and policy framework of
international institutions. To date, in many developed countries, the labor market performance
of immigrants is still noticeably poorer than that of native-born workers. In “old” receiving
countries, immigrants have lower activity and employment rates, and they are more exposed
to unemployment. Besides, also in “new” receiving south-European countries – where they
record positive differentials in activity and employment rates relative to those of locals –
immigrants experience lower levels of job security, earn lower wages and tend to be strongly
concentrated in seasonal industries (agriculture, hotels and restaurants, construction sector,
etc.) or in the private household sector, or in low-skilled, low-paid elementary occupations for
which they are often overqualified (European Commission 2008; OECD 2012; Zimmermann
2005; for the Italian case, Zanfrini 2011).
In migration literature, immigrants’ labor market attainment has been interpreted through a
broad range of potential explanations. Many influential studies highlighted the relevance of
individual characteristics and resources in affecting immigrant economic outcomes and their
evolution over time and generations. Others explored the impact that the institutional context
may have on immigrant integration and the embeddedness of immigrant opportunities and
resources (for a theoretical as well as empirical overview see: Borjas 1999a; Portes 1995; Reitz
2002; Waldinger, Aldrich, and Ward 1990). Let us briefly review the main approaches more
in detail.
Human capital theory, originally formulated by neoclassical economists (Becker 1962),
understands differentials in employment outcomes on the basis of individual abilities
and qualifications, among them, educational achievement, professional skills, language
proficiency, but also specific knowledge and awareness of the host society and the functioning
of its labor market. Accordingly, because of low transnational transferability of the skills and
capabilities acquired in the country of origin, immigrants suffer a structural disadvantage in the
early stage of their migration. Nonetheless, as time passes, they are expected to improve their
labor market condition through the enhancement of their human capital, and eventually achieve
similar outcomes compared to those of their native-born counterparts (Adsera and Chiswick
2007; Chiswick 1978). This conceptual framework, which has been shaping the so-called
“point system” migration policies – whose rationale is in fact to privilege the admission of
better educated and more highly skilled immigrants – is certainly coherent with the optimistic
predictions of the assimilation theory. To be more precise, traditional assimilation theory
(Gordon 1964) proposes that immigrants, as they attain country-specific human and social
capital, become more and more homogeneous with the native-born population and, therefore,
tend to successfully integrate. Similarity, with respect to a broad range of indicators, might
be helpful indeed (Riva and Zanfrini 2012). Although a consistent body of research suggests
that both human capital and assimilation patterns are important predictors of immigrants’
integration into the labor market (Borjas 1999b; Bisin et al. 2011; Chiswick and Miller 2008;
Wanner 1998), other variables need to be considered. In fact, such literature is far from
conclusive.
Beyond explanations centered on education and skills, as well as on immigrants’ commitment
to invest in country-specific human capital and thus to blend into the mainstream, the
latest sociological approach has called attention to the way in which both social networks
and the institutional context may affect immigrant economic behavior and performance.
Following Granovetter (1983), much emphasis has been placed on the social and institutional
embeddedness of immigrants’ employment trajectories and no longer merely on human capital
variables. Such theoretical shift has allowed to assess the variety of the socio-economic
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
12
13
14
trajectories immigrants follow and to account for their eventual unevenness among different
ethnic groups, while questioning, at the same time, the prescriptive assumptions underlying
the assimilation theory. There are, indeed, several factors which mediate the effect of human
capital and then channel the labor market outcomes of immigrants.
Some scholars have investigated social capital, which is governed by solidarity and trust
and may grant mutual assistance within ethnic communities (Portes and Sensenbrenner 1993;
Li 2004). Social capital may provide access to specific resources, such as job referrals and
connections, and then foster positive employment outcomes, also in terms of entrepreneurship
possibilities (Aldrich and Zimmer 1986; Granovetter, 1995; La Rosa and Zanfrini 2003 for the
Italian case). Yet depending on its nature and structure, social capital may be disadvantageous
in the long run and lead to a segmented assimilation (Portes 1995). Indeed, evidence indicates
that “bonding” ethnic ties grant access mainly to low-skilled manual jobs in ethnic niches or
enclaves, hamper job mobility, and sanction socially disapproved behaviors (Waldinger 1995;
Portes and Zhou 1993). In contrast, bridging ties tend to be weaker, but seem to be more
useful for economic and occupational upgrade, as they provide a different kind of information
(Lancee 2010).
Parallel to social capital, the institutional framework has been considered (Waldinger, Aldrich,
and Ward 1990; Kloosterman and Rath 2001). The so-called dual labor market approach, in
particular, has interpreted the economic achievements of immigrants in accordance with their
concentration, due to quite limited chances of upward mobility, in a secondary labor market,
where they play a crucial role in meeting complementary low-skill shortages. The secondary
labor market is defined by the relevance of ethnic capital (Borjas 1992) and characterized by
jobs of lower quality, in terms of employment security and working conditions, as well as
meager returns on human capital (Doeringer and Piore 1971).
In general, a more comprehensive framework has been developed for understanding the
importance of “contexts of reception” – structural and institutional characteristics of receiving
societies – in shaping the ways in which immigrants and their children are incorporated into
different segments of society (Calavita 2005; Portes and Zhou 1993; Portes and Rumbaut 1990;
Rath 2000; Reitz 1998). Consequently, integration into the labor market, once conceived by
the assimilation framework merely as an immigrants’ task, has come to be interpreted as an
interactive process combining the individual and his resources with the opportunity structure
and institutional framework (Alba and Nee 1997; Kloosterman 2010; Kloosterman and Rath
2001; Zanfrini 2004b).
Data, Research Questions and Methodology
15
16
This article uses data from the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multi-ethnicity
(ORIM) annual survey to investigate different aspects of immigrants’ economic integration in
Lombardy (Blangiardo 2011; data available at http://www.orimregionelombardia.it). ORIM
has been carrying out a large-scale (8,000 respondents aged 15 and over), cross-sectional
survey for more than ten years now. Based on center sampling technique (Baio et al. 2011;
Blangiardo 2002), the survey produces a comprehensive, consistent and unique dataset for
a representative sample of immigrants resident in Lombardy, either regular or unauthorized/
undocumented, coming from the so-called “heavy migration pressure countries1”. It allows us
to conduct statistical analyses on social, demographic and economic characteristics and related
topics at both regional and local (province) level and to differentiate and compare immigrants
by nationality/country of origin. Specific questions about legal status also permit us to keep
track of the migratory background of those who have become naturalized. The data are not
comparable with official labor market statistics and thus cannot be used to make a comparison
between foreign-national and local workers.
In order to study the labor market status of immigrants (15 years +), we investigated
the following indicators: activity, employment, unemployment, self-employment, temporary
(fixed-term) employment, standard (full-time permanent) employment rates and the
percentage of undeclared work. In addition, we considered occupation and net average
earnings. For the purpose of this article, we have computed all the main labor market indicators,
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
17
18
not only activity/inactivity rates, as a percentage of total population. Then, for instance,
the employment rate is calculated as an employment-population ratio. Figures concerning
professional status – specifically the distinction between the self-employed and entrepreneurs
– were recorded on the basis of spontaneous answers given by respondents.
The analyses conducted are based on descriptive statistics calculated using ORIM data for
the period between 2001 and 2011. Against the above reviewed theoretical background, we
first investigated the relationship between the labor market conditions of immigrants with
human capital variables. On the basis of human capital theory we would expect (Hypothesis
1) that education and the length of stay may significantly improve immigrant economic
performance. We then focused on legal status and the acquisition of citizenship. In this regard,
our assumption (Hypothesis 2), consistent with the institutional embeddedness perspective,
is that labor market outcomes may increase over time, inasmuch as they settle down and
benefit from long-term migration policies. The importance of nationality/country of origin was
also investigated. Following the segmented assimilation approach, we expected (Hypothesis
3) to find a high degree of heterogeneity in the labor market attainment of immigrants
according to their ethnic background. Finally, the influence of gender is investigated across
the whole analysis. We expected (Hypothesis 4) to find relevant gender gaps, with women at
a disadvantage, for indicators of labor market condition.
The technique of artificial cohorts (Borjas 1985), here defined by length of stay in Italy,
has been used where possible and meaningful so as to deal with the well-known problems
associated with the use of cross-sectional data to estimate the longitudinal advancement
of immigrants. Nonetheless, it is necessary to acknowledge that this expedient does not
automatically prevent biased estimates of longitudinal effect, due to the changing composition
of the sample over time and to the difficulty in disentangling time effects from period effects.
Descriptive Findings
19
Table 1 presents an overview of the key labor market indicators, by gender. It first shows that
in 2011, among immigrants aged 15 and over, the total activity rate is 82.5%. There is a broad
gender gap, as women score much lower participation rates than men (72.1% vs. 92.2%). This
is also the case for the employment rate, which stands at 59.8%: current figures indicate that,
for women, the employment rate gap relative to men is almost 15 percentage points (52.3%
vs. 67.6%). Other relevant gender differences are found concerning self-employment – whose
incidence in the male population (9.3%) is three times as much as among females (3.0%) – and
standard employment, which is much more common among men (42.5% vs. 28.2%). Positive
differentials in the women’s labor market status, relative to that of the men, are observed in
undeclared/irregular employment and unemployment rates. According to ORIM estimates,
there is a clear over-representation of men among the lawful paid activities not declared to
public authorities, either as employees (9.8% vs. 8.4%) or self-employed (1.9% vs. 0.6%).
Besides, the proportion of women seeking a job, over the total population, is 10.7%, two
percentage points lower than that of men (12.7%).
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20
In the decade 2001-2011, the labor market condition of immigrants displayed relevant
adjustments (Table 2). For analytical reasons, the span considered may be divided into two
periods. In the first one, from 2001 to 2007, the labor market outcomes of immigrants
dramatically improved. That is mainly due to the favorable economic context and to the largescale process of regularization of unauthorized/undocumented immigrants that took place in
20022. Figures show, in particular, a sharp increase in employment rates (12 percentage points),
an acute fall in unemployment (from 13.2% to 6.0%), together with a less substantial drop
in irregular employment (from 19.0% to 16.5%). In the second period, which matches up
with the current economic downturn, we have witnessed, however, a significant drop (about
5 percentage points) in both activity and employment rates, a strong reduction (from 16.5%
to 9.8%) in undeclared/irregular work and the doubling of unemployment rates (from 6.0%
to 11.7%)3. That said, the 2010-2011 data point to a stabilization and possible recovery, as
suggested by the recent reduction in the incidence of unemployment (more than 1 percentage
point) and by the simultaneous rise in the share of regular employees (4 percentage points,
from 56.0%).
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21
There are no outstanding gender differences in overall trends, neither before nor after the
beginning of the 2008 international crisis. Both men and women have been equally affected
by falling employment. Men have suffered an earlier and steeper rise in unemployment rates,
but in 2011, for the first time in three years, male unemployment significantly dropped (-4
percentage points). In contrast, the percentage of women seeking a job continued to rise and
eventually doubled. Subsequently, apart from a recent increase in the activity rate gap, gender
differentials in key labor market indicators have remained unchanged.
Human Capital
22
As stated before, we assumed, according to the human capital theory, that education may
predict positive labor market outcomes. As expected, both activity and employment rates are
likely to increase with the level of education, while the odds of being unemployed decrease in
inverse relation to the reported educational attainment (Table 3). Yet evidence indicates that
a higher level of education does not necessarily enhance professional status. The proportion
of self-employed, with or without employees, tends to be high even among immigrants with
less than an upper secondary education, in particular among men, thus implying that in the
local labor market there are low barriers, in terms of specific requirements, to immigrants’
transition to entrepreneurship. On the whole, the effects of education are more evident among
immigrant women, just as among local workers. Immigrant women with a tertiary education
fare much lower inactivity (9.0% vs. 38.4%) and unemployment (9.1% vs. 18.5%) rates as
well as higher employment (67.7% vs. 29.1%) and standard employment (36.8% vs. 15.9%)
rates than their counterparts with no formal qualifications. These same differentials are smaller
in the male population.
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23
Education also has an impact on immigrants’ economic performance, but it is rather weak.
On average, highly qualified immigrants earn €1,095 a month, that is to say 5.6% more than
their counterparts without any formal qualification and only 1,7% more than the ones with
upper secondary education. This is essentially the result of a low-medium educational bias in
the male component. Women earn lower salaries than men, with a negative differential of up
to 26,6% among those with an upper secondary education. In any case, the gender pay gap
is reduced among the most skilled. Women’s earnings proportionally increase with the level
of education, whereas male workers with tertiary education earn less than those who have an
upper secondary level education and only slightly more than the low-qualified. The gender
pay gap remains: highly qualified women earn less than men without any formal qualification
(€1,008 vs. €1,112).
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24
Figures suggest that both men and women do not use many of their qualifications, as they tend
to suffer from great mismatches between the occupation they hold and their education. Also,
although educational attainment protects against the risk of unemployment, it does not shelter
against over-qualification. About two-thirds of highly qualified immigrants work in low and
medium skilled jobs, while only two out of ten work as professionals or associate professionals
(Table 5). The mismatch between qualifications and occupations is more pronounced for men.
More than 80% of them work in jobs which are below their level of educational attainment,
whereas the incidence of over-qualification is ten percentage points lower among women.
More in detail, and focusing on specific occupations, in the female labor force, 16% of
domestic care workers and 11% of domestic cleaners and helpers attained university degrees.
With regard to men, the incidence of those with tertiary education is 23% among cleaners in
offices, hotels and other establishments, 16% among laborers in the service sector and 14%
among laborers in manufacturing.
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
25
26
Another key factor shaping the labor market conditions of immigrants may be the length of
stay in the host country. Following, once again, the human capital theory, as immigrants are
expected to acquire host-country specific human capital over time, their employment outcomes
should improve considerably.
Data in Table 6 show that recent arrivals score the worst labor market performance. For both
men and women, activity and employment rates for recent immigrants are considerably lower
than those for longer established migrants. Moreover, immigrants who have been longer in
Italy have considerably lower unemployment rates and are much more likely to be employed
with standard contracts or self-employed or entrepreneurs, either with or without employees.
More in detail, compared to more recent arrivals, immigrants with more than ten years’
residency are nearly four times less likely to be unemployed and ten times more likely to be
self-employed. In addition, the chances that immigrants of less than two years’ stay will hold
an irregular/undeclared job are, in comparison with the longer established, five times higher
among men and more than twice as high than among women.
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
27
Immigrants’ incomes are also affected by duration of stay in the country. In particular, the
monthly net wages of longer established immigrants are about 50% higher than those of more
recent arrivals (1,208€ vs. 815€). Findings confirm a substantial gender pay gap, which
worsens with increasing length of stay. The disadvantage tends to widen, rather than close,
over time: women’s to men’s earnings ratio, that is 95.2% among immigrants in Italy for two
years or less, broadens to 71.6% among longer established immigrants.
28
Growth in earnings is faster and more marked among men. Whilst the cohort of long-term
resident male immigrants earns 1,358€ (62.9% more than recent arrivals), the mean wages of
their female counterparts are 971€, just 22.5% higher than those of the cohort of women who
have been in Italy for less than two years.
One of the main determinants of such a slow pace of wage progression among women may
be their segregation to certain sectors (accommodation and food service activities, human
health and social work activities, household based activities) and occupations which offer
less chances for improvement in working conditions and upward occupational mobility (Riva
29
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
2010). In fact, there are also clear gender differences in the occupational distribution of
immigrants. According to Table 8, there is a high concentration of female immigrants in
elementary occupations – such as domestic cleaners and helpers (19.9%) and domestic care
workers (16.5%), cleaners in offices, hotels and other establishments (8.2%) or laborers in
manufacturing (7.0%) – and among cooks, waiters and bartenders (13.2%). By contrast, even
if a third of the total is employed as laborers in manufacturing (17.1%) and in construction
(18.7%), men are more likely to be in mid-skilled occupations such as craft and related trade
workers (8.5% vs. 1.9%) and shop sales persons (7.3% vs. 2.4%).
30
As soon as the length of stay increases, men tend to move away from domestic or agriculture
work to manual work in manufacturing and the service sector (Table 9). Women, on the
other hand, are more likely to experience a specific kind of upward occupational mobility,
mainly from “gateway” occupations such as domestic cleaners and helpers and domestic care
workers to similar niches that nevertheless ensure better working conditions. Among women,
across cohorts, there is also a large increase in the incidence of clerical support workers and
professionals or associate professionals. With regard to over-qualification, its extent decreases
with the length of stay in Italy, but still remains significant.
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
Legal Status and Naturalization
31
In order to test hypothesis 2, we then focused on the relationship between legal status
and labor market condition (Table 10). Findings indicate that, although regular residents
score better results, unauthorized/undocumented immigrants can easily have access to the
informal economy. Almost three quarters of that group (71.2%) hold an undeclared/irregular
job, so uncovering a considerable gap between the legal framework of migration policies
and the actual functioning of the labor market. Naturalization is positively related to labor
market outcomes. In particular, immigrants who acquired Italian citizenship record the lowest
unemployment rates (7.2%) and the highest proportion of self-employment, especially with
employees (2.7%), while long-term residents and immigrants with EU citizenship experience
higher unemployment rates (9.7% and 12.5% respectively) and are far less likely to be either
self-employed or entrepreneurs (1.8% and 0.9%).
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
32
33
Naturalized immigrants also have the highest net monthly incomes. Differences are much
more noticeable in the male labor force. Naturalized men earn 1,564€, 15.9% more than
the permanent resident permit holder counterpart (1,348€) and more than twice as much
as undocumented/irregular workers (647€). Among women, with naturalized immigrants
earning on average 1,027€ a month, the same gaps are 7.9% and 44.7% respectively. Finally,
data shows that citizens of new EU Member States earn lower wages than long-term residents:
1,221€ for men and 896€ for women.
Naturalization has a further positive effect on immigrants’ labor market outcomes: it
significantly increases the chances of holding a high or medium-skilled occupation and,
consequently, reduces the odds of being employed in elementary occupations. In detail (Table
11), two out of ten immigrants who have acquired Italian citizenship are employed as either
clerical support workers (10.3%) or social professionals – artistic and cultural professionals
(10.9%), while less than 7% are domestic cleaners and helpers (3.9%) or cleaners in offices,
hotels and other establishments (3.0%). By contrast, among permanent resident permit holders,
as well as the EU citizens, the proportion of persons employed in the above-mentioned
skilled occupations is about five times lower, whereas the percentage of people employed
as helpers or cleaners is about twice as high. In the male labor force, the acquisition of host
country citizenship mainly increases the proportion of skilled manufacturing workers and shop
salespersons. In the female counterpart, naturalization triples the percentage of clerical support
workers and increases the quota of social and cultural professionals five-fold.
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
Country of Origin/Nationality
34
35
Aggregate figures so far considered hide important differences among immigrants according
to their nationality/country of origin. Coherent with hypothesis 3, the labor market outcomes
differ significantly across country of origin/nationality groups. Immigrants from East Asia, the
new EU Member States and East-European countries record the best outcomes, for both males
and females. Conversely, immigrants from North and Sub-Saharan Africa and South-East Asia
tend to suffer a greater disadvantage in integrating into the local labor market (Table 12).
Filipinos show the best performances. They have one of the highest activity rates (90.4%)
and, above all, the lowest unemployment rates (2.9%), together with a moderate share of
irregular employment (9.0%). Yet the incidence of self-employment among them is fairly
limited (2.3%). The Chinese follow, with comparably low unemployment (4.4%) and high
activity (89.6%) rates. They have the greatest share of self-employment (26.0%), but also a
high incidence of undeclared/irregular work (16.5%). As regards immigrants from countries
around the eastern borders of the European Union – which, on average, record good labor
market outcomes – two facts are worthy of note. First, Romanians have a slightly higher risk
of being unemployed. In any case, as new EU citizens, they have been guaranteed almost
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
36
37
unrestricted access to the labor market and this has made it easier for them to put up with
a period of unemployment against the risk associated with the current national immigration
law4. Second, Albanians are less likely to be economically active. Comparison with past years,
not reported here for reasons of space, show that it is due to a larger proportion of persons
in education or training and, mainly, of women being out of the labor market due to personal
and family responsibilities.
