International Journal of Forecasting 19 (2003) 595–601 www.elsevier.com / locate / ijforecast Simple indicators of crime by time of day Marcus Felson*, Erika Poulsen School of Criminology, Rutgers University, 123 Washington Street, Newark, NJ 07102, USA Abstract Crime varies greatly by hour of day—more than by any other variable. Yet numbers of cases declines greatly when fragmented into hourly counts. Summary indicators are needed to conserve degrees of freedom, while making hourly information available for description and analysis. This paper describes some new indicators that summarize hour-of-day variations. A basic decision is to pick the first hour of the day, after which summary indicators are easily defined. These include the median hour of crime, crime quartile minutes, crime’s daily timespan, and the 5-to-5 share of criminal activity; namely, that occurring between 5:00 AM and 4:59 PM. Each summary indicator conserves cases while offering something suitable to forecast. 2003 International Institute of Forecasters. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. Keywords: Hour-of-day periodicity; Crime series data 1. Introduction 2. Background Crime varies more by hour of day than by any other predictor we know. Such variation is analyzed all too seldom. Perhaps one reason for this neglect is that hourly data produce too many categories, 168 h per week. The result is too few cases per cell (this loss of degrees of freedom impairs statistical analysis) and too many cells (this leads to very large tables that are hard to understand). This paper provides some simple indicators that help gain a solution to these problems. However, a larger problem needs additional work—how to think about hourly variations in crime. ¨ Hagerstrand (1973) showed how the individual traverses a path through space–time in the course of a day. The importance of these movements was explained in social psychological terms by Bandura (1985), who coined the term, ‘‘the psychology of chance encounters.’’ Bandura described the intersection of individual paths in the course of a day and how these chance intersections can change individual lives and even history. However, human ecology teaches us that many encounters are not so random as one might think. In his classic work, Hawley (1950) paid close attention to hourly activity patterns and explained how they are highly interdependent based on sustenance activities. More generally, Hawley distinguished three features of time organization: tempos, rhythms, and timing. A tempo is the number of events per unit of time; that includes an annual crime rate or victimization rate. A rhythm is the periodicity of a time *Corresponding author. Tel.: 1 1-973-353-5237. E-mail addresses: felson@andromeda.rutgers.edu (M. Felson), epoulsen@eden.rutgers.edu (E. Poulsen). 0169-2070 / 03 / $ – see front matter 2003 International Institute of Forecasters. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016 / S0169-2070(03)00093-1 596 M. Felson, E. Poulsen / International Journal of Forecasting 19 (2003) 595–601 pattern. The monthly and seasonal cycles of crime are examples of periodicities and are widely known among criminologists (Harries, 1980). The hourly periodicity of criminal behavior is generally known but under-researched. Timing refers to the coordination or intersection of rhythms. The correspondence between the rhythm of school activity and the rhythm of delinquency in the course of a day is an important example of timing (Felson, 2002). Timing is more than description alone; it is best understood in light of theories of how crime relates to everyday life. For example, the environmental criminology of Brantingham and Brantingham (1993) helps us understand how the paths of offenders and victims might cross in space and time. Geographers of crime also pay close attention to hourly patterns and further assist us in putting this information to use theoretically and empirically (Harries, 1980; Rengert, 1996). The routine activity approach pays close attention to hourly activities and their link to crime opportunity (Felson, 2002). These many theoretical ideas cover both space and time, but the spatial dimension is far more frequently researched. The reason for that might be that geographers have devised a variety of tools for mapping activities in space and for summarizing spatial processes statistically. Indeed, they have learned to conserve degrees of freedom with measures of central tendency and dispersion and with statistical analyses linking variables to one another over space. The study of temporal patterns, especially by hour of day, has lagged behind. That lag is probably the result of inadequate summary statistics for crime patterns in time. The purpose of this paper is to provide some summary statistics that are simple and easy with which to work. 3. The first task What is the first hour of the day? From the clock viewpoint, one starts with 12:00 to 12:59 AM, but that would ignore what we know about crime. At that hour, many people are not yet straggling out of urban bars, and parties are for some at a high swing. In many