MUSIC AND DANCE AS INSTRUMENTS OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION J.O. OJUADE

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MUSIC AND DANCE AS INSTRUMENTS OF POLITICAL
COMMUNICATION
J.O. OJUADE
Introduction
The experience of theatre is a unique one. Its fundamental component can be
the simplest of actions performed purposefully by one and observed by another in a
setting designated as a stage. That is only the beginning of theatre, of course, the
most basic of its elements. Yet, it is an experience for both the observed and the
observer that can be so significant as to change the lives of each. In this lively
scenario or experience, dance and music actively play important roles.
In this study, we shall take a look at the concept of ‘democracy’ and briefly
romance with the electioneering activities involving the use of music and dance in
Nigeria. While we shall be concerned with political actors and institutions that are
involved in the political process, we shall try to situate Theatre Arts in
electioneering campaigns and see how it has re-shaped the political development in
Nigeria. Also, we shall take a general survey of the role/function that dance and
music are playing in the electoral process in Nigeria. In the concluding section of
the chapter, we shall make a case for proper utilization of dance and music to
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promote stability and act as a carrier of adequate information that will not mislead
the electorates.
Theatre, therefore, refers to that participatory spectacle that includes artistic
expressions like songs, music, dance, mime, drama, costumes, make-up and the
likes. It takes its life from the continuous interactions of the ‘three S’, that is
Spectacle – created by the actors, Space – in a spatial delineation referred to as
stage and the Spectators – comprised of the people in a society forming the
audience1. This analogy simply illustrates the workings of democracy in a political
society.
Democracy is the form of government in which every citizen in a state has
political investments of political participation and trust 2. Democracy is usually
described as a concept that does not seem to lend itself to any universally accepted
definition because of the ideological, cultural and historical contextualization that
underpin its meanings3. Schumpeter posits that democracy is that institutional
arrangement for arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the
power to decide, by means of a competitive struggle for the people’s vote,
independent judiciary, bill of fundamental human rights, a free market economy,
and a two or multi-party system, in which every party has a chance of coming to
power through periodic elections4.
2
On the other-hand, democracy was described as ‘rule by the poeple’5. This
simply means a popular government. It is difficult to find a government where an
individual will be the sole ruler. It is a form of government in which people are
allowed to take decisions on issues that affect their lives. It is a system of
government in which the masses decide who should lead them. For instance, the
electorate during the last electioneering campaign in Ondo State sang their support
for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as follows:
PDP yìí lè mí ó se
PDP yìí lè mí ó se
Egbé aláyò tó n kórè wá lé
PDP yìí lè mí ó se.
[I will rather be a member of PDP
A richly endowed and joyous group.]
Moreover, it is also a system through which the people determine the
identity and relevance of every individual in the society. It is a system where
popular opinion in respected; a system in which an individual does not exist in the
true sense of the word, because an individual’s opinion has to be adopted by the
general public before it can be considered as being legitimate. A member of a
community, therefore, struggles to establish his relevance by contributing to
general society for there lies his own legitimate contribution. Therefore, it is a
political system where the will of the majority prevails over that of a group within
the body polity. This can only be achieved in a situation where the majority of the
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people in a political community participate fully in decision making on issues that
concern their collective co-existence, whereby the freedom and equality of the
citizens is adequately guaranteed and informs all spheres of their existence. This
giant stride can only be achieved positively through elections. Elections are part of
the democratic process, which are periodically held to provide opportunities for the
electorates to make important decisions about policies and programmes, as well as
choose representatives and the leadership through whom their decisions are
expressed when votes are translated into state power. Thus, the PDP supporters in
the last April 2003 polls, as part of their political strategies in order to win the
hearts of the electorates, made use of some flowery songs, music and dancing to
solicit support, such as:
(1)
(2)
Obásanjó ló le sé o
Ló o le sé
Àgàgú ló le sé o
Ló o le sé
[Only Obasanjo can do it
Can do it
Only Agagu can do it
Can do it]
Obásanjó ni mò n bá lo
Ìyà mi gbòn dànù
[I am in support of Obasanjo
I am free of want]
4
Consequently, there are divergent views among scholars on the factors
which influence elections and their outcomes. For instance, in America, Campbell
et al.6 oppose the widely held belief that the socio-economic structure of the
society is a major factor that influences voting pattern. Others are predicated on
class, religion, language and ethnic groupings. Campbell et al. opines that the
major factors are: first, the level of voters’ awareness of the political parties in the
political system and, second, the event to which voters identify with the various
political parties contesting elections. Another scholar, Downs 7, believes that
voters’ decision in a two party system, for example, is determined by their
tendency to make rational choice between the programmes and policies contained
in the manifestoes of the two parties. For instance, the supporters of the former
Governor of Kwara State, came up with the encomium loaded songs itemizing
their gains and trying to convince others as follows;
Lawal yi náà ni, Lawal o
Lawal yi náà ni, Lawal o
O kò’le fún wa, Lawal o
Ó fún wa ló’wó, Lawal o
Ó rán wa ni Mecca, Lawal o
Ó fún wa lo’mi Lawal o
Lawa Lawa, Lawal o
[It’s the same Lawal, Lawal
It’s the same Lawal, Lawal
He built houses for us, Lawal
He gave us money, Lawal
He sponsored our pilgrimage to Mecca, Lawal
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He provided water for us, Lawal
Lawa Lawa, Lawal.]
