THE SECULARIZATION OF BATA DANCE IN NIGERIA
OJUADE JELEEL OLASUNKANMI
Introduction
On account of its athletic and overtly acrobatic characteristics, the general
assumption is that Bàtá dance is complicated, difficult, tedious and enervating for
the average performer. Despite its varied applications in present times, the notion
that Bàtá is religious dance meant for the devotes of Sàngó – the Yorùbá god of
thunder has persisted, thus further mystifying the dance.
This paper proposes to expose, focus on and highlight Bàtá as a secular art
form with wider application outside religious/ritual context as expressed by the
Alarinjo Traveling Theatre. The penultimate aim of this paper however is to put
Bàtá dance within the reach of every enthusiast and would-be performer by
describing and analyzing its origin-mythological and historical as it develops by
breaking the religious mould into which Bàtá had been cast. This paper thus gives
ample examples of some Bàtá music ensemble and dance types. Effort will be
made in this paper to include a simplified approach to the teaching of Bàtá dance
1
and expose the dramatic interactions that ensue between Bàtá dancers and
drummers in dancing arenas.
Dance Defined from Traditional Perspective
The art of dance may be considered as artistic expression predicated on
movement. Meaning that such expression involves the rhythmic movements of the
body to music especially with a view of expressing an emotion or an idea or to
narrate a story. In whatever way it is considered, it has a function or a utility,
which cannot be altogether expressed, in words but through the act of dancing
itself.
Dance is a major art form like Music,Drama, Fine Art, that is capable of
standing on its own without leaning on the theatre for its survival. Traditional
dance in Nigeria was a means of enculturation and socialization in pre-colonial
times. Traditional danc ewas not incorporated into the educational system by the
colonial masters because:
(i)
They saw it as a pagan and bestial.
(ii)
It was against their policy of civilization and christianisation.
(iii)
They saw it as a threat to their own culture, which they wanted to impose.
Traditional dance as an expression of social organization safeguards the
traditionally established social and political hierarchy and consequently the
2
standards of behaviour and morality within the society. It is often performed by
groups or teams of dancers and re-defines their position in the society. Such
dancers may be performed as apart of a festival or simply as a dance performance.
Specific dances for royal personages are two-folds: those performed by palace
organizations for the relaxation and enjoyment of the King of the one done by the
king for his subjects e.g. The Ooni of Ife, during Olojo Festival in Ile-Ife, or Ataoja
of Osogbo during Osun Festival in Osogbo.
There are also politically organized dances that can be used to enthrone or
dethrone a king e.g. in Abeokuta, women danced naked in protest during the reign
of Oba Ademola, Alake of Egbaland, led by Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti. It is
also a medium through which an individual can comment or advice a King on
some aspects of his rule, whether negatively or positively without incurring his
wrath.
Therefore in Nigerian societies, the survival of our traditional dances is
equally synonymous with the survival of life. Thus, Allan P. Merrian (1974:9:28)
says, “dance is culture, and culture is dance” that is, the entity of dance as a whole
is very difficult to separate from man and his natural environment.
The bulk of the Yoruba people are today found in the south western part of
Nigeria where they form one of the leading ethnic groups, Specifically, they
occupy the whole of Ogun, Ekiti, Osun, Oyo, Lagos and substantial parts of Kwara
3
and Kogi States. According to Atanda J. Adebowale (1980), Yoruba country lies
roughly between latitude 6 and 9 N and longitudes 2 30 and 6 30 East. Its Southern
boundary is the Bight of Benin, and extends from the eastern limit on the west to
the western border of the kingdom of Benin on the east. Beyond this area, pockets
of Yoruba population are found in other parts of Nigeria and in some other West
African Countries.
Bata as Expressed by Alarinjo Traveling Theatre
Bàtá dance study cannot be complete without reference to the Alarinjo- the
Genesis of the Yoruba traveling theatre. In her effort to rightly differentiate ‘stage’
dances from popular dances, Folabo Ajayi (1986: 1) states that “Stage dances
reflect more accurately a people’s cultural Values and aesthetic perceptions”.