places, alcoholic beverage consumption accelerates after midnight in anticipation of closing hours, and food consumption may well decline. A majority of those driving cars or taking public transit in the early hours of the morning might well have high blood-alcohol levels. That makes them likely offenders and targets of crime and ineffective guardians against it. Hence, it makes no sense at all for a criminologist to treat midnight as the transition to a new day. Our first task is to figure out that transition time. Crime statistics on hourly crime patterns suggest that 5:00 AM is probably the best time we have for the beginning of a new day, at least for a criminologist’s purposes. By that time, most of the substance abusers and partygoers have either fallen asleep or have at least gone home. The bars are closed. Working people begin to wake, and a glimmer of light from homes or sky sends cues that the window of crime opportunity has largely closed. Hence, a day lasts from 5:00 AM through 4:59 AM the next morning. We shall work with this assumption for the duration of this paper, but we recognize that not all nations, cities, or epochs will fit this pattern precisely. Nor does crime trail away equally every day of the week. However, such variations should not lead one to abandon this useful convention; it allows criminologists to compare different places and decades. But first, one needs to consider the span of data incorporated in formulating hourly indicators. 4. The second task In order to study hourly crime patterns, a criminologist must decide what offenses to summarize and for what broader time period. For example, one might wish to describe the hourly patterns for all armed robberies in the city of Houston from 1990 to 1999, or one might wish to compare New York City’s hourly aggravated assault patterns for September versus October of 2001. The second task is more complicated than meets the eye. Many offenses are not readily reported to the police, so their hourly patterns are not known, or are subject to so much error that the methods presented in the current paper are probably unusable. For example, burglaries are generally coded by the hour the police are notified. Many people discover a burglary when they come home after work or a trip. M. Felson, E. Poulsen / International Journal of Forecasting 19 (2003) 595–601 Thus, hourly burglary data are often missing, unreliable or are coded as ‘‘sometime in the morning.’’ On the other hand, alarm companies might have accurate hourly data on alarms being set off and could even be able to subtract false alarms to produce realistic hourly burglary data files. The problem with even the best hourly data, though, is the voluminous number of categories, with 24 h per day and 168 h per week. That is why summary indicators are essential for hourly analysis and forecasting. The purpose of this paper is to provide those summary indicators. 5. The median minute of crime Having selected 5:00 AM as the first moment of the day, we can now devise several simple indicators for hourly patterns of crime. The first is the median minute of crime, namely, that minute of the day by which exactly half of the crimes have occurred. For example, if the median minute of robbery is 6:13 PM, that means that exactly half the daily robberies occur from 5:00 AM to 6:13 PM, and the rest from 6:13 PM to 4:59 AM the next morning. This simple measure of central tendency tells us a good deal. For example, an entire decade of Houston armed robberies could be summed up with this single indicator, which in turn gives us an idea of how early or late these offenses occur. In Scandinavia, one could test the hypothesis that summer months have a much later crime pattern than winter months with one number for each. Using unpublished data some years ago, the senior author noted that the median hour was much earlier for crimes in Florida cities with many retired persons than in other cities with more normal age structures. Hence, the simplicity of the measure does not mean it lacks the power to answer questions. One can also calculate a mean minute as a measure of central tendency by subtracting 5 h from the time of crime, finding the mean of those times, and then adding that time back. 597 could calculate a standard deviation about the mean mentioned above. We think that quartiles offer a simpler and more cogent way to study hourly dispersion of crime and are more appropriate to the problem at hand. We suggest that the most direct and clearest way to study that dispersion is to find the quartile minutes. After the median minute of crime is known, the first half of the crime day is itself cut in half by the same method to give the first quartile minute. The second half of the crime day is then cut in half to give the third quartile minute. With the median minute of crime, these divide up the four crime quartiles over the course of the day. Thus, if the median minute of crime is 7:00 PM and the first quartile minute is 4:30 PM, that means that 25% of crimes occur from 5:00 AM to 4:30 PM, and another 25% from 4:30 PM to 7:00 PM. The third quartile minute