Based on the above, there is the tendency, therefore, for them to vote for the
political party that appears to them to offer programmes and policies which best
meet their material needs and aspirations. The aforementioned analogies draw us
nearer to the focus of this chapter which is the employment of dance and music as
a device by the political parties in order to reach the electorate. This is meant to get
the people adequately informed on their policies.
Elections in Nigeria: An Overview
The first recorded election in Nigeria took place in 1923 in Lagos and
Calabar. This was made possible following the introduction of the Clifford
Constitution in 1922, which made provision for four elected members of the
Legislative Council, three for Lagos and one for Calabar8. The development then
directly led to the emergence of political parties in the two prominent cities of
Nigeria. The Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) was formed and led by
Herbert Macaulay while the Calabar Improvement League emerged in Calabar.
The political impact of the elections was therefore restricted to Lagos and Calabar
with the participation of a minute circle of elites. The rest of the country including
the North was left in political darkness until 1946, when the Richard Constitution
provided for a Legislative Council that would legislate for the whole country. This
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consisted of the representatives of the three regions, which had been delimited as
separate political units. From 1946, after the introduction of the Richards
Constitution and the emergence of regional legislatures, the indirect system of
election was used in filling seats at both the regional and central legislatures. The
practice continued until 1954 when the Lyttleton Constitution replaced indirect
election with direct election as the means of choosing members of the Federal
House of Representatives. The indirect election is a system in which the people
choose from among themselves the person(s) who in subsequent elections
exercised their collective rights to choose the candidates and leaders to represent
them. This system was used in picking candidates at elections, especially during
the colonial rule in Nigeria.
Under this system of election, the adult males in each village came together
and chose one person to represent them at the district level. These men now elected
one person in order to represent the district at the provincial level. The provincial
Electoral College would then elect by secret ballots the specific number of
members to represent the province at the Regional Assembly. In the North, the
Native Authorities usually selected about ten per cent of the members of the
Regional Assembly while the rest were indirectly elected.
The consequent split into three political units, that is the Northern, Western
and Eastern Regions, in 1946 under the Richard Constitution led to riotous and
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acrimonious displays during the elections conducted to fill the regional and central
legislatures. The reason was that regionalism introduced ethnic politics.9 The
struggle for power and dominance among the major ethnic groups, Hausa/Fulani,
Yoruba and Igbo, transformed elections to political battles and created conflicts.
In 1960, Nigeria gained political independence. Direct elections were
conducted to fill the regional and federal legislatures as well as a considerable
numbers of local councils. Ethnic politics was already entrenched in Nigeria as the
various pre-independence political parties retained their ethnic identities and the
struggle for ethnic dominance became their major pre-occupation during elections.
This, they were able to achieve through various ethnic songs, music and dances.
This situation reflected in the outcome of the 1959 election, which ushered in the
independence constitution of 1960. Notably before 1960, it was one party system
in the regions, where dominant ethnic parties had been entrenched, with a multiparty system at the centre. This structure was retained until 1964 when a two-party
system evolved at the centre following the emergence of the grand party coalitions
namely, the Nigeria National Alliance (NNA) and the United Progressive Grand
Alliance (UPGA).10
Following the civil war, and after almost thirteen (13) years of military rule,
Nigeria decided to opt for a presidential system of government and multi-partyism.
The 1979 Constitution and the subsequent creation of more states, were believed to
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have doused and extinguished the members of ethnic politics. But all these
expectations and hopes were dashed as Nigerian politics in the Second Republic
was again haunted by the previous mistakes and failures.