The first account of the Alarinjo, the traditional Yoruba traveling theatre are
contained in the journals of Hugh Clapperton and Richard Lander (1830). It was
part of the activities marking their seven weeks’ stay in the Old Oyo (Katunga), the
then capital of Oyo State. They were invited by the Alaafin of Oyo to see a
performance provided by one of the traveling theatre troupes, which at that time
was waiting on the King’s pleasure. Thus, Adedeji (1978: 27:51) states that
“Ologbin Ologbojo founded the Alarinjo theatre”. He asserts that the theatre had
begun to flourish by the second half of the 16th century. The theatre began as a
4
lineage profession but with the demise of Ologbin Ologbojo, his mantle as head of
court entertainment fell on Esa Ogbin, a maternal relation to whom
professionalism in masque dramaturgy has been traced.
Activities of Alarinjo theatre spread over Old Oyo Empire, with a perfected
form of opening, called “Ijuba” followed by acrobatic dance displays before the
usual dramatic performances. In this performance mode, the only strong linkage of
which the actors, their revue and their audience are united is the orchestra, which
was made up of Bàtá set. It is not known when Bàtá became the orchestra of the
Alarinjo theatre to the exclusion of all other types of Yoruba drums. Therefore, in
the popular Alarinjo traveling theatre, Bàtá was virtually represented as an
accompaniment for their dances and dramas as it features in the troupes like
Eiyeba, Ayielabola, Lebe and later Agbegijo, Ajangila and Ajofeebo. This troupes
participated in various occasions ranging form Egungun Festivals to other secular
occasions, when they were able to satisfy people’s desire for entertainment, and on
occasions such as birth and death, to when they organized their own itineraries and
visited places, as their name connotes “Alarinjo”. These activities of the Alarinjo’s
explains William J. And Judith L. Hanna’s observation that:
African dance introduces and maintains the patterns;
eases socio-psychological tension; encourages the
fulfilment of such goals as reproduction work and
military activities, expresses the religious order and
strengthens the feeling of social solidarity.
5
Bàtá as shown by Joel Adedeji performs numerous duties in the performances of
the Alarinjo troupes. The leader of Bàtá in an ensembles serves as a “call boy” for
actors and at the same time communicates with the audience in order to give a
sequential explanation of events. At the same time, he serves the actors warning
signals via his drum language. For example, in a performance, which follows a
particular order of the Ijuba, the dance, the drama (spectacle and revue) and the
finale, the drummer warns the actors when they were exceeding their time limits
saying;
Má Sàfara
Bó bá burútán
Ìwo nìkan ní yí o kù
[Don’t get slack
If the worst comes
You’ll be left alone]
The flourishing of the Alarinjo theatre, with their theatrical entertainments, gave
the Yorubas a landmark, and equally prompted and established the opinion
expressed by Bruce King on Yoruba drama and theatre:
The preference for drama among the Yoruba writers...
has a tribal basis. Yoruba’s often speak of their various
forms of masquerade and rituals as dramatic art in
Yoruba land. There has developed a strong secular
commercial theatre in the Yoruba language (1978:9).
6
Unfortunately, the advent of colonialism, particularly missionaries and Christian
converts brought about a decline of the Alarinjo theatre. This decline actually gave
birth to the modern Yoruba traveling theatre, which was pioneered by the late
Chief Hubert Ogunde (he is popularly acknowledged as the father of modern
Yoruba drama and theatre). He was the first Nigerian artist of the contemporary
theatre to turn professional. He narrated his apprenticeship days under the Alarinjo
theatre in Oyin Ogunde and Abiola Irele’s Theatre in Africa, saying:
I was playing drums with the masqueraders in my home
town, when i was young, and this Egungun people gave
me the urge inside me to start a company of actors
(Ogunde, 1978: 49).
This he did in 1946, when he resigned his job as policeman and became a full-time
producer and performer of a form of musical entertainment known as “Native Air
Opera”. Ogunde’s example gave several other practitioners that came after him
similar approach of using traditional Bàtá music dance in their works. This
includes people like Duro Ladipo and Wale Ogunyemi. Dance was used in their
theatre to create performance mood and to fill the gaps during performances, and
to give enough room for scene changes.
Dance in modern drama is often mimetic. A playwright can use dance as an
index for his intention in a scene. Dance is not used as often as music, but when it
is prescribed by stage direction, it is almost always together with music as done by
7
Sango, the god of thunder, lightning and justice in Wale Ogunyemi’s Eshu
Elegbara (1970).
Origin of Bàtá – Mythological and Historical
Bàtá is also a music culture that is not confined to the phenomenon of dance.
Historical documentation relating to the origin of Bàtá dance is very remote, and
are of various forms. However, Yoruba oral traditions confined the emergence of
Bàtá dance to religious rituals. That is serving as accompaniments to Egungun and
Sango during their lifetime.
