PROGRAM COMPONENTS AND INTERVENTIONS TO HELP COUNTERACT THE EFFECTS OF MATERNAL INCARCERATION Shahni Nicole Smith B.S., University of California, Davis, 2001 PROJECT Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK at CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO SPRING 2011 PROGRAM COMPONENTS AND INTERVENTIONS TO HELP COUNTERACT THE EFFECTS OF MATERNAL INCARCERATION A Project by Shahni Nicole Smith Approved by: ____________________________________, Committee Chair Susan Talamantes Eggman, Ph.D., M.S.W. ____________________________ Date ii Student: Shahni Nicole Smith I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the Project. ______________________________, Graduate Coordinator Teiahsha Bankhead, Ph.D., L.C.S.W. Division of Social Work iii ________________ Date Abstract of PROGRAM COMPONENTS AND INTERVENTIONS TO HELP COUNTERACT THE EFFECTS OF MATERNAL INCARCERATION by Shahni Nicole Smith This research project explores the impact of maternal incarceration on both mother and her minor child. This qualitative research project examined the question: what are important program components and interventions to help counteract the negative effects of maternal incarceration and improve the maternal-child bond? The sample includes ten employees who have worked with incarcerated/formerly incarcerated mothers and/or their minor children. The participants were interviewed using ten open-ended interview questions regarding their experience working with this population in areas that dealt with the needs of the mothers post incarceration. The interviews explored what types of programs and services the participants consider to be helpful for mothers and families. Important components include social support and resources to these mothers and their children, and that the maternal-child relationship is important, but that it has been problematic due to the lack of attachment before incarceration and the separation that occurs as a result of incarceration. The participants further stated that mothers need assistance with skills and tools to help combat incarceration, as well as residential/transitional living programs that allow families to stay together were iv identified. Recommendations are provided for social workers and policy makers about the special needs of these families. ___________________________________, Committee Chair Susan Talamantes Eggman, Ph.D., M.S.W. _______________________ Date v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter 1. THE PROBLEM ............................................................................................................ 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1 Background of the Problem .................................................................................... 3 Statement of the Research Problem ........................................................................ 4 Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................... 4 Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................... 5 Definition of Terms................................................................................................. 9 Assumptions............................................................................................................ 9 Justification ........................................................................................................... 10 Limitations ............................................................................................................ 11 2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ............................................................................. 13 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 13 Historical Background on the United States Prison System ................................. 13 The Experiences of Women in the Early United States Prison System ................ 16 Effects of Mass Incarceration ............................................................................... 17 The Incarceration of Women ................................................................................ 18 Experiences of Children Pre-Maternal Incarceration ........................................... 20 Effects of Parental Incarceration on Children ....................................................... 21 Parent-Child Intervention Programs ..................................................................... 31 Gaps in the Literature............................................................................................ 34 Summary ............................................................................................................... 34 3. METHODS .................................................................................................................. 36 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 36 Study Purpose ....................................................................................................... 36 vi Study Design ......................................................................................................... 36 Sampling Procedures ............................................................................................ 37 Data Collection Procedures................................................................................... 38 Measurement Instruments Used ............................................................................ 38 Data Analysis Approaches .................................................................................... 39 Protection of Human Subjects .............................................................................. 39 4. FINDINGS ................................................................................................................... 41 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 41 Demographics ....................................................................................................... 42 Specific Findings .................................................................................................. 42 Summary ............................................................................................................... 54 5. CONCLUSION, RECOMMENDATIONS, SUMMARY .......................................... 56 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 56 Findings................................................................................................................. 56 Recommendations ................................................................................................. 62 Limitations and Future Research .......................................................................... 63 Practice Wisdom ................................................................................................... 64 Summary ............................................................................................................... 64 Appendix A Interview Questions...................................................................................... 66 Appendix B Consent to Participate in Research ............................................................... 68 References ......................................................................................................................... 71 vii 1 Chapter 1 THE PROBLEM Introduction Incarceration is not a solitary sentence, but rather a shared debt that is felt by both the incarcerated mother and her children alike. Much of society’s focus is on retribution for the injury done to the victim and providing the victim’s of the crime with some semblance of peace, reparations, and justice. The media draws the public’s attention to the victims in the case, but less thought and attention is given to the children of these incarcerated parents, whose lives are affected because of the loss of their parent to the criminal justice system (Miller, 2006). The incarceration of a parent can be very devastating for a child, particularly when it is their mother, since approximately two thirds of the mothers incarcerated were the primary caregivers for their children prior to their arrest (Young & Reviere, 2006). The problem with maternal incarceration is that the hidden victims, the children, are left to deal with the fallout that parental incarceration brings in to their lives, while trying to grow–up and become healthy and productive citizens that this country expects. This topic became of interest to me when I began working with children who have experienced parental incarceration, particularly when it was their mother who was incarcerated. During this time I was privy to the struggles that they and their families faced as they tried to move forward with their lives. The struggles of prison do not just end because a person is released. For these families the struggles continue when their parent(s) attempts to reintegrate in to society. The stigma of being an ex-convict has far 2 reaching ramifications for the type of life that a parent is able to provide for themselves and their children. This topic is also of strong interest to me due to the high number of minority individuals, particularly African-Americans who are incarcerated in this country. I began to think about the missing potential for these mothers and their children, due to the effects of incarceration. What is the cost to the children, who are not only experiencing the physical loss of their mother, but who also must contend with the emotional, physical, and financial loss? Does the experience of maternal incarceration impact future generations of kids? Children of incarcerated mothers are an important population, who should not have to face any negative ramifications because of their mother’s actions. The effects that children experience are hard to quantify, but getting to the root of this issue will help children of incarcerated mothers begin to move forward. The increase in the number of women prisoners directly affects the number of children who will need alternative placements due to their mother’s incarceration. Approximately three-fourths of these children are displaced from their homes when their mother enters into the prison system, leaving them to be placed with their grandparents, father, or in foster care placements (Dallaire, 2006a). Greene, Haney, and Hurtado (2000) explained that children of incarcerated mothers were likely to have already experienced troubling life factors prior to their mother’s incarceration, which mirrors the experiences of their mothers when they were growing up. The traumatic and troubling life experiences of children include the following: physical abuse, sexual abuse, violence, drugs, poverty, and exposure to criminal behavior. 3 Background of the Problem From 1925 to 1975 the amount of people incarcerated represented only a tiny percentage of the United States population (Useem & Piehl, 2008). From 1975 to 2005 there was a dramatic expansion in the United States prison population, which went from 96 to 491 per 100,000 individuals (Useem & Piehl, 2008). This dramatic increase in the prison population has left children without one or both of their parents. Glaze and Maruschak (2008) reported that in 2007 approximately 809,900 incarcerated adults in the United States were parents to an estimated 1,706,600 minor children. Approximately two-thirds of mothers and half of fathers that are held in state prison are reported to have been living with their minor children a month before or prior to their incarceration. More than three-fourths of the mothers, who lived with their minor children report being their children’s primary caregiver compared to one-fourth of the men. Glaze and Maruschak (2008) stated that African-American and Hispanic children have respectively 8 and 3 times the rate of incarceration than that of Caucasian children. Glaze and Maruschak (2008) also pointed out problems that parents faced before their incarceration, which included: homelessness, mental health issues, medical problems, history of physical and sexual abuse, substance use, abuse and/or dependence. An estimated 1,706,600 minor children will be without their parent(s) during a portion of their formative years, which not only impacts them and their family, but also their communities and society as a whole. The impact of maternal incarceration is particularly hard on children and due to the loss of their primary caregiver. If these children and their mothers are not able to get support, effective interventions, and 4 services then society will have to deal with the consequences from their unmet needs. This may appear in the form of high recidivism rates, minors getting involved with the juvenile justice system, families having to work with child protective service, mental health problems, etc. If support is not provided while this problem is in its beginning phases, then the interventions needed to contain the results of the problem will be costly and potentially harmful to larger sections of society. Statement of the Research Problem The inability of children, who have experienced maternal incarceration to have access to appropriate interventions and services, may lead to ramifications that cause their risk level to increase due. Appropriate services and supports will help reduce recidivism rates amongst mothers, improve the mother-child bond, and assist children to successfully face problems that stem from their mother’s incarceration. Some of the issues facing children of incarcerated mothers include poverty, attachment issues, internalizing and externalizing of behaviors, and delinquency and various others. Since the number of incarcerated parents is higher for minority youth these services and supports can go a long way towards uplifting entire communities of people. Purpose of the Study This study aims to provide greater insight into the needs, challenges, and supportive services that will best benefit formerly incarcerated mothers and their minor children. The information gathered in this study aims to provide program providers and policy makers with firsthand accounts into the lives of these families, in order to better understand what will help to propel these families forward after maternal incarceration. 