MENTAL HEALTH AND SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF CHLDREN WITH AN
INCARCERATED PARENT
A Project
Presented to the faculty of the Division of Social Work
California State University, Sacramento
Submitted in partial satisfaction of
the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK
by
Zenaida Lopez-Cid
Monica Menjivar
SPRING
2014
MENTAL HEALTH AND SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF CHILDREN WITH AN
INCARCERATED PARENT
A Project
by
Zenaida Lopez-Cid
Monica Menjivar
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Jude M. Antonyappan, Ph. D.
____________________________
Date
ii
Student:
Zenaida Lopez-Cid
Monica Menjivar
I certify that these students have met the requirements for format contained in the
University format manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and
credit is to be awarded for the project.
__________________________, Graduate Coordinator __________________________
Dale Russell. Ed.D., LCSW
Date
Divison of Social Work
iii
Abstract
of
MENTAL HEALTH AND SOCIAL OUTCOMES OF CHLDREN WITH AN
INCARCERATED PARENT
by
Zenaida Lopez- Cid
Monica Menjivar
The study examined the impact of maternal incarceration on children’s mental and social
outcomes through both quantitative and qualitative secondary data. Large-scale
secondary data for general themes and detailed 20 case studies of incarcerated mothers
were used to examine the specific factors related to the impact of incarceration on
children’s mental and social outcomes. The major findings from the study indicated that
majority of children with an incarcerated mother remain in the care of the kinship
caretakers who had a good relationship with the incarcerated mother. Although 40%
percent of the incarcerated mothers showed pre-incarceration neglect of the children, an
equal number (40%) had a caring and nurturing relationship with their children. Yet 70%
of their children were in out of home placement with 75% in kinship care and 15% in
foster care. There was a statistically significant association (Cramer’s V of .555 p=.046)
between children not being in foster care and consistency of care. There was a moderate
association between the regularity of visitations (Cramer’s V of .488) with the
incarcerated mothers and children not having behavioral issues. The majority had
iv
visitations with the incarcerated mother whenever resources and time permitted such
visits. Children exhibit behavioral issues even when the kinship or foster care was
consistent with regular visitations with the incarcerated mother. The majority of the
incarcerated mothers had stable employment prior to incarceration and were first time
offenders with a history of drug abuse. Those mothers who were repeat offenders were
less involved in their children’s lives. The majority of the mothers reported being
anguished by the separation from their children and only one third of them received the
opportunity to have consistent care opportunities for visitation. There were significant
associations between maternal drug use and first time incarceration (Phi value of .555),
maternal drug use and whether children were neglected by the incarcerated mother (Phi
of .624), and maternal drug use and history of victimization (Phi value of .464). The
results indicated there was a significant correlation with respect to being a repeat offender
and the level of maternal involvement while incarcerated (p=.047). The researchers
recommend policy changes to offer consistent and integrated mothering of children
whose mothers are incarcerated, to prevent the vicious cycle of antisocial behavior and
mental health issues of children in their adult years.
_______________________, Committee Chair
Jude M. Antonyappan, Ph. D.
_______________________
Date
v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express appreciation for all those who have offered support,
guidance, and patience during the writing of this project. It is to them that I owe the
success of my work and my deepest gratitude.
To my project partner Monica Menjivar, in taking this journey with you I have
learned the lessons of strength, courage, and perseverance. This has truly been a growth
experience.
To our project advisor, Dr. Jude Antonyappan, thank you for your tireless support
of our project and unflagging faith in our abilities as writers and researchers.
To my professors Dr. Maura O’Keefe and Dr. Andrew Bein, and former
supervisor Laurie Butler, LCSW, thank you for showing me by example, and through
challenging coursework, the true meaning of social work and the possibilities of clinical
practice.
To my mentors Dr. Ruby Gibson and Mick Rogers, LCSW, BCD for your
constant faith in my abilities, for continually encouraging me to grow beyond my own
boundaries, for always emboldening me to follow my instincts and trust my capabilities,
and for being my champions. With your guidance I know and implicitly understand the
power of love and relationship to the healing process.
To my invaluable supportive, generous and loving family, especially Olivia and
Adelia Fonseca and Frank Reyna, as well as my dear friends, without whom I could not
have survived this process.
vi
To my parents who have always believed in me, for instilling in me the courage
to grow academically, spiritually, and personally (as well as always pushing me to do so)
for teaching me the strength and power of my heritage, and the importance of civil rights.
To my dad, Armando Cid, whom I lost before beginning my program, I thank you for my
ability to connect with, see, and hold space for others, for instilling in me a sense of
humor, out of the box thinking, creativity, and a love for the beauty and vulnerability of
humanity, on which I have relied every day of my life.
To my mother, Antonia Lopez, I thank you for simply everything. There are no
words for the gratitude I have for you, who have taught me how to imagine and advocate
for a better world, how to achieve the impossible and remain humble, for being a strong
Chicana role model, for showing me through example how to follow ones dreams, for
showing me the beauty of grace, and for always allowing me the space to be who I am. I
would not be the person I am without you.
To my fiancé and best friend, Alexander Agramonte, I thank you for changing my
life and helping me to be the person I always hoped I could be, for being my rock and
keeping me grounded, for being the best partner I could imagine, for being kind,
compassionate, patient, forgiving, and for always keeping me in your heart. I would not
have made it without you.
Finally, I give thanks to God and all the benevolent forces that have guided and
helped me along the way.
Zenaida Lopez-Cid
vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my greatest gratitude to the people in my life that have
influenced and supported me through this journey. First and foremost, I would like to
thank my family, friends, and colleagues for their unwavering support, understanding,
and humor throughout this process.
I would like to thank my colleague and project partner, Zenaida Lopez-Cid, for
sharing her passion, thoughts, and ideas and making it possible for this project to come to
fruition. Thank you for your encouragement, patience, and dedication. I couldn’t have
picked a better person to co-pilot this project with me.
I’m grateful for my advisor Dr. Jude Antonyappan for her continuous support for
the project, beginning from the initial phase of accepting us into her cohort, providing
recommendations in the early stages of conceptual inception, and through ongoing
advice, and encouragement to this day. Thank you Dr. Antonyappan for the guidance and
wealth of knowledge you bring to the program.
A special thanks and appreciation to my partner and best friend, Matthew Cronin,
for being my biggest cheerleader and counting down the days for me from the start of the
program. Your countless words of encouragement, your unconditional support, and
understanding grounded and reminded me of the purpose behind this voyage. I couldn’t
have done this without you.
Most significantly, I would like to thank my parents, Morena Monterrosa and
Oscar Menjivar. Words cannot express how fortunate I feel to have two parents that
viii
believed in my potential and who invested tireless time at work to provide me with
opportunities for educational and personal growth. Thank you to my mother for being the
model of what a strong, independent, and educated Latina woman can accomplish
through self-determination and courage. To my father whom I lost in the middle of this
program, thank you for being the person who gave me my laissez-faire attitude and nonconformist perspective on life and inheriting your innate ability to connect with others. I
miss you and know that you are always with me.
And finally, but most importantly, grateful to GOD who makes things all
possible.
Monica Menjivar
ix
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgments ……………………………………………………………................ vi
List of Tables ………………………………………………………………………….. xiii
List of Figures …………………………………………………………………………. xv
Chapter
1. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ……..…………………...………….……..…... 1
Background of the Problem …………………………...…………..…………….. 3
Statement of the Research Problem …………...………………………… 4
Study purpose ……………………………………………………….….... 5
Theoretical framework ….………………………………………….......... 5
Definition of terms …………………………………………...….……..... 8
Assumptions ………..………………………………………………….... 9
Social work research justification ............................................................. 9
Study limitations ……...…………………………………..……..……... 11
Statement of collaboration …………………………………...……….... 12
2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ........................................................................... 13
Introduction ……….……………………………………………..…….……….. 13
Historical Background ......................................................................................... 14
Intergenerational Trauma …………….……………………………......….…..... 16
Attachment and Deprivation of Appropriate Caregiving ……….……………… 19
Child Social-Emotional Development ………..................................................... 23
x
Child Educational Issues ………………………………………………….....…. 24
Social Ostracism and Stigma ……..……………………………………………. 25
Improper Housing ……..……………………………………………………...... 30
Summary ……………………………………………………………………….. 32
3. METHODS ……………………………………...……………………………......... 35
Study Objectives ……………………………….…………………….....…….... 35
Study Design ........................................................................................................ 36
Instruments ……………………………………………………………………... 36
Data Analysis ………………………..………………………………………..... 37
Protection of Human Subjects ……….…………………………..…………...... 39
4. STUDY FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS ……………………………………….. 40
Overall Findings ………….………………………..………………………........ 40
Specific Findings ……………………………….…………………………........ 54
Interpretations of the Findings ………………..………………………............... 68
Summary ……………………………………..………………………......…...... 70
5.