dissects the latter half of the day. Thus, the first quartile minute, the median minute of crime, and the third quartile minute give us a good idea of how crime disperses over the day. 7. Crime’s daily timespan Once we know the quartile minutes, it is elementary to calculate crime’s daily timespan. This is the number of minutes between the first and third quartile minute. Where crime is more dispersed over the day, the daily timespan is higher. A narrow daily timespan will be expected for smaller cities with less extended nightlife. The median minute of crime and the daily timespan together tell us a lot of information, even though they are but two numbers. High school students appear to have an early median minute of crime (around the time they get out of school) and a narrow daily span of crime involvement (see Felson, 2002). Entirely different patterns would be expected for older offenders versus young, active offenders versus those who are occasional, entertainment districts versus working versus residential areas. 6. Crime quartiles 8. The 5-to-5 share of offenses Measures of central tendency of course miss the dispersion over the hours of the day. Of course, one We have presented so far four summary indicators of how crime distributes over the course of a day. To 598 M. Felson, E. Poulsen / International Journal of Forecasting 19 (2003) 595–601 take a different tack, we now ask what share of offenses have occurred by a particular time. We pick 5:00 PM as a cutoff time, since that vaguely tells us when evening begins. What percent of offenses occur by that time? We call this the 5 -to-5 share of offenses. As evening and nighttime crime take over, this indicator will decline. Technically speaking, this number represents the percent of offenses that occur from 5:00 AM to 4:59 PM. An early crime pattern will push this indicator to higher levels. 9. Demonstration The police departments of 13 middle-sized American cities have provided us with robbery data for the years 1999–2001 or parts of those periods. These cities include Akron, OH; Albany, NY; Cincinnati, OH; Evansville, IN; Fort Wayne, IN; Hartford, CT; Lincoln, NE; and Lowell, MA; Plano, TX; Rockford, IL; South Bend, IN; Springfield, IL; and Tampa, FL. The 2000 Census indicates that the largest of these cities is Cincinnati, with a population of 331,285. The smallest is Albany, with 95,658 inhabitants. The exact definition of robbery in these data is as follows: We have used all types of robberies for this study which includes armed and unarmed robberies as well as robberies of individuals and robberies of commercial entities. We have classified these robbery data by hour of day in order to calculate the descriptive statistics discussed in this paper. Table 1 illustrates these calculations for the hourly pattern of robberies in the year 2000 in Albany, NY.1 Although the table does not include every minute of the day, its 24 h of data make it easy to see that one-fourth of the robberies occur by the first quartile minute, 3:00 PM. Another fourth occur by the median minute of 8:30 PM. Three-fourths occur by the third quartile minute 12:35 AM. The rest occur between then and 4:49 AM. The timespan between the first and third quartile minutes is a full 575 min, 1 This paper neglects standard errors. In future studies, we anticipate greater N’s per city and that this would be less an issue. The formula for the standard error of a median can be found in introductory textbooks. That same formula could be applied to first and third quartile minutes. Table 1 Illustration of how to calculate descriptive indicators for hourly robbery patterns, Albany, NY, 2000 Hour of day Number Percent Cumulative Notes of of all percent incidents robberies 5:00–5:59 6:00–6:59 7:00–7:59 8:00–8:59 9:00–9:59 10:00–10:59 11:00–11:59 12:00–12:59 1:00–1:59 8 8 1 7 9 11 5 15 16 1.97 1.97 0.25 1.72 2.22 2.71 1.23 3.69 3.94 1.97 3.94 4.19 5.91 8.13 10.84 12.07 15.76 19.70 2:00–2:59 3:00–3:59 16 22 3.94 5.42 23.65 29.06 4:00–4:59 5:00–5:59 18 9 4.43 2.22 33.50 35.71 6:00–6:59 7:00–7:59 8:00–8:59 18 20 35 4.43 4.93 8.62 40.15 45.07 53.69 9:00–9:59 10:00–10:59 11:00–11:59 12:00–12:59 31 14 28 22 7.64 3.45 6.90 5.42 61.33 64.78 71.67 77.09 29 18 28 18 406 7.14 4.43 6.90 4.43 100 84.24 88.67 95.57 100.00 1:00–1:59 2:00–2:59 3:00–3:59 4:00–4:59 Total afternoon hours in boldface type first quartile minute 3:00 PM 5-to-5 share of robberies 33.5% median minute 8:30 PM third quartile minute 12:35 AM daily timespan 575 minutes or 9.5 h. About a third of the robberies occur by 5:00 PM, as indicated by the 5-to-5 share. These indicators prove quite useful for comparing the 13 cities. Although all of these cities have something in common with regard to hourly robbery patterns, they still differ in noticeable ways. Table 2 presents the descriptive indicators for the 13 cities, all calculated in or around the year 2000. The table orders the cities by the magnitude of their daily timespans. For example, Albany’s timespan was 575 min, or 9.5 h. On the other hand, Springfield, IL, had a daily timespan of only 402 min, or 6.5 h. The first and third quartiles