The poorest performance is found among Africans and South and South-East Asians. More in
detail, immigrants from Senegal and North African countries have large unemployment rates
and present a marked incidence of undeclared/irregular work. The Singhalese, among SouthEast Asians, are undoubtedly the most disadvantaged. Their unemployment rate (20.7%) is the
highest, being twice as high as the average, and almost none of them is self-employed. South
Americans stand between the groups at the ends of the spectrum. The labor market condition
of both Ecuadorians and Peruvians is relatively good, especially in terms of employment rates,
despite above average unemployment rates and share of undeclared/irregular work.
The poor labor market performance of certain groups is deeply influenced by specific gender
attitudes that encourage, or rather discourage, the labor market participation of women. As
discussed above, the worst outcomes are found among immigrants from South-East Asian and
North African countries. In these groups women score the lowest activity and employment
rates and gender gaps are the highest. Nonetheless, there is also a strong variation in men’s
labor market performance. Sizeable gaps in employment and unemployment rates in the male
labor force are found, in particular, between the Chinese and Filipinos, on one hand, and
Egyptians, Moroccans, the Senegalese and the South-Americans on the other (Table 13 and
Table 14).
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
38
As reported in Table 15 and Table 16, country of origin/nationality also impacts on occupation.
This is particularly true in the male labor force for: i) Albanians and Romanians, who
are largely employed (48,1% and 34,1% respectively) as laborers in construction; ii) the
Senegalese, 41,1% being laborers and skilled workers in manufacturing; iii) the Chinese, of
whom one out of three are shop salespersons; iv) Filipinos, who are mainly employed as
cleaners in offices, hotels and other establishments (25,8%) or domestic cleaners and helpers
(21,9%). Among women, the process of occupational segregation is noticeable for: i) Filipinos,
who are domestic cleaners and helpers in more than half of the cases (56,3%); ii) Ukrainians,
for the most part (48,2%) domestic care workers; iii) the Chinese, 22,0% of whom are other
sales workers.
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
Conclusion
39
40
41
42
43
44
This article investigated the labor market condition of immigrants in Lombardy, a region that
hosts about a quarter of the total foreign population living in Italy. Using descriptive tools
of statistical analysis, standard labor market indicators, occupations and earnings have been
studied.
In accordance with Hypothesis 1 (Human Capital Theory), findings suggest that the labor
market outcomes of immigrants are influenced by their qualifications, but only to a certain
degree. Although there is a general improvement in the labor market status with levels of
education, figures show that immigrants face severe problems in putting their qualifications
to good use. Against a background of large mismatches between the level of jobs immigrants
hold and their credentials, the highest levels of education appear to offer negligible chances
of greater achievement5. The length of stay in the country also influences the labor market
condition. Comparing recent arrivals with longer established immigrants brings to light the
fact that, across cohorts, there is a noticeable upgrade in professional status, occupation and
wages. This result may be explained by the way in which labor inflows develop autonomously
from the migration policy framework, as already discussed in the introduction.
Following the institutional embeddedness perspective (Hypothesis 2), we found evidence
that legal status impacts on labor market situation. Consistent with other surveys and studies
(European Commission 2008; Kahanec and Zaiceva 2009; OECD 2011), we observed positive
differentials related to the acquisition of citizenship, especially in terms of earnings payoffs
and occupation. Far from assuming a causal effect of naturalization on employment conditions,
such findings point to a selection process; it seems that immigrants who move away from
ethnic paths also invest in their human capital and individual empowerment, eventually gain
economic integration and then become citizens of the host country. In fact, the acquisition
of citizenship may be driven not only by expectations of emancipation and a commitment to
settle permanently, but also by successful labor market integration.
In response to hypothesis 3 (Segmented Assimilation Theory), findings corroborate the
expectation of a systematic variation in the labor market status of immigrants according to their
ethnic background, with people from South-East Asia and North Africa achieving the worst
outcomes. In this regard, given the national migratory context, results suggest that immigrants
may rely primarily on ethnic capital to enter the labor market. This could certainly help them to
access employment relatively easily. However, it also tends to reproduce a stereotyped path of
economic incorporation, whose main features are the complementarity to native-born workers
as well as ethnic clustering and the concentration of immigrant workers in some specific
niches, always in low quality and unskilled jobs.
Finally, we found evidence that Hypothesis 4 (Gender Approach) may also be confirmed.
Results indicate that women tend to fare worse than men across a wide range of indicators
and this disadvantage decreases only marginally over time. Specifically, their human capital
is much less rewarding, especially as regards occupational status and earning payoffs, and
trajectories of upward mobility are significantly less likely across cohorts. In this regard,
previous studies (Zanfrini 2009b) showed that progress in the integration process is less
remunerative for women than for men. In comparison with men, women are much more
esteemed for their skills as well as for their overall behavior and achieve better performances
as regards social and economic integration. Nonetheless, they are rarely able to invest their
human capital and are less likely to attain those outcomes which would ensure a successful
integration into the labor market.
While addressing the main factors affecting the labor market condition of immigrants, the
article has focused on some issues which need to be addressed and investigated further, mainly
concerning the interaction between individual variables and the institutional framework. In
this respect, our analysis has provided, above all, valuable insights for policy-making at a
national level. In particular, it has called for an improvement in the national labor migration
regime – especially regarding recruitment policy and support schemes at entry, recognition of
qualifications and skills, and social and labor market policy coordination – in order to increase
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
the potential of the overall integration of immigrants and combat discrimination in the labor
market.
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Zanfrini, Laura (2004b). Sociologia della convivenza interetnica, Laterza, Roma-Bari, 185 pages.
Zanfrini, Laura (2008). Italian policy on irregular migrants in the labor market and the shadow economy,
in Zanfrini, Laura and Winifried Kluth, Policies on irregular migrants, Strasbourg, Council of Europe
Publishing, pp. 27-67.
Zanfrini, Laura (2009a). La partecipazione al mercato del lavoro, in Blangiardo Gian Carlo (a cura
di), L’immigrazione straniera in Lombardia. L’ottava indagine regionale, Osservatorio , Milano,
Osservatorio Regionale per l’integrazione e la multietnicità Regione Lombardia - Fondazione Ismu, pp.
71-118.
Zanfrini, Laura (2009b). Aspetti economici, Cesareo Vincenzo, Blangiardo Gian Carlo (a cura di),
Indici di integrazione. Un’indagine empirica sulla realtà migratoria italiana, Milano, FrancoAngeli,
pp. 87-108.
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
Zanfrini, Laura (2010a). Labor, in Fondazione ISMU, The Fifteenth Italian Report on Migrations 2009,
Monza, Polimetrica International Scientific Publisher, pp. 95-114.
Zanfrini, Laura (2010b). I “confini” della cittadinanza: perché l’immigrazione disturba,in Lodigiani,
Rosangela and Laura Zanfrini (eds.). Riconciliare Lavoro Welfare e Cittadinanza, Sociologia del Lavoro,
n. 117, Milano, FrancoAngeli, pp. 40-56.
Zanfrini, Laura (2011). Labor, in Fondazione Ismu, The Sixteenth Italian Report on Migrations 2011,
Milan, McGraw-Hill, pp. 51-69.
Zanfrini, Laura (2012). Work, in Fondazione Ismu, The Seventeenth Italian Report on Migrations 2010,
Milan, McGraw-Hill, pp. 55-69.
Zimmermann, Klaus F. (ed.) (2005). European Migration: What Do We Know?, Oxford, Oxford
University Press, 350 pages.
Notes
1 These are Eastern Europe, Asia, Centre and South America and Africa countries. Therefore immigrants
from EU 15 countries, Switzerland, Israel, North America, Oceania and Japan are excluded from the
analysis.
2 The regularization programme (Law no. 189 of 30 July 2002) allowed all irregular/undocumented
immigrants with a valid contract of employment to apply for a regular stay permit. Employers applied for
regularization on behalf of irregular/undocumented workers. The total number of applications exceeded
700,000 (half of them for domestic workers), while regularizations granted were about 650,000.
3 Official labor market statistics, which are not comparable with ORIM figures, indicate that regional
unemployment rates remained stable at 3.4% from 2001 through 2007 and then increased to 5.8% in
2011. Moreover, during the current recession, there has been a slight reduction in both activity (- 1
percentage point, from 69.6%) and employment (- 2.3 percentage points, from 67.0%) rates.
4 The L. no. 189/2002 lays down the legal framework for migration and integration policy. It provides
that the entry into the country, in case of immigration for work purposes, is conditional on a job
offer and that stay permits are linked with work permits. Unemployment can therefore affect the legal
status of labor migrants: in particular, non-EU citizens would have to leave Italy within six months of
unemployment. Legislation virtually allows the deporting of foreigners in an irregular condition. Yet, as
a matter of fact, the law is largely unenforced.
5 The ORIM survey records the level of education attained (self-declared), which is rarely formally
recognized. In 2008, data were collected about the formal recognition of certificates and diplomas
attained abroad. Results showed that formal recognition – especially the recognition of academic titles
– significantly improves labor market outcomes (Zanfrini 2009a).
Pour citer cet article
Référence électronique
Egidio Riva et Laura Zanfrini, « The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of
Lombardy », Revue Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013,
consulté le 05 mai 2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1987
À propos des auteurs
Egidio Riva
Department of Sociology, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore di Milano.
Laura Zanfrini
Department of Sociology, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore di Milano.
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
26
The Labor Market Condition of Immigrants in Italy: The case of Lombardy
Résumés
Cet article dresse un tableau de l'état du marché du travail des immigrés en Lombardie, l'une
des régions italiennes les plus riches, qui accueille un quart du total de la population étrangère
vivant dans le pays. En particulier, en utilisant des données représentatives d’un échantillon
à grande échelle, fournies par l'Observatoire régional de l'intégration et de la multiethnicité
(ORIM), l'article présente des analyses statistiques descriptives et étudie les modes d'emploi
des immigrants, en termes d'activité, d'emploi, de travail autonome, de taux de chômage, part
de l'emploi irrégulier, l'occupation et les revenus. L'ensemble des résultats, qui sont interprétés
en fonction des théories classiques en cette matière, celle du capital humain en particulier,
montrent que le sexe, la nationalité / pays d'origine, la durée du séjour en Italie et le statut
juridique contribuent à expliquer les différences que l’on observe dans la situation du marché
du travail des immigrants.
This article intends to draw a comprehensive picture of the labor market condition of
immigrants in Lombardy, one of the wealthiest Italian regions, which hosts a quarter of the
total foreign population living in the country. In particular, by using data from a representative
large-scale sample, provided by the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multi-ethnicity
(ORIM), the article investigates, through descriptive analyses, immigrants’ employment
patterns, in terms of activity, employment, self-employment and unemployment rates, share
of irregular employment, occupation and earnings. Overall findings, which are interpreted
against the existing theoretical framework, show that gender, nationality/country of origin,
length of stay and legal status all contribute to explain the large variation that is found in the
labor market situation of immigrants.
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : capital humain, immigrants, inégalités entre les sexes, Italie, marché du
travail, revenu net
Keywords : gender inequalities, human capital, immigrants, Italy, labor market, net
earnings
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
27
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Vincenzo Fortunato
Labor organization and employment
relations in Italian call centers during
the crisis
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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Référence électronique
Vincenzo Fortunato, « Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis », Revue
Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 25 avril 2015. URL :
http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1961
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
Vincenzo Fortunato
Labor organization and employment
relations in Italian call centers during the
crisis
Introduction
1
2
3
4
5
This article aims to contribute to the international sociological debate on employment and labor
organization in Italian call centers drawing particular attention to workers, human resource
management strategies as well as to the impact of such organizations in the service sector or
knowledge based economy.
By looking at the ongoing social and economic significant transformations as opposed to the
past organizational fordist paradigm based on the supremacy of industry, full time employment
along with a gender division of labor, several scholars (Drucker 1969; Crozier, Normann,
1990; Castells 2009) argue that the new society of information emphasizes the importance
of “knowledge”, capabilities and new technologies as key factors opposed to capital and
labor considered as the basis of the previous model. In the new scenario new jobs and
occupations are appearing, which are different from the traditional blue-collar worker ones,
which seem to be characterized by greater flexibility and instability. Recent analyses of
changes in organizational structures and labor markets posit crucial developments. All, to
varying degrees, argue that changes in the macro-economic and socio-political climate are
driving important changes in the nature of employment and work. Standing (1999) points
to the crumbling of what he describes as “labor market security”, which is a result of
insecurity in employment, insecurity of income from employment and unemployment, and
the fragmentation and detachment of social protection regimes. Others, (Felstead and Jewson
1999), point to a worldwide growth in flexible labor, where this refers to new forms of work,
the erosion of voice, a break-down of internal labor markets, work intensification, employment
insecurity, the return of labor brokerage, and outsourcing. In the European context, Grugulis et
al. (2004) suggest the emergence of the ‘hourglass’ economy, where skills are polarized. They
argue that while jobs become increasingly complex and skilled, the control employees have
over their own work has not risen, and instead task discretion and autonomy has declined.
In Italy, according to the CENSIS (2010) data the service sector accounts for 2.9 million
enterprises (corresponding to 55.4% of the Italian firms) employing 15.5 million people.
In terms of national GDP the service sector contributes around 70% of the whole, mainly
distributed between private market services (50%) and public services in the areas of welfare
and social care (21%). Nevertheless, the increasing importance of the service sector has
not led to an internationalization of the service sector as well as an improvement in the
quality of occupations created. In particular, in the last five years the most significant growth
(24.7%) concerned low quality jobs, whereas professional occupations developed only 8.4%.
Therefore, it appears there is a strong contradiction between the effect of the economic crisis,
that has led relevant changes in production and labor organization, in typologies of goods and
services demanded, in the competences and skills required of workers, and the fragile nature
of the Italian labor market which seems to be unable to respond effectively to these challenges
and find solutions to overcome the crisis.
Starting from these assumptions, we explored the “world” of call centers as a typical example,
of a new form of organization in the service sector economy. In fact, call centers have
rapidly spread in all industrialized countries since the 1990s undergoing significant changes
over the course of time. While looking at this phenomenon, Huws (2009) talks about
“callcenterisation” underlining that a growing number of jobs around the world are organized
according to the model of call center.
With regards to the Italian situation, it can be noted that in the last ten years call centers
have been one of the fastest growing businesses. From the approximately 700 employees in
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
1993, it quickly passed to 65,000 employees in 2002 and to 190,000 in 2004, before reaching
the current 250,000, equal to 1% of the whole work-force. This growth is in line with the
European trends, a market that today sees two million operators in call centers, equal to 1.2
% of the total work-force. This is, therefore, a phenomenon involving a significant number of
companies/bodies and workers and that takes on a major importance in the development of
the employment and the economy in Italy.
Theoretical framework and research methodology
6
7
8
The growing presence of call centers is a varied and complex phenomenon that, until now, in
Italy has not been sufficiently understood and studied. In the last few years there have been
several studies and research projects, mainly carried out at international level (Taylor, Bain
2007; Batt et al. 2009; Batt, Nohara 2009; Huws 2009; Pierre and Tremblay 2011, 2012), that
have explored the call center phenomenon from different levels of analysis. The sociological
debate on call centers is characterized by a polarization between those authors who underline
the return to taylor-fordist models of production and labor organization (Taylor, Bayn 1999;
Callaghan, Thompson 2002; Glucksmann 2004; Winiecki 2004) in which the main features are
stress, monotony, repetitiveness of single tasks, de-qualification of work, higher managerial
control, and those scholars who instead recognize call centers as a symbol of flexible capitalism
(Arzbacher et al. 2002) and who support the theory of a new organizational paradigm related
to the knowledge based economy (Butera, et al, 1997; Campi, Palamara, 2002; Holtgrewe,
Kerst, 2002). In particular, this latter approach emphasises the greater flexibility in organizing
as well as the workers’ empowerment directly linked to additional skills and competences
required in using new technologies and dealing with customers, problem solving activities,
team-working and other work practices that should lead to a greater workers’ participation and
involvement within the organization. Nevertheless, the limit of both approaches lies in their
reductionist perspective, they take into account only private and commercial call centers while
ignoring other relevant organizations such as public call centers, institutional, non-profit and
public utility, that are growing in all sectors of public administration.
In contrast with the international context, in Italy there is still a lack of studies on call centers
and many of those that have been carried out have focused attention on local cases and
specific areas of the country (Greco 2006; Corigliano, Greco 2009), by using a qualitative
methodology. In addition, usually research has been carried out in in-house call centers that
pre-eminently work in inbound, due to the fact that it is easier to get access and these are
often characterized by better working conditions (better jobs), higher salaries, greater career
opportunities, as opposed to call centers that work in outsourcing, which means external
firms (generally small or medium sized) that offer their services in both types: inbound and
outbound. Alike Germany and Spain and differently from France and Denmark1, at present
in Italy outsourcing companies represent the vast majority and are particularly difficult to
examine, but just for this reason they are the most interesting and challenging to explore. The
lack of information is mainly related to the “union free” nature of the vast majority of the
workplaces in which managers unilaterally set employment terms and working conditions,
as also noted by Brophy (2009, 2010), leaving still unsolved the relevant problem of labor
representation for a significant number of these “new” workers (Huws 2009).
Thus, we consider that it is worthy and particularly interesting to explore the heterogeneous
universe of Italian call centers by looking at different typologies that can be identified using
criteria such as their private or public nature, the services delivered, their structure and size,
in house or outsourcing activities. In particular, we suggest a relevant distinction between
generalist or horizontal call centers and dedicated or vertical call centers. In the former type
the assignments and organizational mission are multi-tasked, whereas in the second type call
centers are specialized in single task activities. Looking at these criteria, we carried out a
survey2 on call center operators working in 19 organizations located in four key areas of the
country with different social, economic and institutional backgrounds and traditions (fig. 1).
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
9
In detail, findings are based on 1.715 questionnaires3 completed by workers of 19 call centers
located in Lombardy, Lazio, Calabria and Sicily, selected by research groups in accordance
with the size (in terms of number of workers employed), the private/public nature, the
organizational typology (in-house or outsourcing), the kind of services delivered (generalist Vs
dedicated), the workers’ tasks (inbound and outbound). Table 1 shows call center typologies
and the number of completed questionnaires for each of them.
10
The research presented in this paper addresses several questions. First of all, one of the aims is
to fill the gap in international literature as far as Italy is concerned by increasing our knowledge
on working in call center organizations. In particular, we look at call center operators and at
their characteristic features, drawing particular attention to similarities and differences that
can be related to specific areas of the country leading to increasing labor segmentation.
Another key point concerns the fact that, as argued by Pierre and Tremblay (2011), call centers
are traditionally considered high-turnover workplaces; with this in mind, we take into account
that in Italy this may not necessarily be the case especially in some regions of the South
characterized by high levels of unemployment among youths and women and the diffusion
of the so called black economy. In fact, as stressed by Huws (2009), despite the similarities
among call centers across the globe, national industrial relations systems, labor market features
as well as other aspects of particular locations make a significant difference to the working
conditions of call center workers.
One of the hypotheses guiding the research is therefore that, at present, call center jobs in Italy
are not always bad jobs associated to precarious forms of employment, low wages and weak
11
12
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
social protections, which is what emerged in previous comparative research on call centers
in Europe (Altieri 2002; Isfol 2008). On the contrary, thanks also to the State intervention,
through the law n.17/20064, in certain contexts and in specific periods they may be considered
as “socially acceptable”, not only as a first job or temporary occupation. This argument might
also support a more positive image of call centers considered as an “opportunity” for those
territories and local institutions able to attract and retain such organizations, at least in the
medium term, by using those practices defined by Pierre and Tremblay (2012) as forms of
“socioterritorial innovation”, and as a source of competitive advantages. Finally, we try to
explore the role of management and its strategies to achieve workers’ involvement to reach
the company targets as well as managerial strategies to secure control over the workers.
Who works for call centers
13
14
At present, in our society, working as a call center operator often represents the initial period of
socialization within the labor market for young people with a medium-high level of education.
This job also represents, above all for women, a period of re-socialization to work, of reentry into the labor market after a period of temporary inactivity. Socialization of young
people or re-socialization of adults to this new profession, still searching for a socially and/or
labor recognized identity, assumes a particular form. It requires the involvement in a highly
technological environment in which communicating relations with customers/users are not
face to face; working motivations are often weak because they are combined with inadequate
wages, scarcely satisfying working conditions in terms of contractual stability and ergonomic
positions that are difficult to tolerate. Therefore, we analyze research data and we highlight
the main operators characteristic features, the reasons behind this working choice as well as
the required skills.
