ORISUN:
JOURRNAL OF RELIGION
AND
HUMAN VALUES
VOLS. 2.3: 2003-2004
ISSN: 1597-6025
ORISUN:
Journal of Religion and Human Values
Volume 2 & 3
2003-2004
EDITORIAL BOARD
Prof. Balogun, K.A.
Alawiye, M.I.
Oderinde, O.A.
Akintan, O.A.
Akanni, A.A.
Obasola, K.E.
Editor-in-Chief
Review Editor
Business Managger
Member
Member
Secretary
EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
Prof. Adamo, D.T.
Prof. Nabofa, M.Y.
Prof. Oseni, Z.I.
Delta State University
University off Ibadan
University of Ilorin
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THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE PROBLEM OF
UNEMPLOYMENT IN NIGERIA
AbiojeP.O.(Ph.D)
Introduction
Both African and Christian traditions enjoin work and abhor laziness. The
Yoruba say ise I'oogun ise (work is the medicine against destitution) and
B'ole le ku, eje k'o kit, igba ti o ku, ki lo n se? (If a lazy person will die, let
him die, when he is not dead, what is he doing?). In a similar vein, the Bible
teaches that God mandates humanity to work for the dominatiqn and
beautification of the world (Gen. 2:15); and that it is from the sweat of a
person's brow that he/she shall feed (Gen.3:19). St. Paul directs that anyone
who would not work should not be allowed to eat (2. Thess. 3: 1 O).
Obviously, that is in tandem with the Yoruba position, since whoever does
not eat will eventually die. To emphasise the importance of work, the Lord
Jesus is quoted as saying, "My Father goes on working, and so do I". (Jn.
5:17)
Ironically, to say that there is mass unemployment in Nigeria is to say
the obvious. Unemployment is staring its ugly face in the large number of
covert and overt beggars. It has ruined families and homes. It has shattered
hopes and aspirations. On another critical note, Sunday Oyinloye (2004:5)
observes that:
One of the greatest problems Nigeria is
contending with is the issue of unemployment
among the youths which has led to a steady
upsurge in crime rate in the country. Because of
unemployment, youths become cheap tools for
politicians, who recruit them as thugs. Those
who could not get recruited as thugs take to
other illegal acts like armed robbery and area
boys terrorizing innocent people and taking
their lives.
What a graphic description of the situation! Somehow, the Church, as an
institution of faith, hope and charity cannot but be affected, particularly in her
members, and in solidarity with the larger society. Here or there, the church
is also affected in her income and expenditure.
The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of the church with
particular reference to the problem of unemployment in Nigeria, and to
recommend ways by which the Church can improve on her efforts at finding
solution to the problem. The discourse consists of three major sub-headings,
namely: Unemployment in Nigeria in Historical Perspective; Government's
Solution to the Problem of Unemployment in Nigeria; and the Effort of the
Church at Tackling the Problem of Unemployment in Nigeria. Then,
Recommendations and Conclusion.
Unemployment in Nigeria in Historical Perspective
Up to the 1980s, there was practically no problem of unemployment in Nigeria.
As an agrarian country with abundance of arable land, only the lazy ones might
complain of lack of employment. In those days, farming was the primary profession of
most Nigerians. Many artisans, hunters and even merchants doubled as farmers. Hardly
was any economic venture considered incompatible with farming.
Many individuals who were looking for quick money would go and work for
farmer! It was not a shame to be a farmer or a labourer in the farm. Many of Nigeria's
educated and successful men and women testify that they supported their academic
educational upbringing with farm labourership. An American, Greig (1967:71) notes
about Nigeria that:
Different crops are grown in different parts of
the country.... In the North, the most important
crop is groundnuts, or as we call them, peanuts.
In the east, the fruit from palm trees is the best
crop.... Cocoa tree are grown all over Western
Nigeria. In the South, yams and cassava plants
grow well with little care.
Production of the crops provided employment for many Nigerians. It still does even
now, but time seems to have changed, to a great extent. The change came with the
introduction of Western form of education, urbanization, and the search for white
collar jobs. From the 50s to the 70s when there were not many educated Nigerians, it
was not difficult to get a job, as teacher, nurse, lawyer, accountant, clerk and cleric.
Bernheims (1968:33) notes that:
The rush for city jobs with high salaries and
air-conditioning resulted in a shortage of
educated men willing to serve in the bush...An
African doctor or engineer earns ten times less
than a politician, and a farmer in the bush (almost
90 percent of the Africans are just that) would
need 120 years of hard work to earn what a
Cabinet Minister makes in one.
Unfortunately, the rush for'jobs in the city has been endless and availability can not
keep pace with it. What is worse, even an educated person wanting to take up a
white collar employment in the village (e.g. in a bank) may not get it nowadays,
because there are too many educated men and women in the Nigerian labour market.
