Crossroads to Conflict
Ruth Nugent
July 19, 2010
Grade 8th Special Education
Not All Slaves Lived on Plantations
I.
Introduction
I decided to use primary documents to help my students learn about the difference sort of
lives slaves lived. Since most slaves in Texas live in the eastern part of the state, they
almost all lived on plantations. My students are familiar with life on a plantation
however, they know very little about life for a slave living with a family and just a few
other slaves. It relates to the workshop because slaves in Missouri lived with small slave
owners.
My student have various different learning differences, but all have average or above
average IQ. Most of the students have difficulty writing and so they do much better
talking and drawing their thoughts and ideas. This lesson is designed to limit the amount
of required writing. Emphasis will be placed on discussion rather then written responses.
II.
Desired Outcome
I hope that the students will see slavery as the complicated issue that it was.
They will understand that issues regarding slavery where not exactly the same throughout
the south
III.
Background Information
The students will have read the chapter in the History Alive! textbook dealing with the
life of a slave. They will have analyzed aspects of plantation life for slaves. They will
have viewed the HBO documentary entitles: Unchained Memories which is a narrative
from former slaves recorded during the 1930’s. Finally, they will have viewed my
pictures from Mount Vernon with an explanation on slave life under George Washington.
IV.
Activity
Students will work in pairs looking at and listening to narratives from former slaves from
Missouri and from Texas. Each pair will fill in a questionnaire comparing the life style of
plantation slaves to that of small slave owner. Partners will generate a minimum of three
questions that result from the narratives they have just compared.
Once the questionnaires are complete, students will meet with another pair of students to
discuss the narratives they listen to and read. As a group, they will attempt to answer their
self generated questions.
Students will participate in a class discussion about their observations and conclusions.
V.
Assessment
Students will work with their original partner to create a poster illustrating life for slaves
in Missouri and in Texas.
VI.
Suggested sites for use in completing this assignment:
www.youtube.com/watch?v=E68yahKvqH0&feature=fvw
www.rootsweb.ancestry.com
www.mostateparks.com/statecapcomplex/statemuseum/slaverys
www.freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~ewyatt/_borders
www.newdeal.feri.org/asn/asn00.htm
www.c-span.org/antietam/narratives.asp
Mississippi, but I don' 'member what part they come from. We settled down here
at Gonzales, on Peach Creek, and he farmed one year there. Then he moved out
here to Medina County, right here on Hondo Creek. I don't 'member how many
acres he had, but he had a big farm. He had at least eight whole slave families.
He when he wanted money. My mother's name
Example # 1
Andy J. Anderson, Texas
Collected by the Federal Writers Project, Works Progress Administration
Publishing Information
Cauthier, Sheldon F. 9-16-37
Tarrant Co., Dist. #7(Yes)
Andy J. Anderson, 94, was born a slave to Mr. Jack Haley, who also owned
Andy's parents with 12 other families and a plantation located in Williamson Co.,
Tex. In view of the fact that all slaves used the name of their owner, Andy was
known as Andy Haley but after his freedom, he changed his name to Anderson,
the name his father used because he was owned by a Mr. Anderson before his sale
to Mr. Haley. Shortly after the Civil War began, Andy was sold to Mr. W. T.
House, of Blanco Co., Tex., who sold him again in less than a year to his brother,
Mr. John House. After the Emancipation Act became effective, Andy was hired
by a Mr. Whisterman. His first wages were his clothes, room and board with
$2.00 per mo. He farmed all of his life and has been married three times, now
living with his third wife and eight of his children at 301 Armour St., Ft. Worth,
Tex. His story:
1. "My name am Andy J. Anderson an' I's bo'n on Marster Jack Haley's plantation in
Williamson County, Texas. Marster Haley owned my folks an' 'bout 12 udder
fam'lies ob cullud folks.
2. "How come I's took de name ob Anderson, 'stead ob Haley? It am dis away, my
pappy was owned by Marster Anderson who sold him to Marster Haley, so he
goes by de name ob Anderson. Dey use to call me Haley but aftah Surrendah, I'se
change de name to Anderson to have it de same as my pappy's.