capture additional M. Felson, E. Poulsen / International Journal of Forecasting 19 (2003) 595–601 599 Table 2 Descriptive indicators for hourly robbery patterns in 13 cities, 1999–2001 City* Year First quartile minute Median minute Third quartile minute Daily timespan (min) The 5-to-5 share of robberies (%) Base number of robberies Albany, NY Evansville, IN Tampa, FL Cincinnati, OH South Bend, IN Akron, OH Fort Wayne, IN Rockford, IL Hartford, CT Plano, TX Lowell, MA Lincoln, NE Springfield, IL 2000 2000 2000 2000 1999–2000 1999–2000 2000 2000 2000 1999–2000 2000–2001** 2000 2000 3:00 PM 3:30 PM 3:14 PM 2:45 PM 2:31 PM 3:18 PM 2:54 PM 3:44 PM 3:20 PM 3:00 PM 3:00 PM 5:08 PM 4:21 PM 8:30 PM 9:14 PM 9:00 PM 8:12 PM 8:00 PM 9:00 PM 8:32 PM 8:30 PM 8:16 PM 7:52 PM 7:00 PM 9:50 PM 8:30 PM 12:35 AM 12:58 AM 12:25 AM 11:45 PM 11:23 PM 12:00 AM 11:33 PM 11:59 PM 11:30 PM 10:55 PM 10:48 PM 12:22 AM 11:03 PM 575 568 550 540 532 521 519 494 489 475 468 433 402 33.5 29.3 30.4 34.2 33.6 31.9 32.2 27.5 30.2 32.6 30.1 24.7 27.9 406 133 2199 1533 801 1418 367 298 872 218 246 150 269 Note that the 5-to-5 share of robberies refers to those occurring from 5:00 AM to 4:59 PM. * Cities are ordered by magnitude of their daily timespans. ** Lowell, MA, robberies include April 2000 through September 2001. information not measured by the timespans. For example, one-fourth of South Bend’s robberies occurred by 2:31 PM, while in Lincoln, Nebraska, the same share was not achieved until 5:08 PM. The third quartiles varied rather less, but still were not equal across cities. Lowell, MA, saw three-fourths of its robberies occurring by 10:48 PM, while Evansville, IN, did not reach that mark until nearly 1:00 AM. As Column 4 indicates, these same cities had the earliest and latest median minutes of robbery: 7:00 PM for Lowell and 9:14 PM for Evansville. On the other hand, the latest median minute was for Lincoln, NE—9:50 PM. That was despite its being second lowest in daily timespan. The 5-to-5 share of robberies provides a somewhat different summary of robbery time patterns. The highest value on this indicator is calculated for Cincinnati, with 34.2% of robberies occurring by 5:00 PM. Although Rockford, IL, is in the middle of the distribution on the other indicators, it had one of the lowest percentages on the 5-to-5 indicator. crime and making comparisons. We only considered one crime and a limited range of mid-sized cities, but we believe that these indicators can in the future assist researchers in describing and predicting how crime distributes over time. 10.1. How crime timing distributes within cities One might predict that entertainment districts of cities will tend to have both later median minutes and a wider timespan of crime on weekends, but a narrower timespan Monday through Thursday. Business districts might have earlier median minutes, a very early third quartile point, and narrower timespans. Residential areas would probably vary by proximity to central and shopping areas and by commuting patterns. Areas near high schools will tend to have earlier median minutes and narrower timespans. However, crimes carried out specifically by more active young offenders might have an earlier median minute but wider timespan. 10.2. How crime timing distributes among cities 10. General implications We believe that these descriptive indicators serve as useful tools for describing hourly patterns of Cities with an older age structure will probably have earlier median minutes and narrower timespans. Cities with greater variance in age will probably 600 M. Felson, E. Poulsen / International Journal of Forecasting 19 (2003) 595–601 have wider timespans for crime. Earlier bar closing laws when enforced may produce earlier crime medians. Cities with more liquor consumption in cars and outdoors will tend to have later medians and perhaps wider timespans, too. Cities with earlier store closing hours will tend to constrain their crime patterns in time as well. 10.3. How crime distributes among nations Nations in the northern part of the Earth would probably have, during the summer, later median minutes and wider timespans for both property and violent offenses. However, crimes of violence during their winter months might well depend upon liquor policies and enforcement. Nations with indoor garages will tend to constrain later car thefts, while those lacking indoor parking will tend to have later hours and wider timespans of auto theft. Gun availability will probably tend to widen the daily timespan of robbery by making it easier for an offender to accost someone and quickly succeed, even in light or dusk. 10.4. Significance for policy Knutsson (1994) has shown a major discrepancy between the hourly patterns of crime and the hourly levels of police assignment. That point offers us strong evidence that ignoring these ‘‘details’’ leads to serious waste of resources. Not only does demand for service vary greatly over the day, but the types of service demanded also vary. Earlier in the day, truant officers and school crime officers might be needed. Later, drug control expertise might be most relevant. Still later, alcohol management personnel are central. 