The framework emerging from our research confirms a significant gender based division of
labor within call centers, in fact 66.7% of workers are women aged between 26 and 30 (table
2). The need of flexibility required by this work seems to better fit with women searching
to combine work and family care duties. Moreover, women seem to be also preferred due
to their life skills such as emphatic and communicative capacities, relational and cooperative
skills, greater ability to get used to behavioral standard, which are considered priorities in this
specific field (Belt, et al. 2002). Not less important, women are usually more oriented to accept
lower pay as opposed to men, particularly if they are married and consider their income as
integrative to that of the male bread-winner husband. In fact, in our sample 46% are women
who declare they have a family, as opposed to 30% of men. In general, over a third of the
sample is married while 56.4% are currently single.
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
15
As highlighted in table 2, there are also significant percentages of workers over 30, as evidence
that in different regions of the country, in different ways, working in a call center represents
a more or less obliged stage for a relevant number of people searching for a job. Interesting
considerations emerge when we analyze data disaggregated at regional level. For example,
there is revealed a clear distinction between Southern areas, where the highest percentages are
related to the younger age groups and which significantly decrease with increasing age, and
the Northern regions (especially in Lombardy where 26.4% of workers are over 46 years old
– see Chart 1) with high rates also within older groups.
16
On the two opposing sides, we have the case of Calabria where 61.8% of operators are aged
under 30, as opposed to the Lombardy region where the percentage of younger workers is
half that.
A further element that strengthens the hypothesis of a polarization between two macro areas
of Italy and, at the same time, allows us to define an identikit of call center operators, is
the education level (table 3). In details, Calabria is, among the four considered regions,
the one with the highest rate of young graduates and university students in call centers,
amounting to 72.3%, followed by Sicily and Lazio. By contrast, in Lombardy the workers’
education level decreases, with a prevalence of high school diplomas and middle school
leaving diplomas. With regards to the Southern regions, and above all the case of Calabria,
we have to take into account the weakness and fragility of the socio-economic context, mainly
based on the diffusion of small-sized enterprises in the field of construction as well as the
scarce relevance of manufacturing activities. In addition, in these regions also known as the
Italian “Mezzogiorno” the labor market is characterized by “extreme” levels of intellectual
unemployment, mainly involving young people (one out of three) and women, through a strong
effect of discouragement (Reyneri 2010).
17
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
18
19
In Lombardy young people more easily find jobs in other economic sectors, so that working in
the call center mainly interests less educated people or those who re-enter the labor market after
particular events (such as maternity for women or unemployment or even the loss of a previous
job in relation to the economic crisis). With regard to the education level and territorial
contexts, in the Southern areas there seems to emerge the profile of an over educated operator
in comparison with the characteristics of the job, with theoretical skills in different areas,
often interdisciplinary; these features lead to a higher individual flexibility and adaptability in
relation to performing tasks. In the case of Lombardy instead the operator profile is of someone
less qualified and therefore more in line with the kind of job.
Young people who start working in call centers have different personal reasons (table 4).
Sometimes they deliberately choose this job, but more frequently it represents the only
possible solution to obtain a job with certain characteristics of stability and social protection.
Overall, the more frequent motivation is the lack of opportunities; in fact more than a third of
respondents (34.9%) chose to work in a call center because there are no other job opportunities.
An additional 9.5% accepts this type of job in order to face economic difficulties. Considering
the expressive dimension (the construction of a life project) there seems to be prevalently,
at least initially, a pragmatic approach among young people who attribute to work a mostly
instrumental value, in order to procure necessary resources for changing work later. Despite
working in the call center being perceived by the majority as a forced choice, but necessary to
“survive” in a period of crisis and scarcity of opportunities, if we consider the other possible
answers, we note other more positive factors which influence youths’ choices. Among these,
the idea of a flexible work (23.4%) that allows them to reconcile life time and work time,
that gives the possibility to combine this work with other paid activities5, and that creates
relationships with people (clients/users). Other respondents emphasize the need to have a
stable job (4.7%) or at least to come out from the black economy (1.9%). It is interesting to
observe that only 3.6% of our sample says they chose this job as a transitory work, while
looking for a better one.
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
20
Observing the data disaggregated by regions (table 5) we note some important differences
in percentages. For example, scarcity of job opportunities, along with economic difficulties,
represent the most frequent reasons for young people from Calabria and Sicily, while
dimensions of flexibility and of compatibility with other jobs assume greater significance for
operators in Lombardy and Lazio.
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
21
22
23
Still in the South, the experience in a call center is chosen because it represents a stable and
regular job, not “in black”. Finally, the idea of working in a call center as a temporary job is
more widespread in the North (where it is indicated by a third of respondents) whereas the
percentage significantly decreases in the cases of Central and Southern regions.
With regard to education, we note that young graduates (25.2%) and people with a high school
diploma (50.6%) mostly indicate scarcity of opportunities as the most important reason at the
basis of their choice, followed by the necessity of facing economic difficulties (45.4% and
20.9%). These are young workers aged between 26 and 30 (24.5%) and those between 31
and 35. Among the university students, the main reason is the possibility to combine work
with other external commitments (47.8%), and therefore with their study activities. Regarding
gender differences, crisis and scarcity of opportunities mainly affect women (65.3%), but also
those people who have external and study commitments (72.4%). Therefore, analyzed data
suggest a strengthening of the pluralization of work meanings (Gosetti 2007), that goes far
beyond the classical dualism between instrumental and expressive orientations. Among factors
influencing the work meanings construction, a significant role is played by those which have
an objective nature concerning personal characteristics, such as young people’s age, gender
and level of education. Furthermore, we have to take into account the social context and the
family of origin in terms of social, cultural and economic status that significantly influence
young people’s expectations of work. A common element between Southern and Northern
regions is the central role of families in terms of safety net, an aspect that deeply influences
the dependency on ascriptive variables. The path towards increasing work flexibility in Italy
seems to affect mainly job stability/instability and a widespread difficulty, for young people,
to define their life choices related to the transition to adult life. Particularly in the South of
Italy, young couples are exposed to a context of flex-insecurity that leads to a mix of overeducation, economic vulnerability and “passive acceptance”.
After having examined the main reasons which lead young people to work in call centers,
we can assert that often it represents a “pragmatic” choice involving sacrificing personal
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
aspirations and study for the security offered by a stable job, even if low paid, without
connections to the study background and with poor future work perspectives. Only few people
chose the call centers as a temporary stage, while more often people made a conscious choice,
in a period of their life in which there are no other chances for better jobs, adequate to their
abilities. As highlighted by Gosetti “at the basis of the orientation to work for young people,
there are some consolidated aspects, such as de-ideologization, pragmatism, negotiation,
disenchantment, realism, and selectivity that does not correspond to work refusal, but rather
it is a tendency to critically evaluate job opportunities” (Gosetti 2007, p. 163). However,
especially in Southern regions, socio-economically disadvantaged, the call center in the midterm becomes a trap for young workers, a “tunnel” in which it is very easy to enter but it is
very difficult to get out of. In the South of Italy “ties” have more relevance due to the fact that
opportunities for youths are drastically reduced. In fact, over a third of respondents (31.3%)
have been working in the same call center from 1 to 3 years, but 66.9% are not currently looking
for a new job (table 6) because they have become used to this job or they are “happy with it”.
Organizational environment, job features and the nature of
employment
24
As emerges from the literature on this subject, only rarely (Paulet 2008; Pierre and Tremblay
2012) has research explored the relationship between call centers and the external environment
in which they are located. More often attention has been paid to occupational dynamics and
to organizational practices mainly related to each specific structure. On the contrary, using
our data we propose a detailed analysis of such a relationship which seems to have a great
influence on human resource management throughout workers’ recruitment and selection
strategies. In fact, looking at our sample, data proposed in table 7 suggest that family networks
(Granovetter 1973) deeply influence both workers’ motivations, as well as management
recruitment practices. In particular, 42% of people interviewed declared that they found the job
via family contacts or friends, while 44.1% spontaneously sent a curriculum to the company
or answered a job advertisement. Less widespread is, instead, the support of public labor
institutions and above all the role of private recruiting agencies set up at the beginning of the
90s with the aim of promoting a better fit between labor supply and demand. This practice
usually creates triangular employment relations in which workers establish connections with
several employers. In Italy, and in the Southern regions more than in the other considered
areas, finding a job is mainly related to a model which may be defined as “do it by yourself”. In
addition clientelism prevails in institutional channels by considering that acquiring a full time
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
job as inbound operator may often require a recommendation or sponsorship by politicians or
other local authorities.
25
At the stage of job interviews, the most required competences of applicants are mainly
relational skills, not directly related to their education or professional qualifications (table
8). Concerning this, managers do not express any interest in skills achieved at school and
certified by university titles. Although 40% of our sample has a university degree (BA and MA
level) or attend university courses, only 4.3% of applicants were asked for a university degree
whereas for 39.6% the required level of education was the high school diploma. Unexpectedly,
the knowledge of foreign languages and marketing principles do not also represent necessary
conditions required by this kind of job, while technological competences related to the use of
computers and specific software, as well as team-working orientation, are more important.
26
Good communication and mainly savoir-fare skills in dealing with customers are particularly
significant for managers who look for these competences in over 70% of the cases. As argued
by Della Rocca and Fortunato (2006) this is an explicit recognition that worker’ professional
skills and abilities do not only and necessarily rely on their certifications such as school or
academic titles or other public and corporation certifications, but they depend on how these
certifications become effective behaviors and practices in delivering services. On the side
of “acted” competences (table 9), those effectively adopted by call center operators, social
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
representations confirm the above mentioned framework. In particular, 70% of the workers
claimed that they “always” use relational competences in their working tasks, and 20% do
it “often”. The same results concern the use of information technology competences and the
predisposition to team-working. Another confirmation is the rare use of foreign languages.
The unique difference is related to a quite widespread use of sale and marketing competences,
above all for outbound operators, due to the specific kind of activities such as telemarketing,
sales, market analysis, etc.
27
28
To fill the cognitive gaps in particular fields, but mainly to “adapt” the workers to the
specific features of the job as operators, in all the call centers we analyzed there is a
training period which is articulated in two phases related with each other: training courses
directly managed by the companies (75.3%) and training on the job under the supervision
of senior workers (63.2%). Moreover, companies usually (in 17.7% of the cases) adopt selftraining materials distributed to workers. Rarely (4.8%) are training activities outsourced to
professional agencies or firms.
Of particular interest is the analysis of contracts with which workers are hired (table 10). In
contrast with previous studies (Altieri 2002, Isfol 2008), our research shows that working
in a call center is, at least formally, less precarious than it appears in social representations.
In fact, there emerges a difference between “standard contracts” and “non-standard” or nontraditional ones (Regalia 2009). On one side, probably as a result of the law n. 17/2006
(Circolare Damiano) implementation, the great majority (50.4%) of the workers have a full
time contract, as opposed to the 22% who are employed with project or short term contracts.
Between the various areas of the country there are significant differences. For example in
the Centre of Italy (Lazio) there is concentrated the highest percentage of full time workers
(60.4%) whereas the lowest (42.3%) may be found in the South (Calabria) along with the
highest percentage of atypical contracts (40.1%). In general, atypical contracts regard almost
exclusively outbound operators (84%) who have the duty of calling customers and convincing
them, with different levels of intensity, to buy the product. The effort required of workers is
therefore directed to persuade clients, along with the number of contacts and results achieved.
Inbound operators instead are pre-eminently hired with permanent contracts (65.8%). In this
case customers’ calls are in-coming and this would require a more experienced worker who
is able to professionally deal with clients, with their needs and expectations. For these tasks
the effort is related to listening to clients, to the management of calls, to solving problems,
always offering a good image of the company. For this reason it is necessary to achieve the
greater workers’ commitment through full time contracts. As far as the spread of temporary
contracts, this kind of employment relation is particularly adopted by call centers located in
Sicily followed by those in Lazio and Lombardy.
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
29
30
Working time is another aspect that needs to be considered. Concerning this, looking at
the weekly working time scheduling (including over-time work), there are no particular
differences among workers. In fact, 23.3% of our sample work for thirty hours a week; 17.3%
for forty hours; 17% for twenty hours, while only 4.1% declared to work less than twenty
hours a week. Overall, the vast majority of workers (66.1%) affirmed that they appreciate their
working time and shifts, with no difference by gender and age.
In order to better understand the organization and the labor practices within call centers it is
crucial to draw attention to the task carried out by workers (table 11). In fact research findings
confirm a clear difference between inbound call center operators, who represent 34.8% of the
whole workforce, and outbound operators who account for 24.2%. These percentages become
even higher if we consider those workers who perform their task pre-eminently in inbound
or outbound. From a qualitative point of view both typologies have different characteristic
features that allow us to define two different identikits of call center operators. In particular,
looking at the education level, graduated workers are mainly concentrated (58.4%) among
those who work exclusively or pre-eminently in inbound, while outbound operators generally
have a high school diploma (48.7%). On the other hand, if we take into account the age - as
shown by Chart 1 - inbound operators tend to be a little bit older than outbound ones. 23.5%
have an age included in the range 26-30 years, followed by another 22.6% aged between 31
and 35 as opposed to outbound workers whose highest percentage (23%) belongs to the range
20-25 years old. Another slight difference concerns gender; in particular 32.8% of women
have an inbound job and this percentage decreases to 26.2% with an outbound task.
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
31
Table 12 gives us a detailed picture of tasks performed by call center operators within the
different suggested typologies thus underlining the main differences and similarities. A first
aspect concerns the private or public nature of the call centers, in particular public call centers
and, above all, those with over 200 workers employ almost exclusively (91.7%) inbound
operators whose profile we have seen above tends to be more specialized and less precarious
than other operators. Similarly, the inbound task is more widespread in big size specialized or
dedicated call centers (66.2%) and in the generalist ones (58.2%).
32
The second finding is that the “size”, in terms of workforce employed, is definitely important.
In other words it seems that small sized call centers tend to be characterized by a greater use
of outbound workers; this is particularly true for dedicated/single-task organizations as well
as for the generalist/multitasking ones under 200 employees. Even from the point of view
of salaries earned by operators there are differences directly linked to workers’ tasks and to
employment contracts (table 13). Overall, almost half the employees of our survey (43%)
are included within the range 500-800 Euros per month, but a significant percentage (about
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
20%) of the workforce can be found over the psychological edge of 1.000 Euros. On the other
hand, only 12% of call center operators monthly earn less than 500 Euros. In a more detailed
analysis, we find that the inbound or outbound task deeply influences the payment structure.
In particular, 47.6% of operators who work exclusively in inbound earn a salary that may vary
between 500 and 800 Euros, but the other 50% is more or less equally distributed over that
limit and, therefore, inbound workers may also earn up to 1.500 Euros per month according to
their working time and length of time employed. On the contrary, 37.8% of outbound workers
earn less the 500 Euros whereas 38.3% of them are included in the intermediate range.
33
To support our analysis based on job inequalities related to tasks and employment contracts,
research data confirm that among call center operators who earn less than 500 Euros there are
workers with temporary (73.4%) and fixed term contracts (13.5%). The highest percentage
(35.9%) of workers with full time employment contracts are instead in the range 800-1000
Euros and another 54.5% belong to the further ranges up to 1.300 Euros. Furthermore, a
basic (fixed) pay is the traditional modality of payment for inbound operators (60.3%) while
outbound workers usually have both a fixed base pay integrated by incentives or economic
bonuses related to the achievement of company objectives.
Employment relations and HRM strategies
34
35
As argued by Normann (1984) many service activities, among which call centers, may be
considered as personality intensity. For this reason several companies mainly invest in “social
innovation” (Pierre and Tremblay, 2012) which means to invent and re-define roles, to
discover new ways to manage and improve workers’ capabilities, to define new systems of
learning, developing a positive organizational environment and good relations among workers.
In fact, such a positive approach within the organization makes the achievement of business
targets possible and simpler. Starting from this idea, we asked our respondents some questions
in order to explore the nature and “quality” of employment relations and the level of workers’
satisfaction on various issues concerning their labor activities.
Overall from workers’ social representations emerge a dynamic environment in which the
level of interaction among call center operators, as well as with team leaders (the nearest in
the management hierarchy) is quite high at the workplace. By looking at the relations with
the management (table 14) the majority of workers underline the attention of managers to the
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
establishment of a good social environment within the organizations, as well as a focus on
workers’ needs, at the same time it is clear the management concern about the results.
36
There, emerges therefore a working environment, which is, at least apparently, without
conflicts and tensions both at a horizontal level among workers, and at a vertical level, with
superiors with whom workers establish relationships that are mainly based on collaboration
(65.2%) and friendship (43.1), as described in Chart 2.
37
From this point of view, there seems to be a “democratic” leadership style based mainly on
the informality of the relationships and a downwards devolution of responsibilities, in order to
stimulate the sense of belonging and to enhance the participation of workers. Only for 19.4% of
them does the leadership assume an authoritarian character, and for 24.3% it has strict control
over the workers. The just outlined scenario is strengthened by the data shown in table 15 and
relating to some aspects, that are particularly important in the management of human resources
such as, for example, the ability of management to motivate the staff, the quality and specificity
of training offered, the clarity of the tasks and roles according to the operating contract. Some
problems arise, however, from the difficulty of properly exploiting the potential of individuals
within organizations, as well as to recognize and give credit to the results achieved by the
operators. Overall, also in the case of call centres, the search for organizational commitment
by workers is a central element in managerial strategies to increase the efficiency of workers
and, at the same time, to improve the quality of the service and this is substantially realized in
the creation of a more pleasant working environment, free from conflict and tension, in which
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
incentives and control over workers are carefully measured to obtain the best result. As noted
by Pierre et Tremblay “there are call centers that do make efforts to couple economic and
social performance taking into consideration working conditions” (2011, p. 54). In particular,
management does have an option offering better working conditions to increase its retention
rate as well as workers’ involvement to achieve quality and better economic performance.
38
The policies of incentives and control do not seem to generate particular conflict or discomfort,
at least at the aggregate level. Our sample indicates the existence of a system of incentives
and penalties of a traditional matrix (table 16). In this regard, 85.3% of respondents said
that the failure to reach the goals set by the company has consequences. A verbal warning
is the most common result (66.5%), followed by economic penalty connected to premiums
(48.4%). Obstacles to career progression are a negative consequence that almost half of all
workers (40.6%) expect, together with a penalty in the allocation of tasks (34.5). The system
of sanctions perceived by the operators goes up to job loss, expected by 36.9% of respondents
in case of failure to reach targets.
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Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
39
40
The type of contract affects fears of job loss; whereas for project workers it is expected, and
to some extent inherent in the nature of the contract, such a concern is not conceivable in
the operators with permanent contracts. However, 21.3% of these express the fear of losing
their jobs. The type of call center and the dimensions suggest, moreover, a reading of more
diverse business cases. In particular, it is known that of the people who are afraid of losing
their jobs as a penalty for not achieving the results set 52.3% belong to the generalist type
of call center with less than 200 employees. In contrast, call centers, especially larger ones,
appear to provide peace of mind to operators in terms of job stability.
Finally, to better understand the impact and the effectiveness of managerial strategies on call
center operators, we asked them to express their level of satisfaction or dissatisfaction (table
17) regarding some key items related to the workplace concerning both material and psychosocial aspects.
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41
42
Workers’ social representations seem to confirm the Herzberg (1966) theory according to
which there is a clear path to overcome the negative effects introduced by Taylor with
Scientific management. Call center operators are almost exclusively satisfied, and in different
ways, by those contents which are “external” to labor such as salary, full time employment,
working conditions, good relations with colleagues and managers. On the contrary, low level
of workers’ satisfaction concern the “internal” and more important content of labor which
means career opportunities, greater involvement and participation, greater autonomy over their
work, more creative tasks, a greater correspondence with their study background. It clearly
emerges that management succeed in satisfying those aspects which are external to labor,
but it becomes harder to accomplish with those requests that are instead directly linked and
can definitely improve workers’ satisfaction, as well as motivation through a job-enrichment
process. Therefore, looking at the examined call centers and at the specific tasks required by
this job, we suggest that mangers be more willing and pay greater attention to reduce workers’
dissatisfaction rather than stimulate workers and increase their motivation.