3. "I's bo'n in 1843. Dat makes me 94 yeahs ol', an' 18 yeahs ol' w'en de war stahted.
Tharfo', dis nigger has seen a good deal of slave life an' some hahd 'speriences
dunn' dat time an' good times too.
4. "Marster Haley am kind to his cullud folks. In fact, him am kind to ever'body an'
all de folks lak him. Whuppin's am not given 'cept w'en it am necessary an' dat am
not often an' am reasonable w'en it am given. De udder w'ite folks use to call
weuns de petted niggers.
5. "De plantation have 12 fam'lies ob slaves. Thar am 'bout 30 ol' an' young workers
an' 'bout 20 piccaninnies dat am too young fo' work. Dem dat am too young fo'
work am took care ob by a nurse durin' de day w'ile de mammies am a workin' in
de field an sich.
6. "I's gwine to 'splain how it am managed on Marster Haley's place. Marster Haley
am a good manager an' ever'one am 'signed to do certain jobs. It am diffe'nt now,
dan 'twas den. A plantation am sort ob lak de small town. Ever'thing dat am used
on de place am made thar. So, thar am de shoemaker. Him also am de tanner an'
make de leathah f'om de hides.
7. "Thar am 'bout 1,000 sheep on de Marster's place, so thar am de person dat 'tends
to de sheep an' de wool. De sheep am sheared twice a yeah.
8. "De wool am carded, spun an' weaved into cloth an' f'om dat cloth, all de clothes
am made. Thar am 'bout 25 head ob cattle, sich p'vides de milk an' buttah, also
beef meat fo' eatin'. Den thar am turkeys, chickens, hawgs an' bees.
9. "De plantation am planted in cotton, mosly. Co'se, dere am co'n an' wheat. De con
am fo' feed fo' de stock an' to make co'n meal fo' de humans. De wheat am fo' to
make flouah. Mars- ter don' sell any co'n or wheat, 'less if he have extra. Cotton
am w'at he raised fo' sale.
10. "Let me tell yous how we cut an' thresh de wheat. Thar am no binders, or threshin'
machines, so weuns cut de wheat by han', usin' a cradle. To thresh de grain, it am
hung over a rail wid de heads down, an' de heads am beat wid a stick. Dat knocks
de kernels out an' dey falls on a canvass dat am spread to catch dem. Now, to
clean de wheat, weuns have to wait fo' a day w'en de wind am blowin' jus' right.
W'en dat day comes, weuns pick de wheat up wid pails, raise it up an' pour it out
an' de wind blows de chaff an' sich away.
11. "De livin' fo' de cullud folks am good. De quatahs am built f'om logs lak deys all
am in dem days. De flooah am dirt but weuns have a table an' bench, a bunk wid
straw ticks on fo' sleepin' pupose, an' a fiah place fo' cookin' an' heat. Marster
'lows plenty ob good rations, but he watch close fo' de wastin' oh de food.
12. "De wah stahts an' dat makes a big change on de Marster's place. De Marster j'ins
de ahmy an' hires a man named Delbridge fo' overseer to he'p de Marster's son,
John. Den, in 'bout three months, de soldiers come an' took Marster John to de
ahmy by fo'ce. Deys put him on a hoss an' tooks him away.
13. "Thar come pretty neah bein' some hu't niggers de day deys took Marster John
away. You see, weuns don' know dey had de right to took Marster 'way, so weuns
cullud folks crowded 'roun' de Marster an' warnt gwine to 'low dem to took him.
De Marster tol' weuns to go 'way 'cause de soldiers have de right to took him an'
weuns jus' git hu't if weuns try to stop de soldiers, so weuns dispatched.