Ogunba and Irele (1978) claimed that Sango was an ancestor, deified and
worshipped by people after his death. It was Bàtá drums that used to entertain
Sango and accompany Egungun who were both relations and inseparable.
Baderinwa Abefe Oladosu (1982) explained that Sango, who was referred to
as “Oba Ko So”. Was once a tradtional king in Old Oyo called Oyo Ajaka. During
his reign, Timi and Gbonka were his warriors. He noted that Sango and Egungun
were friends, but Egungun was the eldest. Sango was masculine and powerful and
emitted fire from his mouth whenever he spoke. Interestingly, Bàtá music
accompanied both of them on social occasions. After the death of Egungun, Bàtá’s
full attention as an accompaniment now shifted to Sango.
8
Later, Sango ascended to heaven to avoid any humiliation that would have
overcome him from his warriors, who rebelled during his reign when Gbonka
plotted to overthrow and annihilate him. On his journey, Sango summoned the
Bata drummer, and instructed him to accompany him to where he was going to
hang himself.
Meanwhile, Gbadamosi Adebisi (1997) posited that it was one ace-drummer
known as Saate who made an innovation in the musical instruments used in Bàtá
music and dance. It is also to him that we owe the information on Bàtá Koto an
original form of Bàtá instruments.
This consisted of a set of calabashes, each covered with animal membrane
and each having a cloth strap by which it was hung around the drummer’s neck
with the drum resting in front of him. Bàtá-Koto was beaten with one hand and a
stick. The flat of the right hand is used to hit the membrane while the stick in the
left was used to beat on the side of the calabash. Sango was a beautiful dancer and
Saate an expert drummer.
Their acquaintance blossomed into a beautiful relationship and interdependence. They always performed together at festival and other public
ceremonies so much so that people came to associate them with each other and
always looked out for their performance together.
9
However as the oral traditional has it, Sango and Saate fell out over the
sharing of some gifts, which they were given after a performance. Saate felt he had
been cheated and withdrew his services. At first, Sango thought he could go it
alone and began to dance without drums. He was shocked when people began to
run away from him, taking him for a mad man. It was not long before he sent his
wife Oya to make peace between him and his friend Saate. Truly they say “a lovers
quarrel is but the renewal of love”. So much sweeter and stronger did Sango and
Saate’s friendship become that it was said that whenever they were eating (usually
from the same bowl) Sango would say;
Ìwo oníbàtá mi méran
Tí mo bá tíri ìyónú rè
Mo tó mi pe èkó ni.
[My Bàtá drummer pick a piece of meat
When I behold your softened heart
I know it’s a lesson]
He realised that it was Saate that added glamour to his dancing. So closely
associated did Sango become with Bàtá music that later on after his deification his
adherents claimed, whenever they heard the clap of thunder, that it was Omele
Ako’s sound that Saate was drumming for Sango’s delight and Sango’s dancing
was symbolised by the flashes of lightning. So, not even death could separate
Sango from his Bàtá music.
10
Oya the wife of Sango was also believed to be a great lover of Bàtá, which
she loves to dance. Therefore, Bàtá served as a crowd puller and a special language
to people at this particular time. Saate’s mastery of Bàtá is unquantifiable
sometimes he used his drums to warn people of Sango’s magical power and to
praise him due to his ability to move his body accordingly tool, such as:
Af’éni kogílá kolu
Af’éni Èsù n se
L’olè ko lu Sango
Af’eni ti Sàngó o pa
[It’s only someone who has been bedeviled
It’s only someone who has been possessed by Esu
That will attack Esu
That will attack Sango
Only he who wants to be killed.]
Sango loved Bàtá dearly, so much so that if he was eating his best food, and the
sound of Bàtá music comes on incidentally, he would abandon the food and prefer
to dance.
Bode Osanyin (1996) posited that the foundation of Bàtá in Nigerian is more
of mythological and even religious than factual history. He believes that, Bàtá is
attributed to Sango. It is one of those music fabricated for the worship of certain
gods or Orishas. Bàtá is dedicated entirely to Sango, the god of thunder and
lightning. Those who dance Bàtá try to emulate his personality by using their feet,
hands and shoulders. The sheer energy of Bàtá dance, its flashes and dashes
11
complemented by the thundering, rattling and piercing sounds of Bàtá drums crisscrossing pay tribute to Sango.