In the words of Fawehinmi (the Lagos-based legal luminary and advocate; 2004:27):
The present situation is that of a father who
denied himself and sent his children to school. It is
the same father who after the students'
graduation, still feeds them because they cannot
have any work to do.
The problem is not just that too many persons have attained academic education, but
many industries and factories have liquidated and closed down, while many others
are either retrenching workers to downsize, or freezing employment to curtail their
workforces. The reasons for low-level of industrialization are legion, but the most
important of all is the absence of basic infrastructure, such as regular electricity supply,
good roads, availability of petroleum and diesel, effective and affordable telephone and
other fast means of communication, together with tap water and medical facilities.The
greater the difficulties encountered in procuring these necessities, the higher the cost
of production, and that creates inflation and lower standard of living. When goods are
too expensive, they tend to become prohibitive, exorbitant prices make the producers
lose patronage, and workers are retrenched, thereby throwing more persons into the
labour market, which amounts to high rate of unemployment. Yakoob (2004:17)
notefcthat:
Outside the sophistry of economic indices, the
reality is that Nigerians have found it increasingly
difficult to get jobs, while a lot have been relieved
of the few jobs they were coping with. Nigerians
have to toil more than usual before a small morsel
hits their mouth. Their take home pay can hardly
take them home in the face of rising inflation.
Many Nigerians have discovered that it is much cheaper to import goods than to
produce them locally where they pay through their noses to procure amenities, such
as electricity, fuel, water and so on that go into means of production. Akanbi
(2004:42) observes that:
The government needs to create an enabling
environment to generate jobs. The current
performance of the manufacturing sectors need to
be improved upon to encourage adequate
investments in the sector. The present situation
which encourages buying and selling alone cannot
bring about a lasting dividend of democracy
being sought for.
Of course, buying and selling only help the industries of the exporting countries.
Lack of security of life and property is also said to be militating against job creation. And
this too constitutes a serious challenge to the Nigerian government, the Church in
Nigeria, as well as every Nigerian. It is rightly said that when it comes to security
matters, every hand must be on deck. Certainly, the government bears the greatest
responsibility for social security. As Dye (1990:8) opines:
Only government can legitimately threaten people
with the loss of freedom and well-being to modify
their behaviour. Moreover, governments exercise
power over all individuals and institutions in society corporation families, schools and so forth.
Obviously, the power of government in modern
society is very great, extending to nearly every
aspect of modern life - 'from womb to tomb'.
In Nigeria, insecurity and a feeling of vulnerability are dominant. Cases of armed
robbery, and ethno-religious conflicts constitute threats to human life and property, and
many persons have experienced devastating losses through them. The implication for
unemployment is that many affected industrialists and factory owners have gone out
of business, and not many foreign investors are wiling to face the risks of socio-political
and economic security upheavals.
At a conference on theological education and nation building, a young theologian
with no knowledge of Nigeria's economic history wondered why some participants
should be talking about reconstructing and rebuilding Nigeria, while he saw nothing
on ground to rebuild or reconstruct. He thought people should simply talk about
building Nigeria (which has never been built). In a way, he was right, because, as
Tofowomo (2004:17) notes, "most of our socio-economic infrastructure have been
destroyed beyond redemption". With specific reference to Oyo State, Oloko (2004:44)
notes that "virtually, all the known indices of human development, such as improved
social infrastructure had given way to decay". This is not only true of Oyo State, but
most States of the Federation. And, to that extent, the young man was right. Otherwise,
he was told, correctly, that it was not out of place to speak of rebuilding and
reconstructing Nigeria, because life was much better in many respects, than it is now.
Odumakin (2004:15) remarks that:
Nigerians enjoyed fuel stability between 1966 to
1978 when Obasanjo came to power. When he got
to power, he didn't hesitate in increasing the fuel
prices. And up till this moment, there have been
hikes and hikes of petroleum products since he
came back in 1999. You know that when there is
an increase in fuel prices, ii affects every other
commodity. Honestly, you need not be told that
people are so frustrated.
It is unfortunately true, that most Nigerian leaders from 1978 until now care less
whether Nigerians are frustrated or not. In the words of Tofowomo (2004:17), “Our
perception of governance is to loot and empty the treasury, accountability has no
meaning in Nigeria. Our academic institutions look like war-torn zones. Interrupted
electricity is part of our daily
lives. Health care has become history".
What many young Nigerians understand by politics and leadership today is an art of
making empty promises, embezzling public funds, and living extravagantly. Socio-political
and economic corruption has been entrenched in the social fabric, and has more or less
become a culture. This matter is aptly put by Oderemi (2004:11), when he observes
that:
Almost 44 years after divesting itself of the shackles
of colonialism, the country has been held hostage
by a set of indigenous imperialists. As parasites,
the new colonialists have sustained their robust
cheeks and f protruding tummies at the expense of
the comfort of the vast majority of the population.