14. "Aftah Marster John am took away an' de overseer am lef' in whole charge, hell
stahts to pop. De fust thing he does am to cut de rations. He weigh out de meat,
three pounds to de person fo' de week an' he measures out a peck ob meal, 'twarnt
'nough. He ha'f starve do niggers an' demands mo' wo'k an' he stahts de
whuppin's. I's guess he 'cides to edumacate dem. I's guess Delbridge went to hell
w'en he died.. .I's don' think he go dat far, though. I's don' see how de devil could
stand him.
15. "Weuns cullud folks on Marster's place am not used to sich treatment an' some
run off. W'en deys am catched, thar am a whuppin' at de stake. Thar am a couple
ob de runaway niggers dat am never catched.
16. "I's 'scaped de worst ob Delbridge 'cause he sol' me. I's sol' to Marster W.T.
House ob Blanco County. I's sho glad w'en I's sol', but it am sho't gladness. W.T.
House am anudder man dat hell am too good fo'. I's not on dat place long, jus' a
few months 'til I's sol' to his brothah, John House, who had a big plantation close
by.
17. "I's git one whuppin' while on de W.T. House place. De scahs am on my ahms,
see thar, an' on my back too. Dem I's will carry to my grave. De whuppin' I's git
am fo' de cause as I's will 'splain. 'Twas dis away; De overseer sent me fo' de dry
fiah wood. W'en I's gits de wood loaded an' stahts to drive, de wheel hits a sho't
stump, de team jerks an' dat breaks de whippletree. I's tries to fix dat so dat de
load could be hauled in. I's delayed quite a spell while de cook am waitin' fo' de
wood. Aftah I's tries an' tries, it am necessary fo' me to walk to de bahn fo'
anudder whippletree. De overseer am at de bahn wen I's gits dere. He am gittin'
ready to staht aftah me. I's tell w'at am de delay. Me am poweful mad 'cause I's hit
de stump an' sich.
18. "De overseer ties me to de stake an' ever' ha'f hour, fo' fouah hours, deys lay 10
lashes on my back. Fo' de fust couple ob hours, de pain am awful. I's never fo'git
it. Aftah I's stood dat fo' a couple oh hours, I's could not feel de pain so much an'
w'en dey took me loose, I's jus' ha'f dead. I's could not feel de lash 'cause my body
am numb, an' my mind am numb. De last thing I's 'membahs am dat I's wishin' fo'
death. I's laid in de bunk fo' two days gittin' over dat whuppin'. Dat is, gittin' over
it in de body but not in de heart. No Sar! I's have dat in my heart 'til dis day.
19. "Aftab dat whuppin', I's don't have my heart in de wo'k fo' de Marster. If I's see
some cattle in de co'n field, I's tu'n my back 'stead ob chasm' dem out. I's guess de
Marster sees dat I's not to be d'pended on an' dat's m'ybe de reason he sol' me to
his brothah, John.
20. "John House am jus' de udder way f'om his brothah 'bout de treatment ob de
cullud folks. Marster John never hit a nigger.
21. "W'en surrendah am 'nounced, Marster right away tells his niggers dat dey am
free. He calls allus together an' tells weuns dat it am jus' a sho't time 'til de o'dah
fo' to free de niggers will be given. He says, "Now, dem who stays will be paid
wages, or weuns shall 'range fo' wo'kin' de land on shares". Whar he am a talkin'
am in de field undah a big tree. I's standim' neah him an dere's whar my big mouth
gits me all fustup.
22. "De Marster finished his statement asayin', "All yous niggers can stay wid me". I's
says to myse'f, not loud 'nough fo' anyone to heah, I's thinks, but de Marster heahs
me w'en I's says, "Lak hell I's will".
23. "Now, I's don't mean anything 'gainst de Marster. W'at I's mean am dat I's gwine
to take my freedom, but he took it to mean something else. Something 'gainst him
an' he says:
24. "W'at is dat yous says, nigger?"
25. "Nothin', Nothin Marster", I's says.
26. "I's heahs yous an' I's will 'tend to yous later", he says.
27. W'en dat took place, it am 'bout one hour by sun. I's 'gain talk to mysef, but I's sho
keeps my lips closed. I's says, "I's wont be heah long."