CONCLUSION, SUMMARY, AND RECOMMENDATIONS ..……...…..…....... 72
Summary of Study ………………………………………………..…….…....... 72
Implications for Social Work …………………………………...…….…….….. 73
Recommendations …………………………………………...……….…….…... 74
Limitations ……..……………………………………………………….….…... 78
Conclusion ……………..………………………………..………….….….….... 79
xi
Appendix A. Human Subjects Approval ………………………………………………. 82
References …………………………………………………………………………...… 83
xii
LIST OF TABLES
Tables
Page
1.
Demographics ...................................................................................................... 45
2.
Significance of the association between termination of maternal rights and
children in foster care ........................................................................................... 54
3.
Children in foster care or not? Is the care consistent ........................................... 56
4.
Significance of the association between whether the children are in foster
care if the care is consistent ................................................................................. 56
5.
Does the caretaker have a good relationship with the incarcerated mother? *
Children in foster care or not crosstabulation...................................................... 58
6.
Significance of the association between whether the caretaker had a good
relationship with the incarcerated mother and whether the children were in
foster care ............................................................................................................ 59
7.
History of drug use * First time incarceration or not crosstabulation …............. 60
8.
Significance of the association between the history of maternal drug use
and first time incarceration ................................................................................. 60
9.
History of drug use * Repeat incarceration or not crosstabulation ..................... 61
10.
Significance of the association between the history of maternal drug use and
repeat incareration ............................................................................................... 61
11.
History of drug use * Were children neglected by the incarcerated mother
crosstabulation ..................................................................................................... 63
xiii
12.
History of drug use * History of victimization crosstabulation .......................... 64
13.
Are visitations regular? * Children having behavioral issues ............................. 66
14.
Independent sample T-Test .................................................................................. 67
15.
First time offenders vs. repeat offenders .............................................................. 67
xiv
LIST OF FIGURES
Figures
Page
1.
Distribution of cases based on whether first time incarceration or not ............... 46
2.
Distribution of cases based on whether repeat incarceration or not .................... 47
3.
Box plot of the level of maternal involvement while incarcerated and
whether it was a repeat incarceration ................................................................... 47
4.
Distributiuon of marital status of respondent ....................................................... 48
5.
Ethnicity of the subjects........................................................................................ 49
6.
Distribution of who takes care of the child when mothers are incarcerated ….... 50
7.
Distribution of whether the children have consistency of care while their
mothers are incarcerated ...................................................................................... 51
8.
Distribution of regular visitations while mothers are incarcerated ...................... 52
9.
Distribution of whether the children were neglected by the
incarcerated mother ............................................................................................. 53
10.
Bar chart of the incarcerated mother’s history of drug use and
neglect of children ................................................................................................ 63
xv
1
Chapter 1
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
The mental health and social outcomes of children with an incarcerated mother is
an important topic to explore due to the increasing number of individuals entering the
criminal justice system. Incarceration in the United States has been rapidly growing at a
larger rate among people of color and women. Within this population, many men and
women are entering the criminal justice system and are identifying themselves as
mothers. According to Roettger (2009), approximately seven million children are
estimated to have a mother under some form of correctional supervision (i.e., jail, prison,
probation or parole). As a result, a growing number of children have a significant
caregiver missing from their home. Roettger (2009) also found that children of lesseducated minorities are particularly prone to having a father who has served time in jail
or prison. One-fourth of all children of non-college educated black fathers experience
maternal imprisonment by age 14, compared with 4 percent of the children of non-college
educated white fathers.
When considering the mental health and social outcomes of children with an
incarcerated mother or mothers, it is imperative to consider the emotional and
psychological trauma, which have the potential for long-term negative effects for the
individual experiencing the trauma. Trauma is often characterized as a one-time event
(i.e. death of a loved one, hurricane, earthquake, violent crime, etc.); however, it extends
over time when incarceration, severe domestic violence or abuse, neglect, cultural
struggles, and homelessness occurs. It can even be passed down through family systems,
2
through insecure attachment bonds between infant and mother. Each of these events and
examples has the potential for the individual or group experiencing it to develop an
Attachment Disorder, a potentially severe mental health disorder, if untreated. This
research will focus on the negative effects and potential outcomes of a child with an
incarcerated mother or mothers. If the caregiver is given support in developing secure
attachments with the infant, the infant will be more likely to have a healthy social,
emotional, behavioral and cognitive development. Subsequently, according to the
Michigan Department of Community Health (2003), secure attachment has the propensity
to reduce the incidence of neglect, abuse, developmental delay, emotional and/or
behavioral disorders, and mental health disorders, later child and adulthood.
According to the Michigan Department of Community Health (2003) the infant
brain has about 100 billion nerve cells that have not yet formed the connections that
determine the child’s emotional, social, and intellectual makeup. These connections are
facilitated by nurturing mothers and environments. Mothers, in particular, are the infants’
first connection to the world, therefore can deeply affect the forming of his or her brain.
Even though an infant does not appear to understand the meaning of what they see or
hear around them, the 0-5 years see the fastest development of any stage in a person’s
life. Therefore, if the infant is subjected to or perceives trauma (emotional or physical) or
abuse, particularly separation from a mother or mothers who are incarcerated, it is
essential that he or she be able to rely on secure attachments facilitated by his or her
caregiver.
3
Background of the Problem
Part of the social work profession is to strive for social justice, yet children rarely
have a voice in making decisions for themselves and the opportunities offered to them.
According to the Urban Institute: Justice Policy Center, over half (58%) of the minor
children of incarcerated mothers are less than 10 years old (2003). With attachment
being an important developmental milestone, children with an incarcerated mother may
be stripped from the opportunity to establish secure and healthy attachments, especially if
the incarcerated mother is the mother. Some social implications that can result from
having a mother incarcerated are the increase of children in the foster care system.
Children may enter the foster care system or be moved around from one family member
to another. Another implication can be that more families will enter the welfare system as
a result of lacking income from the incarcerated mother and/or financial burden on the
caregivers of these children. School performance may also be affected by maternal
incarceration if the child has to move households. Children are being overly diagnosed
with Attention Deficit and Hyperactive Disorder and behavioral issues at school and
mental health services are being cut from school budgets. In this study, the researchers
hypothesize that having a mother that is incarcerated increases the likelihood that
children will have adverse mental health and social outcomes.
According to the National Center for Children in Poverty (2006), mental health
disorders in children develop at a very young age. This population tends to have lower
educational achievement, more likely involvement with the criminal justice system, fewer
stable relationships, as well as fewer long-term placements if in the foster system. In
4
addition, these children are more susceptible to developing mental health disorders. The
National Center for Children in Poverty reports that 75-80% of these children do not
receive the necessary services to mitigate the disorders, and are at risk of suffering from
adult mental health issues later in life (2006). While there are mental health services for
incarcerated individuals, children of incarcerated mothers are not being identified as
victims and therefore not qualifying for mental health services. These children are now
becoming the unidentified victims of the criminal justice system. The researchers focused
on examining how the overall factors of maternal incarceration affects children mentally
and socially. The purpose of the study was to identify and explore how maternal
incarceration affects specific mental and social outcomes for children with an
incarcerated mother. This topic is important to explore in order to identify how
incarceration of a main caregiver is a form of trauma for children and the importance of
funding mental health and prevention programs for children with an incarcerated mother.
The scope of study was to do an exploratory analysis of a secondary data set in order to
gain further insight on how maternal incarceration affects children mental and social
outcomes.
Statement of the Research Problem
Maternal incarceration is a crucial theme to examine for the purpose of
understanding how it can be a type of trauma for children. The importance of funding
mental health and prevention programs for children with an incarcerated mother cannot
be denied. Although there is research information on the mental health outcomes of
5
incarcerated adults and juveniles, there is minimal data about the mental health outcomes
of children with an incarcerated mother.
Study purpose. The goals and objectives for this research are to explore how
having an incarcerated mother can affect a child’s school performance, behaviors,
emotional stability, socialization, and stigmatization. It is also important to identify how
consistent care, community support, and early mental health services can play a role in
the development of healthy social and emotional outcomes of children with incarcerated
mothers. The negative impacts of trauma on the 0-5 brain and psyche includes emotional
and verbal abuse, poverty, maternal mental health, maternal incarceration, and neglect.
The impact of these variables ultimately leads to impaired brain and social functioning
and a propensity for insecure attachment; thus facilitating maladaptive mental health,
later in life. Attachment style plays a central role in answering that question, and is also
informed by other bio-psycho-social factors, including maternal incarceration, poverty
and access to resourcess. Given the variety of independent variables within the
environment and system, the research points to the importance of utilizing a multidisciplinary approach to understand the impacts of maternal incarceration on the child.