Conclusions
After having analyzed some of the most meaningful data emerging from this research, we
will try to briefly outline some inherent aspects in the organizational dimension and the work
practices that occur in the call centers in the survey areas. A first significant aspect to be
underlined concerns the figure of the operators, the characteristics and the motivations that
influence these people in their work choice. Without any attempt to generalize the results of our
analysis, the data give a rather heterogeneous picture in which the work in the call center and,
above all, the figure of the operator assume a meaning and peculiar characteristics according
to the specific territorial context. For instance, in Calabria there is the highest percentage
of young people below the age of thirty (61.8%), and in Lombardy 35.8% are over forty.
Analogous considerations are true for the level of education, in fact, among the operators of
the Calabrian and Sicilian call centers there are the highest percentages of young graduates
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43
44
and university students. However, it is above all in the motivations and on the working choice
that the social context and the relationship networks have a fundamental impact, contributing
to define the different meanings attributed to work. Altogether, in this period of crisis and
widespread absence of work, the lack of alternatives represents, in all the analyzed cases,
the principal motivation pushing young people to work in a call center. In addition, in the
South of Italy, in many cases this choice represents their only possible opportunity given the
fragility of the economic productive system. In these areas call centers invest a lot and they
occupy economic spaces left free by other entrepreneurial activities (Pierre et Tremblay 2012),
absorbing the young work force which has a high-level of education and that cannot find any
other position. In Lazio and especially in the case of Lombardy, instead, as well as the lack of
alternatives, there is a wider acceptance of the idea of flexibility of work which is understood
as the possibility to do other paid activities, to have work times that are not rigidly defined; or
more simply to reconcile work and life time. Also the idea of temporariness gives us a measure
of the differences between the analyzed contexts. In fact, almost a third of the interviewees
(31.3%) have worked in the same call center for between one to three years. But above all,
66.9% of the interviewees declare not to be currently looking for a new job because they get
on well where they are or because they are by now “resigned” to their lot. Among those people
who are not searching for a new job “because it is okay like this”, 39% are found in Lombardy
and 34% in Lazio, while the highest percentage among those people who declare they want to
change jobs is recorded in Calabria and in Sicily (26.5%), or rather in those regions in which
the operators are younger, with a higher level of education and more inclined to equate the
studies done with the search for a better job. In substance, in the two Southern areas, which
are more handicapped from the socio-economic point of view, the call centers become traps
into which it is easy to fall, but from which it is difficult to get out even if you want to. While
in the two cases of the Center and the North more weight is given by the interviewed workers
to the subjective value of the rational choice, of the utilitarian dimension.
With regard to the work content, work in the call centers does not ask for particular skills
or abilities. What is important is the ability to communicate positively with the clientele,
to interact with the others, to know how to resolve the problems if and when they occur.
The savoir-faire prevails, therefore, over the know-how (Accornero, Carmignani 1986). The
mismatch between possessed competences and those enacted is meaningful, there is no
professional enrichment, above all for the outbound operators who repetitively follow the
same “script”, which in the long run ends up with producing anxieties and frustrations in
the young operators. Notwithstanding this, the climate inside the analyzed organizations is
predominantly positive; in fact, there are good relationships between the colleagues and with
the management, these are characterized by a collaborative leadership style, which is scarcely
authoritarian and is directed to favor the commitment of the operators through the creation of a
working environment in which friendship and informality prevails. In reality, the harmony and
the collaboration that seem to characterize the surface relationships between the subjects, and
the appearance of operator autonomy in the carrying out of the job do not hide the imperative
of the production and the objectives that must necessarily be reached.
In general it is necessary to underline that, however disqualified and alienating it can appear,
the job in the call centers introduces some aspects that must necessarily be taken into
consideration in our reflection. Above all, there emerges a very great distinction between
inbound and outbound operators, to which there is added the possibility of a greater or
lesser formalization of the employment relationship, full time permanent contract or project
contract. The reading of the data substantially confirms the clean split between the two
modalities to which correspond tasks, safeguards, different retributive levels with relative
different intensity in the degree of work satisfaction. Synthetically, we can say that the “ghost
of uselessness” (Sennett 1999) is a feeling felt at the end of the day more by the outbound
operators than by the inbound ones. If, therefore, the outbound operators job is traditionally
translated into what can be defined as “bad job”, the inbound job, both in terms of content and
of image, socially appears more acceptable, to the point of becoming a “good job” even for
the young graduates, especially in the regions of the South.
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46
Besides the territorial variable and the difference between the two principal tasks, another
noticeable aspect to be considered is represented by the typology of call center. The
distinction we proposed between different types of call center in outsourcing, multi-tasking,
specialization, being of public utility, suggests some important considerations that influence
the modalities with which the work is done, on the operators’ condition, and on the motivation.
A first aspect concerns the public or private nature of the service rendered. In general, in the
call centers of public utility there is the highest percentage of operators that exclusively and
primarily work in inbound (over 90%), while in the multi-tasking and specialized call centers
the two modalities have the tendency to combine. A further element, tightly connected to
the type of call center, is represented by the dimension in terms of number of posts and of
operators. In the smaller call centers the prevailing modality is the outbound calls, there are
generally better working conditions and a higher level of satisfaction. As far as regards the
working conditions, the most problematic aspects are found, instead, in the large multi-tasking
call centers in which a sense of unease is manifested more frequently and the workers report
lower levels of satisfaction.
In conclusion, through these data the investigation suggests an image of the Italian call
center as a non-homogeneous reality (Huws 2009), since organizational work and production
modalities vary in function of some fundamental variables, such as the context in which the
center operates, the business dimensions, the specialization of the activities or the size of the
offer of the services, the work modality that is predominantly used, the public or private nature.
The combination of such characteristics leads to significant differences, both in terms of work
organization and conditions, in the profile of the operator as well as in the management of the
working relationships. Taking into account such differences, it is possible to understand the
operation and the internal dynamics of the call centers and, above all, the choices of young
people, who in various contexts opt for this type of career.
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Notes
1 We refer at the Global Call Center project (Holman et al. 2007) based on comparative survey and
qualitative research from call centers located in several European countries such Austria, Denmark,
France, Germany, the Netherlands and Spain.
2 The paper is based on original data from a national research carried out in 2010 and financed by
the Italian Minister of scientific research on “labor organization and wellbeing in Italian call center”, in
partnership with researchers of the University of Rome “La Sapienza”, Milan “Statale” and Catania, in
Sicily. As far as methodology, each research group chose call centers, in accordance with the identified
criteria, in some cases among those companies available to cooperate with researchers and in some others
delivering questionnaires directly to call center operators outside the firm at the end of their working
shifts. In addition, we also experienced problems related to specific typologies of call centers such as the
public ones with more than 200 employees which are less diffused in the South of Italy and those privatededicated with less than 200 employees; this meant that we covered 19 organizations instead of 24 as
originally foreseen in the research plan. Finally, we delivered at least 50 questionnaires in call centers
with less than 200 employees and at least 100 questionnaires in those ones over 200 employees.
3 The questionnaire consisted in 54 closed questions articulated in five broad sections covering aspects
such as socio-demographic information; workers’ identity and motivation, education and previous work
experiences; the nature of work and the main characteristic features; employment and labor relations;
working conditions.
4 Project work (previously defined as coordinated and continuative collaboration), before the labor
reform promoted in 2003, represented for a long time the mostly adopted form of employment contract in
Italian call centers (Altieri, 2002; Isfol, 2008). In practice, this traditionally led to a managerial abuse of
cheap as well as flexible working contracts both numerical and functional. To avoid negative outcomes
for workers and to reduce the spread of non standard contracts in call centers, under Unions’ pressure,
the Italian Government defined a specific law n.17/2006 better known as “Circolare Damiano” (from
the name of the former Minister of Labor and Welfare), which declared illegitimate the management
use of such a contract for inbound and mixed activities, leaving it still possible for outbound tasks
only. Following this institutional intervention, social parties reached an agreement to set the guidelines
that companies would have had to accomplish to turn non standard contracts in traditional forms of
employment.
5 As Reyneri argues “the over education, the objective or perceived difference between the education
level or personal knowledge and the specific work role or the required knowledge, is widespread in all
European countries, even if with different degrees. This condition mainly regards youths, especially those
ones who have temporary jobs, and the phenomenon is increasing in all European countries” (2009, p.54).
Pour citer cet article
Référence électronique
Vincenzo Fortunato, « Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during
the crisis », Revue Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013,
consulté le 25 avril 2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1961
À propos de l'auteur
Vincenzo Fortunato
Università della Calabria.
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
23
Labor organization and employment relations in Italian call centers during the crisis
Résumés
Cet article traite du thème des relations et de l’organisation dans les centres d’appels en
Italie, tenant compte en particulier des changements sociaux, politiques et économiques
significatifs en cours, de l’impact de la crise financière, du processus de restructuration
des industries ainsi que de l’importante diffusion des entreprises du secteur des services. Il
devient particulièrement intéressant d’observer les processus organisationnels et les pratiques
de travail dans les centres d’appel. Cet article vise à contribuer au débat sociologique sur le
travail à l’intérieur de ces nouvelles formes d’organisation et sur son impact sur l’économie
de la connaissance. À travers des données issues d’une recherche récente, menée dans 19
centres d’appels italiens privés et publics situés dans quatre zones du pays, et fondée sur 1 715
questionnaires, nous explorons le rôle et les caractéristiques des employés, les stratégies en
matière de gestion des ressources humaines, les relations de travail. Nous accordons aussi une
attention particulière à l’impact des différents contextes dans l’organisation et les pratiques
de travail.
The article deals with labor relations and organization within call centers in Italy. In particular,
by considering the ongoing significant social, political and economic changes, the impact
of the financial crisis, the restructuring process of industries as well as the great diffusion
of enterprises within the service sector, it becomes particularly interesting to look at inside
organizational processes and labor practices within call centers. The paper aims to contribute
to the sociological debate on labor within this new form of organization and on its impact on
the so called knowledge economy. Using data from a recent research carried out with 1.715
operators in 19 Italian private and public call centers located in four areas of the country, we
explore the role and characteristics of the workers, human resource strategies and employment
relations, drawing also attention to the impact of different contexts on labor organization and
practices.
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : centres d’appel, organisation, ressources humaines, services, travail
Keywords : call center, human resources, organization, services, work
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
24
Revue Interventions
économiques
47 (2013)
Emploi et inégalités sociales
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Pierre Fortin, Luc Godbout et Suzie St-Cerny
L’impact des services de garde à
contribution réduite du Québec
sur le taux d’activité féminin, le
revenu intérieur et les budgets
gouvernementaux
................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
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................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Référence électronique
Pierre Fortin, Luc Godbout et Suzie St-Cerny, « L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec
sur le taux d’activité féminin, le revenu intérieur et les budgets gouvernementaux », Revue Interventions
économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 24 avril 2015. URL : http://
interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1858
Éditeur : Télé-université, UQAM
http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org
http://www.revues.org
Document accessible en ligne sur :
http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1858
Document généré automatiquement le 24 avril 2015.
© Tous droits réservés
L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
Pierre Fortin, Luc Godbout et Suzie St-Cerny
L’impact des services de garde à
contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux
d’activité féminin, le revenu intérieur et les
budgets gouvernementaux
Mise en contexte
1
2
3
4
5
Au sein de la fédération canadienne, le Québec se démarque des autres provinces par une
politique familiale plus étendue. Son soutien financier aux familles est plus important, son
régime de congés parentaux est plus généreux, et son programme de services de garde à
contribution réduite est unique. L’objet de la présente étude consiste à estimer l’impact de ce
dernier programme, qui fut lancé en 1997 par le gouvernement du Québec, sur le taux d’activité
féminin, le revenu intérieur (PIB) et les budgets gouvernementaux1.
Au Canada, dans les provinces autres que le Québec, les parents usagers des services de
garde paient le plein tarif, puis bénéficient ensuite d’une déduction fiscale non remboursable
à l’impôt sur le revenu fédéral et provincial. Des subventions directes d’importance variable
sont également accordées par les provinces aux familles à faible revenu et aux établissements
prestataires de services. Le programme de services de garde du Québec, quant à lui, est de
conception plus « scandinave ». Un petit tarif uniforme (5 $ par jour de 1997 à 2003 et
de 7 $ depuis 2004) est prélevé auprès de tous les parents usagers de services agréés en
garderie et en milieu familial. Au lieu de reposer principalement sur les subventions fiscales
aux usagers comme dans les autres provinces, le programme québécois est avant tout basé
sur les subventions directes à ces services en garderie et en milieu familial, lesquelles rendent
possible le tarif universel réduit. En même temps, il reste un petit secteur de garderies privées
réglementées, mais non subventionnées, dont les usagers bénéficient d’un crédit d’impôt
provincial remboursable pour frais de garde en plus de la déduction fiscale fédérale.
Que le régime des services de garde repose surtout sur les subventions directes, comme
au Québec, ou sur les subventions fiscales, comme dans les autres provinces canadiennes,
son impact économique découle de la réduction du prix que les parents finissent par payer
effectivement pour les services reçus, après prise en compte de tous les avantages tarifaires et
fiscaux2. Cette réduction du prix de la garde fait augmenter le salaire que les mères peuvent
obtenir au net en allant travailler, ce qui encourage leur entrée dans la population active. En
additionnant tous les avantages directs et fiscaux qui s’appliquent au prix payé par une famille
biparentale pour les services de garde, Baker, Gruber et Milligan (2008) ont calculé que la
réforme québécoise a fait passer le taux de subvention du prix de la garde par les mesures
gouvernementales de 47 % en 1997, alors que les subventions était surtout fiscales, à 80 % en
2002, après qu’elles soient devenues surtout directes. Ils ont constaté, par la même occasion,
que le régime principalement fiscalisé qui est en vigueur ailleurs au Canada subventionnait
le prix de la garde à un taux d’environ 32 %, très semblable d’une province à l’autre et
relativement stable dans le temps.
L’intérêt scientifique pour les conséquences économiques de la réforme québécoise de 1997
n’est pas nouveau. Nous relevons quatre études statistiques qui se sont penchées sur cette
question, soit celles de Lefebvre et Merrigan (2008), Baker, Gruber et Milligan (2008),
Lefebvre, Merrigan et Verstraete (2009) et Lefebvre, Merrigan et Roy-Desrosiers (2012).
Il s’agit d’études microéconomiques qui ont exploité les données d’enquêtes longitudinales
canadiennes, notamment pour estimer les effets du programme québécois sur le taux de
présence des enfants en services de garde, le taux d’emploi des mères, certains revenus et
transferts fiscaux et le développement des enfants.
Dans la présente étude, nous grimpons, pour ainsi dire, sur les épaules de ces chercheurs
afin d’aller plus loin. Nous procédons en trois étapes. Premièrement, après avoir confirmé
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
2
L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
6
7
8
la cohérence de leurs estimations, nous les additionnons de façon à répondre à la question
suivante : au total, combien de mères de plus détiennent un emploi par suite de l’introduction
du programme québécois ? Nous portons une attention particulière à l’effet de persistance
du programme, découvert par Lefebvre, Merrigan et Verstraete (2009). Ils ont trouvé non
seulement que l’utilisation des services de garde à contribution réduite permet au taux d’emploi
des mères d’augmenter pendant que leurs enfants sont d’âge préscolaire, mais également que
cet effet positif sur l’emploi maternel persiste ultérieurement, une fois qu’ils ont fait leur entrée
à l’école. Tout compte fait, nous estimons que, dans l’année repère 2008, le programme de
services de garde a permis à 69 700 mères de plus d’occuper un emploi, ce qui représente une
addition de 3,8 % à l’emploi des femmes et de 1,8 % à l’emploi total du Québec.
Deuxièmement, nous tenons compte du fait que l’impact économique de l’intégration au travail
de ces 69 700 femmes est plus large que son seul effet sur le marché du travail. Il a modifié
l’équilibre général de l’économie. Il y a eu des répercussions sur les salaires et la rentabilité
des entreprises qui ont, à leur tour, eu un effet favorable sur l’investissement en équipement
productif. L’arrivée des nouvelles recrues a fait augmenter non seulement la masse salariale
du Québec, mais l’activité économique dans son ensemble et les revenus de propriété comme
les revenus d’emploi. Nous estimons qu’en 2008 le PIB du Québec a ainsi été supérieur de
1,7 %, soit de 5,1 G$, au niveau qu’il aurait atteint si le Québec avait conservé l’approche
traditionnelle encore en vigueur dans les autres provinces plutôt que de s’engager dans son
nouveau programme.
Troisièmement, nous procédons à une synthèse des avantages et des coûts du programme
du Québec du point de vue des finances publiques. L’objectif est d’estimer son effet net
sur les soldes budgétaires des administrations fédérale et provinciale en 2008. Ici encore, le
scénario alternatif auquel nous comparons le programme québécois est celui qui prévaudrait
si, au lieu de procéder à la réforme de 1997, le Québec avait continué à suivre l’approche
canadienne traditionnelle. Nous distinguons trois effets du programme sur les dépenses et les
revenus gouvernementaux : 1) l’augmentation des subventions directes du Québec aux divers
services de garde à contribution réduite, 2) la réduction des subventions fiscales accordées
par les administrations aux parents usagers des services de garde, et 3) la hausse des revenus
autonomes et la baisse des transferts gouvernementaux qui résultent de la hausse du revenu
d’emploi des mères et du PIB du Québec. Nous concluons qu’au net le programme québécois
a eu un impact favorable de 919 M$ sur les soldes budgétaires gouvernementaux en 2008.
Avant de présenter en détails ces trois étapes, la section qui suit va décrire l’évolution
comparative des services de garde à l’enfance et de l’activité féminine au Québec et dans
les autres provinces canadiennes depuis le milieu des années 1990. À la fin de l’étude, la
conclusion va soupeser brièvement la portée et les limites de nos résultats démontrant les
effets favorables du programme québécois des services de garde sur les soldes budgétaires des
administrations. Il reste naturellement beaucoup à faire pour améliorer le bon fonctionnement
du régime québécois et la qualité des soins prodigués aux enfants.
Analyse descriptive de l’évolution des services de garde et
de l’activité féminine au Canada
9
10
Au Canada, les provinces sont les premières responsables des services de garde à l’enfance.
Le gouvernement fédéral est néanmoins intervenu dans ce domaine par ses transferts aux
provinces au titre des programmes sociaux à partir de 1966 et par sa fiscalité à partir de 1972.
Dans ce dernier cas, il accorde aux parents de toutes les provinces une déduction pour frais
de garde non remboursable à l’impôt sur le revenu3. Dans les provinces autres que le Québec,
la déduction pour frais de garde s’applique tant à l’impôt provincial qu’à l’impôt fédéral.
Enfin, des subventions d’importance variable sont offertes aux familles à faible revenu et aux
établissements prestataires de services.
Jusqu’en 1993, l’impôt sur le revenu du Québec soumettait lui aussi les frais de garde à une
déduction fiscale non remboursable. En 1994, le Québec a remplacé cette déduction par un
crédit d’impôt remboursable plus généreux, dont le taux varie entre 75 % des frais de garde
pour les plus bas revenus et 26 % pour les plus hauts. De 1994 à 1997, les familles à revenu
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
11
12
13
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modeste et les garderies et agences de garde en milieu familial ont continué à recevoir des
subventions comme dans les autres provinces.
Les choses ont changé à partir de septembre 1997 avec l’introduction par le Québec d’un
programme de services de garde à contribution réduite. Un tarif quotidien uniforme de 5 $
a commencé à être appliqué à tous les parents usagers de services agréés en garderie et en
milieu familial. Ce nouveau tarif équivalait à moins du tiers de la contribution antérieure
des parents en garderie et en agence. Cette contribution était en moyenne de 17,60 $ par
jour en mars 1997 (Office des services de garde à l’enfance 1997). Une exception a été faite
pour les parents à l’assistance sociale, qui ont obtenu un accès gratuit aux services de garde
pendant l’équivalent de deux journées et demie par semaine. Afin d’assurer l’implantation
de la contribution parentale uniforme de 5 $, le gouvernement a accru considérablement ses
subventions directes aux garderies et aux services en milieu familial admissibles. En matière
fiscale, les parents ont continué à bénéficier de la déduction fédérale pour frais de garde.