28. "I's not realize wat I's am in fo' 'til aftah I's stahted, but 'cose I's couldn't tu'n back.
Fo' to tu'n back m'ybe mean a whuppin' an' to go on means dangah f'om de Patter
Rollers. Dere I's was, but I's kep' on gwine. De Patter Roller's duties am to watch
fo' de nigger dat am widout de pass. No nigger am s'posed to be off his Marster's
place 'less he have de statement f'om him. If de Patters catch me, deys would give
me a whuppin' an' took me back to de Marster. Well, him am already mad over
w'at I's says an' I's 'spected a whuppin' dere, so dis nigger am in a perdicklement
29. "I's travel at night an' ever'time I's see someone acomin', dis nigger sho hide 'til
deys pass out oh de way. In de day, I's keeps hidden in de brush wid no an' no
wautah 'cept w'en I's come to a creek. I's sho gittin' weak an' tired de second night.
Twice I's sho de Patters pass wile I's hidin'.
30. "I's den 21 yeahs ol' but it am de fust time dat I's go any place, 'cept to de
neighbahs so I's worried 'bout de right way to Marster Haley's place. However, de
monin' ob de third day, I's come to de Marster's place, tired, hongry an' skeert
'bout de overseer 'cause Marster Haley am not home f'om de ahmy yet. I's sho
wants to keep away f'om Delbridge, so I's waits my chance to see pappy. W'en I's
did, he sho am s'prised to see me. Den I's tol' him w'at I's done an' he hides me in
his cabin. Dere I's stay fo' a week, den luck comes to me w'en Marster Haley
comes home.
31. "De Marster came home at night. De next mo'nin' befo' noon, Delbridge am shunt
off de place. W'en de Marster gits up in de mo'nin , he looks at de niggers. Deys
all are ga'nt an' lots have run off an' de fields am not p'operly plowed. Dere am
'bout ha'f ob his sheep lef', an' de same wid ever'thing.
32. "De Marster called Delbridge, an' soon aftah, Hell am a poppin'. De Marster says
to him, "Whar is my sheep, chickens, hawgs, an' all de udder stuff? W'at about
dem ga'nt niggers, an' w'at did yous do wid de rations?" Delbridge stahts to talk
an' de Marster says befo' he could says a word, "Shut up! Dere am no words can
'splain w'at yous done. Git off my place befo' I's smash yous!" Den 'twarnt long
'til Delbridge am gwine down de road wid his bundle.
33. "I's stay wid Marster Haley 'til freedom am o'dered. Den I's hired out to Marster
Whisterman fo' $2.00 a month wid de clothes an' boa'd. De work was fahm work.
All my life, I's follow fahm work.
34. "I's mai'ied de fust time in 1883. Weuns had two chilluns but dey both died. Den
in 1885, I's mai'ied 'gain. My second wife died in 1934. If she had lived 15 days
longah, weuns would have been together 50 yeahs. Dere was six chilluns bo'n to
weuns. Three am livin' heah an' one in Belton, de udders am dead. I's mai'ied my
present wife on June 11th, 1936. Dere am no chilluns yet f'om my third mai'age.
35. "De last few yeahs, I's not fahmed but worked at odd jobs an raise chickens on dis
big lot I's live on. Dere am not much mo' work fo' dis person. Still, I's healthy an'
able to work but de Bible says fouah score an' ten, an' I's gittin' dere.
http://www.newdeal.feri.org/asn/asn12.htm
Example # 2
Peter Corn
"I'se 83 years old and was born in Ste. Genevieve County and my old slave-time
place was in New Tennessee about 14 miles west of de town of Ste. Genevieve. My
master had only my mother. my mother's brother, and an old lady by de name of
Malinda. My mother had six children but only four of us lived to be grown. Father
was owned by a Mr. Aubershon right dere at Coffman. Mother come from way south
in Kentucky and she was owned by a Master Calvin dere and when him and de
mistress died de slaves had to be divided up among de children. Den Iy mother's
mistress left Louisville and brought her here to Missouri. When mother come to
Missouri she was only 9 years old.