The factors that should be considered are the biological, psychological, and social factors
that social workers focus on in practice.
Theoretical framework. The theoretical framework that guided the research study
included Family Systems, Attachment, and Labeling theories. According to Family
Systems theory, the family is a system and the members are all interconnected and
dependent of each other. In essence, the emotional, social, mental and health stability of a
6
mother affects the child’s emotional, social, mental, and health stability. In addition,
systems theory has been intrinsically important to the profession of social work as it takes
entire systems into account in order to help find healing, recovery and empowerment,
which is necessary for understanding children with an incarcerated mother or mothers
(Payne, 2002). O’Gorman (2012) found that, attachment theory provides a theoretical
framework that offers the systemic therapist a detailed description of the infancy period
plus increased insight into the qualities of caregiver-child interactions.
According to psychologists Hoermann, Zupanick, and Dombeck (2013),
attachment theory states that individuals develop safe and trusting internal understanding
of relationships with early caregivers. These internal representations manipulate
personality development, social interactions, expectations of self and others, and
strategies for regulating emotions (Hoermann, et. Al, 2013). Attachment Theory separates
attachment types into two separate categories: secure and insecure, according to the
degree of security and care the individual received as an infant from his or her caregiver.
Security at a young age, particularly from ages 0-5 provides the foundation necessary to
go out and explore the world with confidence and safety. Insecure attachment may be a
result of neglect, physical, or sexual abuse, trauma, or for the purposes of this research,
maternal incarceration. Therefore, it can be understood that individuals with poor
socialization, or mental health disorders or issues likely had insecure attachment at a
young age, having potentially suffered from a myriad of stressful experiences, including
maternal incarceration.
7
Labeling Theory, or Societal Reaction Perspective, which can be credited to
sociologists Charles Horton Cooley and George Herbert Mead, emphasizes the
significance of “social interactions in the development of self-feelings and social
identities” (Shoemaker, 2010). Labeling theory was particularly popular during the 1960s
and 1970s as an approach to understanding deviance. According to Downs and Robertson
(1997), Labeling theory identifies relationships longitudinally from different sources as
well as between labels and deviant behavior. Although, the use of Labeling theory has
dwindled dramatically the main principles remain relevant to social work research in
areas of law, punishment, social problems, and social control.
Formal labels are given by professionals such as social workers or medical
providers; informal labels are given by nonprofessionals such as family members, friends
and peers, etc (Downs & Robertson, 1997). The formal labels are more likely to become
self-labels, which perpetuates stigma and stigmatization of vulnerable groups, such as
children of incarcerated mothers. Such theory usage may be particularly important when
understanding with incarcerated mothers particularly because it would be important for a
social worker to truly understand where the root lies in order to make an efficient and
relevant treatment plan. The family systems, attachment, and labeling theory were
important frames of reference for this study because it allowed the researchers to develop
an understanding of how incarceraction can have a negative impact on the family system,
early attachment between mother and child, and social stigmatization. The theoretical
frameworks were a source of guidance for the researchers to describe and explain why
children with incarcerated mothers may develop problems. In addition, the theoretical
8
frameworks allowed the researchers to make important considerations when developing
recommendations for policy and practice.
Definition of terms.
Maternal Incarceration: A person that has been confined to a prison and/or jail
and also a mother of a child or children.
Mental Health Outcomes: A measurement of a person’s state of well-being in
which the individual realizes his or her own abilities, can cope with the normal
stresses of life, can work productively and fruitfully, and is able to make a
contribution to his or her community.
Social outcomes: A measurement of the ability of the individual to interact in a
normal with self-actualization opportunities in society.
Secure Attachment: Stable feelings of connection that the child has toward the
caregiver.
Insecure Attachment: Unstable, fearful, or unsafe feelings toward caregiver and
others with whom the infant may potentially have an intimate relationship.
Trauma: Long-term compounded events of an emotional or physical nature, in
which the subject perceives or is assumed to perceive, imminent death or threat of
death, or threat of harm to self.
Attachment Disorder: Mental health disorder that is diagnosed in children under
the age of 5. These infants, toddlers, and children have typically experienced
neglect, abuse, loss, and/or trauma, either physical or emotional. This disorder
develops because the infant’s basic needs for comfort, affection and nurturing
9
aren’t met; therefore, loving, caring attachments and relationships with others are
severely stunted. This has the potential to permanently alter or inhibit the infant’s
developing brain, thereby affecting future relationships and attachments.
Assumptions. For this study, the researchers have determined that the explicit
assumption is that maternal incarceration, particularly of mothers, negatively impacts a
child’s social and mental health outcomes. The implicit assumption is that studying the
data on this topic could help examine various ways child outcomes are affected by
maternal incarceration. An additional implicit assumption is that studying the data could
assist in exploring the specific needs of children and families with an incarcerated
mother.
Social work research justification. Social workers have a duty to advocate for
individuals who are marginalized and ignored in society. Research in this topic is of
importance due to the fact that the needs of children with an incarcerated mother may go
unidentified; yet these children are directly impacted by the disruption in their home.
Children with an incarcerated mother may exhibit emotional and behavioral issues due to
their mother’s absence and these issues may cause disruptions in a child’s school,
housing, and social settings. Further research regarding children with an incarcerated
mother can provide social workers and other professionals such as teachers, pediatricians,
psychologists, and psychiatrists increased awareness on how children with an
incarcerated mother may present themselves in the home and school settings. This
knowledge can help professionals decrease the number of misdiagnosis or overdiagnosis
of childhood disorders by being sensitive and screening children during an assessment for
10
maternal incarceration. Not only do the children with an incarcerated mother go
unnoticed in society, they also lack proper services to address their specific needs.
Historically, there has been a lack of funding in the area of infant and child mental
health programs, which recently have been labeled early interventions services. These
early intervention programs tend to focus on developmental and medical interventions
more than mental health interventions. Further research into this topic could support
advocacy efforts for the funding of infant and child mental health services. The
knowledge can serve as a foundation for the development of service provisions for this
specific population. Identifying a child with an incarcerated mother can help
professionals understand and develop suitable services for the children and their families
in the areas of education, medical and mental health services, and social-emotional
support. Additionally, research in this topic is important in order for social wokers to
develop campaigns to address the social stigmatization children are exposed to when
having a mother incarcerated. Decreasing the effects of social stigma can help alleviate
the negative feelings children and their families may have and thus help them access
services without stigma. Reducing the stigma amongst children may also improve their
school performance by helping decrease their anxiety and acting out behaviors.
Lastly, research on this particular population can assist social workers in
advocating for policy changes around visitation procedures throughout the criminal
justice system. Social workers can advocate for more welcoming, enriching visitation
areas as well as longer and more flexible visitation hours. Social workers can advocate
for the development of new communication technologies for families to continue to stay
11
connected despite the physical separation. Social workers can also advocate for policy
change in regards to having incarcerated mothers remain in close proximity to their
children.
Study limitations. The study limitations the researchers identified were that there
was limited data available to determine how maternal incarceration directly impacts a
child’s mental and social outcomes. While it was important to note that children with
incarcerated mothers may be cared for by extended family members or by foster care
mothers, the purpose of the study was not to analyze the experiences and needs of
caregivers. In fact, the purpose was to identify how maternal incarceration affects specific
mental and social outcomes for children with an incarcerated mother. Also, the
researchers did not explore the differences between an incarcerated mother in state or
federal prisons and/or county jails. The researchers focused on examining how the overall
factors of maternal incarceration affects children mentally and socially. In addition, the
data that was analyzed for the purposes of this study was from secondary data sources in
public domain. The data came from various studies collected from several countries
including the United States. This expanded version of studies prevented the researchers
from being able to generalize the findings to the specific needs of children living in the
United States. Also, the data analyzed did not allow the researchers the ability to examine
how the increasing numbers of women entering the criminal justice system in the United
States has affected children’s mental and social outcomes. As a result, the researchers
were unable to generalize the findings to a culturally diverse population of individuals
12
because the researchers did not analyze for contextual and cultural differences in the
study.
Statement of collaboration. The work completed in this project has been done
collaboratively between the two researchers, Monica Menjivar and Zenaida Lopez-Cid.
Both the reseachers contributed to the project by researching the various mental health
and social outcomes impacted by maternal incarceration. Both extensively researched the
attachment disorders in children and how trauma can have an impact on whether children
develop secure or insecure attachments. Both researchers have equally contributed to the
development of the project and analyzed data to determine outcomes of the study.
13
Chapter 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Introduction
The existing literature on incarceration predominatly focuses on the impact of
incarceration on the mental and social outcomes of juvenile and adult inmates through
various studies, including recidivism, rehabilitation, and program evaluation. Studies
have also demonstrated how incarceration negatively affects the stability of families.