5 This study also aims to provide social workers who are new into this field with a better understanding of this issue and the types of programs, services, and interventions that have been helpful in working with these mothers and their children. Theoretical Framework Risk and Resiliency Theory. Risk and Resiliency Theory provides a basis for understanding why some people are able to persevere despite the hardships that they encounter (Greene, 2008). Risk and resiliency theory’s integrative approach and assumptions are derived from the ecological and systems theory. Risk and resiliency theory posits that (1) Stress is experienced by individuals following a negative or traumatic event; (2) After a negative or traumatic event individuals will attempt to overcome any risks that stem from that event; (3) Stress is a natural part of life and can originate from everyday experiences, such as life transitions, environmental pressures, political, and economic events, etc.; (4) Biopsychosocial and spiritual factors play a role in shaping one’s resiliency; (5) Resiliency is ever developing throughout an individual’s life and is centered around how individuals deal with adversity; (6) The goodness of fit of person-in-environment plays a role in the development of an individual’s resiliency; (7) Resilient behavior is dependent upon the types of systems that a person has in their life; and (8) A system can be resilient in its own right (Greene, 2008). The experience of seeing one’s mother arrested and the subsequent changes that take place following this arrest, such as the loss of a primary caregiver, having to live in a different home, and the emotional toll that comes from this experiences, increases the number of risk factors that children are exposed to. Risk and resiliency theory posits that 6 stress is a natural part of the human existence and that following a stressful and traumatic event individuals seek to overcome those experiences. All children that experience maternal incarceration are exposed to risk factors, such as the arrest of their mother and other stressful events that may follow, which increases the likelihood of them experiencing negative consequences in the present and in the future. If these children do not have enough protective factors, such as internal strength, positive outlook on life, as well as external supports they are liable to fall into negative life patterns that will be detrimental to their emotional, spiritual, and physical health. Using a risk and resilience theory framework will be helpful when setting up programs and services to help these children better cope with maternal incarceration. Making practitioners and policy makers aware of the negative factors that place children at risk is a start to reversing the effects of maternal incarceration. It is also important to identify what protective factors help children overcome stressful and traumatic events if we want to improve the positive outcomes for these children. Using a risk and resiliency framework will also aid in the types of services offered to both mother and child as a unit. Understanding how to increase the protective factors for children and mothers will go a long way in decreasing the risk factors experienced because of the incarceration. Risk and resiliency theory provides an essential framework to create better support services and networks to help this population persevere. Family Systems Theory. Family Systems Theory looks at the family as a living system. The family is likened to many other systems when it comes to participating in the surrounding environment through the exchange of energy and information 7 (Broderick, 1993). The ecological environment from the general systems theory, that family system theory draws from is made up of the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and the macrosystem (Smith, Hamon, Ingoldsgby, & Miller, 2009). The microsystem of the child is the immediate environment in which the child interacts. The mesosystem operates under the knowledge that the child and its environment act upon each other. The exosystem are those institutions outside of the child’s direct environment that still impact the child’s growth and development, i.e. social service agencies, neighbors, extended ken, etc. Lastly there is the macrosystem, which includes values, culture, and norms, which dictate how the child lives their lives. All of these systems are important in understanding the needs of children (Smith et al., 2009). The family system is a unit that responds to the actions, interactions, and emotions of its members. The health of the each person in the family is related to how well the family unit is functioning (Papero, 1990). The family unit tends to be thought of in terms of a nuclear family, i.e. father, mother, and children. The origin of the term nuclear comes from an observation that there appeared to be an emotional center that is central to all families or a nucleus that connects both related and non-related family members to the emotions of others in the unit (Papero, 1990). The basic assumptions behind family systems theory are (1) The family unit is greater than its individual parts – each individual in the family contributes to the family system and its functioning as a whole; (2) The person is not the problem, rather the dysfunction stems from the system that the person is a part of; (3) Behavior is guided by circular causality– human interactions are comprised of multiple forces moving in 8 various directions simultaneously; focus is on the pattern of interaction; (4) Rules are created within every family system and respective patterns of behavior are formed, which predict the family members responses to situations; (5) Feedback loops is the manner in which the family system tries to correct itself and return to homeostasis; (6 ) Problematic and unclear communication patterns cause problems in the relationship; (7) All members of a family have a role, or parts that they play in the family system; (8) Family types are created from a families boundary pattern – open family, random family, and closed family (Smith et al., 2009). Family systems theory can be used to explore the impact of maternal incarceration on both mother and child due to its family based approach and recognition that individuals are not separate entities, but rather a part of a family system. Removing the mother from the home and placing her into prison/jail throws off the family’s homeostasis. A missing parent changes the dynamics of the family unit. When a mother returns into the family fold her absence can greatly impact the family unit and cause a shift in new configuration that the family system has taken on. All four systems are important to the development of the child. If these systems are not nurturing then they can interfere with the child’s ability to mature in a healthy manner. We are one with our environment and not only effect the environment around us, but are also affected by it. If the family environment is in disarray both mother and child will continue to have problematic interactions with not only each other, but the environment around them. It is important to help repair the rupture caused by maternal incarceration if the family system is to function at a higher status than what it did before and during maternal incarceration. 9 Having services that work with these families to improve their communication patterns and boundaries will ultimately help to improve their overall functioning. Definition of Terms Maternal-child bond - The attachment and/or connection pattern between a mother and her child. Protective Factors - Positive internal abilities, traits, or external supports and connections that help to reduce an individual’s risk factors. Recidivism - A relapse into criminal behavior. Resilience - The ability to adapt and cope following a traumatic or negative experience. Risk - Factors that contribute or increase an individual’s chances of experiencing stress or adverse outcomes following a traumatic or negative experience. Assumptions Maternal incarceration only serves to intensify the negative experiences of children and can result in harmful effects that carry over to future generations in a family’s lineage. Maternal incarceration is not a foundation for rehabilitation, but is instead a punishment that is mutual shared by both mothers and children alike. Mothers and their children are better served through supports and services that will allow them to remain connected while the mother is incarcerated, while simultaneously working to improve negative life conditions, such as poverty, abuse, and addiction that only serve to weaken the family’s foundation. There is a need for improved services and programs that will provide these mothers and their children will the proper tools and supports needed to decrease the harmful effects of maternal incarceration. There needs to be more programs 10 and services that are specialized to deal with the unique needs of formerly incarcerated mothers and their children. There is an increased need for awareness and understanding on behalf of policy makers and social workers legislation and programs are enacted to work with these families. Increasing the understanding around current needs and challenges that these mothers and their children face will improve our approach and practice. Justification The incarceration of mothers in our society has far reaching effects that carry over to their children and later to the American society as a whole. Our prison system’s foundation is based on punishment instead of rehabilitation, which places mothers and their minor children at risk of not having the necessary tools and supports to rise above this experience. This research study is important to the field of social work because of the rise in incarceration rates in this country that effect families as a whole. It is important to understand these families experiences if we want to be helpful in working with them. On a micro level this research will benefit social workers who come in contact with an increasing number of children during their daily practice that are dealing with the fallout from maternal incarceration. If these mothers and their children do not get the appropriate services and supports to fit their needs, they will become products of their environments and have increased risks for more severe problems, such as mental health issues, physical health issues, social issues, and involvement in the criminal justice system. 11 This research project will look at program components that will be help to assist with improving the mother-child bond between once incarcerated mothers and their minor children. This research project also will look at what will help to reduce recidivism, ways to decrease intergenerational criminality, and reducing other harmful and negative effects that children face due to maternal incarceration. This research project will benefit social workers by providing first hand information from service providers, who work with women who have been incarcerated and/or their children about what types of services can help to improve the outcomes for this population. The increase in the number of children who are experiencing maternal incarceration in this country would benefit from having community members and service providers who are aware of the unique problems that they face. Social workers often work in various capacities with both current and former women inmates and their children. Having additional information about the services that would be helpful to this population can help improve family outcomes. Having knowledge about programs and services that are successful for this population will also help improve the type of care and service that social workers provide to this growing population of people. Limitations This research study will provide background information into the problem of incarceration in the United States, particularly when it comes to the incarceration of mothers. This research study will explore the effects that maternal incarceration has on these women’s minor children, the early experiences of both mother and child before incarceration, and programs that have been used to work with this population. Lastly this 12 research study will look to explore how program components and interventions can be helpful in combating the effects of maternal incarceration for both mother and child. 13 Chapter 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction This literature review will explore the effects that maternal incarceration has on children and the programs and interventions that have been developed to successfully reduce recidivism rates amongst women, improve the maternal-child relationship, and to decrease other negative effects felt by children because of maternal incarceration. This literature review will explore seven themes. The first theme will explore the historical background of the United States prison system. The second theme will look at women’s experiences in the early prison system. The third theme is will explore of the effects of “mass incarceration.” The fourth theme is on the incarceration of women. The fifth theme is on the experiences of children pre-maternal incarceration. The sixth theme will address the effects that parental incarceration has on children. The last theme will discuss parental and child interventions that aimed at improving the mother-child bond and reducing recidivism. Next this literature review will look at gaps in the literature and conclude with a summary of the above themes and the outcomes discovered. Historical Background on the United States Prison System The foundation of the American prison systems extends back to the early European settlers, who would call America home. In the beginning the colonist relied heavily on the English prison system to serve as a guide for how punishment should be meted out (Young & Reviere, 2006). The American colonial penal system started out using the following punishments: capital punishment, corporal punishment, non-corporal 14 punishment, and death which were usually carried out in a public forum. Women were not above receiving punishment through the early colonial penal system. There were times when women received harsher punishments than for certain offenses like adultery, which was weighted heavily because of the importance of inheritance laws (Young & Reviere, 2006). Women who did not follow the law were perceived as going against their female nature and were thought to be morally corrupt, making them worse than male wrong doers (Edge, 2009; Young & Reviere, 2006). Crimes against female morality only applied to white woman because black women were not considered moral beings (Young & Reviere, 2006). Blomberg and Lucken (2000) discussed the shift that the American colonial justice system underwent by no longer prosecuting moral crimes and instead prosecuting violent offenses and property crimes that were now deemed as social problems. Blomberg and Lucken expressed that the move from an agrarian society to an industrial one brought more people into the cities. They also discussed how this societal shift caused many Americans to worry about the fate of their cities and if they would have to endure poverty, greed, and excess materials, like their European brethren, which was not looked upon unfavorably. After the end of the colonial period, which lasted close two hundred years, America again found itself being influenced by Europe. Americans were influenced by the secular rationalist movement, also known as the Enlightenment movement that took place during the late eighteenth to early nineteenth century. This movement favored liberalism and utilitarian principles over the belief that an individual’s destiny is predetermined (Blomberg & Lucken, 2000). 15 The humanitarian movement of the eighteenth century helped inspire the idea that the prison system would provide criminals the opportunity to work and pay penitence for their crimes (McKelvey, 1977; Young & Reviere, 2006). According to Keve (1991) American prison history can be divided into three phases: Phase I – No federal prisons existed, relied on state and local facilities from 1776 to the end of the nineteenth century to house prisoners; Phase II – Three Prison Act, which started the creation of federal prisons during the turn of the century; Phase III – Creation of the Bureau of Prisons, which was the start of a centrally controlled correctional system in 1930 (Keve, 1991). Blomberg and Lucken (2000) discussed how the majority of the nineteenth century was centered on prison reform. American prison reform moved away from the early colonial method of cruel, excessive, inconsistent, and irrational punishment that was thought to encourage deviant behavior towards a desire to reform the man, which was a change ushered in through the Enlightenment (Blomberg & Lucken, 2000). They pointed out how the prison reforms focus later changed because of overcrowding and recidivism. The American prison system began another wave of reforms during 1880-1930s, which introduced indeterminate sentencing, parole, probation, and juvenile courts (Blomberg & Lucken, 2000). There was also a shift in the ideology about criminals, which moved towards the belief that individuals were born criminals (Blomberg & Lucken, 2000). The early penal system and its views on crime paved the way for the current prison structure, which has led to overcrowding and mass incarceration. 