Nevertheless, many persons testify that Nigeria used to be a country with more than
enough employment opportunities for the populace, and that many Nigerians had
served the nation very selflessly in the past. Fawehinmi (2004:27) has this to say:
I remember August, 1959. Chike Obi, when he was
in parliament, wrote a paper, made it to pamphlet
and circulated it as "The Facts the People Must
Know". He said that we did not have it so bad
with corruption in the country. That was 45 years
ago... I don 't know what Prof. Chike Obi will say
now. An old man seeing his country massively
destroyed by corrupt people.
The summary is that financial corruption in high and low places in many corridors of
power in Nigeria has compounded the problem of unemployment in the country,
because large scale embezzlement of public funds leaves close to nothing for
infrastructural development that is essential for government and private driven
economic ventures. Part of the problem is that lack of amenities is making rural-living
unattractive for people who have tasted something of them in towns, and those who have
only heard about them and would want to experience life in big towns wherein the
tattered amenities are concentrated.
Beyond the foregoing farming itself has become unattractive for a number of reasons.
Principal among the reasons is the inability of most Nigerians to procure modern
agricultural implements, such as tractors, weeding machines, engine-driven harvesters
and food processors. Moreover, in the absence of adequate storage facilities, most
farmers in Nigeria flood the market with their products at harvest season, thereby
making supply to be higher than demand, and that results in selling at ridiculously low
prices that cannot cover the production cost.
Many Nigerian farmers turn to their children who are in town for financial
assistance to survive, not Song after the harvest season, or even during the season
when they are troubled
by labourers whose wages cannot be settled due to poor sales. Mori often than not,
transportation takes a lion share of the proceeds on account of distance and had
condition of the roads. The dilemma is that when the farmers decide to sell product in
their farms, they are severely exploited by bulk purchasers who, at any rate, make
much more money from the goods than the farmers who produced them. Farmers who
deal on export crops, such as cocoa, cotton, tobacco and groundnut are not better off.
They are exploited by international conspiracy and middle men and women who realise
that most of the farmers have no access to the consuming market. An educated person
who knows the secrets but lacks financial ability is almost as helpless as ignorant
farmers.
The odds are such that it is not always reasonable to blame anybody who is unemployed,
and yet refuses to resort to farming but instead prefers to join the army of the
unemployed who are ready to do whatever is available and legitimate for a living. In
the words of Joinet (2000:35):
Thanks to the market economy system young
people can now take some initiative, especially in
towns. They work for a few hours, weeding out
gardens, cutting down trees, fetching water -just
minor jobs which help them to eat at least once a
day. Many also get involved in petty business as
street hawkers and peddlers. You can see
hundreds of them in the streets of large towns,
offering their goods at street corners and
bus gatherings.
One can add that some hard-working and honest young men and women have been
lucky to fall into the hands of some philanthropic rich persons who sponsor them to
become lawyers, architects, doctors, etcetera, having moved from village to town in
search of such jobs as gardening, housekeeping, shopkeeping, office keeping or
gatemanship. Many are, however, unlucky and fall into evil hands and situations. Of
course, when too many persons migrate into towns, joblessness ensue, slums are
created and crimes are not often avoidable. As Joinet (2000:30) further observes:
Jobless young people who stay idle from morning
till evening feel excluded and deprived of any
dignity. Some of them soon develop a deviant
behaviour. They can easily be introduced to the
use of drugs and indiscriminate sex by their
peers. Jobless and penniless girls can learn from
friends of their age group how sex can bring easy
money in spite of the threat of AIDS.
Urbanization, unemployment and crime, including armed robbery and prostitution
remain challenges before the government, the Church and every right-thinking
Nigerian.
Government's Solution to The Problem Of Unemployment In Nigeria
One successive government after another has accused the preceding ones of being
responsible for Nigeria's plight, which includes hyper inflation, unemployment, farfetched infrastructure, un-enabling and even disabling environment. As noted earlier,
there was generally no problem of unemployment in Nigeria until 1980s. The problem
became more acute in 1990s and continues till now. Even when General Olusegun
Obasanjo was propagating his Operation Feed the Nation in late 1970s, it was not for
lack of employment, but the consciousness that food should not constitute a problem
in a country with abundance of fertile land, such as Nigeria. His government was,
therefore, appealing to all Nigerians, including civil servants and non-professional
farmers, to cultivate food crops on any available piece of land around them. He was
not telling people to go back to professional farming per se.
In the second-half of 1980s, the embarrassing level of unemployment and poverty
prompted the Ibrahim Babangida government to establish People's Bank to grant soft
loans to poor Nigerians to go into all sorts of small scale industry or boost input into
existing business ventures, including farming. The immediate question imaginable is:
To how many, in many million persons, can a government grant adequate soft loans?