My old mistress, I can't say a hard word about her. Before I was borned she was left
a widow and she treated us almost like white folks. She took care of us and raised us
up. Mother died after she had six children and we was left in de care of dis old
mistress. The Catholie people treated us like as if we was free. My mother and father
was married by de priest and it was lawful. But dese other ones was married by de
master hisself. When dey married de master could pick up any old kind of paper and
call it lawfully married. An almanac or anything would do. But what was it? The
colored people didn't know A from B and wasn't allowed to learn to read. If my
master or mistress would see me readin' a paper dey would come up and say, 'What
you know about reading a paper? Throw dat down.' Dis was done to keep us from
learnin' to read anything.
After we got free what did we do to get lawfully married to our slove-time wife?
Understand good now. Den de squire came around and we had to get married all
over again under de new constitution. It would cost $5. When de master first
married us he would say in de ceremony something like dis. "Now, by God, if you
ain't treatin' her right, by God, I'll take you up and whip you." The girl's mistress
would chastise her de same way. I would choose who I wanted to marry but I had to
talk to my master about it. Den him and de owner of de girl I wanted would get
together and talk it over.
Dere is lots of people right today who can't tell you how de new constitution come
up. In slave time, young man, we was stock, like cattle and hogs. If I killed 50 men
nothin' was said about jail, but we got whipped den. Dat was your sufferin' for what
you done done. Man, I never got but one whippin' from my master. I can tell you
just how it come. It was done through takin' care of an old cow. How, in dem times,
son, dere was not gates like dere is now. You called dem 'slip bars', and would let
down a rail fence called bars to let the cattle in. Understand, listen at it good now.
Every mornin' I had to go up to de straw stack and drive de cows to de barn. To milk
dem we had to drive dem down a lane to de house for de old cook woman to milk. As
I drove dese cows dey all got through de gate but when de last cow come through
she fell over de bottom rail and de master was standin' at de window and saw dis
happen. De snow was about three feet deep. Now listen good. De old master was
crippled and so here he come with a walkin' stick in one hand and a cowhide in de
other.
He said, 'By God, I'm goin' to learn you, by God, how to let down bars'. I said,
'L'arster Jim, I let down every bar 'cept dat one on de bottom'. He jumped on me
and got me down in dat snow till I couldn't see him at all. Every time he raised up
an' come down with dat cowhide it cut through de snow and hit me. I didn't had
nuthin' on 'cept an old pair of socks around my feet. You know if you was raised from
birth like dis you could stand it. It come to me, I thought dat if I ever get to be a
man I would pay de marster back for dat.
And so after dat when we got free I was growin' on 13 years of age. My aunt and
brothers come and got me. My old master was a shoemaker, and one day my uncle
told me to take a pair of boots and take dem over 'to have half-soled. I taken den
over. I had not cove across the old master since de time we was free until dis day.
But when I went in de house de family was around dere and I forgot about payin'
Min back for de way he done treated me. Jim's mother who was dere said, 'Well,
Feter, don't you wish you was back here livin' with us again?' I'said, 'No, mam.' Den
I went in de kitchin and talked to Jim's wife. She was a Republican and said, 'wasn't
dat hatefal what she said about you bein' back here egain?' De nezt time I met my
old master, Mr. Galvin, was on de road. He was walkin' and could hurdly drag. I was
ridin' my horse and thought about gettin' down and whippin' him but when I looked
at him I thought I might as well be whippin' a year old child. I let him go.
Later on Jim got poor and one day I met him at de saloon in Staabtown. He wanted
to get some leather from another store. He asked me if he could have my horse. I
said rather sharp, 'No, I won't.' Den I thought and said, Mr. Jim, I'll go and get de
leather myself.' So I got de leather and taken it to his home and set it in on de porch
by his door. Den he said, 'Peter, I thank you a thousand times. Any time you need
anything in de shoe line come to me.'