Research has determined that often families with an incarcerated member experience a
number of disruptions including access to financial, housing, educational, and medical
resources. An area of study that is sorely lacking is the mental health and social outcomes
of children with an incarcerated mother.
Incarceration not only affects an inmate’s mental health, but also the mental
health and social outcomes of children with an incarcerated mother. There has been a
lack of emphasis and understanding on how maternal incarceration plays a role in the
mental health outcomes of children. A possible reason for the lack of data on the subject
could be due to the idea that children with an incarcerated mother may not be identified
as actual victims of incarceration. Yet, maternal incarceration can be, and often is, very
traumatic and life altering for the population of children left behind. Such disruptions in a
child’s life can be detrimental to their social and mental health outcomes, especially if a
child experiences numerous exposures to trauma due to maternal incarceration. The
researchers have hypothesized that having an incarcerated mother or mothers has various
negative effects on a child’s mental health and social outcomes.
14
Predominant themes associated with the effects of incarceration on the mental and
social outcomes of children are the impacts of intergenerational incarceration, attachment
and deprivation of appropriate caregiving, social ostracism and stigma, lack of socialemotional support, disruptions to education, and improper housing. Beginning with the
historical background of the problem, this literature review includes studies that focus on
the aforementioned themes with the intent of understanding the importance of how these
themes affect children’s mental health and social outcomes with regards to maternal
incarceration. Importance is placed on this area of study due to the fact that the
population of children with an incarcerated mother is increasing in numbers on a
consistent basis.
Historical Background
According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics (2008), there was an increase of 79%
of mothers within state and federal prisons between 1991 and midyear of 2007, which
resulted in an 80% increase of children with an incarcerated mother; more than half of
incarcerated mothers have a child under the age of 18. This number translates roughly
into 1.7 million children with incarecerated mothers; 25% of those children are under the
age of 4 (Makariev & Shaver, 2010). The statistics also showed that Hispanic children
were two and half times more likely to have a mother in prison than their white
counterparts, while black children were seven and a half times more likely than white
children. Also included in the research findings, were that 74% of federal inmates
between the ages of 25 to 34 and 72% of federal inmates between the ages of 35 to 44
were more likely to report being a mother, compared to all other ages. Another study
15
found that incarceration rates are highest amongst the most disadvantaged populations
living in urban and inner city neighborhoods, which is a concern for low income children.
The incarcerated population is overwhelmingly young, minority, and poorly educated
(Geller, Cooper, Garfinkel, & Mincy, 2009). While men and women also reported
differences amongst being an incarcerated mother, there were also similarities. Of these
mothers 75% reported having some type of contact with their children since entering
prison and more than half of mothers, both men and women, reported that they had a
family member who had been incarcerated (Bureau of Justice & Statistics, 2008).
According to Attachment Theory, among the various potential, negative outcomes
a child with an an incarcerated mother or mothers might face have the propensity of
being very traumatic and have long-lasting negative consequences, such as a mental
health disorder. In fact, research states that children with an incarcerated mother or
mothers is two and a half times as likely to develop a mental health disorder such as
anxiety or depression (Makariev & Shaver, 2010). The Center for Disease Control
indicates nearly one quarter of all disability in the United States is attributed to a mental
health disorder (CDC, 2005). Developmental and social personality approaches to adult
attachment and mental health disorders are concerned with understanding the factors that
focus on an individual’s quality of attachment and relating and the risk or correlation to
mental health illness (George & West, 1999). The solution is protecting the mother-child
bond (specifically the mother-child bond), in order to mitigate and/or ameliorate trauma
exposure that the infant may experience.
16
Although it is beyond the scope of this literature review to present an in-depth
discussion of a healthy attachment process, it is important and necessary to note the
basics. According to Hanson and Spratt (2000) infants 0-3 months have a limited ability
of differentiating between caregivers; it is not until 3-6 months that social responsiveness
becomes obvious, through smiling. After 6 months, infants begin exhibiting visual and
verbal responsiveness and differentiating between caregivers and strangers. It isn’t until
between 8 months and 3 years, however, that infants and toddlers express a preference for
a specific caregiver. At this age, children are able to use the caregiver as a secure
foundation in order to explore his or her environment. Infants and children who have
experienced incidents that have deterred from a normal course of attachment often will
have low self-esteem and mistrust in relationships. They may exhibit a myriad of
behaviors, such as over-familiarity, resistance and opposition, fear, confusion, anxiety,
ambivalence, hyper-vigilance, and an inadequate ability to explore their environment,
which in extreme cases has the potential to result in reactive attachment disorder or other
mental health disorders in later child or adulthood.
Intergenerational Trauma
A major area of concern for children with an incarcerated mother is the idea of
intergenerational incarceration. Studies in this area suggest that boys who have an
incarcerated father are at a higher risk at engaging in delinquent and antisocial behavior
(Geller et al, 2009). The same study, revealed that young children of incarcerated mothers
were more likely to experience externalizing and internalizing problems than their peers.
Families with incarcerated members are living in unsafe neighborhoods which puts them
17
at an increased risk for poverty, delinquency, and violence. As mentioned earlier,
maternal incarceration is high among low-income families living in unsafe
neighborhoods. Children, who are exposed to drug related behaviors and witness their
mothers and family members being arrested for crimes, can develop a belief that illegal
activities are a normal pattern of behavior. Children may become desensitized to the
unhealthy and dysfunctional social interactions that they encounter, which can cause the
development of maladaptive coping skills. Dallaire’s (2007) study on intergenerational
incarceration states that children with mothers and family members involved in the
criminal justice system may be socialized to follow in their paths, and that the growing
‘‘prison culture’’ of some urban neighborhoods may transmit certain values to children
and contribute to intergenerational patterns of crime. Family members such as
grandmothers, aunts and uncles, and siblings play a valuable role in the care and
nurturing of children. In relation to intergenerational patterns of crime, prior to their
incarceration, many mothers, who themselves were typically the products of
dysfunctional homes, lived in poverty, were single, were ill-prepared to raise their
children, and were chronic abusers of drugs and/or alcohol to the extent that their
mothering was severely compromised (Hanlon, Blatchley, Bennett-Sears O'Grady, Rose,
& Callaman, 2005). The family members along with the community are modeling agents
for healthy or unhealthy social behaviors, values, and cultural norms for children.
Children placed in dysfunctional family households, when a mother is incarcerated, can
exacerbate the risks for intergenerational incarceration compared to those children placed
in healthy and supportive family environments.
18
When comparing maternal and paternal incarceration, research has cited that
maternal incarceration is more detrimental to children than paternal incarceration.
Dallaire’s (2007) study also found that children with incarcerated mothers compared to
children with incarcerated fathers were at much greater risk for school failure, aggression,
and delinquent outcomes which were precursors for incarceration. The same study found
that 21% of incarcerated mothers with adult children reported that their adult child was
incarcerated compared to 8.5% of incarcerated fathers of adult children who reported that
their adult child was incarcerated. An explanation for this is that when a father is
incarcerated, children most likely stay in the care of the mother. But when a mother is
incarcerated, children do not necessarily reside with the father. Instead, children are sent
to out of home placements with other family members, mainly grandmothers, or nonfamilial caregivers such as foster mothers.
Kjellstrand et al (2012) affirmed that for those children with an incarcerated
father, most (over 88%) continued to live with their mother. In contrast, children with an
incarcerated mother lived with their fathers only a third of the time; most lived with a
grandmother or another relative. Separation in the mother-child relationship has been
found to cause unhealthy and insecure attachment issues for children. These findings
show that children may be more at risk of incarceration when the incarcerated mother is
the mother. As a result, the disruption in the mother-child attachment is another risk
factor for negative mental health and social outcomes for children with incarcerated
mothers.
19
Attachment and Deprivation of Appropriate Caregiving
To gain a better understanding of the implications of maternal incarceration and
resulting attachment issues with infants and their caregivers, it is essential to explore the
bio-psycho-social factors that lead to a diagnosis of attachment disorders. This literature
review includes the research and study of related disciplines, including social work,
developmental psychology, infant psychiatry, and developmental neuroscience. The
literature review did not uncover many empirically supported recovery strategies. Rather,
the emphasis is placed on prevention strategies, focusing on the maternal/caregiver
relationship between infant and mother/caregiver. It appears to the be the consensus that
preventative measures, such as facilitating a healthy, secure relationship between infant
and caregiver is the most effective solution for preventing mental health disorders, such
as reactive attachment disorder. The research points to factors, which must be addressed
in order to understand the impacts of insecure attachment on the infant experience.
Several researchers have introduced information from brain development to the
importance of the maternal-infant relationship. The research points to factors, which must
be addressed in order to understand the impacts of insecure attachment on the infant
experience. The literature and research included in this chapter, with regards to
attachment, comes from a variety of sources, including medical doctors, social scientists,
and biological scientists.