The political transition programme that ushered in the Third Republic was a
total break away from the practice and norms of the old. The election as witnessed
in the Third Republic showed a considerable level of reduction of vices of the past,
but not totally and completely eliminated. It also witnessed a greater participation
of the people in the grassroots than had hitherto been the case, with frantic efforts
made to discourage resort to money politics. Hence, music, dance, songs
dominated the electronic media in form of jingles, and at political occasions and
rallies in order to win more support of the people. Moreover, these gains in our
polity were wiped off with the continual intervention by the military in the political
process of the nation.
Theatre Arts in Electioneering Campaigns
The Nigerian theatre, as a watchdog of society has played its role in bringing
all these ills to the attention of the society.11 Therefore, theatre evolved out of
man’s desire to cater for the inadequacies of nature, and to ensure its survival. The
ensuing relationship between theatre and politics dates back to the early Greek
period, where Aristophanes declared that ‘the dramatist should not only offer
pleasure, but should beside that, be a preacher of morality and a political adviser’12.
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The Greek society was quick to realize the potency of theatre in moulding
and moderating the political structure of the society. On the other hand, the
Romans domesticated their own theatre to celebrate victories at war, while in the
medieval societies, theatre was used to propagate Christianity, and the Elizabethan
theatre preached the ideals of the ruling class.
On the African scene especially in Nigeria, theatre was used both as coercive
tool or instrument to press hard people’s rejection of oppressive ideas, in order to
expose deviant behaviour and excesses of political actors. The late Hubert
Ogunde’s theatre company waged war against the colonial administration, through
theatre in Nigeria in the 1940s. For instance, his play title Strike and Hunger in
1945 was based on the forty-four day workers’ strike against colonial exploitation.
Also in 1950, he used his play Bread and Butter to address another pressing
political issue. These plays were used to challenge colonial rulers and their agents
in almost all societies in Nigeria through folk songs, music and dance
performances.
However, an in-depth study of the political configuration of Nigeria in the
pre-colonial period revealed that sovereignty resided in the populace, from whom
the rulers derived their power and authority. Here, the ruled had a way of checking
their erring rulers either through satiric displays or outright revolt through popular
actions that may lead to dethronement of such tyrannical leaders. Thus, theatrical
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performances provide the needed checks and balances that re-invigorated the
continuous survival of democracy in our traditional societies.
Conceptual Paradigm of 1999-2003 Theatrical Experience
It would be recalled that Nigeria got her independence in October 1960 from
the
colonial
masters.
The
democratic
exercise
can,
therefore,
be
described/observed to have commenced from that period. Hitherto, colonialists
were in power and the process of administration cannot be said to be fully
democratized. Although, consultations took place and there were other semblance
of democracy in the process of administering local and regional governments, it
cannot be defined as a full fledged democracy. With the attainment of
independence, Nigerians were faced with a new and alien system of government. It
was not only foreign but because the process of democracy involves the formation
of political parties on the basis of political ideologies and manifestoes, competition
became imperative. For that reason, the politicians quickly perceived the theatre as
a powerful instrument that can be used not only to convince the voters to vote for
them but also to influence the people up to the grassroots level.
Theatre Arts becomes a singular instrument that is not alien to the people
whether they belong to the elite class or the popular class. All other instruments of
advertisement and persuasion by the politicians are somehow alien and may not cut
across the entire segment of the communities. The theatre, therefore, becomes a
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unique instrument that was utilized in the campaigns leading to the Fourth
Republic between 1999 and 2003.
The conceptual paradigm in theatrical experience of that period must be
perceived against the background of the military rule in Nigeria. Of the 43 years of
Nigeria’s independence, the military ruled for about 22 years. This confers an
imperative significance on the use of the theatre. Hitherto, the military had ruled
without any serious consultation or any mandate from the people. The democratic
system demands not only consultation, but mandate from the people. The need for
persuasion to earn the voters’ favour enhances the use of theatre. Thus, Delvin
observed that at various times in history, groups with a particular message to teach,
a sermon to preach have used the theatre as an immediate, effective and
entertaining means of direct communications.13
In the 1999-2003 electioneering campaigns, the politicians engaged
themselves in the use of theatre in different forms and styles. Songs were
composed to present politician’s cases. The politicians themselves were engaged in
singing. The call and response method employed by Governor Orji Uzo Kalu of
Abia State in particular and other politicians during campaigns are cases in point.