16 The Experiences of Women in the Early United States Prison System Women’s experiences in the prison system have been in some ways different from those of men. Women have participated in a penal system that was not created with them in mind. Freedman (1981) talked about the lack of liberties and privileges allotted to women by society and how these limitations lessoned their chances of breaking laws, which kept women’s incarceration rates low. The aftermath of the Civil War found some women needing to provide for themselves, which led to prostitution and later incarceration for breaking laws that were placed around women’s sexual conduct (Banks, 2003). Collins (1997) pointed out the inequalities black women participants of the criminal justice system faced following the Civil War, which landed them with stiffer sentences than white women because of the need for prison labor. Young and Reviere (2006) talked about the disproportionate number of black women held in penitentiaries throughout regions in the Northeast, West, and Midwest, with the exception being the Southern region following the Civil War. Inequalities based on race continued to be seen in sentencing (Young & Reviere, 2006). Before the creation of prisons, women were placed in the same jail cells as both men and children, without any categorizing of the individuals offenses or taking into account the age or sex of the offender (Young & Reviere, 2006). Collins (1997) expressed that these early jails also housed individuals that were insane, ill, black women prisoners, and hardened criminals that were each expected to work for their keep. Women and men continued to be housed together as prisons began to spring up during the early part of the nineteenth century, until a1828 law was passed mandating that male 17 and female inmates be separated (Young & Reviere, 2006). Rafter and Kurshan discussed the unmet needs of women prisoners in male oriented facilities, who were without access to workshops, physicians, dining halls, and exercise space (as cited in Young & Reviere, 2006, p. 28). Female inmates continued to experience poor prison conditions throughout the country and were subjected to overcrowding, having windowless cells, and abuse (Banks, 2003; Young & Reviere, 2006). The first all women’s prison building was established in 1835 in Auburn (Young & Reviere, 2006). It was not until 1877 that legislation was established to completely separate male and female prisoners in to separate facilities (Young & Reviere, 2006). Effects of Mass Incarceration Up until the 1970s the number of people incarcerated was roughly less than one percent of the population (Pattillio, Weiman, & Western, 2004; Useem & Piehl, 2008). From the early 1970s through 2005 the rate of incarceration increased from 96 to 491 per 100,000 U. S. residents and continues to rise (Useem & Piehl, 2008). Garland (2001) placed the incarceration figure at 680 per 100,000 residents if you include inmates from the local jails. During the 1990s the Unites States has incarcerated more individuals for its population size, than all other nations and continues to be the leader in this trend (Haney, 2003). What created mass incarceration? Useem and Piehl’s (2008) scholarly thought posits that mass incarceration was born from a social movement, which was formed because of the strains on society and disruptive social change. Garland (2001) stated that mass incarceration was not a process that the masses of society came together 18 to enact, but was instead born from policies and decisions, like the war on drugs, mandatory sentencing, the privatization of corrections, as well as some other decisions. Garland (2001) stated that “mass imprisonment” is more than just a large number of the population who are imprisoned; it is also about the social aspect from the effects of the imprisonment. Imprisonment becomes mass imprisonment when you systematically imprison whole groups of a population, which can be seen with the imprisonment of young black males from urban areas (Garland, 2001). Wacquant (2002), Christian and Thomas’ (2009) discussed the progression from slavery to mass incarceration and the role that race played in incarceration and the disparity behind who was imprisoned. Clear, Rose, and Ryder (2001) pointed out that not only is incarceration affecting some groups more than others, but it is also spatially concentrated. Arditti (2005) discussed that two thirds of prisoners are incarcerated for non-violent offenses and that there has been a shift in the amount of people sentenced for drug offenses. The percentage of women behind bars has significantly increased over the last three decades and has surpassed the rate of new male inmates (Allen, Flaherty, & Ely, 2010). This increase in women inmates is due to drug offenses and harsher sentencing for nonviolent drug crimes (Young & Reviere, 2006). The Incarceration of Women The presidential polices that came to be known as the war on drugs was instrumental in increasing the female prison population (Young & Reviere, 2006; Allen et al., 2010). According to Sharp and Marcus-Mendoza (2001) the increase in crime amongst women is due to the feminization of poverty. Women were incarcerated at the 19 rate of 10 per 100,000 women residents in 1977 and at 64 per 100,000 women residents in 2004 (Women’s Prison Association, 2006, as cited in Allen et al., 2010). In 2006 women made up approximately 10% of the population who were either incarcerated in jail or prison, while mothers of minor children made up for more than 65% of these women (Women’s Prison Press Association, 2006 as cited in Allen et al., 2010). Young and Reviere (2006) spoke about the increased likelihood of minority women being incarcerated for drug involvement. Black women’s rate of incarceration is 3.1 times higher than that of white women (Sabol, Couture, & Harrison, 2007, as cited in Christian & Thomas, 2009). Young and Reviere (2006) discussed that there are different reasons behind why women use drugs and why men use drugs. They point out that women tend to use drugs as a coping mechanism to deal with negative feelings and life experiences. Young and Reviere also pointed out that women’s drug usage is more likely to be tied with a male significant other that they were involved with. They discussed how women use both legal and illegal drugs more frequently than men (Young & Reviere, 2006). Allen et al. (2010) discussed that female drug offenders have high rates of mental health disorders, that they have experienced abuse, poverty, and that they tend to be from a lower economic class. The increase in the number of female inmates directly affects the number of children that are displaced because of maternal imprisonment. As women are primary caregivers, the increased rate of women prisoner’s means that children will have to find alternative living arrangements with kinship placements and through the child welfare 20 system (Johnson & Waldfogel, 2002; Travis, 2007). When women enter the prison system, 10 percent of them are faced with having their children placed in to foster care compared to 2 percent of men (Johnson & Waldfogel, 2002; Travis, 2007). The effects of incarceration last beyond the time served and can been seen in the form of exclusion from certain educational grants, public assistance programs, having a political voice, and by effecting veterans benefits because of lengthy incarceration stints (Gottschalk, 2008; Uggen & Manza, 2004; Wacquant, 2002). Incarcerated women and mothers face additional shame and stigma due to their incarceration and the limitations that have already been placed on them because of their gender (Allen et al., 2010). The incarceration of mothers has far reaching effects as they plan for release and may attempt to once again be a part of their children’s lives. The incarceration of mothers brings with it the renegotiation of motherhood. Experiences of Children Pre-Maternal Incarceration An estimated 2 million children across the nation are experiencing parental incarceration (Abram, Mahaney, Linhorst, Toben, & Flowers, 2005; Bocknek, Sanderson, & Britner, 2009; De Hart & Altshuler, 2009; Glaze & Maruschak, 2008; rant, 2006; Kinner, Alati, Najman, & Williams, 2007; Murray & Murray, 2010). De Hart and Altshuler (2009) looked at children’s exposure to violence, before maternal incarceration, as a means for social work practice to address the needs of these children. Greene, Haney, and Hurtago (2000), Parke and Clarke-Stewart (2003) found that children were exposed to risk factors, such as drug or alcohol use and/or abuse, physical abuse, sexual 21 abuse, domestic violence, and poverty before their mother’s incarceration. Greene et al. (2000) found intergenerational exposure to violence. De Hart and Altshuler (2009) study on children’s exposure to violence, prematernal incarceration consisted of open-ended interviews, with 60 randomly sampled incarcerated women. This study did not account for women who had adult children. This study did not directly ask women about their children’s exposure to violence prior to their incarceration, but found that the women talked openly during the interview about their children and their exposure to violence. This study found that violence affected both parents and their children. The effects listed included psychological, behavioral, physical harm, and even death in some cases. The findings in this study cannot be generalized to children who have experienced paternal or parental incarceration of both parents, due to the fact that only women were surveyed. Also, this study solely relied on the mothers interpretations of their children’s experiences and did not look at the impact that incarceration has on pre-existing conditions, due to exposure to violence prior to maternal incarceration. Effects of Parental Incarceration on Children The harmful effects that children of incarcerated parents experience cannot be easily measured, but attachment issues, internalizing, and externalizing behaviors have all been issues recognized as pertaining to this population of youth (Geller, Garfinkel, Cooper, & Mincy, 2009; Miller, 2006). Exposure to stressful and harmful events does not solely end when a child’s parent is put into prison, it can also include several 22 placement changes, separation from siblings, and living in poverty to name a few (Phillips, Burns, Wagner, Kramer, & Robbins, 2002). The attachment process needed for children to form meaningful and healthy relationships with their parents and ultimately the world around them may be negatively impacted, due to parental incarceration. Poehlmann (2005) expressed that children who were not able to have contact with their mother would start to believe that she was not available to them and thus experience an insecure attachment. Poehlmann (2005) speaks of attachment in terms of mother and child and does not discuss alternative caregivers that the child can form an attachment with, i.e. the father if the mother is physically or emotionally unavailable. Murray and Murray (2010) explored the role that insecure attachment plays in children’s psychopathology following their parent’s incarceration. Psychopathology in the Murray and Murray (2010) paper is used to denote symptoms and syndromes for conduct and affective disorders. Murray and Murray (2010) used qualitative analysis to study the impact of parental incarceration and insecure attachment that may arise in children. Murray and Murray (2010) posed the hypothesis that separation may have more of an effect on the insecurity of the attachment that children have once their parents are arrested. The harsh circumstances preceding parental arrests, i.e. the nature of the arrest, in which the children are present and the sadness of the arrests, do not allow parents time to properly talk with the child and plan for the separation, which might contribute to insecure attachment (Murray & Murray, 2010). 23 Poehlmann (2005) study looked at the quality of the relationship between children, their incarcerated mother, and caregivers. This study also looked at what behaviors and emotions were exhibited by children who experience maternal incarceration. The study consisted of 60 children, their mothers, and caregivers that were not related by blood to the mother. The focus of this study was on children ages of 2.5 to 7.5 years old, who resided with their mothers before her incarceration and who had not been a part of the foster care system because of neglect or abuse (Poehlmann, 2005). Data was collected using interviews, videotapes, questionnaires, and assessments. It was found that a large percentage of these children had insecure attachment, but that having a positive relationship with a caregiver allowed the kids experience secure attachment (Poehlmann, 2005). Comparisons have been made between the loss experienced by children due to parental incarceration versus the loss children experience because of divorce or the death of a parent (Bockneck, Sanderson, & Britner, 2009; DeHart & Altshuler, 2009; Geller et al., 2009). The experiences that children face because of their parents incarceration is unique due to possible factors of instability and trauma that proceeded the loss that is connected to parental incarceration (Bockneck et al., 2009; DeHart & Altshuler, 2009; Geller et al., 2009). Bockneck et al. (2009) study explored the theme of ambiguous loss among children who have a parent(s) or primary caregiver that is incarcerated. Bocknek et al. (2009) study collected information directly from children using socioeconomic variables and both quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis. The sample size in 24 this study was small and consisted of 35 youth who were referred to the study from a mentoring program that worked with youth who had a parent(s) in prison. The make-up of the parents incarcerated in this study is representative in terms of gender and ethnicity of the inmates. The interview was conducted using a semistructured interview style that was done by a clinician, with support from staff from the mentoring program. Social support, family relationships, internalizing, and externalizing behaviors were some of the themes explored in this study (Bockneck et al., 2009). The children in this study showed that high levels of stress and trauma correlated to their environments and their ambiguous loss. There was a significant correlation found between Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) symptoms and withdrawn behaviors of these children. Due to the sample size of the study these findings cannot be generalized to larger populations of children who have experienced parental incarceration. An increasing number of women are entering into the penal system, which will have a different affect on their children, in part because of the large number of women who are the primary custodial parents compared to men (Dallaire, 2007a; Myers, Smarsh, Amlund-Hagen, & Kennon, 1999). When men enter the prison system they usually