Fatai Ojuade (1996) explains that Sango in his lifetime was a warrior, and
anytime he wanted to go to war, he liked dancing to rigorous music in preparation
for war. It was as if the Bàtá rhythms put him in tune for war. He revealed that
Sango used to call for a drum (music) that could stimulate him and suit his
purpose. At the initial stage, Gangan (hour-glass) was brought for him to dance to,
but he rejected it, for it was too slow. Also, Dundun was brought, but failed the test
too. It was only Bàtá that satisfied his demands in the end, with Omele ako playing
the lead role. He was highly moved and danced to his satisfaction. That was how
he accepted Bàtá as his accompaniment to date, for it suited with his fiery and
tempestuous nature.
Bàtá Music Essemble
According to Sachs-Hornbostel’s instrumental Classification (1933), Bàtá
drums, which the Yoruba call Ilu Bàtá, belong to the membranophone group. The
Bàtá drums were originally employed exclusively in the worship of Sango. Owing
to the secularization of its music, it now features in other contexts such as political
campaigns and rallies, house warming, birth and naming ceremonies, installations,
coronations, death, funeral and burial of kings, chiefs or any other person of rank.
12
However, Bàtá is also used in the worship of other Yoruba deities such as Esu,
Sango, Obatala, Shonponna, Osun, Oya, Yemoja, Ogun, Ibeji, Orisha Oko,
Egungun and Obalufon. Its music permeates every level of traditional life be it
social, religious or ceremonial, showing that Bàtá music is an integral and
functional part of celebrations.
Bàtá Dance Types
In most parts of Yoruba land, the belief is that Bàtá dance ensemble belongs
totally to the Ojes (masquerade lineage), just like Bàtá drumming belongs to the
Ayans. The Ojes being families of professional dancers of masquerade lineage are
acrobats, magicians, and dancers of repute. Evidence from research has however
proved this wrong. For example, Alhaji Fatai Ojuade says:
It is not only people from the Bàtá family that dance to
its rhythms, people are gifted, some learn it, while some
acquire it, and some are devotes of Sango... (1996).
It actually shows that most beautiful dancers of Bàtá Music, are those that do not
have anything to do with Sango worship or masquerades. Moreover, a prospective
Bàtá dancer could take up apprenticeship of the art to Bàtá dancing under a master
drummer or a dancer for a number of years to learn the fundamentals of the art.
To the general observers of Bàtá dance, the belief is that there are two types
of Bàtá dances. These are the fast-tempo dance known as Gbamu, with the sharp
13
shoulder and head movements, and the very slow, soft mid-tempo dance known as
Ego. Al-though, the two types of Bàtá dance exist, there are many other types that
are based on experience, or the limits of the lead drummer or dancer’s knowledge
of Bàtá. They can be identified based on the rhythm of the drum and dance
movements that accompany them. Some of the existing Bàtá dance types are as
follows:
Ewo: a type of dance movement, that involves various degrees of body movement
in a subtle manner without the usual jerking of the body. It is the transition from
this movement to another form of mid-tempo dance that is known as Ego.
Gbamu: this involves quick light footed leg-movement coupled with extensive use
of jerks (Jija Bàtá) which involves shoulder jerks once, twice or thrice depending
on the drummers instruction. All these can be interpreted by the dancers movement
of the heads, shoulders, and hands or by jumping up and landing on their feet. It is
the most popular of the Bàtá movements’ variants, and widely used in Bàtá dance
performances in Yoruba land.
Esa: the movement here involves dancers wriggling their bodies at the same time
interpreting the drum language with alternating toe-foot movement.
Kogba: is a variation of Gbamu, which is also a dignified movement. It is usually
slower in tempo, than Gbamu.
14
Arabitiko: the movement here are full of beauty and funfare. It usually serves as
entrance dance movements for younger dancers, which they usually perform with
delight.
Elekoto: this is basically a female dance, with astonishing jerks that develop into
sets of three as the dance progresses.
Ijo Oge: another female variety. In this particular dance, it is the Omele Abo that
does a lot of work. The dancer wriggles her waist to the dance.
Abida: it is purely a male dance style. It is a movement in which the dancer makes
use of his hands jerking them in sets of two or three depending on the instruction
of the lead drummer.
Woro: this is a soft, gentle, mid-tempo Bàtá dance performed by both male and
female dancers. Here, the leg movements are generally slow and the dancers
gravitate towards the earth. It is a replica of Ija-fafa-ti-fafa (rhythm of the drum).