Nearly all of the authors focused on the negative impact of complex trauma, which
includes emotional and verbal abuse, poverty, maternal mental health, neglect, and
maternal absence (in this case maternal incarceration) on the infant brain and psyche.
20
Their work suggests that the impact of these variables, ultimately leads to impaired brain
and social functioning and a propensity for insecure attachment; thus facilitating
maladaptive mental health later in life. A central question posed by these authors was
“what makes certain people successfully deal with stressful problems and conditions,
whereas others surrender to those same conditions?” Attachment style plays a central role
in answering that question, and is also informed by other bio-psycho-social factors,
including poverty and access to mental health preventions. Given the variety of
independent variables within the environment and system, the research points to the
importance of utilizing a multi-disciplinary approach to understand the impacts of
insecure attachment on the infant experience. The factors that should be considered are
the biological, psychological, and social factors that social workers focus on in practice.
Bowlby proposes that the attachment relationship affects the infant’s ability to
cope with stress by facilitating maturation in the infant’s brain, which ultimately
regulates attachment functions (Schore, 2001). According to Schore, a mother or
caregiver who is attuned to the infant’s psychological and biological needs interactively
co-constructs growth of a control system in the infant’s right brain. A healthy right brain
is essential to the infant’s capacity for self-regulation and ability to navigate stressful
emotional states with others as well as environmental stressors. Therefore, secure
attachment facilitates right brain development, which fosters efficient affect regulation
and as such, adaptive infant mental health (Schore, 2001).
The literature reviewed with regards to the maternal-infant relationship
emphasizes its importance to infant development (Scheeringa & Zeanah, 2001).
21
Horowitz, Logsdon, and Anderson (2005) indicated that difficulties in this maternalinfant relationship can have long-lasting consequences for children including insecure
attachment and anti-social behavior such as temper tantrums, less sharing, less social
ability with strangers, and a poor locus of control. As they mature the problems that arise
are associated with poor peer relationships and school-related issues, which may lead to
the referral of psychiatric and mental health services (Horowitz et al, 2005). Attachment
theory suggests that caregivers transmit not only social norms and behaviors, but
“working models of self, attachment figures, and attachment relationships” (Makariev &
Shaver, 2010, p. 316). Makariev’s study also found that the working models of self are
the conscious and unconscious mental processes which one acquires in close
interpersonal relationships with others, particularly with the caregiver; they affect the
one’s reactions and expectations in social situations, as well as one’s coping mechanisms
for stress and emotional regulation. Children with secure attachments are therefore able
to mature into adults with secure attachment styles; they are able to model secure
attachment to their own children. Children who have grown up in unstable environments,
with insecure attachments to mothers and caregivers, are thus more likely to mature into
adults with insecure attachment styles; they are unable to model secure attachment to
their own children because of their own insecurity.
The study conducted by Besser and Priel (2005) with a community sample of
300 participants, which consisted of 100 three generation triads of female participants,
focused on the intergenerational transmission of attachment insecurity. Although the
study focused on the intergeneration of depression, the study is relevant due to the
22
findings of continuity in attachment style across generations. The study demonstrated
how an intergenerational congruence of attachment styles proposes a connection between
caregiving practices and attachment models “The intergenerational congruence of
attachment styles suggests an important link between attachment models and caregiving
practices” (2005, p. 1067). A caregiver’s mothering style, will thus influence the
attachment style of the child, as well as his or her future mothering style. In addition, the
relationship between the incarcerated mother and his or her children might significantly
benefit from the interventions focusing on attachment; his or her own mental health
might improve, future incarceration might decline, attachment patterns passed on
between generations might improve, overall creating more secure attachment and better
mental health outcomes for the child in question (Marakiev & Shaver, 2010).
Typically the methods used include in person observation. Early attachment is
studied and assessed through a standardized laboratory procedure during which infants 18
months old are separated and reunited with their caregivers twice (Liotti, 2004). Ety
Berant, Mario Mikulincer, and Victor Florian (2001) incorporated a longitudinal strategy
in which the mother and infant were observed two weeks after a stressful diagnosis of
Congenital Heart Disease and then again a year later. The study focused on measuring the
mothers stress immediately after diagnosis and then a year later. Secure attachment
assists in the consideration of stressful events in less threatening terms, which in turn
have a positive effect on mental health (Berant et al., 2001; Milot, Laurent, Ethier, &
Provost, 2010).
23
Child Social-Emotional Development
Maternal incarceration has been found to negatively affect the attachment
between a mother and child. The number of women in United States' jails and prisons has
nearly tripled. On any given day, there are more than 100,000 incarcerated women, with
an estimated 200,000 children having an imprisoned mother (Hanlon et al, 2005). These
numbers indicate that an increasing number of children are growing up in homes where
their main caregiver has been removed from the home. Geller et al (2009) also pointed
out that, separating a child from their primary caregiver along with poverty and academic
failure can put a child at higher risk for developing psychopathology and engaging in
criminal activity. Children are even at higher risk of negative outcomes when the main
caregiver such as the mother is incarcerated.
Attachment theories state that, in early infancy, children who have a consistent
and attentive relationship with their main caregiver, generally the mother, tend to develop
secure and healthy attachments; whereas, children who are separated from their main
caregiver lack such stability and consistency and develop maladaptive attachments with
their caregivers. The findings support this notion by stating that infants and toddlers who
are separated from their caregiver for long periods of time can seriously put them at risk
for later maladaptive outcomes. Another study, done by Poehlmann (2005), suggests that
children who were separated from their mothers were highly vulnerable to disruption of
their sleep patterns and the maintenance of their developmental milestones.
One of the recommendations in Poehlmann’s (2005) research to help process such
disruption is the need for emotional and developmental support during maternal
24
imprisonment for young children and the needs of caregivers to receive information
regarding common reactions to separation in children. Three intervention targets are of
importance: a. the mother’s own attachment history, b. the mother’s actual mothering
behavior, c. the mother’s relationship with the service provider offering the intervention
strategies (often the service provider may become an attachment figure because he or she
is inducing a change in attachment styles and my be a mentor ) (Marakiev & Shaver,
2010).
Child Educational Issues
Children growing up in homes with an absent caregiver may be at risk to
developing behavioral issues in school. A study done by Kjellstrand et al. (2012)
discovered that up to 70% of children of incarcerated mothers have emotional or
psychological disorders, up to 50% to 83% have problems at school, up to 24% to 52%
have delinquency difficulties, and up to 10% to 30% have been arrested and/or
incarcerated, which resulted in the conclusion that the children of incarcerated mothers
were about twice as likely as their peers to exhibit antisocial behavior problems. Children
who are forced to move to a new home with a family member or foster mother,
experience changes in schools, neighborhoods, and friends. This change can occur at
various times in a child’s placement and thus children cannot establish long tern
relationships with peers, teachers, and adults. Instability is an underlying current in their
lives. Pre-existing academic difficulties may be aggravated and their success in the
classroom can become difficult due to the disruption and displacement in their homes and
school (Dallaire, 2007).
25
With regards to attachment disorders, however, infants and children with a
history of trauma and maltreatment, including having a mother who is incarcerated, have
a greater potential of receiving an attachment disorder, particularly because the negative
behaviors observed in maltreated children are presumed to stem from the negative or
insecure relationships with the caregivers (Hanson & Spratt, 2000). Hanson and Spratt
argue in their study that attachment disorders, such as reactive attachment disorder, are
perhaps over diagnosed, due to the fact that the true epidemiology is not understood.
From the attachment theory model, it makes sense that children who have suffered
trauma, neglect, or abuse would have a higher potential of receiving an attachment
disorder diagnosis. However, many infants and children who are receiving the diagnosis
are exhibiting a range of symptomology that moves beyond the criteria in the DSM-IV-R
(APA, 2000). While studies have shown that intergenerational patterns of incarceration,
maternal incarceration, attachment disruptions, impoverished communities can contribute
to a child’s risk of negative mental health and social outcomes, another study done by
Dallaire, Ciccone, and Wilson (2010) was interested in finding out how stigmatization in
the school setting can impact those outcomes.
Social Ostracism and Stigma
Drug addiction and incarceration are one of the many human characteristics in our
society that carries a great deal of stigmatization. Systems and communities maintain that
people who engage in such activities are considered to be less than favorable individuals,
problematic, and unproductive members of society. Individuals with histories of
incarceration face many obstacles after reentry such as lack of employment
26
oppportunities, housing, and access to health and support services. Prison and jails may
have a system that is not set up to be welcoming for children. In a study by Clopton and
East (2008), some correctional facilities prohibit physical contact between visitors and
those who are incarcerated and some caretakers are concerned about the effect of this
policy on children. Almost 57% of mothers in State prisons and 44.1% of those in
Federal prisons indicate no personal visits with their children.