Later on he was down and out and he come to his sisters. Dey could not take care of
him so dey put him in de asylum in Farmington. I met him in Farmington on lots of
days, and felt like payin' him back for dat whippin'. But just looked like every time,
God would say, 'No, don't do dat. He will pay for dat. He will come down'. And he
sure did pay for it. He died in de asylum out from Farmington. I never mentioned
about dat whippin' to Jim Galvin, not a nary time.
When I was freed I felt like I was goin' into a new world. It was de daughter of de
old mistress what told me I was as free as dey was. It was dangerous around de
house durin' of de warn So de old mistress broke up de old place and us boys was
given to our godmother. Mary was my godmother and it was here I was told dat I
was free. We was little and didn't know which way to go. My mistress said, 'Now
Peter, you are free and de first chance we get we are going to send for your aunt to
come and get you.' Dere were four of us brothers bein' taken' care of by four sisters,
when we was free. My uncle was in de army and served two years and had come
home. He asked my aunt, 'Where are dose boys?' My aunt said, 'Dey is still with de
white folks.' So my uncle come to get us. When he come he rid up and we was so
glad to see him we run out and met him. He said, 'Boys, I've come after you.'
We walked up to de house. Den de white folks was just as glad to see Uncle Julius as
if he had been their brother. Den Uncle Julius said to my godmother, Mary, 'Well,
Miss Evely, I come after Pete.' She said, 'Julius, I'm awful glad you've come to get
him, I hate to give him up, but take him and take good care of him.' Julius was told
de same thing by all de other godmothers of my brothers. All of dese sisters had de
winter clothes for us cut out but dey wasn't made. De white women said, 'All your
aunt has to do is to make dem'. We had between nine and ten miles to go to get
down to my aunt's home.
My aunt's husband was freed at least 15 years before de war started. His master
died and he was freed by a will when the master went to de court house in Ste.
Genevieve. Now, just listen good. Dis master willed 800 acres to his slaves who
divided up de farm. Before he died he put down in a way dat his daughters and sonsin-laws could not break it 'cepting dey would raise several thousand dollars. De old
slaves would sit down and tell us about it. De master turns in and pays de taxes up
for 100 years. One of de trustees for de will was a Dr. Herdick and Henry Rozier both
of Ste. Genevieve. My uncle's part was 40 acres and it was dis farm where I want
when I come out from under de shelter of de whitefolks. De colored would sell 2 or 3
acres at a time and all dis farm is now sold. I was 13 when I got free and went to dis
farm and there was my home until I was right at a grown man. De only taxes we had
to pay was on household goods and stock. Every year when de personal taxes come
doe I would go into Ste. Genevieve to pay de taxes. As long as Dr. Herdick and
Henry Rozier lived as overseers we was well protected on de farm. Bat Ed Rozier, a
lawyer, tried to get us to pay de other kind of taxes.
I was goin' on 20 or 21 before I left de farm. De old lady and Uncle died about de
same time. Dey took de old lady to de River Aux Vases Catholic Church to bury her
and I stayed with de old man and he died before dey got back from de funeral. We
sold our forty acres and dere was six heirs. Den I went to work on a farm of Mr.
Aubushon for $10 a month for 15 years. When I quit Aubershon I went den out in
Washington County at Fotosi and stayed with my two uncles out dere. I served in a
iron factory dere for about two years. Sometimes I would get $5 a day. Den when de
price would fall off I would get less. Den I come back to Ste. Genevieve County and
worked by de day and den want to St. Louis. I worked dere from one iron factory to
another and so den I quit dat.
Den I 'run the river' three straight years from St. Louis to Cairo and Memphis, and
Baton Rouge, and New Orleans. I den quit de down trade and rested up and made de
northern trip from St. Louis to St. Paul. Everything had to be sent from de South out
to California. Dat boat had nothin' on it cept eatin' things. So my aim was to get out
to California to dig gold. I got defested in dis way.
De river got so low dut we would be tied up for 3 or 4 days before we could unload
it. And we never made it to de port where we could unload it to send it to California.