Cependant, depuis septembre 1997, ceux qui ont accès aux services de garde à tarif réduit
du Québec n’ont plus droit au crédit d’impôt provincial remboursable pour frais de garde.
Seuls les parents d’enfants en garderie formelle non subventionnée ou en garde non parentale
informelle peuvent l’obtenir. Ce crédit d’impôt a été bonifié deux fois, en 2000 et en 2009.
Au départ, en septembre 1997, le nouveau programme visait les enfants de 4 ans. Au cours
des années suivantes, il a été étendu aux enfants de plus en plus jeunes, jusqu’à son ouverture
définitive à tous les enfants de 0 à 4 ans en septembre 2000. En milieu scolaire, la maternelle à
temps plein a été offerte à tous les enfants de 5 ans à partir de septembre 1997, et des services
de garde à 5 $ par jour ont été mis à la disposition de tous les enfants de 5 à 12 ans avant et après
les heures de classe à la maternelle et à l’école primaire. En janvier 2004, le tarif uniforme a
été porté à 7 $ par jour. Il était encore à ce niveau en 2012.
Le nouveau régime québécois a entraîné une importante diminution de la contribution des
parents au coût des services de garde. Afin de tracer le portrait entier des subventions
gouvernementales au coût de la garde, Baker, Gruber et Milligan (2008) ont additionné l’aide
financière pour la garde d’enfants aux familles à revenu modeste, la subvention requise pour
maintenir la contribution parentale au taux uniforme de 5 $ par jour, la déduction fiscale
fédérale et le crédit d’impôt remboursable du Québec. Ils ont trouvé qu’entre 1997 et 2002
la réforme québécoise a entraîné une baisse de 62 % de la contribution moyenne des familles
biparentales au coût de la garde et une baisse de 39 % de celle des familles monoparentales4.
La baisse de tarif plus modérée dans le cas de ces dernières s’explique par le fait qu’un grand
nombre bénéficiaient déjà d’une aide financière avant la réforme.
L’importante diminution du coût des services de garde pour les parents québécois a déclenché
une ruée des familles vers les places à contribution réduite de 5 $, puis de 7 $. La figure 1
illustre la progression du nombre de places occupées en services de garde réglementés (en
installation et en milieu familial) par les enfants d’âge préscolaire de mars 1997 à mars 2012.
De 1998 à 2006, le nombre de places à contribution réduite a crû à vive allure, soit de 12,5 %
par année, et les garderies non subventionnées ont pratiquement disparu. Toutefois, la création
de nouvelles places à 7 $ a ralenti après 2006, leur nombre n’ayant augmenté que de 1,7 % par
année de 2006 à 2012. Le rationnement de la demande de places à tarif réduit qui s’en est suivi
a poussé un nombre croissant de parents du côté des garderies non subventionnées, qui ont
ainsi connu un regain de vie. Le gouvernement ne s’est pas opposé à ce déplacement, mais l’a
au contraire encouragé en annonçant dans son Budget du printemps 2008 qu’il hausserait le
crédit d’impôt pour frais de garde, auquel seuls les usagers des garderies non subventionnées
et de la garde non parentale informelle ont droit (sur présentation de reçus). La hausse est
entrée en vigueur en 2009.
La figure 1 indique qu’en mars 1997, quelques mois avant le lancement du programme des
places à contribution réduite, 79 000 enfants, soit 18 % de tous les enfants de 0 à 4 ans du
Québec, fréquentaient les garderies et les agences en milieu familial réglementées. Quinze ans
plus tard, en mars 2012, le nombre de places occupées en services de garde réglementés avait
triplé, atteignant 245 000 (55 % des 0 à 4 ans). À cette date, on comptait 217 000 places à tarif
réduit de 7 $ par jour, où seule la déduction fiscale fédérale pouvait être obtenue5, et 28 000
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
4
L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
places à plein tarif dans des garderies réglementées, mais non subventionnées, où les parents
avaient accès au crédit d’impôt remboursable du Québec en plus de la déduction fédérale.
16
Comment la situation a-t-elle évolué dans les neuf autres provinces canadiennes ? Baker,
Gruber et Milligan (2008) ont estimé que la contribution moyenne des familles biparentales
au coût des services de garde n’a guère changé dans ces provinces de 1997 à 2002. Alors
qu’au Québec le taux de subvention pour ces familles passait de 47 % à 80 % du coût de la
garde, ailleurs au Canada il s’est maintenu autour de 32 %. La figure 2 montre que l’évolution
comparative du taux de fréquentation des services de garde réglementés par les enfants d’âge
préscolaire de 1998 à 2008 est conforme à cette divergence notable entre le taux de subvention
du Québec et celui des autres provinces. Au Québec, le taux de fréquentation est passé de 19 %
à 51 % ; ailleurs au Canada, de 22 % à 25 % (CRRU 2000 ; Beach et coll. 2009)6.
17
La multiplication du nombre de places à contribution réduite au Québec depuis 1997 a entraîné
une augmentation considérable des subventions directes du gouvernement du Québec aux
services de garde pour enfants d’âge préscolaire. Ces subventions étaient sept fois et demie
plus importantes en 2011 (2 215 M$) qu’en 1996 (288 M$). Dans les autres provinces, la
progression a été beaucoup plus lente. Les données disponibles pour fin de comparaison
interprovinciale portent ici sur les subventions directes pour la garde des enfants de 0 à 12
ans de 1998 à 2008. Pour ce groupe et pour cette période, elles indiquent une augmentation
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
18
19
20
21
cumulative des subventions de 477 % au Québec et de 81 % dans les autres provinces (CRRU
2000 ; Beach et coll. 2009).
Au Québec, la hausse des subventions directes a été légèrement atténuée pendant une
dizaine d’années par une baisse des subventions fiscales en provenance du crédit d’impôt
remboursable du Québec pour frais de garde. Les parents bénéficiant du tarif réduit de 5 $,
puis de 7 $, ayant perdu le droit à ce crédit d’impôt, la dépense fiscale du gouvernement à
ce titre est passée de 192 M$ en 1996 à 166 M$ en 2005. Par la suite, avec la bonification
du crédit en 2009 et l’accroissement corrélatif du nombre de places occupées en garderie non
subventionnée, le coût du crédit a recommencé à augmenter. À 344 M$ en 2011, son niveau
dépassait de 79 % les 192 M$ de 1996. La figure 3 résume le changement cumulatif dans le
coût des subventions directes et fiscales du gouvernement du Québec, ainsi que du total des
deux, entre 1996 et 2011.
Il fallait s’attendre à ce que la croissance rapide du nombre de places à contribution réduite
occupées au Québec s’accompagne d’une forte augmentation du nombre de mères de jeunes
enfants dans la population active. Les baisses de prix des services de garde de 62 % pour les
familles biparentales et de 39 % pour les monoparentales (enregistrées par Baker, Gruber et
Milligan 2008) ont forcément dû entraîner une hausse significative de la présence des mères
sur le marché du travail. Les études jugées les plus crédibles par Blau et Currie (2007) dans leur
synthèse de la littérature sur la question rapportent des élasticités-prix de l’emploi de l’ordre de
-0,1 à -0,3 : chaque réduction de 10 % du prix des services de garde payé par les parents ferait
augmenter l’emploi des mères de 1 % à 3 %. Si elles s’avèrent, ces estimations prédisent que
le nombre de mères québécoises de jeunes enfants au travail en 2008 aurait été supérieur de
24 600 à 60 600 à celui qu’on aurait observé en l’absence du programme de services de garde7.
La prochaine section va confirmer à partir des études microéconomiques que la réaction des
mères de jeunes enfants au programme des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec
se situe bel et bien dans cet intervalle de confiance. Auparavant, nous allons faire quelques
observations de portée générale sur la progression comparative de l’emploi féminin et de
l’activité économique générale dans les diverses régions du Canada au cours de la période
écoulée depuis l’année 1996, année qui a immédiatement précédé l’introduction du programme
québécois.
La figure 4 souligne d’abord l’évolution distinctive de l’activité des jeunes femmes du Québec
dans l’ensemble canadien8. La catégorie d’âge retenue, 20 à 44 ans, comprend 98 % de toutes
les mères de jeunes enfants. La hausse tendancielle de l’activité a été généralisée de 1996 à
2011, mais deux fois plus importante au Québec (8,6 points) que dans les autres provinces
(3,7 points).
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Le tableau 1 affine ce portrait d’ensemble. Il compare les changements cumulatifs dans les
taux d’activité masculins et féminins (selon l’âge du plus jeune enfant à la maison) et dans les
volumes réels de production (PIB réels) par habitant des quatre grandes régions du Canada
de 1996 à 20089. Il apparaît, tout d’abord, que c’est en Atlantique et au Québec que la
hausse du taux d’activité féminin a été la plus importante (10,6 et 10,3 unités de pourcentage,
respectivement). Mais la source de l’augmentation n’a pas été la même dans les deux régions.
En Atlantique, l’essor de l’activité des femmes (et des hommes) a résulté du boom des
hydrocarbures à Terre-Neuve. Ce boom a aussi eu des retombées dans les trois autres provinces
de la région, comme en témoigne la hausse moyenne du PIB réel par habitant de 42 % dans
l’Atlantique de 1996 à 200810. Au Québec, ce n’est pas la hausse de l’activité économique
générale qui peut expliquer une progression de l’activité féminine aussi importante qu’en
Atlantique, puisque le PIB réel par habitant n’y a crû que de 28 %. Le Québec s’est plutôt
démarqué par le fait que le gain d’activité des mères par rapport aux autres femmes et par
rapport aux hommes a été le plus prononcé des quatre régions. Cette constatation vise non
seulement les mères qui ont des enfants d’âge préscolaire, mais aussi celles dont les enfants
vont à l’école. Enfin, on peut observer que la hausse de l’activité féminine plus rapide au
Québec qu’en Ontario et dans l’Ouest a été accompagnée par une hausse du PIB réel par
habitant également plus rapide au Québec que dans ces deux régions.
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Le tableau 2 complète l’exploration des données régionales canadiennes en comparant le
changement dans l’emploi des mères des deux grandes régions centrales du Canada, le Québec
et l’Ontario, entre 1996 et 2008. La question précise qui est posée est celle de savoir combien
il y aurait eu de mères québécoises en moins au travail en 2008 si leur taux d’emploi avait suivi
une trajectoire parallèle à celle du taux d’emploi des mères ontariennes de 1996 à 2008 plutôt
que de le prendre de vitesse comme ce fut le cas dans les faits. Un tel calcul ne permet pas
d’identifier l’effet quantitatif du programme québécois des services de garde à contribution
réduite sur le travail féminin, puisqu’on ne sait pas quel chemin aurait emprunté le taux
d’emploi des mères québécoises en l’absence de ces services. Néanmoins, il peut donner une
indication utile de l’ordre de grandeur de l’impact auquel on pourrait s’attendre. La réponse
donnée par le calcul du tableau 2 est que le nombre de mères québécoises d’enfants de 15 ou
moins qui étaient effectivement au travail en 2008 dépassait d’environ 60 800 le nombre qui
aurait été observé si leur taux d’emploi avait évolué parallèlement au taux d’emploi des mères
ontariennes depuis 1996.
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Le fait que, depuis 15 ans, le Québec se soit écarté des tendances observées dans les autres
provinces canadiennes en matière de participation des mères à la population active en même
temps que de présence des enfants en services de garde réglementés ne constitue pas en luimême une preuve qu’on doive attribuer le premier phénomène au second. D’autres facteurs
que l’implantation des services de garde à contribution réduite étaient présents en même temps
et ont pu attirer plus (ou moins) de femmes et de mères dans la population active au Québec.
Seule une analyse statistique fine peut révéler l’importance réelle du rôle qu’a pu jouer le
programme québécois. Dans la section qui suit, nous nous référons à quatre études de ce type
qui sont disponibles dans la littérature récente.
L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite sur le
taux d’emploi des mères québécoises
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Pour faire une analyse complète de l’impact d’un programme de dépense gouvernemental sur
l’activité économique et l’emploi, il faut considérer deux aspects : son effet sur la capacité de
produire de l’économie et son effet sur le taux d’utilisation de cette capacité.
Comment mesurer l’effet du programme de services de garde du Québec sur le taux
d’utilisation de la capacité de produire de l’économie, en supposant que cette capacité est
donnée au départ ? En 2011, le gouvernement du Québec a dépensé 2 215 M$ en subventions
directes à la garde, en plus de subventions fiscales au titre de son crédit d’impôt remboursable
pour frais de garde. Il a subventionné les CPE, les autres garderies réglementées et les services
en milieu familial, lesquels ont acheté les services d’éducatrices, des fournitures et du matériel
et de l’équipement permettant de faire fonctionner le système de garde québécois. À leur tour,
les revenus que ces achats ont permis d’encaisser ont été dépensés par leurs récipiendaires.
Et ainsi de suite. Les crédits d’impôt pour frais de garde versés aux parents ont aussi injecté
un pouvoir de dépenser supplémentaire dans l’économie. Ces dépenses directes, indirectes
et induites ont fait « tourner » l’économie. Les subventions directes et fiscales ont ainsi
engendré un effet multiplicateur et des retombées sur l’activité économique, le revenu national
et l’emploi. Il est tentant d’en conclure que la dépense totale au Québec a augmenté et que cela
a permis à l’économie d’utiliser plus intensivement sa capacité existante de produire, au revenu
national d’augmenter, au chômage de diminuer et au gouvernement lui-même de bénéficier
d’un retour fiscal, puisque le revenu national accru lui a procuré plus d’impôts et de taxes.
Malheureusement, cette conclusion est erronée. Le problème, c’est qu’elle ne tient pas compte
de la Loi sur l’équilibre budgétaire qui est en vigueur au Québec depuis 1996. Cette loi
fait en sorte qu’afin de dépenser 2,4 G$ en subventions directes et fiscales au poste de la
garde d’enfants le gouvernement a été obligé de réduire ses dépenses exactement du même
montant dans d’autres postes budgétaires, ou encore d’augmenter ses impôts et taxes de façon
équivalente, forçant ainsi les contribuables à réduire leurs propres dépenses d’autant. Au net,
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la dépense supplémentaire du gouvernement n’a pas créé d’activité économique, mais produit
un simple déplacement de l’activité entre les secteurs de l’économie.
Si le programme de dépense du gouvernement ne peut améliorer le taux d’utilisation de la
capacité de produire de l’économie, peut-il faire augmenter cette capacité de produire ellemême ? Oui, sans nul doute, et de diverses manières. Les plus connues sont ses dépenses en
éducation et en formation, ses investissements en infrastructures et ses politiques encourageant
les entreprises à innover et à investir. Dans cette optique précisément, un programme de
services de garde à contribution réduite peut avoir un effet favorable sur la capacité de produire
de l’économie lui aussi, d’une part en procurant des services éducatifs de qualité aux enfants
d’âge préscolaire, et d’autre part en permettant à plus de mères qui le désirent de joindre les
rangs de la population active. Le premier de ces deux effets se manifeste à long terme. Le
second arrive à brève échéance. C’est celui que nous cherchons à évaluer dans la présente
section : un plus grand nombre de mères au travail fait augmenter la capacité de produire de
l’économie11.
Notre évaluation n’est donc pas basée sur un quelconque effet global de dépense sur
l’activité économique et l’emploi, puisque la dépense annuelle du gouvernement du Québec en
subventions directes et fiscales à la garde ne produit, en tant que dépense, aucune création nette
d’emploi. Nous nous basons plutôt sur l’impact qu’a eu sur le comportement microéconomique
des mères québécoises la baisse du prix relatif des services de garde et l’expansion progressive
du nombre de places à contribution réduite disponibles à partir de 1997, qui ont convaincu
un plus grand nombre d’entre elles d’aller travailler et augmenté ainsi la capacité de produire
de l’économie.
Notre analyse s’appuie sur quatre études statistiques de l’impact du programme québécois de
services de garde sur le taux d’emploi des mères. L’introduction de ce nouveau programme
par le Québec étant le seul changement d’importance à avoir touché le domaine des services
de garde au Canada depuis vingt ans, l’approche commune des auteurs de ces études a
consisté à appliquer la méthode statistique des « différences de différences » à des microdonnées d’enquêtes longitudinales canadiennes12. Il s’est agi pour eux d’estimer de combien la
différence entre le taux d’emploi des mères québécoises et celui des mères des autres provinces
canadiennes a changé entre la période qui a précédé et celle qui a suivi l’introduction du
programme au Québec.
Deux de ces études, soit celles de Lefebvre et Merrigan (2008) et de Lefebvre, Merrigan et
Verstraete (2009), ont utilisé les données annuelles de l’Enquête sur la dynamique du travail et
du revenu (EDTR), respectivement pour les années 1993 à 2002 (28 000 observations) et 1996
à 2004 (47 000 observations). Les deux autres, soit celles de Baker, Gruber et Milligan (2008)
et de Lefebvre, Merrigan et Roy-Desrosiers (2012), ont employé les données biennales de
l’Enquête longitudinale nationale sur les enfants et les jeunes (ELNEJ). Ces données sont tirées
des cycles 1994-1995 à 2002-2003 de l’ELNEJ dans le premier cas (34 000 observations), et
des cycles 1994-1995 à 2008-2009 dans le second cas (157 000 observations)13.
Afin de s’assurer que leur estimation du changement dans le temps de la différence
interprovinciale de taux d’emploi identifiait bel et bien l’impact du programme québécois
et non quelque autre influence, les auteurs ont simultanément tenu compte de l’effet sur
l’emploi d’un grand nombre de variables socio-économiques, comme l’âge, l’origine et le
niveau d’éducation de la mère, le type de famille, le sexe et le rang de l’enfant, la taille du
lieu de résidence, les revenus autres que le salaire de la mère, la langue parlée à la maison, la
province de résidence, etc. Leur méthode des « différences de différences » leur a également
permis de purger l’impact estimé sur le taux d’emploi des mères de l’effet confondant de
facteurs communs à l’ensemble des provinces, comme la conjoncture économique générale et
les politiques fédérales touchant l’assurance-emploi (1996), les prestations pour enfants (1993,
1998 et 2007) et les congés parentaux (2001).
Une difficulté que pose l’identification correcte de l’effet du nouveau programme québécois
de services de garde sur l’emploi des mères provient de la diversité des changements apportés
par les provinces à leurs régimes d’allocations familiales et d’assistance sociale en réaction
aux modifications majeures introduites par le gouvernement fédéral à la Prestation fiscale
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canadienne pour enfants en 1998. Au Québec, par exemple, les allocations d’aide aux familles
et la partie « enfant » de la prestation d’assistance sociale ont alors été abolies et remplacées
par une allocation familiale sélective selon le revenu qui a attribué des montants plus élevés
à toutes les familles à revenu modeste, et non seulement aux familles bénéficiaires de
l’assistance. Ces changements, au Québec et ailleurs, étaient notamment destinés à encourager
la participation à la population active. Comme ils se sont produits en même temps que le
programme québécois des services de garde à contribution réduite était introduit, il existait un
danger que les études confondent leur impact sur l’emploi des mères avec celui du programme
québécois de services de garde à contribution réduite, particulièrement dans le cas des mères
monoparentales. Afin d’obvier à cette difficulté, l’étude de Baker, Gruber et Milligan (2008)
a omis les familles monoparentales de son analyse statistique. Celle de Lefebvre, Merrigan et
Roy-Desrosiers (2012) les a conservées parmi les observations traitées, mais elle n’a pu, pour
l’année 2008, identifier qu’un impact faible et peu significatif du programme des services de
garde comme tel sur l’emploi des mères monoparentales.