Afasegbejo and Salaja Koko: these are fast tempoed, faster dancer movements
which can be danced in varying ways.
Elesee: in fact, oral evidence shows that an Oba (King) in Igbaja, a Yoruba town in
the present Kwara State, wasadept with the art of dancing this particular Bàtá
dance style. It is related that after the towns people might have entertained the Oba
with series of Bàtá dance movements, the lead drummer use to call on the Oba on
his drum that it is His Royal Majesty’s turn to entertain his subjects too, saying:
15
Elésèé dìde k’óojó
Ajíjolá dìde k’óojó
Oba k’óojó
Dìde k’óojó
Oba Ìgbàjà
[Elesee stand up and dance
Ajijola stand up and dance
King of Igbaja
Stand up and dance
King of Igbaja]
The Oba would start his movements right from his sitting position on the throne
and rise up thrilling the audience with slow, regal and dignified movements. Some
other Bàtá dances are Jalasin, Etiketi, Siko, Gbandikan, which are not too energetic
and are created out of contemporary innovations of the dance.
The Teaching of Bàtá Dance
The mastery of Bàtá dance needs serious attention. It can be equated to the
learner of a new language that has to be familiar with all the alphabets. Therefore,
the teaching of Bàtá dance definitely will aid the would – be performer through
training, watching, rehearsin, listening attentively to instructions also.
Importantly, there are various ways of teaching Bàtá dance. Just like the
acrobatic Bàtá dancers teach the apprentice through imitations or mimicry; that is
the teacher demonstrates and the students repeats all the teacher did. Some
16
bystanders do watch the dancers while they are being taught and quickly grasp the
dance.
Some people acquire Bàtá dance without being taught. It is in born in such
naturally talented people, without necessarily being from Oje or Ayan lineage as
explained earlier on. Meanwhile, the surest way of teaching Bàtá dance is to first
and foremost introduce the Bàtá drum set to the learner of the dance.
The teacher or choreographer starts with Kudi drum and explains in detail all
that should be known about that drum and its function. After the mastery of Kudi,
he proceeds to Omele Ako, then to Omele Abo – the interpreter of the ‘mother
drum’ (Iya-Ilu). After Omele Abo comes Ijin. The work of this drum is to assist the
lead drum, Iya Ilu. Lastly, he moves on to the mother drum Iya Ilu. The students
will listen attentively to the sound of each drum and would know the significance
or part played by each drum in the ensemble.
Meanwhile, the next stage of the exercise is the combination of all the drum,
and the ability of the student to make sense out of the combination without being
baffled or confused. At the same time, the learner will be taught how to express
himself with the gesture of the head, eyes, chest, shoulders, hands, legs, and toes
when dancing Bàtá. The dancer will only be taught the commonest form of Bàtá
known as Gbamu, but all other various Bàtá dance styles will be introduced to him.
After
this
introductory
stage,
the
17
teaching
will
then
proceed
into
demonstration/rehearsal. The drummer would first followed by the demonstration
of the teacher, followed by the repetition of the movement by the trainee. The Bàtá
drumbeats can be introduced to the dancers/trainees in drum texts such as:
Item 1: Arabitiko- the dance is the first sequence which a trainee must master
before he can move on to the second stage. It is important to note that these verses
are codes especially composed to impart the essence of the movement to the
trainee. Some of the words have no clear meaning but are what music scholars
have termed ‘nonsense syllables’ – intended to facilitate the trainee’s
comprehension of what he/she is being taught at that stage. Thus, Arabitiko can be
likened to item 1 of the Bàtá dance syllabus. The words are also onomatopoeicimitating as closely as possible the various drumbeats to be mastered at each stage.
Item 2: the next item in the syllabus is called Ija-fafa-ti-fafa. Youth or younger
dancers perform it. It is acrobatic and athletic in nature. It can be performed at
social gatherings or various festivals.
Item 3: Peji pa, is the third of the syllabus. The trainee provides it for the mastery
of leg and foot movement in Bàtá dance. This step enables the trainee to adjust to
fast rhythms of Bàtá dance because it usually starts of slow then gathers
momentum (speed) as it proceeds until it changes to a much faster rhythm which
ends with a kick or a stamp.