When the occasion demands for it, the politicians did not mind dancing and
digging some theatrical steps in front of their enthusiastic supporters. Music was
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played premeditatively to capture the attention and interest of the crowd of
supporters.
In addition to call and response, the politicians sometimes encouraged their
supporters to clap and sing along with them, so as to build-up a psychological
compliance to their request for votes. One of the interesting highlights of the last
electioneering campaign was the transformation that was observed in the
personality of the PDP Presidential candidate. Here was a man known as a career
and disciplined soldier turned into a politician who is now engaged in the use of all
forms of theatrical gimmicks, including dancing, singing, clapping and
gesticulations in order to win not only admiration but also the support of the
crowd. If a man of his calibre can transform himself thus, from his military
posture, how much could one expect from the professional politicians when it
comes to the use of theatre?
Therefore, the fact that democracy is all about conviction and not coercion,
justifies the use of theatrical means. In addition, democracy also implies
advertisement of the politician’s manifesto and theatre is an effective medium for
this.
The Role of Dance and Music in Electoral Process in Nigeria
Dance and Music today have been important tools in the electoral process in
Nigeria. Characteristically, a close relationship exists between music and dance
13
since both depend on rhythm. Dance cannot be performed without some form of
accompanying music or rhythmic beats. Enekwe states that ‘the ineluctable power
of music’14 engenders a natural response of the human soul and body which is
dance. Rhythm is, therefore, the heartbeat of music and dance, while music is the
universal language of the soul.
Consequently, since the attainment of independence in 1960, creative artistes
have continually made their own contribution to the electoral process in varying
ways. The electoral procedures consist of primaries, conventions, campaigns,
elections and inauguration. Dance and music have played leading roles in Nigeria
in all the facets of electoral process. For instance, music and dance through media
coverage/ support have been used to:
(i)
Educate voters on voting procedures
(ii)
Warn against election malpractices
(iii)
Support the manifestoes of parties or individuals
(iv)
Enlighten the people on the conduct of elections
The political aspirants and their supporters have made use of music and
dance to achieve tremendous support and various aims during campaigns. For
instance, the dexterity of speeches that led into songs occasionally and transformed
into complete music fused with dancing as witnessed and relayed on the television
as campaign gimmicks, and physical display of loyalty, were captured as follows:
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(1)
The category of songs, music and dance used to throw their unflinching
support and loyalty for their candidates are:
(a)
(b)
(2)
Awólówò, bàbá Olúwolé
Awolowo, Oluwole’s father
Ìwo l’aa fi se
It’s you we have chosen
Ìwo l’aa fi s’agba ile
It’s you we have made the head of the land
Ìwo l’àá fi se é.
It’s you we have chosen.
Ta ló so p’a o ni baba
Who says we don’t have father
Káì aní baba
Yes, we have father
Shagari ni baba wa
Shagari is our father
Káì a ni baba
Yes, we have father.
The other category of songs, music and dance used to solicit for more
support include:
(a)
(b)
(c)
Laye Obasanjo ko sosi
No poverty during Obasanjo’s reign
Eni o kawe o
An uneducated person
O n gbowo osu
Receives salary
Laye Obasanjo
During Obasanjo’s time
Daddy, Mummy, Bukola ni e
Daddy, Mummy, cast your vote for
dibo fun
Bukola
B’ojo ba su
Don’t smoke when it is about
e ma ma mu siga o
to rain
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Olukoso ko gbodo ri’na o
It is a taboo for Olukoso to behold naked
light
Adelabu o gbodo ro’lope
Adelabu must not come in contact with the
men of Palm tree symbol (Action Group)
(d)
(3)
Bi Jeje ba wole
If Jeje wins
Gele mi a ta panpa
My headgear will be stylish.
The other category of songs, music and dance used to either satirize
individuals or opposition parties, also include:
(a)
(b)
(c)
Boo rowo mi
My hand is visible
O rokan mi
Not so my heart
Demon ni mo wa
Demo (NNDP) is my party.
Obasanjo ni mo n ba lo
I am in support of Obasanjo
Iya mi gbon danu
I am free of want.
Ponki la o ma sanyan
We shall eat pounded yam with relish
Ponki la o ma sanyan
We shall eat pounded yam with relish
B’owo ba ‘kuko
If we lay our hands on the cock
Ponki la o mai sanyan
With relish we shall use it to eat pounded
yam.