Caregivers of children with incarcerated mothers face many challenges deciding if
it is appropriate to inform children their mother is incarcerated and/or whether or not
visitation would be beneficial for the child. Moreover, there are many logistical
difficulties relating to visitation. As mentioned, children are dependent on their caretakers
to take them to visitation and some are not willing to do so. Then, over 60% of mothers in
State prisons and almost 85% of those in Federal prisons are incarcerated more than 100
miles from their last residence. Forty-three percent of mothers incarcerated in Federal
prisons live more than 500 miles from their last residence (Clopton et al, 2008). The cost
of travel, taking time from work, lodging, and food expenses may not be an option for
those caretakers who are struggling financially. And, if caretakers do take the children for
visitation, correcational facilities have short visiting hours. Aside from visitation, phone
calls from prisons and jails can be very costly. Clopton’s study (2008) suggests that a
family member could spend $200 to $600 a month trying to maintain contact with the
individual in prison.
As cited earlier, a child’s grandmother may become the main caretaker, while
other family and community members can also have an impact on a child’s ability to
27
develop healthy coping skills to manage the loss of a mother. The school setting and
teachers play a detrimental role in supporting children through such loss. Dallaire et al
(2010) explained that elementary school children may be assigned seemingly innocuous
projects such as making mom or dad a picture for mother's or father's day, or drawing a
picture of their family for show and tell. However, for a child with an incarcerated
mother, these school activities could be stressful events.
Children and families who suffer from incarceration are unable to grieve their
loss, unlike others who have experienced loss through death or divorce (Dallaire &
Wilson, 2009). The loss children feel when a mother or mothers are incarcerated is
ambiguous, at best, because it is not validated by the community (Arditti, LambertSchute, & Joest, 2004) There are few formal support systems for children suffering the
loss of a mother to incarceration; neither are there rituals and/ceremonies to process the
loss that a child would feel from losing his or her mother due to incarceration (Dallaire &
Wilson, 2009). Loss of a family member due to incarceration seldom stimulates
sympathy and emotional support from others, forcing children and their families to face
the separation alone. According to Arditti et al., “Stigma is believed to spread from the
stigmatized individual to those associated with him or her” (Arditti, et al., 2004, p. 196).
The children of the person who becomes incarcerated are thus associated with the crimes
of his or her mother; an association which may affect community, school, and other
social supports. With regards to school, specifically, the stigmatization may contribute to
school specific phobias and non-attendance, particularly within the first weeks of the
incarceration (Phillips & Gates, 2010). The authors stated that stigmatization is a 5 part
28
process:
(a) distinguishing and labelling differences, (b) associating labeled differences
with negative attributes, (c) differntiating between “us” and “them” based on
labeled differences, and (d) the devaluation and discriminatory treatment of
labeled individuals, all of which (e) occur within the context of and serve to
perpetuate differences in social, cultural, political, and economic power (Phillips
& Gates, 2010, p. 286).
Although people differ in many ways, the significance of certain differences is
directly reflected in language (i.e. felon, impoverished, addict, etc.); the differences
become meaningful and obvious in social interactions. With regards to Social Work and
Social Policy, children of incarcerated mothers are labeled a subgroup of At-Risk Youth;
the Federal and State governments, as well as non-profits are now addressing this
population, further cementing the label “children of incarcerated mothers”, stigmatizing
these children based on the status of their mothers. Children of incarcated mothers also
suffer from the negative attributes associated with the label itself. The level of negativity
is based on 3 key elements:
(a) the concealabilty of differences, (b) the degree to which differences elicit
feelings of fear or threat, (c) the perception that individuals are responsible for the
onset or for ending stigmatized conditions (Phillips & Gates, 2010, p. 287).
With regards to concealability some differences are less obvious (i.e. mother
incarceration, sexual identity, immigration status) than others (i.e. ethnicity, obseity,
height). Often members of the stigmatized group, or children with an incarcerated mother
29
or mothers are able to conceal their stigmatization, thus attempting to avoid adverse
effects, but often at great cost. They often experience heightened vigilance, stress
regarding relationships, and isolation (Phillips & Gates, 2010). Although as a general
rule, children will keep their mother’s incarceration secret, they might disclose the truth
to chosen individuals, which in turn puts them at the risk of being rejected by their peers
and social circles (Phillips & Gates, 2010).
Rejection may come in the form of an “us vs. them” attitude. Stigmitizing
attitudes regarding incarcerated individuals may overlap with attitudes and beliefs
regarding socio-economic status, ethnicity, substance dependence, and mental health
issues (Phillips & Gates, 2010). Thus, the incarcerated individuals, as well as those
associated with them, may be deemed dangerous, and therefore must be treated as such.
In addition, children with incarcerated mothers may be devalued and discriminated
against, from various support systems, including teachers who treat them differently or
neglect to protect them from their peers; religious organizations may reinforce concepts
that the individuals in question are morally defected; even other helping efforts may be
regarded as pity (Arditti, Lambert-Schute, & Joest, 2004; Phillips & Gates, 2010).
Although there are gaps in the literature regarding how children actually respond
to being stigmatized as a result of their mother’s incarceration, the principle elements of
the stigmatization model presented by Susan Phillips and Trevor Gates do in fact provide
insight into concealment, social withdrawal, and academic decline (2010). In addition,
the efforts of researchers and service providers attempting to understand the
stigmitization of children with incarcerated mothers may further stigmitize this
30
population unintentionally, by categorizing them in the group; such attempts may
reinforce the attitude of “us vs. them”. Finally, it is imperative for researchers to
recognize the importance of understanding the role that stigmitization plays in children’s
adjustment to their mothers incarceration as well as the later onset of emotional,
behavioral, and mental health issues.
Improper Housing
Another important factor disrupted by maternal incarceration is the financial
stability of families. Because most mothers who are incarcerated are low-income,
minority, young, and poorly educated, the ability to find stable employment after
returning from prison is bleak. Geller et al (2009) found that mothers who have a history
of incarceration can struggle with finding stable employment as a result of the stigma that
is associated with incarceration as well as a lack of skillset even when their sentences
ended more than a year before their interviews. Other research found that 52% mother
and 54% of fathers, who were in state prison, both equally reported that prior to
incarceration they were the primary financial support for their minor children. The other
half of incarcerated mothers, who were not the primary financial providers, did report
having employment in the month before their arrest and their income stemmed from
wages and salaries (Bureau of Justice statistics, 2008). Also, because maternal
incarceration can cause a family to be low income it can directly affect children if they
live in unsafe neighbor-hoods, attend ineffective schools, have poor diets, or receive little
healthcare (Geller et al, 2009). Such findings support the notion that families with an
31
incarcerated mother often experience hardships such as lack of food, proper housing,
medical attention, and material necessities.
As a result of the lack of financial stability, families may be forced to move and
relocate causing even further hardship. Families may have to relocate to areas farther
away from their support systems such as family, friends, and service agencies. Families
may have to move to areas where there is high-criminal activity, less resources,
unfamiliarity with transportation routes, and unsafe housing options. In cases where a
family is forced to move due to mother incarceration, service providers should advocate
for continuity of care to help ameliorate material hardship and assure the stability of
resources (Geller et al, 2009).
There is a growing consensus that greater focus needs to be paid to low-income
infants in the public health sector, with particular attention to be paid to children of
incarcerated mothers. Preventative strategies for maladaptive mental health in children 05 are the most cost-effective strategies in treating potential mental health issues
(Breitenstein, Gross, Ordaz, Julion, Garvey, & Ridge, 2007). Living in poverty and
underserved areas increase the social and emotional difficulties, as well as the potential
for attachment disorders (Breitenstein, et al., 2007; Canuso, 2007). Unfortunately, there
has been little research and few studies conducted with regards to effective prevention
and recovery strategies for infants and children with Reactive Attachment Disorder
(Buckner, Lopez, Dunkel, & Joiner, Jr., 2008).
Existing therapy strategies are based on Attachment Theory, the most publicized
being holding therapy (Buckner, Lopez, Dunkel, & Joiner, Jr., 2008; Hanson & Spratt,
32
2000). The presumption being that the infant in question must be held close and nurtured,
until he or she relaxes and feels more comfortable. In the absence of empirically
supported treatments for Reactive Attachment Disorder, researchers have focused on
utilizing empirically supported therapy strategies that have had proven success with
similar behavior traits. For example, Behavior Management Therapy is proven to work
with school-aged children who have symptoms of aggression and opposition.