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The Interaction Between Bata Dancers and Drummers In Performances
Expert Bàtá dancers and drummers are not known until they are in the dance arena,
where they put their skills on display. The relationship between the two is a cordial
one, that creates a scenario for the spectators. A dancer keeps creating movements
out of what seemingly sounds erratic, noisy, confusing and discordant t the novice
of Bàtá drums. The dancer all the time demonstrates that he is in charge of the
seeming ordeal, decoding, interpreting and weaving the staccato rhythms of the
Bàtá drums into beautiful patterns.
Bot the drummers and the dancers challenge one another. The lead drummer
especially tests the skills of the dancer by drummer texts (can be instruction/or
praise) which the dancer is required to interpret into dance action. The dancer in
return excels in interpreting the drum text sand in addition, through his skills and
mastery, counter-challenges the master drummer-as if to say “what more have you
got, I am up to the task”. The dance’s patterns bring out the aesthetic beauty of the
dance clearly to the lead drummer, thus creating an avenue for a “dialogue”
between the drummer and the dancer.
This dialogue is not audible to a spectator who is a novice. Only an expert
who knows the language of the Bàtá drums can decode the symbolic language of
the drums and the simultaneous interpretation of this language by the dancer. The
novice merely looks, on hearing the rat-tat-tat of the drums and the seeign of the
19
jerks, kicks and stamps of the dancer without understanding. Nothing annoys a
master drummer like a dancer who is not able to interpret simple instructions, and
therefore fumbles in the arena. Since the master drummer’s skill (this is so in most
African idioms) is a double-edged sword that can be used to praise as to abuse, the
master drummer will do the latter since master drummers usually have no patience
with such dancers. A good Bàtá drummer who knows his salt can induce a
spectator to pull off his shoes and join in the dance. This action asserts the saying
that:
A kìí fi bàtà jó Bàtá
[One does not dance Bàtá with shoes]
This symbiotic relationship between the dancer and drummer in performance, and
the ensuing drama provides an avenue of natural enjoyment and satisfaction for the
dancer, the drummer and the spectator as well. Nketia has further described the
artistic relationship between the two as follows:
Close collaboration is always required between
musicians and dancers because of the relationship
between the structures of the music and the design of the
dance, the latitude given for spontaneous variation which
demands that both musicians and dancers pay attention to
one another, and the need for observing the conventions
and models of interpretation demands by the dance
drama or its social context (1975:228).
20
Notes
1. Ajayi, Folabo. 1986. ‘Nigerian Stage Dances: A Historical Perspectives’
Paper presented at the National Symposium on Nigerian Dance, University
of Ibadan, July, 7th-11th page 1.
2. Clapperton, Hugh, 1830. Journal of a Second Expedtion into the interior of
Africa London, 1829, pp.53-56: Lander Richard, Records of Clapperton’s
last expedition to Africa London 1830 vol. 1 pp.115-121.
3. Adedeji J.A. 1978. ‘Travelling Theatre’ in Ogunba O. and Irele A. (eds.),
Theatre in Africa pp. 27-51. Reprinted in Ogunbiyi, Yemi (ed) Drama And
Theatre in Nigeria. A critical source book, Lagos 1981 pp.221-247.
4. William, J. And Hanna, Lynne Judith. ‘The Social Significance of Dance in
Black Africa Civilizations 21; 2/3 197 pp.238-242.
5. King, Bruce 1978. ‘Varieties of African Literature in Power Above Powers
(ed) H.H. Anniah Gowda, Centre for Commonwealth Literature and
Research (CCLR) Mysore University, Mysore, India.
6. Ogunde, Hubert. 1978. In a personal communication Theatre In Africa by O.
Ogunba and A. Irele pp.49.
7. Ogunyemi, Wale 1970 Eshu Elegbara Ibadan.
8. Oladosu Baderinwa Abefe. Stated this in an interview with this writer on the
Art of Bata dance and Music on October, 3rd 1982.
21
9. Gbadamosi, Adebisi A Bata drummer in an interview with this writer on the
Origin of Bàtá at Ikirun on April, 20, 1997.
10.Osanyin, Bode. Stated this in an interview with the writer on Bàtá Music and
Dance (its secularization) at the Centre for Cultural Studies, now Creative
Arts Department, University of Lagos, Akoka on August, 27, 1996.
11.Ojuade, Fatai Oladosu. Leader of Ojuade and his international troupe in an
interview on the secularization of Bàtá Music and Dance in Nigeria at
Okeigbo on May 21, 1996.
12.Nketia, J.H. K. 1975. The Music of Africa. London: Victor Gallanz Ltd.
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