have the mothers of their children to rely on for the continued parenting of their children (Dallaire, 2007a; Myers, Smarsh, Amlund-Hagen, & Kennon, 1999). Children who experience maternal incarceration may experience multiple home placements, multiple school placements, poverty, and trauma associated with no longer having your primary caregiver available (Dallaire, 2007a; Myers et al., 1999; Snyder, 2009). The inability of a child to properly attach and bond with a mother, particularly if she is the primary 25 caregiver can have adverse effects later on for the child in terms of their emotional and social competence (Dallaire, 2007a). Visitation with the child’s mother has been seen as a protective factor (Dallaire, 2007a; Myers et al., 1999). There have been other studies suggesting that visits are not helpful to children and can cause them to become more frightened due to the rigidity and structure of the prisons (Dallaire, 2007a; Lange, 2000; Nesmith & Ruhland, 2008). Experiencing the arrest or missing ones mother can be the first point of trauma for these children (Myers et al., 1999). Myers et al. (1999) found that some children who are experiencing parental incarceration may turn their emotions inward, which is exhibited by a child withdrawing, being restless, decreased self-esteem, feeling guilty, and having emotional problems. Dallaire (2007a) reported that mothers who are in prison reported more emotional problems being exhibited by their daughters. Protective factors, such as social support and being hopeful have been reported to be helpful in combating internalizing and externalizing behaviors. Kinner, Alati, Najman, and Williams (2007) found that girls tended to exhibit more internalizing behaviors, while boys exhibited more externalizing behaviors. Delinquency is another area of interest that researchers have looked at to see if there is a relationship between parental incarceration and juvenile delinquency. Murray and Farrington (2005) stated that “different types of parent-child separation are likely to carry different meanings for children” (p.1269), which begins the discussion about how children react to separation from their parent. Murray and Farrington’s (2005) study looked at children who have been separated from their parents because of parental 26 imprisonment and posit that this type of separation is more harmful to boys. LawrenceWillis (2004) also looked at antisocial behavior, but focuses her study on girls, in her exploration of whether or not having a positive relationship with ones mother decreases juvenile delinquent behavior and antisocial behavior. Murray and Farrington (2005) found that other studies have reported psychosocial problems, such as aggressive behavior, sleep problems, depression, truancy, poor school grades, delinquency, etc. during the time that the child’s parent is in prison, but have not been able to show negative effects later on in the lives of these children. Murray and Farrington (2005) study looked at male children in the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development (CSDD) and used information on the youth and their parents to explore outcomes that were due to parental incarceration. The data collected is part of a longitudinal study. The longitudinal study used control groups that ranged from children who were separated from their parents for reasons other than incarceration, as well as children who had a parent that was imprisoned before their birth. In this study the incarcerated father was the breadwinner in the household a majority of the time and came from skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled labor (Murray & Farrington, 2005). The race, nationality, and the work skills of the white British fathers in this study is not representative of the male prisoners in America, who are African-American, poorly educated men (Western, Lopoo, & McLanahan, 2004). While Lawrence-Wills (2004) study, which was conducted in America, with 100, incarcerated mothers of adolescent daughters is representative of the prison population in terms of its demographics: 27 minority, lives below the poverty line, has been a victim of physical and/or sexual abuse, and has substance abuse issues. Murray and Farrington (2005) sample of participants came from taking all boys between the ages of 8-9, who went to school in a one mile radius of the research office. There was a sample size of 23 that was made up of boys who had a parent in prison, while the control group had 227 boys. A second control group had 77 boys who experienced separation for other reasons besides parental incarceration in their first ten years of life. A third control group of 61 boys was used that had parental separation for other reasons than hospitalization or death. The fourth control group looked at boy who had parents that were in prison prior to their birth. The method used to explore the results was a t-test and meta-analyses, as well as logistic regression to control for other risk factors that have been associated with antisocial behavior (Murray & Farrington, 2005). This study found that parental imprisonment strongly predicted antisocial and delinquent behavior in boys up to age 40 and found that the ratings for boys who experienced other kinds of parental separation were not as high as those who experienced parental incarceration (Murray & Farrington, 2005). This study found that antisocial behavior for boys at ages 14, 18, and 32 were strongly influenced by parental incarceration (Murray & Farrington, 2005). This study was able to retain 94% of its participants and the longitudinal design shows how boy’s behaviors progressed over time, which strengthens the design of the study (Murray & Farrington, 2005). Lawrence-Wills (2004) study on antisocial behavior in girls consisted of 101 women, who had daughters between the ages of 10-17. This study used quantitative 28 analysis and had 99 surveys that were accounted for at the end of the study (LawrenceWillis, 2004). The questionnaire focused on three main areas that included: antisocial and delinquent behaviors of their daughter; questions about their relationship with this daughter; and what type of supervision they provided. The study reports that the three topics chosen for the questionnaire were picked based on face validity and haven been proved in the past to identify antisocial and delinquent behaviors (Lawrence-Wills, 2004). Delinquency was defined as contact with the juvenile justice system, while antisocial behaviors were defined as being activities that are socially unacceptable or illegal (Lawrence-Wills, 2004). The measurement instrument used was SPSS. This study relied on the mother’s reports solely, which might provide variation from what the daughters believe to be their bonding level with their mother. The women in Lawrence-Wills (2004) study are representative of the demographics of women prisoners in terms of ethnicity and income level prior to incarceration. This study did not find that parent involvement in the criminal justice system would mean that their daughters would follow suit. There were limited number of daughters involved in the juvenile justice system and the mother’s reports show that most had a good relationship with their daughters (Lawrence-Wills, 2004). This study did not follow the girls over time to see if delinquent and antisocial behavior later developed. Less than half of the girls lived with their mothers prior to their arrest, which might mean that there are other protective factors to consider when exploring the low level of delinquency in the girls in this study. The small sample size does not make this study one 29 that can be generalized to all girls that are experiencing parental incarceration. There is no mention of possible incentives received or not in order to attract participants. Risk factors, such as the following: socioeconomic levels, incarceration and/or multiple incarcerations of parents and other family member’s, sexual abuse, mental illness, and criminal activity of a parent are some of the factors that may contribute to intergenerational incarceration (Dallaire, 2007b; Murray & Farrington, 2005). Miller (2007) explained that outcomes cannot fully be addressed without looking at the child and their environment, and looking at these youth in terms of dual risks that they face because of parental incarceration and their environment. Children who experience maternal incarceration have risks factors that include poverty, academic failure, separation from primary caregiver to name a few, which might put a child at greater risk for involvement in criminal activities (Dallaire, 2007b). Dannerbeck (2005) said that children learn about criminal behavior by watching and that children of incarcerated parents are 3 to 6 times more likely than other children to become delinquents. There have been studies that have shown that maternal incarceration increases a child’s likelihood of following in their mother’s footsteps when it comes to involvement in the prison system, but on the other hand a Canadian study found that if teenagers have a connection and attachment to their two-parent family that they were less likely to engage in criminal activity (Dallaire, 2007b). The appearance of mental health issues has been discussed in terms of the effects that parental incarceration has on children. Phillips, Burns, Wagner, Kramer, and Robbins (2002) study used 258 adolescents, who were receiving mental health services to 30 see if there is a difference in exposure to risk factors for children who have a parent incarcerated versus those that do not. The study also wanted to see if parental incarceration had an effect on emotional and behavioral problems in these adolescents. Adolescents who were wards of the state were not included in this study (Phillips et al., 2002). The information was collected from both the adolescents and their caregivers. Phillips et al. (2002) study had a large percentage of white youth participants, which is contradictory to the statistics that show that there are a greater number of black youth who have a parent in prison. The study found that adolescents who had a parent in prison were more likely to have disruptive behavior disorders, were also more likely to have been expelled or suspended from school, and have had a run in with the juvenile justice system (Phillips et al., 2002). This study also found children of incarcerated parents at greater risk for having experienced a traumatizing event before entering in to treatment. Secrecy and stigma are things that children of incarcerated parents have to deal with. Miller (2007) described how children of inmates have to deal with other children and societies stigmatization of both them and their parent. This stigmatization can contribute to them feeling at fault for their parent’s situation, which can be emotionally harmful (Miller, 2007). Secrecy can come in the form of family members not wanting the child to tell others outside of the family about their parents being in prison, as well as adults excluding the children from knowing where their parent is due to their not wanting to worry the child (Adalist-Estrin, 2006; Lange, 2000; Murray, 2007; Nesmith & Ruhland, 2008). Lange (2000) stated that keeping parental incarceration a secret from the child can have negative effects, which can lead them to fill in the blanks as to why 31 their parent is no longer around, which can cause them to become afraid from the uncertainty. Some of the protective factors that can help these youth include spiritual and religious beliefs, as well as support from other adults and children with whom they feel attached, having a positive sense of self, support from non-family members, and a positive parent-child relationship (Miller, 2007; Nesmith & Ruhland, 2008). Parent-Child Intervention Programs One of the more common forms of intervention programs for incarcerated parents is parenting programs that are administered while the parent is in prison. Gonzalez, Romero, and Cerbana (2007) and Sandifer (2008) reported that not only are parenting classes good for building the parent-child relationship upon a parents release from prison, but it has also been shown as a factor in decreasing recidivism rates. Bushfield (2004) notes that male inmates have been behind when it comes to parenting program opportunities. Other benefits noted behind parents participating in parenting classes while incarcerated are improved social and interpersonal skills (Sandifer, 2008). The Rebonding and Rebuilding curriculum’s topics ranged from discipline, family and child development, to difficult topics (Sandifer, 2008). The Rebonding and Rebuilding curriculum used in this study was created by an outside source to be used in the jail settings. It is unclear if this curriculum is used in other jails. There was a pre and post test given to evaluate the parenting skills learned using a quasi-experimental design (Sandifer, 2008). The Rebonding and Rebuilding participants consisted of 64 women who completed the program and a comparison group of 26 women who had not taken a parenting course. This study used AAPI-2 to assess parenting skills and consisted of 40 32 items on a likert scale. SPSS was used to tabulate and analyze the data and the results found that there was an increase in parent knowledge and skills of the individual. Frye and Dawe (2008) discussed parenting interventions for women that are in prison in their effort to improve parenting skills and increase the maternal-child bond. Brown and Bloom (2009) stated that when women leave prison they not only have to figure out how to fit back in to their community and lives before incarceration, but that they also have to figure out how to reintegrate back in to having a relationship with their children. Frye and Dawe (2008) discuss the uncertainty, confusion, and rejection that women feel when trying to identify their role within the family. Dodge and Pogrebin (2001) pointed out that successful reintegration is in part connected with women’s ability to reestablish relationships. Parents Under Pressure (PUP) program was created to assist women with regaining their maternal roles once they leave prison through intensive parenting skills training. This program was administered for 3-4 months. Frye and Dawe (2008) started off with a sample size of twelve, but ended up with eight women who completed the program. The findings showed improvements in maternal emotional well-being, improved child behavior, and improvements in the level of stress experienced by the mothers due to their parenting. The findings from this study consisted of too small sample size to generalize this study to larger populations. The use of a control group would have been beneficial in evaluating the strength of this program. The Family Support Program (FSP) and the Parenting Inside Out (PIO) program can both be used with former incarcerated parents and their families before and after their 33 release from prison (Eddy, Martinez, Schiffmann, Newton, Olin, Leve, Foney, & Shortt, 2008; Johnson, Selber, & Lauderdale, 1998). FSP focuses on the both the offender and the family, community supports, the children of the ex-offender, and predictors for reintegration in to the community (Johnson, Selber, & Lauderdale, 1998). Services provided by the FSP are short term, 3-9 months and included case management with significant persons in the incarcerated parent’s life (Johnson, Selber, & Lauderdale, 1998). The FSP also provided individual and group education and support, counseling with families, groups