11. Implications for forecasting Some years ago, the senior author discovered that forecasting crime from 1963 to 1975 depended on studying trends in crime settings and crime timing (Cohen & Felson, 1979). The dispersion of activities away from family and household settings produced a major crime wave. That paper pointed towards a forecasting strategy that emphasized time patterns of activity in spirit, but lacked the data to carry out such forecasting directly. In recent decades, substantially more data on crime by hour of day has become available. Such data can suitably be aggregated according to the rules presented in the current paper. As a result, we suggest that crime forecasting strategy shift and make use of what we now know about shifting activity patterns in the course of daily life. The central purpose of this paper is to argue that forecasting strategies based on monthly, quarterly, or annual crime totals miss the essential dynamic in crime rate trends. Such breakdowns might be suitable for studying labor markets, housing starts, and other economic shifts and cycles, but are less than ideal for studying and forecasting changes in crime. The econometric roots of crime forecasting, including that carried out by the senior author, can hinder more than they help. The time is to move beyond these roots and to recognize that crime has its own dynamics, driven by the daily course of activities, shifting by the hour. That is not to say that monthly, quarterly, and annual crime statistics should be dropped in forecasting. Indeed, summing hourly data to these larger levels provides a way to have your small statistics and aggregate them, too. Thus, an annual summary of median hour of burglary can be calculated and then put into a time series for a statistical analysis over a longer timespan, taking into account the small features of daily crime that drive crime rate trends and cycles, even over the years. A secondary purpose of this paper is to argue that we no longer need to rely solely on spectral analysis as a means for studying crime over detailed time. This is not to deny its benefits when one lacks hypotheses and a priori knowledge about the various trends and cycles, nor is this to deprecate its beauty in pulling out various cycles statistically, ones that fit roughly what we know about daily activity patterns over the calendar. However, we know much more today about how the specifics of daily crime congeal and disperse over time and, hence, how to build both independent and dependent variables explicitly into forecasting models. The third purpose of this paper, by no means small, is to help relieve the central frustration of many forecasters who, perhaps, are tired of being ignored by larger policy makers and substantive M. Felson, E. Poulsen / International Journal of Forecasting 19 (2003) 595–601 scholars. These groups are not oriented towards the more advanced methods and more difficult indicators. The simple ones presented here can help sophisticated forecasters communicate beyond their own ranks, while at the same time making good use of forecasting methodologies. References Bandura, A. (1985). The psychology of chance encounters and life patterns. American Psychologist, 37, 747–755. Brantingham, P. L., & Brantingham, P. J. (1993). Nodes, paths and edges: Considerations on the complexity of crime and the physical environment. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 13, 28–53. Cohen, L. E., & Felson, M. (1979). Social change and crime rate trends: A routine activity approach. American Sociological Review, 44, 588–608. Felson, M. (2002). Crime and everyday life. 3rd ed.. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press. ¨ Hagerstrand, T. (1973). The domain of human geography. In Chorley, R. J. (Ed.), Directions in geography. London: Methuen, pp. 67–87. 601 Harries, K. D. (1980). Crime and the environment. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas. Hawley, A. (1950). Human ecology: A theory of community structure. New York: Ronald Press. Knutsson, J. (1994). More crimes while police resources remain constant—what will happen with the clearance rate in the future? Studies on Crime and Crime Prevention, 3, 132–145. Rengert, G. (1996). The geography of illegal drugs. Boulder, CO: Westview. Biographies: Marcus FELSON is author of Crime and Everyday Life, (Sage Publications), now in its third edition, and has developed the ‘‘routine activity approach’’ to crime analysis. He is also co-author (with Ronald V. Clarke) of Opportunity Makes The Thief, published by the British Home Office. Professor Felson graduated from University of Chicago and received his graduate degrees from the University of Michigan. He is Professor of Criminal Justice at Rutgers University. Erika POULSEN is a PhD candidate in the Geography Department at Rutgers University, and is the research director for the Crime Mapping Research Lab in the School of Criminal Justice, Rutgers University. Her research involves applying geographic techniques and methodologies for the spatial analysis of crime.