From dese ports you went by land with a covered wagon and oxen or males. It would
sometimes take 6 months to get to California from de time we left de river. My way
would have been free because I could drive a team out to California. But I never Cot
to go cause de river got so low. I quit de river work and done some farming for first
one den another down in Ste. Genevieve County for a couple of years.
Dey was just startin' up at Crystal City. Dere was lots in de paper about it. Now and
den William Kimer, who was livin' in Jefferson County, wrote me to work for him. I
would work for him from May to December durin' de wheat cuttin', thrashing, corn
pullin' and wheat sowin'. Den dere was no more summer work, so Crystal City was
just startin' up and dere was no railroad and dey got everything by boat and teams
hauled de things from de river up to de plant. Sometimes there was from 50 to 60
farm teams down at de river haulin' de coal, brick, etc. for de company. Sometimes
we would make $15 a day for de farmer man and he would pay me $10 a month and
board. Den I went to Crystal City and worked 13 straight years. De most dat ever I
got dere was five or six dollars a day. Dis would be about every three months w'en
we tore down de furnace and built it back. At other times I would get about $4.50 a
day. I done everything. Made mortar, carried de hod and brick and when quittin'
time come you was tired. After I quit Crystal City I went down in Ste. Genevieve
County and farmed and got married and had two children. My wife end one child, a
little girl, is dead. I live here with my son and his wife. My son has been workin' for
de St. Joe here for 12 or 13 years. I had to quit work when I lost my eye-sight.
I was grubbin' hazel-nut bushes in dem rich bottoms in Ste. Genevieve County; and
one day I was runnin' and fell down on a stob and it went through my left eye. Dis
happened about 40 years ago. De other eye was good till I was 45 and den I had de
loss of both eyes and been blind ever since. I'se been gettin' a blind pension for 22
years. It is $75 every three months.
Dere is only one colored family here dat owns their house. All de others rent from
the company. I vote at every presidential election, but dat's about all I ever do vote.
I been votin' for every president election since I was 21 years old. From de beginning
to de end its always the same, the Regublican ticket. Dey joke me a good deal
around here 'bout voting one way.
As I look back on it, people ought never to have been slaves. Dat was the low
downest thing dat ever was. De first startin' of slavery was when a white man would
go over to Africa and de people over dere was ignorant and de white man would hold
up a pretty red handkerchief and trade it for one of de Negro women's children. De
Negroes in Africa was too ignorant to know better and dis is de way slavery started. I
always said like dis, when de older ones that knowed de things, doy ought have
learned de slaves their names as dey was in Africa. Lots of us don't know what our
grandparents was in Africa. Slavery didn't teech you nothin' but how to work and if
you didn't work your back would tell it. Slavery taught you how to lie, too. Just like
your master would tell you to go over and steel dat hog. Den de other master from
who I stole de hog would say, 'Peter, why I've lost a hog; did you ever see him
anywhere?' I would say, 'No, suh'. Of course if I did not lie I would get a whippin'.
De white people did not want to put us in a state to ourselves after de freedom
'cause dey couldn't do without us. De colored people done come up too high now to
back 'em and dey got a better chance. De conditions now of de colored people is of
course better now cause dey is somebody. But every day dey is tryin' to starve us
out and give de white man a job on de state roed. Dey do dat to keep us down. Dat's
done more now dan ever before. Its been worse since Roosayelt got in dere. When
Highway Gl was out in from St. Louis down to Festus de colored man had a part to
do. Since Roosevelt got in dey won't even let a colored man walk down de highway."
http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~mojchs/LisasHistoryArticles/slavenarratives.htm
Questionnaire
Listen to and or read several former slave narratives from both Missouri and from
Texas. As you are reading/listening, answer the questions below. You may have to
listen/read more then two narratives in order to answer the questions below.
Missouri slaves
Texas slaves
How many slaves did the
slaveholder own?
What were the jobs and
responsibilities of the slave
you read about?
What were the living
conditions like for the
slaves?
On the back of this page, write down at least three questions or observations you
made from listening to or reading the narratives.