for kids, and a large number of in-home supports (Johnson, Selber, & Lauderdale, 1998). The findings of this study did not show statistical significance, but showed a 10% improvement with those participants that completed the program versus individuals not in the program (Johnson, Selber, & Lauderdale, 1998). This study also had a very small sample size and those participants that were able to remain out of jail for approximately five years were a total of 21 participants. This program was a local program that originated and Texas and was in the process of branching out to another site in Texas during the end of this study. Eddy, Martinez, Schiffmann, Newton, Olin, Leve, Foney, and Shortt’s (2008) multi-systemic program for incarcerated parents and their families are based in adult learning theory. The PIO program has a 36 session parent management training that uses real life situations and topics to explore, use role play, peer reviews, as well as have a therapeutic component for participants who complete the first twelve week program (Eddy et al., 2008). The therapeutic program allows incarcerated parents to practice the skills and interacting techniques with their family and the caregivers, while having 34 support and receiving feedback from the videotaped session. This study aimed to use evidenced based practices, but statistical analysis from the results from this study would be helpful in evaluating its effectiveness. No demographics were mentioned about the participants beyond their gender, which would make it difficult to compare the participants to the national statistics that are representative of the incarcerated population. Gaps in the Literature The literature is lacking in longitudinal studies that look at more than just pointin-time effects of incarceration on children. There is also a lack of studies, particularly longitudinal studies that look at the affects experienced by children, when it is their mother who is incarcerated. The gaps in the literature include the limited number of studies that talk directly with children about their experiences with maternal incarceration and how it ultimately affects them. Usually the parent is the one stating what they believe their child’s emotional state is due to parental incarceration. There also seems to be fewer studies about this topic and more inferences about the consequences of parental incarceration. The interventions seem to be focused on parenting classes in prison. Their do not seem to be a great deal of community based programs for mothers and their children. The study of these programs effectiveness is lacking. Most of the studies were done on a small scale. Summary This literature review looks at the historical background of the United States prison system, the early experiences of women in the prison system, the effects of mass incarceration and its impact on our current prison population. This literature review also 35 looks at the incarceration of women and the pre-parental incarceration experiences of children. The effects of parental incarceration on children was explored to see if there is a connection between attachment, internalizing and externalizing behaviors, delinquency, and stigma as it relates to the children’s well-being. Lastly programs and interventions were explored that worked to help incarcerated mothers and children improve the maternal-child bond was explored, which resulted in prison parenting classes that are offered, as well as a few programs that are aimed at working with both the parents and the child. These programs were explored to see what it available to help reduce the negative impact on both mother and child from maternal incarceration. 36 Chapter 3 METHODS Introduction This chapter will discuss the research methods that were employed in this study. This chapter will also focus on the study purpose, study design, sampling procedures, data collection procedures, measurement instruments used, data analysis, and the protection of human subjects. The methods/methodology used in this study were to better understand the effects of maternal incarceration and what program components and services can help improve outcomes for these mothers and their minor children. Study Purpose The purpose of this study was to explore the needs of formerly incarcerated mothers and their minor children. This study explored what types of program components and/or services are helpful to these mothers and their children. The types of program components and services that were explored were about the needs of the mother upon exiting prison/jail, the maternal-child bond, and ways to help reduce the negative effects because of incarceration on both mother and child. Study Design The study design used in this research project was qualitative content analysis. The qualitative information was gathered from the participants, using an open-ended interview that I created for this study. This interview was created to collect information around the research topic of what program components and interventions are/or could be helpful in working with formerly incarcerated mothers and their minor children, to reduce 37 the negative effects of maternal incarceration. There were 10 participants in this study that were chosen through the snowball sampling method. The participants were chosen based on their work with formerly incarcerated mothers, whose child was a minor during some point in their incarceration. The participants worked with these families in different capacities, i.e. therapy, alcohol and drug programs, criminal justice programs, etc. Sampling Procedures Non-probability sampling procedures were used in this research study via the snowball sampling method. I talked with colleagues, other graduate students, and friends about my research topic in order to find participants, who fit the research project demographics. Colleagues, other graduate students, and friends let me know if they knew anyone who might fit the research project demographics. I was either given the contact information for these prospective research participants or they were given mine. For those individuals who I was given their contact information for, I placed a call to them introducing myself and then explained the purpose of this project. I questioned these individuals to find out if they fit into the demographics or if knew someone who did, so that I could continue to build my sample size. I also made some cold calls to local agencies who worked with incarcerated and/or formerly incarcerated mothers. I again introduced myself and explained about the purpose behind this study, then asked if they could participate. I asked for participant referrals and if given any names would ask for permission to say who referred me. The participant’s identity was kept confidential. The participants were informed prior to the start of this study that their enrollment and participation would remain confidential. I also provided the participants with a written 38 copy of the informed consent letter on the day of our interview and explained the terms of their participation in this research study. Data Collection Procedures The research participants were first explained the nature of this study and that their participation was voluntary. Each participant was then provided an informed consent letter to review and sign, stating that they agreed to participate in this study. After collecting the forms the participants were given a copy of this form. Next I began to interview the study participants through face to face interviews, using the 11 interview questions that were created for this study. I transcribed the interviews that were digitally recorded and added that information to the interviews that were conducted using long hand. The interviews were held out in the community at locations chosen by the participants. Six out of the ten participants consented to being digitally recorded, while the other four consented to have their interview written via long hand. Measurement Instruments Used The standardized open-ended interview approach was utilized for this research study. The interview questions were comprised of four demographic questions about the participants and 10 standardized open-ended interview questions. Interviews were either digitally recorder or recorded using long hand, depending on the participants comfort level. Six interviews were digitally recorded, while four were written in long hand. The standardized interview questions explored the needs, challenges, and gaps in services for ex-incarcerated mothers and their minor children, from the participant’s perspectives. The standardized interview questions also explored society’s misperceptions about 39 formerly incarcerated mother, program components and services that could be helpful to these families, stories about the impact of maternal incarceration on both mother and child, and ideal programs or services that would be helpful to this population. This study was approved as a “no risk” study that caused minimal to no discomfort. Data Analysis Approaches After the interviews were completed they were transcribed and analyzed to explore key themes that came from this process. I spent time processing what I heard from the participants after each interview and reviewing my questions to make sure that the interviews were consistent and obtaining the appropriate information. I jotted down notes after reviewing the transcribed materials to help further pinpoint any themes that came out of the interviews. I took a tally of the programs, services, and interventions listed by each participant to help pull out themes. I reviewed these notes from the transcriptions to compare and contrast the needs that the participants expressed for this particular population of individuals. The interview questions were analyzed independently of one another and overall themes were pulled from each question. Protection of Human Subjects I took every precaution to protect the participant’s rights to safety and anonymity throughout this research project. Before interviewing the participants I completed the human subject’s application process and got approval for this project from the Internal Review Board (IRB) within the Division of Social Work at California State University, Sacramento. I completed the Protocol for the Protection of Human Subjects and identified this to be a “no risk” research project. All participants were verbally told about 40 the nature of this study prior to their participation. The participants were also verbally told that their participation is voluntary and that their enrollment will be kept confidential. Prior to conducting the interviews I provided each participant with a informed consent letter, which explained about the study, the risks, benefits, procedures, and other rights provided during their participation in this study. Participants had to acknowledge and agree to the terms outlined in the informed consent letter before moving on to the interview. The informed consent letter also provided a listing of mental health resources, should the participants needed support after their participation in this study. The participants could choose to not have their interview digitally recorded and still participate in this study. A copy of the informed consent letter was given to the participants prior to the start of their interview. The information collected from the participants in this study was kept in a secure location in my residence. Only my thesis advisor and I were privy to the raw data collected. The information that was digitally recorded was promptly transcribed and deleted. The raw information and transcribed notes were destroyed a three months after this thesis project was approved. 41 Chapter 4 FINDINGS Introduction This chapter will present the findings of the study which asked, “What are important program components and/or interventions that are helpful in reducing the negative effects of maternal incarceration on both mother and her minor child?” The research project used a snow ball method in order to obtain the sample. Qualitative interviews were used to collect information from the ten participants, who are employees who have worked with incarcerated and/or formerly incarcerated mothers and their minor children. One-on-one interviews were conducted with the participants using a series of ten open-ended interview questions (See Appendix A). The participants were also asked four demographic questions about themselves and a question about the age range of the mothers, with whom they have worked. The participants had the opportunity to choose between having their interviews digitally recorded and later transcribed by hand or to have their interview written out via long hand. Six participants consented to having their interview digitally recorded, while four consented to having their interview recorded via long hand. The interviews were analyzed to assess what types of programs and/or interventions are helpful in reducing the negative effects of maternal incarceration on mother and child, from the prospective of the service providers. Each interview questions was analyzed individually to explore common or consistent themes. The overall findings section will include demographics on the study participants and the 42 average age of the mother’s, with whom these participants have worked. The Participants in this study were given fictitious names to protect their identity. Demographics This study consisted of ten participants. There were nine women and one man. The participants ranged in age from 30 years to 60 and up, with the average age being in the 40-49 year range and 50-59 year range. Out of the ten participants, three identified as White/Caucasian, four as Black, two as Latino, and one who preferred to be called American. The participant’s work experience with this population ranged from 2.5 to 27 years, with the average length of experience being 13.25years. The participants stated that the age range of the mothers that they worked with was wide and that they could not fit them into one category. With this being the case, the participants were allowed to check more than one category of ages for the mother. The fictitious names used for the participants are as follows: Janice, Monica, Phyllis, Pam, Senora, Sarah, Betty, Hannah, Liz, and Mike. Specific Findings Common Needs of Mothers After Incarceration. The participants were asked the question: what are the most common needs of mothers of minor children are once they exit prison/jail? The theme that emerged was the need for the basics. Eight of the ten participants stated that the “basic needs” were housing, financial support, clothing, transportation, medical etc. According to Hannah the “basic needs” are different depending on whether or not you are talking about a mother who is exiting prison versus a mother who is exiting jail. She thought that mothers exiting jail had a greater need for 43 the basics, because of the lack of release planning done by the criminal justice system. Hannah stated that housing can still be an issue for women exiting prison. According to Janice a barrier to getting their “basic needs” met is due to their inability to qualify for supports, like food stamps because of their criminal record. Liz shared that these women experience social support exclusion forever. She also shared how the felonies incurred by these mothers that limit their ability to get their needs met, may actually belong to their significant other, whom they took the fall for. The Challenges Faced by Mothers. The participants were asked the question: in your experience what challenges do these mothers face as they rebuild their relationship with their minor children? Two themes emerged, which were the troubled relationships between mother and child prior to incarceration and the limited amount of contact between mother and child upon release. Seven of the ten participants sited lack of trust as being problematic for these mothers as they rebuild their relationship with their children. The lack of trust was around the child not trusting their mother or the mother not trusting or believing in self and in her ability to be a good parent. The participants expressed that the worry these women face around not being a good parent comes from the poor relationship with their children. Senora added that the mother’s interactions with their children are riddled with feelings of guilt and shame. She further asserted that the mother’s guilt impedes her ability to parent her child. Parenting by guilt creates bigger problems in the future for these children and society. The larger issue for these children that Senora addressed is around possible future involvement with the criminal justice system because of their home structure. 