And how can one guarantee accountability and reliable records, in a country that was
pervaded with unbridled bribery, nepotism, favouritism and various forms of corrupt
practices, especially when the government itself was not known for any fiscal discipline?
In the words of Igbokwe (2004:4), "Babangida democratized and institutionalized
corruption in Nigeria."
Several other attempts were made by the Babangida administration toward
creating employment. He set-up the Directorate of Food, Roads, and Rural
Infrastucture (DFRRI), and the National Directorate of Employment (NDE), but not
much came from either. Oshun (1988:80) records how the administration imposed "a 15month National Emergency Recovery Fund (NERF), which is a mandatory levy upon all
categories of workers, both in the public and private sectors" because most Nigerians
asked the government not to get any loan from the International Monetary Fund. Yet,
the government still went ahead to get the loan secretly, only to later make ordinary
Nigerians to go through an emasculating Structural Adjustment Progamme (SAP).
The situation was such that unemployment became heightened, retrenchment
increased, and many businesses collapsed.
General Sani Abacha came to power in 1993- 1998. To his credit, he generated
some employment opportunities when he created more states and local governments, to
bring their numbers to 36 and 776, respectively. The Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF)
which he established also did some good by rehabilitating and constructing a number of
roads, creating and support I r: a number of health and academic institutions. The Fund
was raised through increment of prices of petroleum products. Its managers were
accused of embezzlement by main N but they left some landmarks, in terms of
infrastructural development.
Overall, Abacha years were excruciating for most Nigerians, on the bases of
intractably high rate of unemployment, embargo on promotion of workers, and delayed
salary payment. His tenure was also marked with importation of toxic fuel, from which a
number of Nigerians died and many motor vehicles got knocked.
The best summary of the tenure of Abacha's successor, General Abdulsalami
Abubakar, may be found in a comment by Tell (1999:4), to the effect that: "The
Junta's Corruption Public Liability Company is threatening to surpass that of the late
dictator (Sani Abacha), and embarrassing those who thought Abubakar would be
different". Indeed, the magazine's cover page of the edition carries the title: "Looting
Incorporated: How Abubakar and His Generals Plunder Nigeria". In the observation
of many interviewees, even the transition to civil rule, which Abubakar organized was
highly stage-managed.' He is not, generally speaking, remembered for anything good, at
least not for infirastructural development or job opportunities.
May, 2004 marks President Olusegun Obasanjo's fifth anniversary in office. He was
re-elected after completing his first term (of four years) in the presidency. Many
Nigerians would agree with Abdullah! (2004:14) that "the first four years was used in
playing politics and trying to stabilize". The government's promise to empower Nigerian
masses and develop the nation, as declared in its empowerment and development
strategy (NEEDS) and monetization policy has not materialized. Seven years after,
electricity remains erratic where it exists at all. Most of Nigerian roads are in sorry
states. The same story applies to most educational and health institutions. Prices of
petroleum products are constantly increased, and the economy is unstable.
At the fifth anniversary of his presidency, Obasanjo was asked on television what
his achievement was in terms of employment. He said the presence of many Global
System of Mobile (GSM) communication companies in the country has provided
employment for many Nigerians who now set-up payphone booths and handset
shops. He was, in a sense, very, correct. But, when too many persons flock into a
business, surviving by that business becomes share luck, except may be through
incredible ingenuity or fraudulent sharp practices.
On a more positive note, the tenure of Obasanjo is characterized by regular
promotion of workers and prompt payment of salary in some quarters. But the rate of
inflation is too high, and so, most workers live from hand to mouth, only managing to
survive. Many other workers are owed several months' salaries. The general impression is
that Obasanjo was more interested in foreign trips and relationship than in providing
infrastructure that could help a private sector economy to engender employment
opportunities. In that light, Sani (2004:9) calls Obasanjo's Nigeria:
A country where the rulers waste their time in
Abuja by traveling all over the world and looting
the national treasury. House of Representative,
Senate, what for They are criminals, Looters,
People who in some countries must be put in
jail.
Along the same line, Fawehinmi (2004:27) recalls how "by their own admission, one
of the ministers (finance) said recently, that the governors when they get allocation,
change it to foreign currency and take it outside the country". Thus, in spite of all the
talk about Poverty Eradication Programmes, the country is still a place where most of
the employed are crippled by inflation, and majority of the youth cannot get jobs, with
all the dire consequences that youth unemployment implies.