Summary
The gaps identified by the researchers on the various studies reviewed were that
although there is sufficient information on the historical factors related to the way the
female incarceration is perceived and treated, there is a lack of comprehensive
information on how the family members, particularly how the partners of the incarcerated
individuals perceived the process. Another gap in the literature pertains to the inability to
seek and establish a causal relationship between maternal incarceration and child well
being. The researchers identified other gaps such as the need to conduct longitudinal
research in order to determine if caregiver mental health affects children and whether this
mental health situation affects the stability of the caregiver. There was no literature on
children who received mental health services and/or family supportive services and the
outcomes that resulted from such intervention. Another disparity in the studies was the
lack of literature on academic performances and behavioral outcomes for children with an
incarcerated mother. In addition, there is a need for research specifically on children, not
maternal reports, before and after maternal incarceration in order to explore the social and
mental outcomes of children with an incarcerated mother.
33
With regards to attachment theories alone, each study has a measure of success,
which leads to idea that secure attachment is essential to healthy development. Measuring
attachment can prove to be difficult, however, as it is subjective. In addition to the issues
regarding the measurement of secure attachment, there are not enough longitudinal
studies to determine long-term outcomes of insecure, disorganized attachment. Also,
although the studies appear to generally use reliable methods, they often utilize selfreporting, which in itself is not reliable. However, it might be helpful to focus on
variables that are easier to measure. Another important gap to note is the lack of
empirical based therapy strategies for infants, children, and families suffering from
Reactive Attachment Disorder. Although, the goal of this particular research is to study
prevention and not recovery strategies, little is known about how to mitigate the effects of
the disorder. Also important of note is that the epidemiology of Reactive Attachment
Disorder is unknown; assumptions are made regarding the psychosocial factors, but there
is not yet a proven theory. Finally, age is not consistent across the studies; some focus on
0-3 while others include the 0-5 range. It appears that there is no consistent definition of
the age range for the field of infant mental health.
As previously stated, the researchers hypothesized that having a mother
incarcerated increases the likelihood that children will have adverse mental health and
social outcomes. Various studies were researched to identify how maternal incarceration
can have adverse effects on a child’s socio-emotional development. As stated earlier, the
existing literature focuses on issues such as recidivism, rehabilitation, and program
evaluation. Various research studies conclude that maternal incarceration negatively
34
affects mental, social, emotional, and physical needs of children; yet there is minimal
research that finds a strong correlation between maternal incarceration and adverse
mental health outcomes for children. Focus must be placed on the role of stigma and
stimatization with regards to children of incarcerated mothers. Stigma and stigmatization
has the potential to further isoloate children with incarcerated mothers, thus separating
them from likely and prospective support systems. By definition children of incarcerated
mothers are uniquely set up to experience stigma and trauma, thereby experiencing
negative social and mental health outcomes, just by the very nature of their situation.
Based on the findings of the studies reviewed and the examination of the reports of
national organizations that are invested in the issues related to the impact of incarceration
on families, it is safe to conclude that there is a need for understanding the impacts of
maternal incarcertaion on the mental health of children. Such an understanding is
imperative for those in the helping professions, particualrly, in the profession of social
work due to the empowering curative, ameliorative and preventive roles that social
workers play while working with disenfranchised populations.
35
Chapter 3
METHODS
This chapter presents the methods used to conduct the research study in order to
discover the impacts of maternal incarceration on children’s mental and social outcomes.
These methods are listed in the following order: Study objectives, study design,
instruments, data analysis, and protection of human subjects. The study question that the
researchers attempted to answer was: How does maternal incarceration affect a child’s
social and mental health outcomes such as behaviors, emotional stability, socialization,
and stigmatization? The researchers hypothesized that maternal incarceration negatively
affects a child’s social and mental health outcomes in the areas of school performance,
behaviors, emotional stability, socialization, and stigmatization.
Study Objectives
The purpose of the study is to examine the factors that interfere with children’s
mental and social outcomes as a result of maternal incarceration. The researchers have
hypothesized that maternal incarceration negatively affects the social and emotional
development of children. The researchers focused on examining how the overall factors
of maternal incarceration affect children mentally and socially. This topic is important to
explore in order to identify how incarceration of a main caregiver is a form of trauma for
children and the importance of funding mental health and prevention programs for
children with an incarcerated mother. The scope of study was to do an exploratory
analysis of secondary case studies and data to gain further insight on how maternal
incarceration affects children mental and social outcomes.
36
Study Design
The design of this study was an exploratory quantitative design using secondary
data analysis. In general, exploratory research designs are simple, relative to other
designs, and are likely to use existing documents (Dudley, 2011). In addition, exploratory
studies usually involve a relatively small sample of research populations. These studies
are not usually concerned with whether or not the sample is representative of a larger
population (Dudley, 2010). Due to the use of a secondary data set and because children
with incarcerated mothers are a population that is difficult to demarcate and label, an
exploratory design seemed the obvious choice for the research study.
The secondary data set from the ICPSR website was downloaded from
http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/31704?q=maternal+incarceration+a
nd+child+outcomes, reviewed, and analyzed, with the primary source of data coming
from cases in public domain. The titles of the study for the data that the researchers used
in order to gather information was Systematic Review of the Effects of Paternal
Imprisonment on Child Antisocial Behavior and Mental Health, 1960-2008, Survey of
Inmates in State and Federal Correctional Facilities, 2004 (ICPSR 4572) and data from
public domain. Primary case histories and case studies on women’s narratives regarding
their correctional experiences were used to add to the process of answering the study
questions.
Instruments
The study used an existing secondary data set found on the ICPSR website which is a
public domain. New data was not necessary due to the data already in existence (Dudley,
37
2011). There are a few limitations to consider when using secondary data and one
limitation may be that the questions a previous study investigated may not be the same
questions you want to ask (Dudley, 2010). Another limitation is that data may not be
accessible because of confidentiality issues (Dudley, 2010). As a result of such
limitations, the researchers collected primary case histories and case studies on women’s
narratives regarding their correctional experiences to assist in answering the research
question proposed in the study. These case histories were also collected from public
domain websites and those websites were www.mothersandprison.org. www.forbes.com,
www.divinecaroline.com, www.aetn.org, www.nyunewsdoc.wordpress.com,
www.cnn.com, www.aclu.org, and www.psychologytoday.com. The researchers
collected a total of 20 case histories and gathered pertinent information from each case.
The method used for data collection was the use of existing documents. Furthermore, a
structured questionnaire with 47 variables for analysis was devised to assist the
researchers in gathering data.
Data Analysis
The factors that were the focus of the analysis are the type of family, history and
duration of incarceration, the level of support systems, the level of education, and the
ethnic background of the mother in the context of specific behavioral attributes of
children. The SPSS program was used for data analysis. According to James R. Dudley
(2011) secondary research should not be minimized, particularly if germane data is
already available. While the validity of the study may be compromised due to lack of
38
primary data, the researchers used a large existing data set and primary case histories and
followed a well-structured theoretical framework to counter these limitations.
The researchers of this project downloaded the data of the meta analysis to
examine the Odds Ratios pertaining to the key variables that concern this research. These
Odds Ratios reflect the effect size and are interpreted in the context of the factors
pertaining to this research project, particularly the odds of the occurrence of the antisocial
behavior and mental health issues among the children of incarcerated parents.
The authors of the meta analysis that was used as part of the secondary
data for this study included 16 studies with additional information for 7 studies, after
careful examination of the several studies on parental incarceration. Criteria for inclusion
included the condition that each study must have a comparison group of children of nonincarcerated parents. Essentially the meta analysis reviewed and assigned relative
categorization to each study based on the variables such as mental health outcomes and
antisocial behavior outcomes through the rigorous comparisons of samples of children
from households with incarcerated parents and children from families with nonincarcerated parents. The studies included for the meta analysis were conducted in the
following geographical regions: Australia, Boston, Brisbane, California, Chicago,
Connecticut, Copenhagen, Denmark, Georgia, Global, Ilinois, London, Massachusetts,
Netherlands, Richmond, Stockholm, Sweden, Tennessee, Texas, United Kingdom,
Virginia, and Washington in United States.
39
Protection of Human Subjects
The application for human subjects was submitted to the California State
University, Division of Social Work Committee for the Human Subjects Review. The
application was accepted and approved by the research review committee and the
researchers were given the human subjects Protocol #13-14-009, as an exempt study.
The researchers were able to file for the the exemption 45 CFR 46.101(b) (4). The social
work profession requires that when social workers are conducting research, social
workers need to recognize there are ethical standards and other mandates such as code of
ethics that social workers should be familiar with and understand. For instance, the three
mandates of CSWE (Council on Social Work Education) that are directly relevant to
research are adhering to the values and ethics of social work, promoting an understanding
and commitment to diversity, and promoting social and economic justice, with special
attention to at risk populations (Dudley, 2010). The researchers decided on studying the
effects of maternal incarceration on children due to the fact that this group of individuals
are an at-risk population and are limited studies on the relationship between
maternal incarceration and child mental health outcomes. Only the information that is
pertinent to the outcomes of the study were analyzed. The secondary data files from the
ICPSR website are scheduled to be deleted from the researchers to be deleted from the
researchers computers on June 15, 2014.