44 Another point made by the participants was about the lack of bonds between mother and child prior to incarceration and the effect this has on the mother’s belief that she is not good enough and thus not a good parent. Pam stated, “They are not bonded with their children or they have lost that connection and it depends on the length of time they have been incarcerated.” Monica shared that the mothers must face the fact “That they have kids that have been told nothing but bad things about them and now they are trying to rebuild this relationship with their children. They have been told things like you can’t rely on her, you can’t trust her kind of stuff.” Janice expressed that these mothers face the challenge of parenting, which is further complicated by having to negotiate their roles as mothers with their family members and the foster care system. The assertion made by Janice relates to family systems theory, that posits that every family member has a role or part that they play in the family system. Once a family member returns to the fold there can be a disturbance as the other members of that system adjust to the return of this individual. The second theme: access to their children was discussed by the participants. Monica mentioned that the challenge with this is not having access to their child because they do not know where their child is. According to the participants the child may have been left with family or friends when the mother went to prison. Monica shared that the restrictions placed on these women in prison affects their ability to contact their kids. They can lose sight of where their child is because they are dependent on the person who is taking care of their child to accept collect calls and bring them in, Monica shared. Another challenge that Monica shared is that, “You are paroled back to the county where 45 you committed your crime,” which may not be where their kids live. Another option around gaining access to their children is having family members bringing the child to see mom. Monica shared that mothers have said that “My parole officer is not willing to give me a travel pass. My family either, one is not willing to bring my child or they don’t have the means or the money to bring the child to me.” The city in which these mothers are paroled, impacts their ability to have contact with their children. Gaps in Programs, Services, and/or Interventions. The participants were asked the question: in your experience what currently do you see as the gaps in programs, services, and/or interventions? The participants identified different gaps in programs, services, and/or interventions, with the most prominent one being the lack of availability for permanent housing. Half of the participant’s reported that access to housing is the biggest gap in programs. These participants reported how difficult it is for these mothers to transition back into the community upon release from prison/jail. Participants shared that one thing that makes reentry difficult for these mothers is that they do not have anywhere to go once they are released. The reasons that the participant sited for this was around the mothers criminal record, lack of financial resources, and lack of employment. Betty reported that a felony conviction is problematic “Because of the stigma that goes along with crime.” Senora shared how accessing housing is made more difficult when the children are not residing with the mom, which limits the financial resources that she can then qualify for. The participant’s responses focused on the needs of the mother and how not having one of your “basic needs” met can impede the progress to getting the other needs. 46 Helpful Supports and Service. The participants were asked the question: in your experience what has been helpful in working with formerly incarcerated mothers? The common theme expressed by nine of the participants was around some type of support services. The support services that participants identified as being helpful were around alcohol and drug support, education and vocational training. While Pam and Betty both identified parenting supports as being helpful. Participants discussed the importance of having programs that were easy access and included case management services to assist the mother with various needs, whether they deal with drug and alcohol issues, educational, medical, financial, vocational, etc. Some of the services that are already in existence that were mentioned are the Multi-Service Centers. Programs that allow women to remain with their children were also expressed as being helpful to decrease the problems that may come from lack of contact. The Needs of Incarcerated Mothers vs. Other Mothers Separated from Their Children. The participants were asked the question: in your experience do you think that there are different needs for mothers who were incarcerated versus mothers who were separated from their children for a significant period of time for other reasons? If so how? Nine of the participants agreed that the needs are different for these two groups. The underlying commonality found in the participant’s response was the emotional effects that come from dealing with incarceration and the separation from your family, which effects both mother and child. Mike explained that these mothers are already impacted by early trauma experiences, which is common amongst incarcerated. He shared how these trauma experiences effect the decisions that these mothers make 47 regarding how they lead their lives. Senora exclaimed, “There is more guilt and shame behind the choices they have made versus someone having the choice to make that decision and being okay with it, you know, so it is more easier for them to accept and deal with, to be able to establish a rapport with their children later on.” Phyllis reported that there are emotional and psychological effects for both mother and child. Sarah shared that the children may be traumatized from watching their mother get arrested and how this may change the child’s view of the role of law enforcement. The interconnectedness of the mother and child’s experiences can be viewed through a family systems theory. The family system is affected by change to its structure, which in this case is the separation of mother from child. This separation will cause the other members to react in a manner to right the system. This correction to the family system may appear in the emotional, psychological, and behavioral responses of both mother and child. The Importance of Working with Mother’s and their Children During Her Incarceration. The participants were asked the following question: do you think that it is important to address maternal-child bonding? If so, what are important program components and/or intervention that are helpful in improving this bond? The participants were in full agreement about the importance of addressing the bond between mother and child. The participants also stressed the importance of contact between mother and child. Monica, Betty, and Sarah explained that it is important to work with both mother and child while she is still incarcerated in order to help strengthen their bond. The emphasis was on teaching these families about how to connect and to be prepared to maintain these 48 connections. Monica discussed the importance of creating and strengthening these bonds, which are challenged by incarceration. Monica stated, “Some of the women go into prison pregnant and they get to spend one to three days with their and their child is taken. They go serve five years and they are out and this baby that they carried around for six to eight months in their belly is now four or five years old. And even though the babies have had pictures of mom, letters from, that kind of stuff there is still that you are my mommy kind of thing”. The contact that these families are having while the mom is incarcerated allow for supports to work through stressors that may unfold as the mom rejoins the family. The programs that participants identified as being most helpful were those that allowed the child to reside with their mom and those that provided parenting and counseling. Five of the participants identified residential type programs that included the child. A few of the participants took this question a step further and discussed transitional services being a good next step after incarceration. Mike identified two alternative sentencing programs that fall fit into residential type housing. Those programs are the Family Foundations Program (FFP) and the Community Prisoner Mother Program (CPMP), which allow women to have between 1-2 kids with them during their sentence. A helpful parenting program that Janice identified used a therapist as a parenting coach, who would use a microphone and an earpiece to help coach mothers when they were interacting with their children during visits. Senora also mentioned this type of program and added the importance of having culturally sensitive parenting practices. 49 Counseling, in addition to parenting was discussed as a way to help the mother-child relationship improve. Maternal-Child Bonding. All ten participants were in agreement with the question: do you think it is important to address maternal-child bonding? If so, what are important program components and/or interventions that they think will help to improve the maternal child-bond? Some of the participants first began by sharing the difficulties around maternal-child bonding. Betty said, “a lot of women don’t understand bonding, but they do understand attachment and love.” While Phyllis stated, “Often times, there is a cycle. I think that it is important to educate people about what that means. In certain communities that is not really talked about. It’s just like you just had a kid. You were 16 or 17 and never heard about. You never ever heard the word. I think that it is important to educate people about what that is. Some moms are from a cycle of not having maternal bonding, you know”. Both Betty and Phyllis’ statements reflect the importance of not only addressing what bonding means, but also educating mothers around what it looks like and how it can be improved. Maternal-child bonds are a necessary part of a child’s relationship, not only with their mother, but also with the world around. Hannah stated that it is important for bonding to occur in the first 18 months of a child’s life. Hannah addressed the need for bonding between mothers and their older children, who she states are at risk for issues like fear of abandonment, anxiety, and anger. The commonality behind the helpful programs that were identified is that they allow mothers more access to their child. Programs that were identified for pregnant, soon to be mothers allow them to keep baby. 50 Pam’s version of access would have prison or jails to set up to accommodate overnight visits between mother and child. For Monica it was a bussing program that she knows of that is paid for by the inmates, to help keep them connected to their children. Misperceptions of Incarcerated Mothers. All ten participants responded in the affirmative to the question: do you think that society has misperceptions about exoffender women who were mothers during the time of their incarceration? The common misperceptions had to do with the women’s perceived immorality, failure as mothers, and inability to make positive changes with their lives. Monica shared that one of the biggest misperceptions that she hears is that, “She is the one that went to jail. She doesn’t deserve to have her kid back.” This statement shows that there is no redemption for ex-offender women in the eyes of society. Sarah shared that she has heard that these mothers, “Don’t love their children, that they are worthless, that the mother’s living off of the societies dime, and she is having her kids who, are going to be losers just like her.” These misperceptions further showcase thoughts that society members have about not only mothers who have been incarcerated, but also about their children and their children’s path in life. These participants shared that society views these women as being their mistakes. The identity of what it is to be a woman and what it means to be a mother is compounded when you add crime in to the mix. Hannah articulated this sentiment when she said, “If you take the radical perception of criminal to the extreme, I think a lot of people do carry around those stereotypes. Then if you put in the mom aspect, you know women and their roles as mom that has been the primary thing that they 51 have been held to do. So if you are a bad mom that is like wham. That’s like triple whammy on top of being a bad person and all this and now you are a bad mom. And then somehow on top of that you have managed to do something while you were pregnant. I mean, whoa! I found that when I was working with pregnant heroin addicts there was so much bias, even within my social work community, where we are you know, very understanding liberal folks. I would get like, how dare someone use while they are pregnant, just all this condemnation. It was like triple whammy, it would kind of build up. So, yes definitely lots of misconceptions”. Hannah’s response shows negative perceptions of these mothers is not limited by an individual’s job or so called liberal beliefs. Betty’s stated, “There is no understanding of what these women are like or what they have been through,” they are just seen as hardened criminals. Stories of the Effects of Maternal Incarceration. The participants were asked if they had any stories to share that could shed light on the effects of maternal incarceration on both mother and child. One such story involved a 14 year old girl who Pam worked with, whose mom was incarcerated on multiple occasions throughout her life. Pam said that this mother said, “Birthday is coming up. Daughter says you haven’t been here for any of them. Mother says, yeah I know, do you forgive me? Daughter said no, not yet.” This story shows the strain that incarceration can put on the mother child relationship. This mother was seeking forgiveness, but this was something that her daughter was not ready to give. 52 Not being present in their child’s life for significant periods of time can cause these mothers to question what the future holds for their relationship with their children. Monica shared a story about a