On the side of government at Federal, State and Local levels, it should be said that
some efforts can be seen, in recent times, along the line of rehabilitating and building
some roads, making boreholes or wells, provision of electricity and pipe-borne water for
some communities (inconstant as the two commodities are in Nigeria), offering some
loan to some farmers, providing some tractors, fertilizers and genetically enhanced seeds,
and granting some financial assistance to some students. Some men are known to
have obtained loans to purchase vehicles for commercial purposes, while some women
have also received loans or instruments for some small scale industries, such as grinding
engines, sewing machines, and kiosks together with coolers (or warmers) for selling
food and drinks. These efforts are, but a drop in the ocean of unemployment in
Nigeria, and many Nigerians see that government at various levels are doing much
less than expected, given the amount of resources and the revenues that are available in
the country. The government is said to be giving no more than palliatives to Nigeria's
under-privileged majority. And the situation does not seem to be improving, it is getting
worse. Nnamani (2003:10) notes:
In 1962, the level of economic development of
Nigeria •was at per with that of the current Asian
tigers. Over 84 percent of Nigerians were safely
above poverty line. But you know, the bubble burst
as poverty level rose from 28.01 in 1980 to 46.03
percent in 1995. In 1996, 65.05 percent or 67.01
million Nigerians were severely degraded by
poverty. At the last count in 1999/2000, 87
percent or 93 million Nigerians could not make ends
meet. That is, they cannot eat good food, they
cannot clothe properly, and they cannot live in
clean and decent places.
Nnamani wrote his article in December, 2003. Between then and now, not much has
changed in positive terms. Apparently, the only persons who are not complaining in
Nigeria today are those who have access to the wealth of the nation at one level or the
other. Okwara (2005:4) reports that:
As Nigeria celebrates her Jive years of
democracy in this Fourth Republic, the mood of
Nigerians suggests that there is yawning gap
between promises and performance by the
politicians. According to Chief Ozekhome,
"What we have today is government of the few, by
the few and for the few ". We do not have genuine
democracy. Nigerians are poorer today than they
were five years ago.
As a matter of fact, many Nigerians were happy to hear President Obasanjo saying
that his administration was moving from Poverty Alleviation Programme (PAP) to
National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP). But, even though some persons
benefited from some loans, the situation on the whole has been that of "easier said
than done". It is disheartening to hear many Nigerian rulers saying that things will be
better in ten years time, when they know that they would have been out of office by
then, and that they can hardly be called back to answer queries. Thus, for instance, the
year 2000 (the beginning of the third millennium after Jesus Christ) which was
proclaimed, in many quarters, as the magic year for the commencement of eldorado
never turned out to be that. What can be seen to be responsible is a mixed bag of false
promises, dishonesty, financial misappropriation, and lack of continuity, whereby
previous policies and certain positive lines of action are abandoned by successive
rulers. Akanmidu (2004:20) notes that "the same discontinuity factor is well
represented in all the Nigerian poverty alleviation programmes".One's observation
is that not many programmes have been backed-up with honesty of purpose and
unalloyed commitment.
In Ilorin, the capital of Kwara State, Governor Bukola Saraki has appointed a
number of street sweepers, provided refuse containers and waste disposal vehicles. In
addition to these obvious newjob opportunities, he has attracted a number of investors,
including some white farmers from Zimbabwe who will start operating in the State in
due time. Thus, some jobs and prospects for future employments are set in motion by a
number of governors. A number of them, including Governor Saraki, embark on
"back to farm" programmes, but only time will tell what real employment and financial
benefits are held in the programmes. For instance, it was reported that Governor
Rashidi Ladoja of Oyo State's "Agricultural Re-Awakening Programme (AIRPOS)
provides land, seeds, tractors and insecticides for farmers to plant maize, melon and
cassava to boost agricultural production".(Oloko: 2004, p.44). But, for how many
farmers are the provisions made, in what quantity, and at what prices? Besides, the
programme is of no benefit to farmers without effective storage facilities and profarmer markets, locally and internationally. How ready are Nigerian governments to
tackle these issues? That is very crucial, because Nigerian farmers, even with their
crude implements, usually oversupply the market at harvest season, only to sell at a
loss or pathetically low profits. Khor (1998:33) notes how Western-based Institutions
destroy third-world economies by opening the third-world countries to foreign goods.
In his words:
More devastatingly, international agencies, such
as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the
World Bank, the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade (GATT) and later the World Trade
Organization (WTO) were used to change the
nature and structure of third- world economies,
reducing their self- reliance and opening their
territories for foreign products, foreign firms and
banks. (p,33)
In that respect, President Obasanjo has been banning some foreign products, including
some agricultural products, from Nigerian market. One can only hope that the ban will
be effective and permanently so. It remains to be seen that Nigeria will be able to
produce enough in quality and quantity, with prices that are not higher than those of the
banned ones. Overcoming pressure from foreign producers and avoidance of bribery and
corruption by many of Nigerian politicians can also be the beginning of wisdom, to a
great extent. Above all, many of Nigerian rulers are not known for matching action
with words, consistency and positive policy maintenance.
As things are, the worst-hit are the unemployed majority. To a great extent,
unemployment has resulted in rampant armed-robbery cases (which means violent
insecurity of life and property), child abuse, including sale of one child or the other,
prostitution, trafficking of women, girls and drugs, cases of hypertension and suicide.