(d)
E ma’se bu Saraki (3ce)
Don’t blame Saraki (3ce)
Awon t’ofi si’po ni o dara
It’s those that he put in power that are bad
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(e)
(4)
E ma’se bu Saraki
Don’t blame Saraki
E o r’egbe wa bi?
Behold our party
Eyin te segbe yin jatijati
Those of you rubbishing your party.
The other category of songs, music and dance are those produced by our
Musicians/Poets who waxed records praising individuals or political parties in
order get more support from the electorate. Example are:
(a)
Sir Shina Peters’
-
Titled ‘Mr. President’ in 1994 on Chief
M.K.O. Abiola.
(b)
King Sunny Ade’s
-
Titled ‘Surprise’ in 1992 on Chief M.K.O.
Abiola.
(c)
Chief Kolligton Ayinla’s -
Titled ‘Kebe lomo’ in 2003 on Ex. Gov.
Muhammed Lawal of Kwara State.
(d)
Saad Zungur
-
Prominent in the Northern part of Nigeria.
(e)
King Wasiu Ayinde Marshall’s- Titled ‘Aiyetoto’ in 2002 on Ex. Gov. Lam
Adeshina of Oyo State.
(f)
Lae Gbenga Adeboye’s -
Titled ‘Aiyetoto’ in 2002 on ex. Gov. Lam
Adeshina of Oyo State.
The above examples show the forms and means by which our creative artistes
(politicians) have displayed their peoples’ loyalties in order to support their
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candidate or parties. These are in forms of either traditional or contemporary music
or dance medium.
Conclusion
In conclusion, it is clear from our investigations that the society is the bane
of democratic freedom in Nigeria. It was evidently displayed and confirmed in the
last April, 2003 elections that power resides in the electorate. Therefore, music and
dance medium have been well employed to further educate, inform and instruct the
populace. It has also been used to relieve people of tension, as they were
effectively employed for prevention of rigging. They were also used for campaigns
at rallies, for political slogans on Radio/Television in order to educate and reorientate the electorates.
Thus, we believe that they do more than entertainment of people. They
equally project the goals of the political parties. There is, no doubt, that music and
dance are tools/instruments of political communication in Nigeria’s fourth
republic. It can, therefore, be suggested that it is high time the experts in theatre
fields (Theatre practitioners) be called upon to ably sensitize the people and the
political group on the relevances that music, dance and theatre have in the
propagation of stable politics. Also here is need for government to ensure the
participation of the Society of Nigerian Theatre Artists (SONTA), who are scholars
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of repute in the area of theatre politics and administration, in the political process
in order to apply their theatrical experience to the poltiical development of Nigeria.
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Endnotes
1. Dandaura, E.S. Towards a Fundamental Political Theatre in Nigeria: The
Need for a Designer; A Paper Presented at the Society of Nigerian Theatre
Artists Conference held at the University of Ibadan, 1992 June 3-6.
2. Ayoade, J.A.A. Democracy: Its Meaning and Value, Ibadan: Vantage
Publishers, Ltd. 1998.
3. Schumpeter, J.A. Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy. New York: Harper
and Row, 1990.
4. Ojo, E.O. Democratic Transition in Nigeria: A Panoramic Overview of the
Hurdles in the Journal of the Faculty of Social Sciences, Obafemi Awolowo
University, Ile-Ife, 1998.
5. Switft, Richard ‘Democracy: Is that all there is?’ In New Internationalist,
304, 2000 June, pp.9-12.
6. Campbell, A. Et al The American Voter, 1960.
7. Downs, A. The Economic Theory of Democracy. New York: Harper and
Row, 1957.
8. Price, J.H. Political Institutions of West Africa, London: Hutchinson and Co
Publishers Ltd., p.37, 1997.
9. Coleman, J.S. Nigeria: Background to Nationalism, Berkeley: University of
California Press, pp.27-331, 1963.
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10.Dudley, B. Nigerian Government and Politics. London: Macmillan Press
Ltd. Pp.67-73, 1982.
11.Akinwale, A. ‘The Performer’ Ilorin Journal of the Performing Arts, Vol. 2,
No.1, 2000.
12.Boal, Augusto Theatre of the Oppressed translated. New York: Urizen
Books, 1979.
13.Delvin, Diana, Masks and Scene: An Introduction to a World View of
Theatre. London: Macmillan Publishers, 1989.
14.Enekwe, O. Theatre of Dance in Nigeria, Nsukka: Afa Press, 1991.
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