mom who was incarcerated as a result of being involved with men who made drugs. This mother had three daughters, one in her early twenties, a twelve, and an eight year old. The older sister took custody of the eight year old after their mother’s arrest, but refused to take in the twelve year old. This twelve year old girl felt abandoned not only by her mother, but also by her older sister. Monica stated, “So the message that she is getting is that she is not lovable, that she does not deserve the good in life, and why me and why am I the ugly duckling basically. So, you know she had a lot of struggles, you know and she was really angry because she didn’t understand you know. She was angry at the police because they came and got her. She was angry at her mother because she did that again. She was angry at her older sister because it was like how are you going to take my little sister, but you won’t take me. And so that was a serious problem”. These children grow up and some still experience the effects maternal incarceration. One such example was given by Hannah, who worked with a woman whose mom was incarcerated when she was a child. This woman lived with her grandmother while she was growing up and only got to see her mom a few times during the first twelve years of her life. Hannah said, “When she was released from prison, she really didn’t believe that she was her mom. She just didn’t like. It was like kinda hard for her to even believe that this person my mom. What does that even mean and then part of what struggles with 53 to this day is her own sense of identity of not knowing her mom. Of not really knowing her mom, she is like, she is like you know sometimes, cause sometime shortly thereafter her mom actually passed away. So it was one of those were then she was not given the opportunity at all. And so kinda just really what, what I always think about is I am one of those blessed people who, I know I was wanted, I know I was loved. You know, I know my mom wanted me. I know she loved me. I don’t ever have to walk around with any doubt about that. I know it all the way through my being and this is someone who sits across from me and she doesn’t know that. In fact she thinks the opposite, you know. And I think that the impact of that, what that has and how incarceration can contribute to that, you know it’s huge, it’s huge”. This story that Hannah shared shows just how much of an impact a mother’s absence can have in her child’s life. The lack of contact with her mother when she was a child in some ways contributed to her current state. Being able to spend time with ones mother can help to counteract some of this doubt and uncertainty of being loved. Programs, Interventions, and Services Ideas. The participants were asked the question: what type of program, service, and/or intervention would they create if there were no limits. The programs imagined by the participants were around multifaceted transitional living programs, allowing a mother and her child to live together. The programs offered would help with parenting, vocational, interpersonal, alcohol, and drug issues and even for one participant include money management. Senora added teaching mother how to have fun and travel, as well as what it means to be a woman. The 54 programs would include the needs of entire family. The imagination of the participants could not be contained. One unique response that was given was around creating a paradigm shift around societies need for social order to instead be based off of love and understanding. Summary Maternal incarceration impacts both mother and child. The participants in this research project spoke to some about the challenges facing these mothers and their children as they attempt to move forward. Being released from prison comes with its challenges as these mothers are expected to reenter the community and be productive individuals. The research participants reported that one of the most common needs for mothers when they exit prison is access to their “basic needs.” The inability to access one need, impacts these mothers ability to access the rest of their needs. The most common challenges reported by the participants were the troubled relationship that they mom’s have with their child prior to incarcerated and limited access to their children upon release. A great deal of women who are incarcerated have experienced trauma, which impacts their lives and affects that of their child. The participants identified that the most common gap in programs, services, and interventions are around the availability of housing. The participants report that incarceration affects a mother’s ability to provide housing for herself and her child because places will not rent to her because of her criminal record and she has hard time financially being able to do so because she has recently left prison and may not be able to find employment due to her criminal history. The participants shared that what has been 55 helpful are support services, like alcohol and drug counseling, education, and vocational training, financial support. The participants also identified programs that make it easy for mothers and their children to get their needs met in one site as being helpful. The participants spoke about the importance of addressing the maternal-child bond and providing supports to help strengthen these bonds. Participants discussed how some of these mothers may not have been appropriately bonded with their own mothers while growing-up and thus do not know how to do so with their children. The services and interventions mentioned as being helpful involved increasing access between mother and child, providing parenting, and counseling services. Participants reported the benefit of having programs like transitional housing that would allow both mother and child to get their needs met. This chapter reflects findings from this research project, which were analyzed and discussed. Chapter 5 will summarize the major findings from this study and review the literature from chapter 2 for the purpose of comparing and contrasting the outcomes found in this study. Lastly recommendations will be made to about how this research project will be helpful to other from this study will be discussed. 56 Chapter 5 CONCLUSION, RECOMMENDATIONS, SUMMARY Introduction This chapter will summarize the major findings that came out of chapter 4. This chapter will discuss whether or not the findings from the last chapter answered the research question of: what are important program components to increase the bonds between incarcerated mother and child while reducing the negative effects of maternal incarceration. This chapter will explore how the research projects finding compare or contrast to the literature review that is found in chapter 2 of this study. Next this, chapter will discuss future recommendations for social workers and policy makers that work with this population. Lastly the limitations of this study will also be explored. Findings The increased number of mothers incarcerated in this country will have resounding effect on both mother and her minor children. Allen et al. (2010) stated that the majority of incarcerated women are mothers to minor children. Since the majority of incarcerated mothers were the primary care providers for their children prior to incarceration, there are youth who will be displaces as a result of maternal incarceration (Johnson & Waldfogel, 2002; Travis, 2007). This research project interviewed with individuals who work with incarcerated/ formerly incarcerated mothers and/or their minor children to find out about the needs, challenges, and gaps in services that directly impact them from the employee’s perspective. Common themes were taken from each of the ten interview questions to help answer the research question. 57 The first research question looked at the most common needs of mothers as they exit prison/jail. Eight of the participants reported the most common need to be the “basic needs,” which are housing, food, clothing, finances etc. A common thread that arose from this theme was how incarceration limits a mother’s ability to access these “basic needs.” The participants shared that the mother’s ability to access these needs is limited because of her criminal background, which disqualifies her for services, as well as being denied things, like housing. The literature supports this finding. One participant in the research project pointed out how a mother’s inability to have financial support directly affects her ability to obtain housing. This point gives rise to the importance of helping these mothers access the necessary supports and services, so that they can maintain their selves and their family. The second research question asked the research participants to share from their experiences, “What are some of the challenges facing these mothers as they rebuild their relationship with their child?” The two themes that arose were the troubled relationships between mother and child prior to incarceration and the limited amount of contact between the two following incarceration. The literature did show evidence of the problematic relationships between mother and child prior to her incarceration. The participants sited lack of trust from the child and the mothers own inability to trust herself and her ability to be a good parent as a factor in the troubled relationships with their children. Allen et al. (2010) discussed the guilt and shame of women and mothers because of their incarceration, which goes with what some of the research participant’s shared. Participants also discussed the problematic bonds that these women have with 58 their children because of the lack of properly bonding with them. The literature did not address these points, nor did it focus on the nature of those bonds after. The literature did not address the lack of trust that these children have for their mother that the participants pointed out. The participants brought up the challenge of mothers trying to renegotiate their role as mothers with family members and the foster care system. The literature supported the participant’s assertion that mothers do have difficulties renegotiating their position back within their child’s life. Frye and Dawe (2008) talk about the uncertainty and confusion of these mothers face around their roles. The findings around the interview question: “What are the biggest gaps in programs, services, and/or interventions for these mothers and their children from the participant’s perspective was around housing?” The participants again, expressed that housing was a challenge due to the mother’s limited resources and criminal background. The lack of resources greatly impacts their ability to get their needs met which is what this research project showed. However the literature did not capture the gaps in programs, services, and interventions. The literature discussed some programs that have been used, which were around parenting and counseling, but these programs did not have enough of a sample size to relate these finding to a larger segment of the population. The fifth question asked to the participants was: “In your experience what have you seen that has been helpful in working with formerly incarcerated mothers and their minor children?” The common theme of support services around things like education, vocational services, alcohol and drug counseling, parenting etc was identified by nine of the participants. The research participants focused on the needs of the mothers. The 59 literature identified the need for parenting and counseling programs. Most of the parenting programs in the literature however were done while the mother was still incarcerated. The sixth interview question asked: “Do you think that there are different needs for incarcerated mothers separated from their children versus mothers separated for other reasons?” Nine participants agreed that the needs of the mothers are different. The commonality found in the response was around the emotional effects that come from dealing with incarceration and from dealing with the separation from their family. I specifically asked about the women’s experiences and if there is a difference between the two groups. The literature, however did the reverse and looked at this question from the child’s perspective to explore if there are separation differences? The literature showed that there is a difference between children whose parents have been incarcerated versus children who have experienced different types of parental loss. The research participants discussed the mother’s experience with trauma and loss, which impacts their emotional state as well as the guilt and shame from incarceration. The literature discussed that the children have experienced trauma around witnessing their mother’s arrest and later the experience of her incarceration. The literature also supports ambiguous loss experienced by the children. A participant in this study made similar remarks about the emotional effects of incarceration for both mother and child. The seventh question explored in this project as the participants if, from their experience it was important to work with mothers and their children while they mother was still incarcerated and what programs or services have been helpful. All of the 60 participants found it helpful to work with both pairs. The theme identified that the most beneficial programs were those that allowed mother and child to reside together and those that provided parenting and counseling services. The literature did not discuss transitional/residential programs where children are allowed to live with their mothers as these participants have. The literature identified one multi-service program, but it did not report this programs effectiveness. The literature showed that the parent’s knowledge about parenting skills improved after they participated in a parenting program. The PIO program from the literature used a similar intervention that was mentioned by a couple of the participants as being helpful. This intervention involved the coaching the parent on how to interact with their child through videotaped sessions after the visit, which was slightly different from the participants who described an intervention that utilized this technique during the visit. The eighth interview question asked: “Do you think it is important to address maternalchild bonding?” All ten participants were in full agreement about the importance of this topic. A few of the participants discussed the problematic bonds between mother and child prior to incarceration and that the cause for this was the mother’s lack of knowledge about how to attach to their children. The participants stressed the importance of addressing maternal- child bonding, which can effect these kids when they become adults one participant reported. The literature did not focus on the effects of maternal incarceration in adult children, but it did look at attachment styles. One particular study found that children who lived with their mom before her arrest showed insecure attachment. While the literature also stated that being able to securely bond to their 61 mother is a protective factor. The literature also pointed out that having a positive relationship with an adult helped to repair this insecure attachment, which is important to note. Participants identified more access to mom as being helpful, while the literature has both positive and negative views around this. The ninth question asked: “In your experience are there any misperceptions about incarcerated mothers