Unemployment has led to brain-drain, whereby many of Nigeria's intellectuals and
technological elites migrate or emigrate in search of greener pastures in America,
Europe, Asia and other parts of the world. Unemployment and poverty have
disintegrated many families. Many Nigerians long for opportunities to leave Nigeria
in search of better life in actualization of their potentials.
The Effort of the Church at Tackling the Problem of Unemployment in
Nigeria
If the Church used to be exclusively otherworldly, she can no longer afford to be so.
She must forever be sensitive to what is happening to human beings in the world. So
was the Lord, Jesus Christ. Although He is quoted as saying "My kingdom is not of
this world" (Jn. 18:36), He is also portrayed as one who cared about people's wellbeing, healing the sick (e.g. Luke 17:11-19), and feeding the hungry (Mat.15: 3238). One of His parables is specifically about a landowner who was employing the
jobless throughout the day, and paying them just wages (Mat. 20: 1- 16). The Church
is expected to animate the same spirit of humanitarian concern.
Good enough, the Church has a human rights tradition. David Hollenbach notes how
in the spring of 1963, Pope John XXIII issued the encyclical letter Pacem in Terris,
which was addressed to all Catholics, Christians and "men of good will" throughout
the world. In the encyclical, as Hollenbach notes, Pope John XXIII set forth "the most
powerful and thorough statement of the Roman Catholic understanding of human
rights in modern times". On the specific content, Hollenbach (1979:41) observes:
Pacem in Terris boldly affirms a wide variety of
rights, including the right to life, the rights to
food, clothing, shelter, rest and medical care, the
rights to culture and education, the rights to
freedom of expression, association and the free
exercise of religion, the right to work, organize
and form labour unions, the right to private
property and the right to juridical protection of all
one's human rights.
It is interesting to note that the right to work is mentioned among the human rights
listed. In point of fact, the history of Roman Catholic concern for human rights has a
definitive beginning in the Pontificate of Pope Leo XIII who, in 1891, issued the
encyclical, Rerum Novarum (on the condition of workers in industrial society).
(Okechukwu: 2004:13). As explained heretofore, there is a high rate of unemployment
in Nigeria. Due to that, some other rights can also not be realized, such as the rights to
food, clothing, shelter, rest and medical care. Before delving into what the Church is
doing about the problem of unemployment in Nigeria, one would like to examine the
Church's level of awareness of the situation.
There is hardly any doubt that the Church in Nigeria is very much aware of the
problem of unemployment in the nation. At Advent in 1996, the Local Ordinaries of
the Lagos Province issued a Letter, titled: For I was Hungry - Mat. 25:35, in which
they stated that:
The current wave of retrenchment of workers
within both government and non-governmental
organizations has only worsened the. crime rate.
What do you expect unemployed young people to
do for survival? These young people accumulate
frustration upon frustration, and end up falling
prey to the insidious allurements of drug barons
who are only too prepared to sacrifice the
innocent youth while they themselves go scot
fre& (p. 9)
1996 happened to be General Sanni Abacha's third year in office, as Nigeria's Military
Head of State. His rule was a continuation of that of General Ibrahim Babangida, and most
Nigerians suffered hardship under both rulers, as under the civilian President, Shehu
Sbagari, that preceded them. No wonder, in the same 1996, a book by a Catholic
theologian, George Omaku Ehusani's A Prophetic Church was published. In it, he
was calling on the Church not only to speak boldly against unjust exploitation,
oppression and marginalisation, but to adopt measures, such as protest match and
boycott, where necessary, as the prophets of old would do. On the issue of
unemployment, he observed:
Millions of Nigerians, including family heads
are unemployed, and have practically no source of
income. Many of them are now and again ejected
out of their rented houses along with their wives
and children. They take refuge under over-head
bridges, in motor-parks and in petrol stations, or
they parade the streets like vagabonds, and are
daily exposed to the elements. As the times get
more critical, these poor Nigerians have resorted to
scavenging. Thousands of them can be seen daily,
rummaging through garbage dumps in search of
sour food, rotten fruits and used clothes.
(Ehusani, 1996:7).
Similarly, in a booklet he wrote in 1996, but published in the year 2002, Bishop Alexius
Obabu Makozi of Port Harcourt diocese notes:
Twelve years ago, a fresh graduate on N6,000.00
per annum could live comfortably and even afford
to buy a car. Today, however, the fresh graduate
who is lucky to get a job, may earn as much as
N20,000.00 but this amount can hardly provide for
his basic needs of food, shelter and clothing. Yet,
such a young graduate lucky to get a job often has
a number of family relations who depend on him
for sustenance. (Makozi, 2002:14.)