Notons enfin deux innovations plus récentes de la politique familiale du Québec. En janvier
2005, diverses mesures à l’égard des familles ont été fusionnées dans un crédit d’impôt
remboursable appelé paiement de Soutien aux enfants. Mais la bonification associée à ce
changement ne paraît pas assez importante pour avoir pu biaiser les estimations de l’effet du
programme des services de garde sur l’emploi des mères. Enfin, le nouveau Régime québécois
d’assurance parentale a été lancé en janvier 2006. Il est plus généreux et plus souple que celui
qui est géré par l’assurance-emploi fédérale, en vigueur dans les autres provinces. Lefebvre,
Merrigan et Roy-Desrosiers (2012) ont estimé que l’effet du programme des services de garde
sur l’emploi des mères d’enfants de moins d’un an a diminué à partir de 2006. Ils ont soulevé
la possibilité que l’allongement des congés parentaux pris à la maison en soit la cause.
Les quatre études statistiques citées se distinguent par le choix de la catégorie d’âge des enfants
et du type de famille d’appartenance des mères, ainsi que par la période étudiée. Le tableau 3
relève ces différences. Une première caractéristique des résultats est que les estimations sont
très voisines et de précision comparable aux alentours de l’année 2002 d’une étude à l’autre,
pour les trois d’entre elles qui visent les mères d’enfants d’âge préscolaire, que la source
des données soit l’EDTR ou l’ELNEJ et que le groupe de mères retenu pour l’analyse soit
l’ensemble de toutes les mères ou seulement les mères de familles biparentales. L’estimation
de la hausse du taux d’emploi varie entre 7,7 et 8,8 points de pourcentage de la population
totale des mères, avec des écarts-types de 2 ou 3 points.
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Une deuxième caractéristique est que l’effet sur le taux d’emploi des mères estimé par l’étude
la plus récente, soit celle de Lefebvre, Merrigan et Roy-Desrosiers (2012), est plus important
pour 2008-2009 (12,0 points) que pour 2002-2003 (8,8 points). Ce renforcement de l’effet
du programme six ans plus tard concorde avec l’accroissement notable du nombre de places
à contribution réduite mises à la disposition des parents au cours de cette période, lequel
est passé de 163 000 en mars 2003 à 206 000 en mars 2009. Il faut en effet garder à
l’esprit que le programme québécois ne repose pas seulement sur une baisse de tarif, mais
sur le développement concomitant de nouvelles places subventionnées. La baisse du prix des
services de garde a enflammé la demande de places, mais la demande n’a pu être satisfaite que
par une expansion continuelle de l’offre de places.
Une troisième caractéristique des résultats, identifiée par la même étude de Lefebvre, Merrigan
et Roy-Desrosiers (2012), mais non rapportée au tableau 3 ci-dessus, est que l’effet du
programme des services de garde à contribution réduite sur le taux d’emploi des mères qui
ont un diplôme universitaire s’est fait sentir avec force dès l’année 2000. L’effet sur le taux
d’emploi des mères qui ont tout au plus un diplôme secondaire paraît avoir été plus lent à
émerger, mais il a fini par acquérir plus d’importance à partir de 2004. L’enquête de 2009 de
l’Institut de la statistique du Québec auprès des familles (ISQ 2011b, tableau 6.1) confirme
cette tendance. Elle a estimé que le taux de participation aux services de garde à contribution
réduite des familles dont le revenu était inférieur à 60 000 $ variait de 66 % à 70 %, tandis que
celui des familles dont le revenu était situé entre 60 000 $ et 140 000 $ variait de 73 % à 78 %.
Une quatrième caractéristique des résultats est que l’utilisation des services de garde à
contribution réduite lorsque l’enfant est d’âge préscolaire fait augmenter le taux d’emploi de la
mère non seulement pendant cette première période de la vie de l’enfant, mais également plus
tard, une fois que l’enfant a fait son entrée à l’école. Autrement dit, l’effet du programme sur
l’activité féminine a un prolongement dynamique : il persiste à long terme. C’est ce qui ressort
de l’étude que Lefebvre, Merrigan et Verstraete (2009) ont réalisée sur le comportement des
mères d’enfants de 6 à 11 ans qui avaient utilisé les services de garde à contribution réduite
quand ces derniers étaient d’âge préscolaire. Comme l’indique le tableau 3, ces auteurs ont
estimé qu’en 2004 le taux d’emploi des mères d’enfants du primaire était plus élevé de 7,0
points de pourcentage si elles avaient utilisé les services de garde à contribution réduite lorsque
leurs enfants étaient d’âge préscolaire. Ils ont aussi été capables d’éliminer l’hypothèse, a priori
plausible, que cet effet de persistance pouvait être dû à l’introduction, en 1997, de la garde en
milieu scolaire à contribution réduite avant et après les heures de classe pour les enfants de
la maternelle et de l’école primaire. Enfin, ils ont trouvé que la hausse de 7,0 points du taux
d’emploi est surtout attribuable au comportement des mères qui ont tout au plus un diplôme
secondaire. Il fallait s’attendre à ce résultat puisque la probabilité qu’une mère qui détient un
diplôme plus avancé retourne au travail une fois ses jeunes enfants entrés à l’école était sans
doute déjà élevée avant même l’avènement des services de garde à contribution réduite.
Au total, à combien de mères québécoises de plus le programme des services de garde permetil de détenir un emploi14 ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous utilisons 2008 comme année
repère et nous prenons appui sur les deux études les plus récentes, soit celles de Lefebvre,
Merrigan et Roy-Desrosiers (2012) et de Lefebvre, Merrigan et Verstraete (2009), dont les
résultats apparaissent dans les deux dernières colonnes du tableau 3. En 2008, le Québec
comptait environ 347 200 mères d’enfants de 0 à 5 ans et 400 100 mères dont le plus jeune
enfant avait entre 6 et 14 ans15. En appliquant à ces chiffres les hausses d’emploi respectives
de 12,0 % et de 7,0 % qui sont rapportées pour ces deux groupes de mères au tableau 3, on
obtient une estimation de 69 700 mères de plus au travail pour cette année-là, soit 41 700 parmi
les mères d’enfants de 0 à 5 ans (effet « statique ») et 28 000 parmi les mères d’enfants de 6
à 14 ans qui ont antérieurement bénéficié des services de garde à contribution réduite (effet
« dynamique »)16.
Nous estimons donc qu’en 2008 le programme a permis d’ajouter 69 700 mères au niveau
d’emploi qui aurait été atteint en l’absence de ce programme17. Comme l’emploi au Québec
comptait 1 852 400 femmes et 2 028 000 hommes cette année-là, ces 69 700 mères de plus en
emploi ont fait augmenter l’emploi total des femmes de 3,79 % et l’emploi total du Québec
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de 1,78 %. Ces ordres de grandeur sont compatibles avec les calculs préliminaires présentés
précédemment. L’estimation d’une addition à l’emploi de 41 700 mères d’enfants de 0 à 5
ans, que nous déduisons des résultats de Lefebvre, Merrigan et Desrosiers (2012) rapportés
au tableau 3, est compris dans l’intervalle de 24 600 à 60 600 que les élasticités-prix extraites
de la littérature prédisent lorsqu’on les applique à la baisse du prix de la garde induite par
le nouveau programme québécois18. De plus, notre estimation d’une addition à l’emploi de
69 700 mères d’enfants de 0 à 14 ans ne s’écarte pas beaucoup du chiffre de 60 800 qui résulte
de la comparaison sommaire avec la tendance de l’emploi des mères ontariennes effectuée au
tableau 2.
Jusqu’ici, seules les mères âgées de 50 ans ou moins ont pu avoir accès aux services de garde
à contribution réduite et accroître leur présence sur le marché du travail. On peut supposer
que, dans 15 ans, l’effet dynamique sur le taux d’emploi des mères de plus de 50 ans se sera
manifesté, puisqu’être plus actif avant 50 ans devrait inciter à l’être aussi après 50 ans. Bien
que cette hypothèse soit plausible, nous jugeons préférable d’attendre l’évolution des choses
avant de conclure de manière définitive sur l’importance qu’aura la prolongation de cet effet
de persistance.
L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite sur le
PIB du Québec
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L’estimation de l’impact du programme des services de garde à contribution réduite sur le
taux d’activité féminin est l’étape nécessaire qu’il faut franchir pour apprécier correctement
son impact macroéconomique et budgétaire. La présente section va tout d’abord produire une
estimation de son impact macroéconomique, c’est-à-dire de son effet sur le PIB du Québec. La
section suivante va, quant à elle, évaluer son impact budgétaire, c’est-à-dire son effet sur les
soldes budgétaires des administrations fédérale et provinciale lorsqu’on le compare au solde
que ces administrations afficheraient s’il n’avait pas été mis en place et que le Québec avait
simplement continué à se conformer à l’approche traditionnelle restée en vigueur dans les
autres provinces.
Quelles peuvent être les répercussions économiques de l’entrée de plusieurs dizaines de
milliers de femmes dans la population active québécoise ? Il va de soi que la masse salariale
de l’économie va augmenter, mais la chaîne des réactions ne s’arrête pas là. Par effet de
concurrence sur le marché du travail, il est inévitable que, relativement aux travailleurs, les
travailleuses subissent initialement une pression à la baisse sur leurs salaires et à la hausse sur
leur taux de chômage. Le tableau 4 contient des éléments de preuve. On y observe que, pendant
les cinq premières années qui ont suivi l’introduction du nouveau programme de services de
garde, soit de 1998 à 2002, le retard salarial des femmes par rapport aux hommes a cessé de
se refermer comme il avait fait dans les années antérieures et l’avantage des femmes sur les
hommes en matière de taux de chômage a reculé.
Dans une économie en croissance, les salaires des travailleuses ne vont pas diminuer en
niveau absolu, mais ils vont augmenter temporairement un peu moins vite qu’ils l’auraient
fait sans cet afflux de personnel supplémentaire. Le ralentissement des hausses salariales et
la disponibilité accrue des travailleuses donne le signal aux entreprises qu’il vaut la peine
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d’investir dans du nouvel équipement de production (machines, matériel, bâtiments, ouvrages)
qui sert à rendre les nouvelles recrues aussi productives que les travailleurs déjà en place. Il y
a donc augmentation non seulement des revenus de travail, mais également des « revenus de
propriété » (bénéfices des sociétés, partie profits du revenu net des entreprises non incorporées,
intérêts et revenus divers de placements), de sorte que ce sont toutes les composantes du PIB
qui bénéficient de l’arrivée des nouvelles travailleuses. En même temps, parce que le nouvel
équipement installé finit par permettre aux recrues de produire autant de valeur par heure
travaillée – de produire aussi productivement – que leurs collègues de travail, on assiste à une
remontée à niveau de leurs salaires et à un retour de la rentabilité des entreprises au niveau
« normal » qu’impose le coût du capital établi par la concurrence locale et mondiale. Le tableau
4 montre bien que, de 2003 à 2011, le retard salarial des femmes a recommencé à diminuer et
l’avantage des femmes en matière de taux de chômage s’est rétabli.
Dans ces conditions, un corollaire immédiat de l’approche de Solow (1956) à l’équilibre
général de la croissance économique est que la réaction du PIB à une augmentation du nombre
de personnes employées est essentiellement proportionnelle, pourvu que les nouveaux arrivés
travaillent autant d’heures et soient aussi productifs que ceux qui étaient déjà au travail19. Cela
signifie, par exemple, que si l’emploi s’accroît de 2 %, le PIB finira par augmenter lui aussi de
2 %. La validité empirique de ce corollaire a été confirmée à maintes reprises dans la littérature
contemporaine portant sur les économies développées (voir, par exemple, Blanchard 2000).
Qu’en est-il donc du nombre d’heures de travail et de la rémunération des mères que la
disponibilité de services de garde à contribution réduite a convaincues d’entrer dans la
population active, si on les compare aux travailleurs déjà en emploi ? Trois dimensions sont
ici impliquées : les heures de travail, le niveau d’éducation et l’expérience. Baker, Gruber
et Milligan (2008) ont trouvé que 81 % des mères d’enfants de 0 à 4 ans qui s’ajoutent à la
population active occupent des emplois à temps plein, ce qui est supérieur à la moyenne pour
l’ensemble des travailleuses (74 % en 2008) et correspond à la moyenne pour l’ensemble de
toutes les personnes en emploi (81 % en 2008). A fortiori, cela devrait continuer à être le cas
plus tard quand l’enfant est entré à l’école.
En ce qui concerne le niveau d’éducation, Lefebvre, Merrigan et Roy-Desrosiers (2012) ont
estimé que, parmi les mères d’enfants de 0 à 5 ans en 2006, la hausse de l’activité engendrée
par le programme des services de garde était plus importante parmi les mères qui ont un
grade universitaire, lesquelles sont mieux rémunérées que la moyenne d’ensemble de tous les
travailleurs. Par contre, parmi les mères d’enfants plus âgés, Lefebvre, Merrigan et Verstraete
(2009) ont trouvé que ce sont les moins scolarisées qui haussent leur niveau d’activité.
Enfin, pour ce qui est de l’âge, la médiane est de 32 ans pour les mères québécoises qui ont
des enfants de 0 à 5 ans et de 39 ans pour celles qui ont un enfant de 6 à 14 ans. Les mères
additionnelles sont donc plus jeunes que la moyenne des travailleurs, puisque l’âge médian de
l’ensemble des travailleurs québécois est de 43 ans. Étant plus jeunes, les nouvelles arrivées
ont moins d’années d’expérience au travail. Mais l’effet négatif de cette ancienneté plus faible
sur le salaire trouve par contre une compensation dans le fait que les nouvelles générations
sont plus scolarisées que celles qui les précèdent.
Tous ces résultats sur le nombre d’heures de travail et la rémunération des mères que la
disponibilité de services de garde à contribution réduite a incitées à joindre les rangs de la
population active en 2008 nous font estimer la valeur de leur production par employée à 95,6 %
de la moyenne d’ensemble des travailleurs québécois20. Comme les 69 700 mères de plus au
travail ont fait augmenter l’emploi total du Québec de 1,78 %, c’est de 95,6 % de 1,78 %,
c’est-à-dire de 1,7 %, que le programme a finalement dû faire augmenter le PIB du Québec
en 2008. En dollars, l’augmentation du PIB induite par le programme des services de garde à
contribution réduite est estimée à 5,1 G$21. Il s’ensuit également que, sans le programme, la
hausse cumulative du PIB réel par habitant du Québec inscrite au tableau 1 pour la période de
1996 à 2008 aurait été de 25,5 % au lieu de 27,6 %22. Un avantage par rapport à la croissance
de 22,4 % de l’Ontario aurait encore été réalisé, mais il aurait été moins important.
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L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite sur
les soldes budgétaires gouvernementaux
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Par les effets qu’ils entraînent sur le revenu d’emploi des mères et le PIB, les services de garde
à contribution réduite du Québec ont également des conséquences pour les finances publiques.
Dans la présente section, nous procédons à estimer leurs effets sur les soldes budgétaires des
administrations fédérale et provinciale en 2008. Il importe de rappeler le scénario alternatif
auquel nous comparons le programme québécois : il s’agit de la situation qui prévaudrait si, au
lieu de procéder à sa réforme en 1997, le Québec avait simplement continué à suivre l’approche
traditionnelle restée en vigueur dans les autres provinces.
Nous allons distinguer trois catégories d’effets du programme sur les dépenses et les revenus
gouvernementaux : 1) l’augmentation des subventions directes du Québec aux divers services
de garde à contribution réduite, 2) la réduction des dépenses fiscales (déduction fédérale
non remboursable et crédit d’impôt remboursable du Québec) due à l’expansion du nombre
de places dans ces services, et 3) la hausse des revenus autonomes (impôts, cotisations,
taxes, etc.) et la baisse des transferts (prestations familiales, assistance sociale, etc.) des
gouvernements dues à la hausse du revenu d’emploi des mères et, plus généralement, du PIB
du Québec. Il faut ici reconnaître que la hausse du revenu intérieur découlant du remplacement
du système traditionnel par le système des services de garde à contribution réduite a, en
toute probabilité, engendré une certaine augmentation de la consommation de biens et de
services publics par la population. En principe, pour mesurer l’amélioration nette véritable de
la marge de manœuvre financière des gouvernements, il faudrait soustraire cette augmentation
de consommation publique (peut-être modeste, mais réelle) de nos estimations d’impact sur
les soldes budgétaires. Cependant, même après plusieurs décennies de recherche, la littérature
scientifique sur la demande de biens et de services publics demeure très incertaine au sujet
de l’importance réelle de l’élasticité revenu de la consommation publique. Bien que cette
omission ne soit pas de nature à fausser nos résultats, il faut garder à l’esprit qu’elle en atténue
la portée dans une certaine mesure.
L’augmentation des subventions directes aux services de garde à
contribution réduite
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Les subventions directes du Québec aux services de garde à contribution réduite offerts aux
enfants d’âge préscolaire (0 à 4 ans) sont rapportées chaque année dans le Budget de dépenses
du gouvernement (Conseil du trésor du Québec, années diverses). Nous avons indiqué plus
haut que ces subventions directes ont atteint 2 215 M$ en 2011. Pour l’année 2008, qui sert
de repère dans nos calculs d’impact, elles sont estimées à 1 796 M$. Comment s’y prendre
maintenant pour estimer le montant que le gouvernement aurait dépensé en subventions
directes aux garderies, aux agences en milieu familial et aux familles à faible revenu s’il avait
continué à suivre la même approche que celle des autres provinces depuis 1996 plutôt que
de réformer ses services de garde à l’enfance ? Nous le faisons en établissant le parallèle
avec l’évolution des subventions directes dans les autres provinces. Les données disponibles
indiquent que, de 1998 à 2008, les subventions directes par enfant des provinces autres que
le Québec à la garde réglementée ont crû au taux moyen de 7,0 % par année (CRRU 2000 ;
Beach et coll. 2009). En appliquant ce taux de croissance annuel pro forma aux subventions
directes de garde du Québec par enfant d’âge préscolaire pour les 12 années allant de 1996 à
2008, on obtient une projection de subventions directes de 564 M$ en 200823. Il s’ensuit de
l’exercice que les 1 796 M$ dépensés par le gouvernement du Québec ont dépassé de 1 232
M$ ce montant de 564 M$ estimé pour le scénario alternatif. C’est notre estimation du coût
supplémentaire en subventions directes qu’a dû absorber le Québec en 2008 pour financer son
approche particulière aux services de garde plutôt que de s’être conformé au modèle des autres
provinces.
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La réduction des dépenses fiscales due à l’expansion du nombre de
places à contribution réduite
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Les subventions ou dépenses fiscales des gouvernements pour frais de garde d’enfants
dépendent du mode de garde choisi par les parents. En plus de la garde parentale proprement
dite, trois modes doivent être distingués : la garde formelle admissible à la contribution
réduite (en CPE, en autre garderie subventionnée ou en milieu familial), la garde formelle non
subventionnée et la garde non parentale informelle24.
Au niveau provincial, la subvention ou dépense fiscale du Québec prend la forme d’un crédit
d’impôt remboursable en vigueur depuis 1994, dont le taux varie entre 75 % des frais de
garde pour les plus bas revenus et 26 % pour les plus hauts. Une disposition du programme
de services de garde mis en place en septembre 1997 stipule toutefois que les parents qui
bénéficient de la contribution réduite n’ont pas droit à ce crédit d’impôt. Seuls les parents
d’enfants en garde formelle non subventionnée ou en garde non parentale informelle peuvent
l’obtenir sur présentation de reçus.
Cette disposition du programme fait en sorte que, dans le nouveau régime, la dépense fiscale du
gouvernement du Québec est plus faible qu’elle le serait dans le régime traditionnel encore en
vigueur dans les autres provinces. De combien ? Pour l’année 2008, Finances Québec estime
à 200 M$ la subvention fiscale totale découlant du crédit d’impôt remboursable pour frais
de garde et à 80 M$ la part de ce montant qui est spécifiquement attribuable à la garde des
enfants d’âge préscolaire25. Sous le régime traditionnel, il y aurait eu beaucoup plus d’enfants
de 0 à 4 ans en garde formelle non subventionnée et en garde non parentale informelle. Nous
estimons qu’au total, en 2008, la dépense fiscale du gouvernement du Québec pour la garde
de ces jeunes enfants aurait été d’environ 250 M$, c’est-à-dire plus élevée de 170 M$ que
sous le programme actuel à contribution réduite. Nous arrivons à ce chiffre en estimant le
nombre de jeunes enfants en garde non parentale informelle à partir des données de l’ELNEJ,
en croisant les résultats de Baker, Gruber et Milligan (2008) et de Lefebvre, Merrigan et RoyDesrosiers (2012) quant à l’effet du programme québécois sur le taux d’utilisation de la garde
non parentale, et en imputant à la garde non parentale informelle un tarif égal à la moitié de
celui de la garde formelle non subventionnée.