who had a child that was a minor during the time of incarceration?” The participants all agreed that this was true. The common theme identified was around the mother’s immorality, failures as mother, and incapable of making positive changes in their lives. The literature did not cover any misperceptions that are around about these mothers. The literature discussed the stigma felt by children because of their parent’s incarceration. Society holds a strong stance against crime and even though our system is said to be rehabilitative, we do not allow these mothers the same rights as other citizens even after they are released, thus still punishing them. The tenth question asked the participants to share any stories that they may have heard about the impact of maternal incarceration on both the mother and her children. Eight of the participants had more than one story to tell about the negative impacts of incarceration on both parties. The stories usually depicted the loss of the relationship between mother and child and the psychological or behavioral effects they exhibited. The literature focused more on the effects from the child’s perspective. From this standpoint the literature is in agreement with the participants that children are deeply affected emotionally and behaviorally from this experience. The loss of a significant 62 parent, whether this relationship is positive or not, usually hurts children and causes them to question their selves. The final question asked the participants to share what type of program, service, or intervention that they would create to help with the negative effects of incarceration for these families if there were no limits. The programs that were suggested were multiservice oriented and accounted made up for the lack of programs and services that they discussed earlier. The literature is lacking in studies on transitional living type programs that the participants are describing. The Family Support Program (FSP) was the closest one mentioned in this literature, however it was shorter term program than those that the participants were describing and it did not provide residential housing, but instead went out into the participant’s homes. Recommendations Social Work Practice. It is important for social workers to be versed on the unique needs and challenges of these families, so that we will be better equipped to meet their needs. It is important to be aware that these mothers and their children are facing multiple challenges that require services that treat the needs of the whole person and not just single out one issue or even just one family member. Having a greater depth of knowledge about these families backgrounds and experiences pre and post incarceration will help us to become stronger advocates. Policy Makers. It is important for policy makers to understand the unique needs of women and particularly mothers when creating policy that impacts them and their children. It is equally important for policy makers to understand the importance of 63 keeping mothers connected with their children and how by providing supports and services during and after incarceration, they can help reduce the effects of incarceration. There needs to be more funding and services directed at these families because negative effects of incarceration can create, things like intergenerational crime, emotional and behavioral effects, poverty, difficulties experienced by children, as pointed out in the literature. The negative experiences of these families will be a societal if these families are not supported in getting their needs met. Lastly it should be known that limiting a mother’s access to her basic needs because of her criminal record, only serves to create barriers that do not help to rectify things. Limitations and Future Research A limitation of this study is the sample size. The needs for services and programs for incarcerated and formerly incarcerated mothers and their children cannot be generalized to the larger population due to the small sample size of this study. Another limitation in this study is that the identified services, programs, and interventions that were identified did not come directly from those who would be receiving the services. It would be helpful to have talked with incarcerated and formerly incarcerated mothers and their minor children to see if they agree with what the participants mentioned as being needs and challenges that they face. To ask if the areas that could be improved upon, as mentioned by the providers is the same for them. After completing this study I have come to recognize some limitations around the interview questions I created, which did not fully capture the child’s perspective and individual needs, which would help to understand the needs and dynamics of the family. 64 Future research in this area is very much needed. It is important to explore more about the impact of maternal incarceration from the perspective of the children. Future research can also be done around the effectiveness of established programs to find out their strengths and weaknesses in order to improve upon and possibly replicate. A project could be done exploring the perspectives the child, mother, and provider to get a more inclusive picture of problems, needs, and solutions. Practice Wisdom This process has caused me to reflect on how I may be of service to the families that I work with in the future and having a better understanding of these families experience in order to meet them were they are at. I have learned more about the impact of trauma and how it can alter families if not appropriately recognized and attended to. I will take with me the knowledge gained through the interviews about the challenges and needs that this population face. This project has taught me that it is important to take a holistic approach when working with formerly incarcerated mothers and their children. I hope to continue learning about how to better serve and support these families. Summary Incarceration does not help to improve the connection between mother and child. The participants in this study have addressed the importance of allowing mother’s access to their children, while she is incarcerated as a way to help mother-child bond grow. Programs and service, like parenting, counseling, residential, and transitional living were discussed as being helpful to improve the mother-child bond, but also to assist mother and child to get their needs met. One participant addressed the large proportion of 65 women behind bars who have experienced trauma, which affects not only them, but how they interact with others and view their experiences. The literature has shown that the children have also experienced similar types of trauma in their lives, which makes it important to address the needs of both individuals. Incarceration has emotional effects on both mother and child, which are import to address. This project identified the most common needs and challenges that these mothers face after they leave the prison system and try to reintegrate. Limitations are placed on these mothers because of their criminal history, which makes it difficult for them to access their basic needs to provide for both them and their child. The participants in this study identified support services as being beneficial to help these mothers learn the skills needed to reduce the impact that they face because of incarceration. An ideal program that all of the participants in this research project captured was an all inclusive program that would address the unique needs of the mother, whether that be around alcohol and other drug issues, parenting, counseling, education, vocation, life skills etc., while also providing youth with supports needed to combat the effects of incarceration. These programs would include transitional housing that not only meets the identified basic needs, but allows these family the support need to gain these skills in a safe and nurturing environment. 66 APPENDIX A Interview Questions 1. Demographics a. What is your gender? Male_____ b. What is your age? 18-21_____ 59_____ Female_____ 22-29_____30-39_____40-49_____ 50- 60 and up _____ c. What is your ethnicity? African-American/Black ______Asian/Pacific Islander_____ Caucasian/White_____ American_____ Latino______ Native Other_____ d. How long have you been working with this population? ______ 2. In your experience what are some of the most common needs of mothers of minor children once they come out of prison/jail? 3. In your experience what are some of the challenges that women who were once incarcerated face as they work towards building up the relationship(s) that they have with their minor children? 4. In your experience what currently do you see as being the biggest gap in programs, services, and/or interventions for women who are ex-offenders and their children? 5. In your experience what have you seen that has been helpful in working with exoffender women and their minor children? 6. Do you think that there are different needs for mothers who were incarcerated and who had minor children at the time from mothers who were separated from their children for a significant period of time for other reasons? If so, how? 67 7. In your experience do you believe that it is important to work with mothers and their children while the mother is incarcerated? If so what type of program or service do you see as being helpful? 8. Do you think it is important to address maternal-child bonding? If so, what are important program components and/or interventions that you think will help to improve the maternal-child bond for these women? 9. In your experience are there any misperceptions that society has about ex-women offenders who had minor children during the time of their incarceration? If so, what would they be? 10. Can you share any stories that you may have heard about the impact of maternal incarceration on these mothers and their minor children? 11. If funding, policy stipulations, and regulations were not a factor and you are able to rely solely on your imagination and inspiration what type of program for women offenders and their minor children do you see yourself creating? 68 APPENDIX B Consent to Participate in Research You are being asked to participate in a research project, which will be conducted by Shahni Smith, a graduate student in the Masters of Social Work Division at California State University, Sacramento. This study will explore the needs of mothers who have been incarcerated and their minor children around the areas of improving the maternalchild bond, reducing recidivism, and decreasing the negative effects on children, which may be emotional problems, behavioral problems, school difficulties, intergenerational criminality, social support, etc. This study looks to explore what program components or services will help improve the overall outcome for mothers who have been incarcerated and their children. Procedures: After reviewing this form and agreeing to participate you will be given the opportunity to set up a time that is convenient for you. The interview should take approximately one hour. It will be digitally taped or hand written. You as the participant are given the choice of not having your interview recorded, but still participating by having the interview written out through long hand. The interview will be transcribed and then destroyed. As a participant in the interview you can decide at any point to skip, not answer any specific question, or to end the interview. Risks: Some of the questions in this interview may elicit an emotional response and/or memories that may make you feel uncomfortable. You do not have to answer any question if you do not want to. You will be provided with a list of mental health resources in Sacramento as need that provide services. Benefits: You may gain additional insight into the needs of these families and what program components are effective. You might also gain additional insight around what program components could be provided to assist mothers who have been incarcerated and their minor children to improve the overall quality of their lives. You may also gain additional insight about the current lack of services and supports for these mothers and their children. It is hoped that the results of the study will be beneficial in providing information to social workers, agencies, and policy makers that either directly or indirectly work with mothers who have been incarcerated and their children. This research project looks to add additional information about the needs and program components that could be helpful to these families. 69 Confidentiality: All information is kept confidential and all efforts will be taken to protect your privacy. Your responses, either on digital recorder or written on paper will be kept private. All digital recordings will be deleted soon after the information has been transcribed. This researcher’s thesis advisor will also have access to the written and transcribed information collected from the interviews. Until that time they will be stored in a secure location. No identifying information will be connected with you in the completed research project. All written materials will be kept safe in a secure area and will be destroyed two months upon completion of this research project. Compensation: You will not receive any compensation for participating in this study. Rights to Withdraw: If you decide to participate in this research project, you have the right to withdraw at any point. You can choose not to answer any specific question(s) during the course of the interview. Contact Information: If you have any further questions about this research, you may contact me at (xxx) xxxxxxx. My thesis advisor, Susan Talamantes Eggman, PhD, MSW can be reached at (xxx) xxx-xxxx if you have any additional questions. Additionally, should you feel the need to contact any support services in the community, I have listed some agencies below. Sacramento County Mental Health Services Adult ACCESS Team (916) 875-1055 Sacramento County Mental Health (916) 875-7070 Family Service Agency (916) 875-1055 Visions Unlimited (916) 393-2203 La Familia Counseling Center (916) 452-3601 70 I have read and understand the descriptive information on the research participation cover letter. I understand that my participation is completely voluntary. My signature indicates that I have received a copy of the research participation cover letter and I that I agree to participate in the study. I ______________________________________ agree to have my responses digitally recorded. Or I ______________________________________ do not agree to have my responses digitally recorded, but I do agree to participate in this research study and have my responses recorded through long hand. Signature _________________________________ Date _________________ 71 REFERENCES Abram, F. Y., Mahaney, H. A., Linhorst, D. M., Toben, J. & Flowers, M. (2005). Interorganizational collaboratives for children of prisoners. Journal of Community Practice, 13(1), 31-47. doi: 10.1300/J125v13n01_03 Adalist-Estrin, A. (2006). Providing support to adolescent children with incarcerated parents. Prevention Researcher, 13(2), 7-10. Retrieved from CINAHL Plus with Full Text database. Allen, S., Flaherty, C., & Ely, G. (2010). Throwaway moms: Maternal incarceration and the criminalization of female poverty. Journal of Women and Social Work, 25(2), 160-172. doi: 10.1177/0886109910364345 Arditti, J. A (2005). Families and incarceration: An ecological approach. 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