The foregoing clearly indicates that the Church in Nigeria is very much aware of the
problems of unemployment, poor condition of service, and the prevalent misery in the
country. Being aware of the situation, the next question is: What is the Church doing
about it? The answer to the question is found, to a great extent, in the book by Bishop
Makozi. He observes how, over the years, the Church in Nigeria has, through the
Bishops jointly and individually, issued "powerful statements" in defence of truth and
for the promotion of justice. He notes further that at one of their meetings:
The Bishops declared their renewed commitment
to promoting educational programmes that
would empower people to free themselves from
misery and degradation, as well as work for their
own well-being. These educational programmes
are to consist of Vocational Training, Adult
Literacy, Public Enlightenment Schemes,
Education in Fundamental Human Rights,
Rehabilitation
of
the
Handicapped,
and
Conventional Schools with a sound religious and
moral base. (Makozi, 2002:29f)
The prelate also notes that the Bishops encourage lay leaders, voluntary agencies and
well-meaning individuals to establish such community development programmes as
cooperative and thrift societies, credit unions, small scale industries, and the provision of
technical assistance to farmers. He did not forget to mention that some dioceses and
parishes run health clinics and hospitals.(p.30)
Indubitably, many Nigerians (Catholics and non-Catholics) benefit from the
Church's programmes of empowerment, employment opportunities, and social
services. But much is still left to be desired. For one thing, the Church in Nigeria is
said to pay salaries and wages that do not meet minimum measures to her workers, in
many cases, Okechukwu notes, for instance, how the Seat of Wisdom Seminary has
93 employed workers, most of whom are poorly paid. One reads in his write-up:
Out of the 93 workers employed by the Seminary,
82 of them are on an average of N2,000 per
month in the name of salary. 92% of this number
are married with children. Some will argue that
they are provided with accommodation, water,
electricity and the like. To such people I say: "Pay-
them their just wages and (they can comfortably
live in the town"... These workers are forced to
accept the mearge amount, which is under
subsistence minimum because they have no other
means of livelihood, (p. 28j)
The implication is that the Church is not better than the Nigerian society, in
reference to workers. Most employers cash-in on the high rate of unemployment to
exploit workers. Okechukwu also has something to say on the situation at the Parish
and Diocesan levels. He notes that:
In our parishes, some parish priests pay their
cooks N 1,500 monthly. In some dioceses, parish
priests receive an allowance of N4,500 every
month, while their parochial vicars are allowed
N3,500. With the rate of inflation, everybody
knows that this is quite unrealistic in our present
day society, (p. 29).
No wonder, the Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT) always protest whenever there is
any suggestion that the schools taken-over from the Church and other private
proprietors, since the 1970s, be returned by the government. The teachers always
object on the ground that the private proprietors, including the Church that used to
own most of the schools, will only offer poorer condition of service than the
government. The objection is based on the point that the Church is generally not known
for good salaries and wages, nor for granting retirement benefits, especially pension.
New Age (2003:17) report has it that:
The Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT) is
apprehensive that returning the schools to their
owners, many of whom are Christian missionaries,
might result in irregular payment of their
enhanced salaries or even in loss of job. They are
afraid that their welfare and working conditions
might be in jeopardy.
Thus, the general impression (or, is it experience?) in Nigeria is that the Church does
not treat workers well, at least in terms of emolument. On another note, there does not
seem to be much that can be termed "powerful statements" coming from the Church,
against the prevalent unjust, exploitative and corrupt situation in Nigeria. Atypical
statement has it, for instance, that*
The country as a whole is being held hostage. By
whom and in whose interest? It cannot be in the
interest of the masses who are being victimized
everyday. The Nigerian masses are crying to
heaven, "we are hungry for security and peace....
" The Church once again hears Jesus' call "for I
was hungry... " (Local Ordinaries of the Lagos
Province, 1996:10).
There seems to be nothing "powerful" in this statement. It rather smacks of
cowardice, if only because it would not mention those who held the nation hostage. How
does the statement compare with the prophets of old, such as Nathan, who would
confront evil perpetrators subtly, but in a pointed and effective manner? (Cfr., for
instance, 2Sam. 12:1 -15). It is possible that, here or there, the Church in Nigeria has
taken similar approaches, but much more may need be done, not to make the
approach appear abandoned or far-fetched. In the meantime, one cannot help but think
that the Church is afraid of being persecuted for truth and justice in Nigeria. Indeed,
how many bishops are ready for imprisonment as the Apostles were? (e. g. Acts 5:1721). One could hear a whisper: "The Roman Curia will not even encourage that
foolishness!" Smith (1966:64) advises whoever is aspiring to become a bishop to avoid
being specific. He notes:
The first principle is this: Never be specific as to
the Christian position on any burning social issue
of the day. For example, if you feel compelled by
current events to preach on racial segregation,
never, repeat, never, suggest that integration is the
Christian solution. Infact, eschew the term
'integration' entirely. It is far too specific. The
points you will want to make in this sermon will go
something like this 1. Extremism in racial matters is
the chief evil. 2. The colored people ought to reflect
on the great strides forward they have made and
not be too impatient for too much too soon. 3.