Au niveau fédéral, la dépense fiscale provient d’une déduction du revenu imposable pour frais
de garde d’enfants. Pour l’année 2008, l’Agence du revenu du Canada (ARC 2010) attribue
aux contribuables imposables du Québec 18,2 % de toutes les déductions pour frais de garde
au Canada26. Appliqué à son évaluation de 790 M$ pour la dépense fiscale de l’ensemble du
pays, ce pourcentage permet d’estimer la subvention fiscale aux parents québécois pour frais
de garde à environ 144 M$. Nous imputons 55 % de ce montant à la garde des jeunes enfants27,
de sorte que la part de la dépense fiscale fédérale qui lui est associée est estimée à 79 M$.
Maintenant, quel impact l’introduction du programme de services de garde à contribution
réduite a-t-elle eu sur le montant de cette subvention fiscale aux parents québécois ? Deux
effets ont joué en sens opposés. D’une part, les parents sont plus nombreux à utiliser la
garde non parentale et à demander la déduction fédérale, la contribution réduite de 7 $ étant
admissible. Mais, d’autre part, la forte expansion du nombre de places demandant ce tarif
réduit a fait diminuer le montant moyen de la déduction demandée. C’est ce dernier effet qui
domine. En utilisant les mêmes hypothèses que ci-dessus sur le nombre de jeunes enfants en
garde non parentale informelle, sur l’effet du programme québécois sur le taux d’utilisation
de la garde non parentale et sur le prix relatif de la garde non parentale informelle, nous
pouvons estimer qu’en 2008 la subvention fiscale fédérale versée aux parents québécois de
jeunes enfants aurait été 54 % plus élevée sous l’ancien régime toujours en vigueur dans les
autres provinces que sous le programme québécois réformé. Elle aurait coûté 122 M$ au lieu
de 79 M$. Le programme québécois a ainsi fait économiser un montant estimatif de 43 M$
au gouvernement fédéral.
Le tableau 5 rassemble les estimations présentées jusqu’ici. Il montre que le choix effectué au
Québec quant au programme de services de garde pour les enfants d’âge préscolaire a induit
une hausse finale de la dépense de 1 019 M$ en 2008.
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La hausse des revenus autonomes et la baisse des transferts des
administrations : considérations préliminaires
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La hausse des subventions directes aux services de garde et la baisse des subventions fiscales
aux parents usagers ne sont pas les seules conséquences financières du programme québécois.
La poussée sur le revenu d’emploi des mères et le PIB du Québec a eu des répercussions
majeures sur les finances publiques. Les revenus des administrations fédérale et provinciale ont
augmenté et leurs paiements de transfert aux familles ont diminué. Leurs soldes budgétaires
en ont grandement profité.
Pour ce qui est des revenus gouvernementaux, les analystes font généralement l’hypothèse
que l’élasticité fiscale est unitaire, c’est-à-dire que les recettes augmentent de façon à peu
près proportionnelle au PIB (voir, par exemple, Dungan et Murphy 2011 ; Comité consultatif
sur l’économie et les finances publiques 2010 ; Finances Québec 2009). Si on retient cette
hypothèse, il faut conclure que la hausse de 1,7 % du PIB québécois qu’a fini par entraîner
la participation accrue des mères au marché du travail et que nous avons estimée plus tôt a
dû s’accompagner d’une augmentation à peu près du même ordre des revenus autonomes des
administrations publiques opérant au Québec, soit d’environ 2,2 G$ en 200828. Nous allons
examiner plus loin la validité de ce résultat approximatif par une analyse plus détaillée de
l’impact sur les revenus des divers niveaux de gouvernement.
Pour ce qui est des transferts gouvernementaux, plusieurs mesures de soutien financier aux
familles ont été conçues de façon à être moins généreuses à mesure que le revenu familial
augmente, d’où une économie pour les gouvernements lorsque la participation des mères au
marché du travail s’accroît. Les exemples sont nombreux : crédits pour la TPS et la TVQ,
prestation fiscale canadienne pour enfants, prime au travail, paiement de Soutien aux enfants,
etc.
À l’aide d’un outil de calcul fiscal, Baker, Gruber et Milligan (2008) ont estimé le pourcentage
du coût de la subvention québécoise directe à la garde qui est couvert par le retour fiscal
favorable. Leur calcul a cependant été restreint à l’effet de la hausse du revenu d’emploi des
mères sur les impôts fédéral et provincial sur le revenu des particuliers, sur les taxes sur la
masse salariale et sur les prestations pour enfants. Ils ont trouvé qu’en 2002 les deux ordres de
gouvernement ont pu ensemble recouvrer ainsi 40 % du coût brut de la subvention québécoise
directe à la garde29. À leur tour, Lefebvre, Merrigan et Roy-Desrosiers (2012) ont utilisé cet
outil de calcul fiscal pour estimer la hausse des impôts sur le revenu des particuliers et la baisse
des transferts et crédits d’impôt consécutives à la hausse du revenu d’emploi des mères en
2004. Pour les mères gagnant des salaires de niveau médian, le taux de recouvrement de la
subvention brute qu’ils ont calculé pour les deux gouvernements ensemble est d’environ 35 %,
donc assez voisin de celui qu’ont estimé Baker, Gruber et Milligan30.
L’analyse préliminaire de l’impact budgétaire des services de garde à contribution réduite
présentée par ces auteurs est un bon point de départ, mais elle ne couvre pas la totalité
des changements fiscaux qui découlent du programme québécois. Quatre considérations
additionnelles doivent être prises en compte. Premièrement, il appert que la hausse du taux
d’emploi des mères qui ont bénéficié du programme à contribution réduite persiste à long
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terme une fois que l’enfant est entré à l’école. Lefebvre, Merrigan et Verstraete (2009) ont
trouvé qu’il s’agissait bien d’une conséquence retardée du programme de services de garde au
niveau préscolaire et non pas de la disponibilité de garde, également à contribution réduite,
en milieu scolaire. Or, cette persistance va aussi ajouter aux effets sur la fiscalité et les
transferts. Deuxièmement, le retour fiscal que la masse salariale féminine accrue procure aux
gouvernements ne se limite pas aux impôts sur le revenu des particuliers, aux taxes sur la masse
salariale et à divers transferts, crédits et prestations. Les familles des mères nouvellement
employées vont forcément consommer plus et payer plus de taxes indirectes (TPS, TVQ, taxes
sur l’essence, etc.) Troisièmement, l’introduction des services de garde à contribution réduite
ne fait pas augmenter seulement la masse salariale de l’économie. C’est la totalité du PIB
qui est en hausse. Cela veut dire encore plus de revenus autonomes gouvernementaux, par
exemple sous forme d’impôts des sociétés et autres revenus autonomes du gouvernement.
Quatrièmement, l’impact doit être calculé sur le changement de politique et non pas sur le coût
brut de garde, car c’est le changement de politique qui a eu des impacts sur la participation
des mères au marché du travail.
Nous allons maintenant expliquer comment nous avons complété, en tenant compte de ces
quatre considérations, l’analyse de l’impact budgétaire qui a été produite par Baker, Gruber et
Milligan (2008) et Lefebvre, Merrigan et Roy-Desrosiers (2012).
La hausse des revenus autonomes et la baisse des transferts des
administrations : calculs détaillés
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Répartition des femmes selon le type de famille et le revenu d’emploi
Le premier exercice a consisté à reproduire le plus fidèlement possible la répartition des
femmes québécoises dans quatre types de familles, selon qu’elles ont un conjoint ou non et
selon que le plus jeune enfant est âgé de 0 à 5 ans ou de 6 à 14 ans. Dans chacun de ces quatre
types de familles, les femmes sont réparties en cinq niveaux de revenu d’emploi annuel. Au
total, nous distinguons donc vingt catégories.
Pour effectuer cette répartition des femmes en vingt catégories, nous avons eu recours à
l’Enquête sur la dynamique du travail et du revenu (EDTR) de Statistique Canada. L’EDTR
est une enquête longitudinale annuelle qui est réalisée depuis 1993 sur l’emploi et le revenu
des personnes et des ménages au Canada. Elle est basée sur un échantillon tiré de l’Enquête
sur la population active. Elle fournit des renseignements détaillés sur un vaste ensemble
de caractéristiques et d’activités comme la composition du ménage, l’âge et le sexe de ses
membres, leurs liens familiaux, leur niveau d’éducation, leur expérience en emploi et leur
revenu (Statistique Canada 2010a).
Nous retenons comme étant susceptibles d’avoir réagi aux services de garde à contribution
réduite les femmes dont le revenu d’emploi observé après coup était situé entre 10 000 $
et 60 000 $ en 2008. Il nous a paru raisonnable de supposer que les services de garde à
contribution réduite n’ont pas eu d’effet sur l’emploi des mères dont le revenu d’emploi a été
inférieur à 10 000 $ ou supérieur à 60 000 $. Nous avons fait la même hypothèse d’absence
d’effet du programme sur l’emploi des femmes dont l’apport au revenu familial dépassait 75 %
dans les familles biparentales.
Le résultat de cette opération basée sur l’EDTR est présenté au tableau 6. Chaque colonne
du tableau indique la répartition des femmes selon leur revenu d’emploi (entre 10 000 $ et
60 000 $) au sein de l’un des quatre types de familles étudiés. On observe que 70 % à 80 %
des mères, selon le type de famille, ont gagné moins de 40 000 $ en 2008.
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Effets sur les impôts sur le revenu d’emploi des particuliers et les prestations
fiscales et d’assistance sociale
Ici, notre procédure a consisté à calculer de combien les impôts sur le revenu d’emploi
des particuliers fédéral et provincial auraient diminué et de combien les diverses prestations
fiscales et les prestations d’assistance sociale auraient augmenté si les femmes nouvellement
employées par suite de l’introduction des services de garde à contribution réduite n’avaient
pas travaillé du tout en 2008.
La réalisation de ce calcul dépend de deux éléments. Le premier est le nombre total de mères
que le programme ajoute à l’emploi au Québec. Nous reprenons ici la distinction entre l’effet
« statique » du programme sur le nombre de mères d’enfants de 0 à 5 ans au travail, d’une
part, et son effet « dynamique » (ou effet de persistance) sur le nombre de mères d’enfants
de 6 à 14 ans qui ont bénéficié des services de garde à contribution réduite antérieurement,
d’autre part. Pour l’année 2008, nous avons estimé plus haut l’addition de mères en emploi à
41 700 selon l’effet statique et à 28 000 selon l’effet dynamique, ce qui donne un effet total de
69 700 mères d’enfants de 0 à 14 ans de plus au travail. Pour aider à la compréhension, nous
présentons tous nos résultats sur le retour fiscal en deux volets distincts, soit ceux de l’effet
statique seul et ceux de l’effet total, égal à la somme des deux effets, statique et dynamique.
Le second élément du calcul concerne la répartition des mères nouvellement employées dans
les types de familles et les catégories de revenu d’emploi. Nous avons fait l’hypothèse que
cette répartition reproduit celle que nous venons d’établir au tableau 6 à partir des données
de l’EDTR de 2008.
Les lignes 1 à 3 du tableau 7 présentent les estimations de cette première rétroaction sur les
impôts tirés du revenu d’emploi des particuliers et sur les prestations fiscales et d’aide sociale.
On constate que l’effet statique estimé pour l’ensemble de ces trois éléments et les deux ordres
de gouvernement réunis est de 355 + 102 + 47 = 504 M$ et l’effet total, statique et dynamique,
de 580 + 162 + 116 = 858 M$.
Une fois réalisé ce calcul, nous avons estimé la réaction des autres revenus gouvernementaux
à la hausse de l’activité économique induite par le programme de services de garde. Ces
estimations sont rapportées dans les sous-sections suivantes. À moins d’indication contraire,
ces autres estimations sont basées sur l’hypothèse générale que les assiettes fiscales pertinentes
ont augmenté dans la même proportion que le PIB, soit de 1,1 % pour l’effet statique seul et
de 1,7 % pour l’effet total31.
Effets sur les impôts sur les revenus de propriété des particuliers
Nous avons observé précédemment que l’entrée de nouvelles mères dans la population active
québécoise n’a pas seulement eu pour conséquence de faire augmenter la masse salariale
de l’économie, mais la totalité du PIB. Ainsi, elle a eu des répercussions favorables sur les
autres types de revenu (bénéfices des sociétés, partie profits du revenu net des entreprises non
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L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
incorporées, et intérêts et autres revenus divers de placements), que nous avons regroupés sous
le titre « revenus de propriété ». Les impôts fédéral et provincial perçus sur ces revenus de
propriété des particuliers ont donc augmenté. La ligne 4 du tableau 7 présente les résultats de
nos estimations, qui sont basées sur les montants rapportés dans les statistiques fiscales des
particuliers pour l’année 2008 (ARC 2010 ; Finances Québec 2010). L’effet statique estimé
est de 47 M$ et l’effet total, de 73 M$32 .
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Effets sur les impôts sur les bénéfices des sociétés
L’élément de revenu fiscal suivant qui est pris en compte est l’ensemble des impôts sur les
bénéfices des sociétés. La hausse estimée pour cet élément est présentée à la ligne 5 du tableau
7. Pour les deux ordres de gouvernement, elle atteint 108 M$ dans le cas de l’effet statique
et 173 M$ dans le cas de l’effet total.
Effets sur les impôts indirects et les autres revenus autonomes
La ligne 6 du tableau 7 rapporte la hausse estimée pour les impôts indirects et les autres
revenus autonomes des administrations. Dans les comptes économiques, les impôts indirects
sont constitués de l’ensemble des prélèvements fiscaux sur les produits et sur les facteurs
de production (travail et capital). Ils comprennent les agrégats tels que les taxes à la
consommation comme la TPS et la TVQ, les impôts fonciers, les taxes sur l’essence, les taxes
sur le capital des entreprises et les cotisations des employeurs au Fonds des services de santé.
L’exercice d’estimation est répété ici selon la même logique d’augmentation proportionnelle
à la hausse du PIB que pour les impôts sur les bénéfices des sociétés.
L’autre agrégat que nous prenons en compte est celui des « autres revenus autonomes »
des administrations. Il regroupe 1) les remises de fonds ou dividendes qu’elles reçoivent
des entreprises publiques et 2) les « autres transferts courants des particuliers aux
administrations ».
La hausse des remises de fonds ou dividendes est proportionnelle à la hausse du PIB tout
comme celles des impôts indirects et des impôts sur les bénéfices des sociétés. Notons ici que
sont exclus du calcul les diverses redevances et les intérêts et autres revenus de placements
perçus par les administrations publiques. Dans le cas des redevances, nous avons jugé les effets
a priori négligeables compte tenu de la très faible présence des femmes dans les secteurs des
forêts, de la pêche et des mines. Pour ce qui est des intérêts et autres revenus de placements
des administrations, il s’agit de conséquences de leurs opérations financières et non de revenus
liés à l’évolution du PIB comme tel.
Les « autres transferts courants des particuliers aux administrations » forment un agrégat
comptable constitué de divers transferts sans contrepartie. Ils comprennent 1) les primes
d'assurance médicaments prélevées à l’impôt du Québec sur le revenu des particuliers, 2)
les licences et permis pour les véhicules automobiles (part des particuliers), 3) les dons et
subventions aux gouvernements, aux collèges publics et aux universités, et 4) divers autres
transferts aux administrations comme les licences et permis autres que pour les véhicules
automobiles et les amendes et pénalités (infractions routières, pénalités à l’impôt, etc.). Pour
les deux premiers éléments, nos estimations sont basées sur les renseignements disponibles
en matière de fiscalité et d’élasticité de la demande. Pour les deux derniers, nous avons joué
de prudence en faisant l’hypothèse générale que l’élasticité de ces revenus gouvernementaux
par rapport au PIB était de 0,5.
Les résultats inscrits à la ligne 6 du tableau 7 pour la hausse des impôts indirects et des
autres revenus autonomes (remises de fonds ou dividendes, et autres transferts courants des
particuliers aux administrations) indiquent un effet statique de 520 M$ et un effet total de 833
M$ pour l’ensemble des administrations.
Effets sur les cotisations sociales
Le dernier agrégat fiscal à considérer est celui des cotisations sociales. Il comprend les
cotisations des employeurs et des employés à l’assurance-emploi, à l’assurance parentale et au
Régime des rentes du Québec, ainsi que les cotisations des employeurs à la santé et sécurité du
travail. Les cotisations sociales s’accompagnent d’une contrepartie : l’obligation des autorités
de payer des prestations en cas de chômage, de grossesse, de naissance, de retraite et d’accident
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de travail. Il est cependant impossible de déterminer avec quelque précision l’importance réelle
des engagements gouvernementaux pour le groupe particulier des nouvelles mères au travail.
Dans le passé, le gouvernement fédéral a utilisé les cotisations à l’assurance-emploi comme
source générale de revenu dans une certaine mesure, ce qui les assimilait en partie à une simple
taxe sur la masse salariale. Mais, au total, il est clair qu’une grande partie des cotisations
sociales donne lieu à des engagements futurs.
C’est pourquoi nous jugeons que la hausse des cotisations sociales engendrée par le taux
d’activité accru des mères ne doit pas être ajoutée à l’estimation de la rétroaction budgétaire. La
ligne 7 du tableau 7 présente donc la rétroaction budgétaire finale qui cumule les six éléments
précédents sans y ajouter les effets sur les cotisations sociales. Les montants estimés pour les
deux ordres de gouvernement sont de 1 179 M$ dans le cas de l’effet statique et de 1 938 M
$ dans le cas de l’effet total. La ligne 8 du tableau rapporte, pour mémoire, les effets estimés
sur les cotisations sociales.
Les résultats présentés au tableau 7 sont d’un ordre de grandeur comparable à l’approximation
de 2,2 G$ déduite plus haut de l’hypothèse que l’élasticité des revenus autonomes par rapport
au PIB est égale à 1. En effet, si on ajoute la hausse des cotisations sociales de 373 M$ (ligne 8)
à la rétroaction budgétaire globale constatée de 1 938 M$ (ligne 7) et qu’on soustrait du résultat
les économies de 162 M$ en prestations fiscales (ligne 2) et de 116 M$ en prestations d’aide
sociale (ligne 3), on obtient un montant de 2 033 M$ qui est inférieur de 10 % à l’approximation
de 2,2 G$ calculée antérieurement.
On constate enfin à la ligne 7 du tableau 7 que les 630 M$ du gouvernement fédéral lui font
bénéficier de 33 % de la rétroaction budgétaire (sans les cotisations sociales) de 1 938 M$ et
que le gouvernement du Québec et ses municipalités encaissent le complément de 1 308 M
$, soit 67 % des 1 938 M$.
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L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
Synthèse des effets sur les soldes budgétaires gouvernementaux
84
85
À partir de septembre 1997, le Québec a opté pour un programme de services de garde à
contribution réduite. Pendant ce temps, les provinces autres que le Québec ont continué à
suivre l’approche traditionnelle basée sur une déduction fiscale à l’impôt sur le revenu des
particuliers fédéral et provincial et des subventions d’importance variable offertes aux familles
à faible revenu et aux établissements prestataires de services. Quelles sont les conséquences
financières de ce choix pour les administrations fédérale et provinciale au Québec ? Prenant
2008 comme année repère, nous avons estimé ci-dessus, que le programme québécois a
entraîné un accroissement considérable des subventions directes du Québec aux services de
garde, une réduction des dépenses fiscales des administrations fédérale et provinciale, une forte
augmentation de leurs revenus autonomes et une diminution de leurs transferts aux familles.
Le tableau 8 résume nos estimations de tous ces effets pour l’année 2008, lorsque nous tenons
compte de l’effet « dynamique » comme de l’effet « statique », c’est-à-dire de la réaction
de toutes les mères d’enfants de 0 à 14 ans qui est attribuable au remplacement du régime
traditionnel de services de garde à la petite enfance par le nouveau régime à contribution
réduite. L’avant-dernière ligne du tableau indique que, globalement, les deux administrations
ensemble tirent du remplacement de l’approche traditionnelle par le programme à contribution
réduite un avantage budgétaire net de 919 M$.