Brotherhood and Christian love will point the way.
'You can't legislate love' is an excellent phrase to
use here. (Since the congregation will define
'Brotherhood' and 'Christian love' to mean a kind
of vague goodwill toward colored people so long
as they stay in their place, they will take no
offence at this).
Indeed, more often than not, vagueness and evasiveness characterize the statements
of the Church in Nigeria, concerning issues of social injustice, exploitation,
marginalisation, financial misappropriation and mass impoverisation. The impression is
often created that the Church is adept in the art of making strong statements in form of
kid gloves, barking but not biting. And so, the Church cannot be said to have waged
any devastating war on unemployment in Nigeria.
Recommendations
Based on the findings of this research, one would like to make the following
recommendations:
1.
The Church in Nigeria should beware of the hypocrisy of the
politicians. The politicians are said to indulge in presenting dishonest
gifts, rather than struggling to meet the needs of the people, including
enabling environment for creation of jobs.
2.
If only because there is no automatic solution to the
problem of unemployment and poverty in Nigeria, the Church should
educate Nigerians, and support secular efforts at helping families to limit
number of children, in accordance with a couple's physical,
psychological and financial capabilities, toward responsible
parenthood. Indiscriminate objection to all forms of
contraceptives and use of condom smacks of insensitivity to real
difficulties experienced existentially.
3.
The European and Asian countries that export various goods and
services into Nigeria are not likely to want Nigeria's factories to takeoff or function adequately. And so, Nigerians must research into how
much such predators maybe colluding with local imperialists to
sabotage the country's industrial advancement on the path of boosting
the national economy and employment opportunities. Any shady deal
discovered must be exposed and eliminated. For instance, Nigeria is
currently a dumping market for all sorts of electric generators and
rechargeable lamps. It is difficult to see now the producers
and exporters will want Nigeria's electrical generating plants to
function stably, as in advanced countries, which only offer
negligible market for generators and rechargeable lamps. Many
industrialists in Nigeria are frustrated by problems of electric
generators, together with scarcity and high cost of diesel that often
arise. The only good alternative is for those in government to ensure
stable electricity supply by making the national generating plants
fully functional, all over the nation, and that will aid creation and
sustenance of business ventures, to a great extent.
Many Nigerians have blamed the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
the World Bank, the multinational corporations, and other foreign
influences for Nigeria's economic woes. Pressure should be mounted on
those in government to eschew corruption and spirit of selfaggrandisement, to be patriotic and careful, and no foreigner-can
get the better of the nation in the bid for economic breakthrough
and job creation.
Civil governance in Nigeria is characterized by compensation of
party loyalists, particularly party stalwarts. Thus, poverty eradication
programmes cannot but be selective, to a large extent. In that wise,
the Church should join the clamour for provision of infrastructure, such
as good roads, electricity, potable water and effective postal system
and telecommunication, which will benefit the citizenry as a
whole, facilitate industrial ventures and employment opportunities,
rather than doling out money to some individuals, in the name of poverty
eradication.
Simplicity in buildings and life-style will help the Church to be in a
position to fulfill her obligation to workers, and sanction her members
who abuse their public offices. The Church cannot think of sanctioning
4.
5.
6.
corrupt civil servants in her fold, if she looks to them for fat
donations, which may be beyond legitimate income.
Conclusion
The philosophy behind this research has been that, if there is to be socio-political and
economic justice, without which unemployment and poverty will continue to rise, there
must be some prophetic voices to jerk-up those who are in government, who control
the resources of the land. If the Church in Nigeria tends to shy away from any form of
effective confrontational statement or action, as this study reveals, how can she do
what theologians, such as George Ehusani, are suggesting by way of boycott, protest
match, and other forms of resistance? It is true that, much more than the Church, it is the
primary responsibility of those in government to provide security and enabling
environment for job creation, in good roads, electricity, potable water, schools, etc.,
but the Church should consider it her own primary duty to conscientise and challenge
injustices, social irresponsibility and abuse of office. This study has revealed that the
Church has not been just to workers in her service, to a great extent.
Like the biblical prophets of old, certain masquerades, diviners, priests and priestesses,
orators, singers and poets are known to rebuke evil perpetrators in African societies and
communities. But now, many Nigerians have no time or willingness to listen to them,
because they are regarded as ignorant pagans. Many Nigerians would rather listen to
Christian and Muslim alternatives. It remains to be seen that Christianity and Islam will
not fail to influence positive policies and actions for social-transformation, which can
translate to life in abundance for Nigerians, in employment opportunities and good
emolument.
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