Conclusion
86
87
88
En 1997, le gouvernement du Québec a lancé un programme de services de garde à contribution
réduite qui visait initialement les enfants de 4 ans et qui a fini par être ouvert à tous les enfants
d’âge préscolaire en septembre 2000. Depuis quinze ans, le pourcentage des enfants québécois
de cette catégorie d’âge qui occupent une place en garderie réglementée (subventionnée ou
non) a triplé. Il est passé de 18 % en mars 1997 à 55 % en mars 2012. Ce phénomène est unique
au Québec. Dans les autres provinces, le taux de fréquentation des garderies réglementées a
légèrement augmenté, de 22 % en 1998 à 25 % en 2008.
Le Québec s’est simultanément démarqué en ce qui regarde l’évolution de l’activité féminine.
En 1996, le taux d’activité des femmes de 20 à 44 au Québec était inférieur de 2,5 points de
pourcentage à celui des autres Canadiennes. Quinze ans plus tard, le taux des Québécoises
est plus élevé de 2,5 points. C’est aux mères d’enfants de moins de 15 ans que le Québec est
particulièrement redevable pour la progression plus rapide de l’activité de ses jeunes femmes.
L’activité féminine a aussi augmenté rapidement depuis quinze ans dans les provinces de
l’Atlantique en raison du boom des hydrocarbures.
Au Québec, c’est plutôt le programme des services de garde à contribution réduite qui a
soutenu l’expansion de l’emploi des femmes. Notre revue des études publiées jusqu’ici sur la
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L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
89
90
91
question nous a conduits à estimer à environ 69 700, pour l’année 2008, le nombre de mères au
travail qui peut être attribué spécifiquement au programme québécois. Ce nombre comprend
non seulement des mères d’enfants d’âge préscolaire (41 700) que la disponibilité de places à
tarif réduit a amenées à occuper des emplois, mais également plus de mères d’enfants d’âge
scolaire (28 000) qui ont été des usagers des services de garde et ont pris l’habitude du travail
avant que leur enfant entre à l’école. Un effet dynamique ou de persistance s’ajoute ainsi à
l’effet statique ou immédiat du programme. Nous avons estimé que cet afflux de femmes en
emploi a entraîné une majoration d’environ 5,1 G$ du PIB du Québec dans la même année.
Le fait pour le Québec d’avoir adopté un régime de services de garde différent du régime
principalement fiscalisé auquel il adhérait avant 1997 et qui continue d’être en vigueur dans
les autres provinces a eu des conséquences importantes pour les finances publiques. Les
subventions directes du Québec aux services de garde se sont considérablement accrues. À
l’inverse, les dépenses fiscales des administrations fédérale et provinciale ont diminué. Les
revenus autonomes des gouvernements ont fortement augmenté par suite de la hausse des
revenus d’emploi et du PIB. Et les transferts des gouvernements aux familles ont baissé parce
que ces dernières se sont enrichies. Au net, nous estimons que la somme de tous ces effets a
eu un impact favorable de 919 M$ sur les soldes budgétaires gouvernementaux en 2008.
La rentabilité financière du programme des services de garde à contribution réduite pour les
gouvernements, bien qu’intéressante et rassurante, n’est ni une condition nécessaire ni une
condition suffisante pour qu’il s’agisse d’un « bon programme »33. S’il est incontestable que
le programme facilite la conciliation des responsabilités parentales et professionnelles, il faut
reconnaître par ailleurs que sa croissance rapide a soulevé des difficultés. La demande de
places en garderie subventionnée dépasse encore largement l’offre. De plus, l’implantation
des nouvelles garderies, les règles d’attribution des places, la souplesse des horaires, la qualité
des services éducatifs (notamment auprès des enfants de milieux défavorisés), la vulnérabilité
du système à des arrêts de travail, le rythme d’investissement dans la formation du personnel,
le gel de la contribution parentale et l’universalité du programme font régulièrement l’objet de
débats. Mais comme la popularité du programme est très grande auprès des jeunes familles, il
apparaît hautement probable qu’il est là pour rester.
Il faut donc voir ces difficultés comme des défis de croissance à relever plutôt que comme des
obstacles qui pourraient mettre sa survie en danger. Nul doute que, parmi ces défis, le plus
important est celui d’améliorer constamment la qualité des services de garde éducatifs afin
de favoriser le développement physique, intellectuel, sensoriel et moral des enfants. Et même
au niveau le plus bêtement financier, la démonstration n’est plus à faire que des services de
bonne qualité à la petite enfance engendrent d’importantes économies à long terme dans le
système scolaire, dans le système de santé, dans le système de justice et dans le système de
protection sociale.
Remerciements
Les trois auteurs collaborent aux travaux de la Chaire de recherche en fiscalité et en finances
publiques, qu’ils remercient pour l’appui financier qui a rendu possible la réalisation de
cette étude. Ils expriment leur reconnaissance à Nathalie Bolduc, Marco De Nicolini, Karine
Dumont, Pierre Lefebvre, Paul Marchand, Kerry McCuaig, Philip Merrigan, Kevin Milligan,
Lars Osberg et Hélène Parisé pour leurs conseils, ainsi qu’à Dan Finnerty et à Steve West,
de Statistique Canada, pour leurs précisions sur les comptes économiques. Les commentaires
critiques de Martin Coiteux, Jean-Yves Duclos et François Leroux ont été pris en compte
dans la version finale de ce texte. Les auteurs sont enfin grandement redevables aux lecteurs
ou lectrices anonymes de la revue pour leur examen particulièrement perspicace d’une
version antérieure du manuscrit. Ils dégagent évidemment toutes ces personnes de quelque
responsabilité que ce soit pour le produit final.
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Notes
1 Desjardins (2002) contient une excellente revue historique de l’évolution des politiques
gouvernementales en matière de garde à l’enfance.
2 L’aspect économique du régime est évidemment loin d’être le seul qui importe. La santé, la sécurité, le
développement et le bien-être des enfants et l’égalité des chances sont des préoccupations primordiales de
la Loi sur les services de garde éducatifs à l’enfance du Québec (2005). Les parents souhaitent également
la proximité, la fiabilité et la flexibilité des services. Comme pour tout service, la qualité importe, pas
seulement le prix.
3 Une prestation fédérale universelle pour la garde d’enfants (100 $ par mois par enfant de moins de 6
ans) existe aussi depuis 2007, mais elle n’est rien d’autre qu’une allocation familiale générale, accordée
aux parents indépendamment de leur choix de mode de garde.
4 Selon ces auteurs, le taux moyen de la subvention gouvernementale au coût total de la garde pour les
familles biparentales québécoises est passé de 47 % en 1997 à 80 % en 2002. On en déduit que la baisse
de contribution a été de (0,80 – 0,47)/(1 – 0,47) = 62 %. Dans le cas des familles monoparentales, ils
ont estimé que le taux moyen de la subvention est passé de 67 % en 1997 à 80 % en 2002, de sorte que
la baisse de tarif a été de (0,80 – 0,67)/(1 – 0,67) = 39 %. La hausse du tarif à 7 $ en janvier 2004 a
naturellement atténué l’importance de ces baisses, mais le gel à 7 $ par la suite l’a reconstituée.
5 Trois types de services de garde se partagent cette clientèle à 7 $ : les « centres de la petite enfance » (ou
CPE, 85 000 places en mars 2012), les autres garderies subventionnées (41 000 places) et les services en
milieu familial (92 000 places) (Ministère de la Famille et des Aînés 2012). Les CPE sont des garderies
dirigées par un conseil d’administration composé de sept membres ou plus dont au moins les deux
tiers sont des parents usagers. Les « autres garderies subventionnées » n’ont pas ce type de structure
administrative, mais ont l’obligation de former un comité consultatif de parents. Les services en milieu
familial sont gérés par des personnes responsables et reconnues par un bureau coordonnateur sur le
territoire concerné.
6 Cleveland et coll. (2008) présentent des estimations compatibles basées sur l’Enquête longitudinale
nationale sur les enfants et les jeunes (ELNEJ), mais pour des années antérieures.
7 Formellement, soit ep = log(E1/E0)]/[log(P1/P0)], l’élasticité-prix de l’emploi, où E0 et E1 sont les
niveaux d’emploi avant et après la baisse du prix des services de garde de P0 à P1. Pour les familles
biparentales, on a P1/ P0 = (1 – 0,80)/(1 – 0,47) et E1 = 252 400 mères d’enfants de 0 à 5 ans en 2008 ;
pour les monoparentales, c’est P1/ P0 = (1 – 0,80)/(1 – 0,67) et E1 = 24 500. Si ep = -0,1, on obtient E0 =
229 000 mères pour les premières, d’où un niveau d’emploi plus élevé de E1 – E0 = 23 400 ; pour les
secondes, on tire E0 = 23 300 mères et E1 – E0 = 1 200. Au total, cela donne 24 600 mères de plus au
travail. Si ep = -0,3, le calcul analogue donne 60 600 mères de plus.
8 Le taux d’activité d’un groupe démographique (a) est le pourcentage de sa population qui désire
travailler. Le pourcentage qui occupe effectivement un emploi est son taux d’emploi (e). Le taux de
chômage (u) est l’écart entre les deux. On a u = (a – e)/a. Pour les comparaisons, on utilise le taux
d’activité de préférence au taux d’emploi lorsqu’on veut atténuer les distorsions causées par les variations
conjoncturelles du taux de chômage.
9 L’année 2008 va servir de repère pour les estimations dans les sections suivantes.
10 Le PIB réel par habitant a crû de 77,1 % à Terre-Neuve et de 33 % dans les Provinces maritimes.
11 Un sophisme répandu consiste à croire que le nombre d’emplois dans l’économie est fixe et que de
nouveaux arrivants ne peuvent occuper des emplois qu’en déplaçant les travailleurs qui détiennent les
emplois existants et en les expédiant ainsi au chômage. L’hypothèse que le nombre d’emplois disponibles
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L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
est indépendant du nombre de personnes qui désirent travailler est manifestement fausse historiquement.
Par exemple, de 1978 à 2008, le nombre de Québécois qui désirent travailler a augmenté de 2 900 000
à 4 200 000, mais le taux de chômage a diminué de 11 % à 7,2 %. Nous décrivons sommairement, dans
la section suivante, comment le fonctionnement normal du marché du travail lui permet d’accueillir de
plus en plus de personnes sans que le taux de chômage augmente.
12 Pour une description de la méthode, voir, par exemple, Angrist et Pischke (2009, chapitre 5).
13 En plus d’estimer l’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite sur le taux d’emploi des mères,
ces études ont examiné d’autres phénomènes, comme les effets du programme sur le taux de présence
des enfants en garderie et sur certains indicateurs de bien-être et de développement des enfants.
14 Lefebvre, Merrigan et Roy-Desrosiers (2012) rapportent aussi un effet statistiquement positif du
programme sur l’emploi des pères, mais cet effet est petit en comparaison de l’effet sur l’emploi des
femmes.
15 Sources : Statistique Canada (2009 ; Recensement du Canada 2006).
16 Nous appliquons aux mères d’enfants de 6 à 14 ans le pourcentage de 7,0 % estimé par Lefebvre,
Merrigan et Verstraete (2009) pour celles dont le plus jeune enfant est âgé de 6 à 11 ans. Il est peu
probable que cela entraîne une erreur d’estimation importante.
17 Tenant compte des écarts-types rapportés au tableau 3, on obtient une estimation de de 11 500 mères
pour l’écart-type autour du niveau calculé de 69 700 mères. On a en effet : ((347 200)2 x (0,02)2 +
(400 100)2 x (0,023)2)1/2 = 11 528.
18 Une analyse économétrique récente de Clavet et Duclos (2012, tableau 4) basée sur un éventail
d’hypothèses structurelles estime que l’abolition du programme de services de garde à contribution
réduite aurait fait diminuer de 2 % seulement, soit d’environ 4 500, le nombre de mères d’enfants d’âge
préscolaire occupant un emploi au Québec en 2004. Cette estimation est sept fois et demie plus faible que
celle que nous avons déduite de l’étude de Lefebvre, Merrigan et Roy-Desrosiers (2012). L’addition de
41 700 au nombre de mères d’enfants de 0 à 5 ans occupant un emploi en raison du programme représente
en effet 15 % de l’emploi total de ces mères en 2008. Nous préférons nous appuyer sur les résultats des
études indiquées au tableau 3, dont l’analyse impose a priori moins d’hypothèses de structure aux données
et dont les résultats, contrairement à ceux de Clavet et Duclos, sont plus compatibles avec les élasticités
de l’emploi par rapport au prix de la garde estimées dans la littérature (voir Blau et Currie 2007).
19 Pour les amants de l’algèbre, écrivons y = f(k), la fonction de production agrégée de l’économie, où
y est le PIB réel par travailleur (Y/E), k est le stock d’équipement productif par travailleur (K/E), et f est
une fonction croissante et concave. Le comportement dans un milieu concurrentiel va conduire à l’égalité
r = f’(k), où r est le taux de rendement concurrentiel sur le marché local et international et où f’(k) mesure
le taux de rendement de l’équipement implanté à la marge. Cela laisse w = f(k) - kf’(k) comme salaire
réel au travailleur moyen. Il s’ensuit immédiatement qu’au niveau extérieur de r auquel doit s’adapter
une économie petite et ouverte comme celle du Québec correspondront des niveaux donnés de k, de w et
de y. Ainsi, pour que k = K/E, y = Y/E et w maintiennent ces correspondances face à une augmentation
exogène de la population active E, le stock d’équipement K et le PIB réel Y doivent augmenter dans la
même proportion que E. La logique économique est exposée dans le texte.
20 Pour les 41 700 mères d’enfants de 0 à 5 ans qui s’ajoutent à l’emploi, aucun ajustement net pour les
heures ou la rémunération ne nous paraît justifié. Pour les 28 000 mères d’enfants de 6 à 14 ans de plus
au travail, nous tenons compte du fait que le rapport entre le salaire moyen des employés féminins qui
n’avaient pas de diplôme universitaire et la moyenne générale des salaires était de 89 % au Québec en
2008 (Statistique Canada 2009). Un ajustement de 89 % au revenu d’emploi nous semble approprié. On
a finalement : (41 700 x 100 % + 28 000 x 89 %)/69 700 = 95,6 %.
21 Le PIB du Québec était de 304 479 M$ en 2008. Sans la hausse de 1,7 %, il aurait été de
304 479/1,017 = 299 389 M$. D’où une augmentation estimée de 5 090 M$.
22 Puisque 1,278/1,017 = 1,257.
23 Le montant des subventions directes du Québec à la garde préscolaire inscrit au Budget de dépenses
pour l’année 1996 étaient de 288 M$.
24 Cette dernière désigne la garde au foyer familial ou dans un autre foyer par une personne autre que
les parents.
25 L’estimation de 200 M$ provient de Finances Québec (2012). Le chiffre de 80 M$ nous a été transmis
par le ministère.
26 Ces déductions ont atteint 620 M$ au Québec et 3 402 M$ dans l’ensemble du Canada. Les données
de l’EDTR offrent une confirmation de ce pourcentage. Elles indiquent que 18,1 % des dépenses en frais
de garde des parents canadiens en 2008 proviennent du Québec.
27 Nous venons de voir qu’au niveau provincial, en 2008, la dépense fiscale associée au crédit d’impôt
pour frais de garde d’enfants d’âge préscolaire atteignait 80 M$, soit 40 % du montant total de 200 M
$ de la dépense fiscale totale du Québec. Au niveau fédéral, le pourcentage estimatif de 55 % que nous
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L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
utilisons pour la part de la dépense fiscale relative aux jeunes enfants dans le montant total est plus élevé
en raison du fait que les frais de garde admissibles à la déduction incluent la contribution réduite de 7 $
et non seulement les frais associés à la garde formelle non subventionnée et à la garde non parentale
informelle.
28 Le montant des recettes de l’ensemble de ces administrations en 2008 a été de 128,2 G$ (Statistique
Canada, tableau CANSIM 384-0004). Sans cette hausse de 1,7 %, le montant récolté aurait été de
128,2/1,017 = 126,0 G$. D’où la hausse estimée de 128,2 – 126,0 = 2,2 G$.
29 À ce titre, le recouvrement de 40 % a été calculé sur un coût de garde brut de 1 796 millions $ et
non pas sur un coût net de 1034 millions $.
30 Encore une fois, le recouvrement calculé ici de 35% s’appuie sur un coût de garde brut de 1 796
millions $ et non pas sur un coût net de 1034 millions $.
31 Les données pertinentes sont tirées des Comptes économiques provinciaux de Statistique Canada
pour l’année 2008 (tableaux CANSIM 384-0006 et 384-0007). La formule utilisée est la suivante : si T
est le montant des revenus visés et g est le pourcentage d’augmentation du PIB (1,1 % ou 1,7 % selon le
cas), alors l’augmentation de T due à cette hausse du PIB est égale à g x T/(1 + g).
32 Nous ne tenons pas compte d’effets possibles sur les retenus fiscales des non-résidents.
33 Rosen (1997) a présenté une analyse structurée de l’incidence du programme suédois des services
de garde à contribution réduite sur le bien-être. Wetzels (2005) a fait de même pour le programme
néerlandais, mais en adressant plusieurs critiques à l’étude de Rosen. Une telle analyse reste à faire pour
le programme québécois.
Pour citer cet article
Référence électronique
Pierre Fortin, Luc Godbout et Suzie St-Cerny, « L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite
du Québec sur le taux d’activité féminin, le revenu intérieur et les budgets gouvernementaux », Revue
Interventions économiques [En ligne], 47 | 2013, mis en ligne le 13 février 2013, consulté le 24 avril
2015. URL : http://interventionseconomiques.revues.org/1858
À propos des auteurs
Pierre Fortin
Pierre Fortin est professeur émérite à l’Université du Québec à Montréal
Luc Godbout
Luc Godbout est professeur titulaire à l’Université de Sherbrooke
Suzie St-Cerny
Suzie St-Cerny est professionnelle de recherche à l’Université de Sherbrooke
Droits d'auteur
© Tous droits réservés
Résumés
Au Québec, un programme de services de garde à contribution réduite pour les enfants d’âge
préscolaire a été introduit en 1997. Sur la base d’études antérieures, nous estimons qu’en 2008
ce programme a permis à environ 69 700 mères (ou 3,8 %) de plus de détenir un emploi que
si le Québec avait plutôt continué à suivre l’approche traditionnelle (surtout fiscalisée) qui est
restée en vigueur dans les autres provinces canadiennes. Nous calculons que cette addition
de mères au marché du travail a entraîné une majoration de 5,1 G$ (ou 1,7 %) du revenu
intérieur (PIB) du Québec. Nous estimons ensuite les effets du programme sur les subventions
directes aux services de garde, sur les dépenses fiscales fédérales et provinciales pour frais
de garde et sur les revenus autonomes et les transferts gouvernementaux qui résultent de la
hausse du revenu d’emploi des mères et du PIB. En comparaison de l’approche traditionnelle,
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
27
L’impact des services de garde à contribution réduite du Québec sur le taux d’activité fé (...)
nous estimons qu’au net le programme québécois a eu un impact favorable de 919 M$ sur les
soldes budgétaires gouvernementaux en 2008.
A low-fee child care program for pre-school children began to be implemented in Quebec in
September 1997. Based on earlier studies, we estimate that in 2008 this program induced about
69 700 more mothers (a 3.8 % increase) to hold jobs than if the province had instead continued
to follow the traditional approach based mainly on tax incentives that is still in force in other
Canadian provinces. We calculate that Quebec’s domestic income (GDP) was higher by about
$ 5.1 billion (1.7 %) as a result. We then estimate the impact that the childcare program
has had on direct government subsidies to childcare facilities, federal and provincial child
care tax subsidies, and own-source government revenues and family transfers resulting from
the increases in mothers’ employment income and GDP. On net, relatively to the traditional
approach, we estimate that the Quebec program had a favorable impact of $ 919 million on
government fiscal balances in 2008.
Entrées d'index
Mots-clés : finances publiques, modèle québécois, politique familiale, services de
garde
Keywords : childcare, family policy, public finance, Quebec model
Revue Interventions économiques, 47 | 2013
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