40
Chapter 4
STUDY FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS
This chapter presents the findings from the study on the mental health and social
outcomes of children with an incarcerated mother, with a sample of twenty (20) personal
narratives mined from various public domain websites. All of the subjects identified
themselves as either being currently incarcerated or having been incarcerated at one time.
The small non-probability of the sample size limits the internal validity of the data, which
therefore limits the researchers ability to generalize the overall research findings.
Additionally the secondary data set that the researchers used for this study offered an
overview of the pattern of the impact of parental incarceration on children’s anti-social
behaviors and mental health. The secondary data was obtained from the study titled
“Systematic Review of the Effects of Parental Imprisonment on Child Antisocial
Behavior and Mental Health, 1960-2008”. This was a meta-analysis conducted by
Murray, Farrington, Sekol & Olson (2011). The secondary data was downloaded from the
ICPSR website after the researchers agreed to the terms of use of the data.
Overall Findings
The researchers focused on forty-seven (47) variables for analysis in the initial
survey, however, only thirty-three (33) variables were deemed relevant and included in
the analysis. The thirty-three variables were listed below, by category:

Demographics (Incarcerated Mother): Age, Ethnicity, Religion,
Occupation, Education, Marital Status, First Time Incarceration, Repeat
41
Incarceration, History of Violence, History of Drug Use, History of
Victimization

Incarceration: Number of years incarcerated, Reason for Incarceration, US
Region, Both Mothers Incarcerated, Adequate Legal Representation

Children: Number, Age, Foster Care, Kinship Care, Maternal Rights
Terminated, Maternal Rights Attempted to be Terminated, Indications of
Child Anguish at Separation, In School, Behavioral Disorders, Abuse by
the Incarcerated Mother, Neglect by the Incarcerated Mother

Care of Children While Mother is Incarcerated: Caretaker, Consistent
Care, Good Relationship Between the Caretaker and Incarcerated Mother.

Visitations and Contact Between Child and Incarcerated Mother: Regular
Visitations, Send/Receive Letters To/From the Incarcerated Mother,
Indications of Anguish on Behalf of Mother Regarding Separation
Among the variables that did reveal relevant information, but were not statistically
significant due to the number of unknown answers were Religion, Occupation,
Education, Maternal Rights Terminated, Indications of Child Anguish at Separation, In
School, Behavioral Issues, Abuse by the Incarcerated Mother, Send/Receive Letters
To/From the Incarcerated Mother.
With regard to the secondary data from the ICPSR website, the researchers
examined the size of the effect, the strength of the evidence for the effect, and the
consistency of effect across the 16 key studies included in the meta analysis. The
researchers reviewed the studies and noted that the number of children of non-
42
incarcerated parents that served as the control groups was very large compared to the
number of children of incarcerated parents who were longitudinally observed for the
impacts of incarceration. While this could be considered as inevitable due to the
difficulty in finding and conducting research with the children of incarcerated parents,
particularly when it comes to longitudinal studies, the difference in the sample size
between the two groups makes the study findings difficult as indicators of general trends
pertaining to the facts of antisocial behavior and mental health issues as exclusively due
to parental incarceration. Thus the effect sizes listed in the data of this meta-analysis need
to be considered with caution because of the potential for exaggerating the risks of the
key global variables of the study, namely, antisocial behavior and mental health among
children of incarcerated parents.
The findings indicate that the largest Odds Ratio, the relative risk of antisocial
behavior occurring in children of incarcerated parents compared to children of nonincarcerated parents was 8.50 with a lower limit of 5 and an upper limit of 14.5 at .95
confidence interval. This Odds Ratio, was observed among boys who experienced the
parental incarceration at various periods of their lives before they turned 18, with the
onset of antisocial behavior occurring in their adulthood. This highlights the fact that the
chances of incarcerated parents’ children manifesting antisocial behavior in their
adulthood is relatively very high.
The Odds Ratios, ranging from 1.20-1.70 (20% to 70% more likely for the
children of incarcerated parents to have mental health problems and antisocial behavior)
43
were found when the onset of problem behavior was observed early on when they were
considered to be juveniles.
In general the odds of antisocial behavior occurring in the groups of children of
incarcerated parents were much higher when compared to the antisocial behavior
occurring among the children of non-incarcerated parents that constituted the comparison
group for this study.
The data of the meta analysis further indicates that among the children of parents
whose incarceration occurred when their children were very young, the onset of
antisocial behavior occurred in the children’s lives when they were relatively young. This
confirms the findings of the authors’ project that the separation from the mothers without
consistent opportunities for bonding and attachment creates the potential for manifesting
suppressed angst and the tendency to ignore the need for normative behavior.
All of the secondary cases chosen for this study were of female mothers who were
incarcerated. When comparing maternal and paternal incarceration, research has cited
that maternal incarceration is more detrimental to children than paternal incarceration. As
stated in the literature review, many of the authors emphasized the importance of the
maternal-infant relationship to healthy development. Difficulties in the maternal-infant
relationship can have long-term effects on children which may include insecure
attachment, anti-social behaviors, less sociability with strangers, etc (Scheeringa and
Zeanah, 2001; Horowitz, Logsdon, and Anderson, 2005). As the children mature they are
more likely to experience problems associated with poor peer relationships and school-
44
related issues, which may lead to the referral of psychiatric and mental health services
(Horowitz et. al, 2005).
Regarding Religion, 40% of the subjects identified as Christian; 60% were
unknown. Concerning Occupation, 20% of the subjects reported having a professional
career, 35% reported “other”, which includes semi-professional and blue collar
employment, while 45% of the subjects were unknown. Of the 20 subjects 15% of the
subjects reported a GED, 5% reported some college, 20% are listed under other, which
refers to technical school, high school or middle school drop out, college degree, and an
overwhelming 60% are unknown.
In addition, 24% of the subjects reported that the maternal rights were terminated,
32% reported that their maternal rights were not terminated, and 44% were reported as
unknown. Those mothers whose rights were not terminated relied on the non-incarcerated
mother, immediate and extended family, as well as friends and neighbors. Those whose
rights were terminated lost their children to the foster care system, and family, including
in one case, the non-incarcerated mother. According to the literature review, Attachment
theory suggests that caregivers transmit not only social norms and behaviors, but a
foundational understanding of self, attachment figures, and healthy attachment
relationships Makariev & Shaver, 2010).
Forty-nine percent of the subjects reported that their children indicated being
upset at the separation from their mother, while 4% reported that their child did not
indicate being upset, and 47% of the subjects did not report about their children’s
reaction to their incarceration. Forty percent of the subjects reported that their children
45
were still in school and 5% reported that their children were not in school. For 5% of the
incarcerated mothers, the children were no longer school age. The incarcerated mothers
also reported that 30% of their children were reportedly exhibiting behavioral issues,
while 10% were not, and 60% did not report on their children’s behavioral issues. As
stated in the literature review children growing up in homes with an incarcerated mother
may be at risk to developing behavioral issues in school. In addition, up to 70% of
children of incarcerated mothers have emotional or psychological disorders, up to 50% to
83% have problems at school and are twice as likely to develop anti-social behaviors
(Kjellstrand et al., 2012).
The researchers did not find significant evidence that the children were abused by
their incarcerated mother: thirty percent of the subjects reported that yes, they abused
their children, however 70% did not report on their communication with their children.
Finally, the researchers noted that 35% of the incarcerated mothers sent or received
letters to/from their children, 10% reported not sending or receiving, while 55% did not
report on the their treatement of their children.
Table. 1
Demographics
N
Age
Years in Incarceration
Number of Children
Age of Children
Incarcerated Mother's
Involvement
Valid N (listwise)
7
17
20
20
20
6
Range
26
24.42
9
8
Minimum
18
0.58
1
1
Maximum
44
25
10
9
Mean
30.1429
6.5047
3.15
6.25
Std.
Deviation
8.39501
7.46841
2.66112
2.46822
7
4
11
6.85
1.92696
46
The average mean age of the incarcerated mothers included in the study was
30.1429 (SD=8.39501). According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics (2008) , 74% of
federal inmates are between the ages of 25 to 34 and 72% of federal inmates between the
ages of 35 to 44 were more likely to report being a mother, compared to all other ages.
Therefore, the mean of the subjects included is significant, as it reflects the average age
of an incarcerated mother overall.
The mean for number of years incarcerated was 6.5047 (SD==7.46841). The
incarcerated mothers had a mean of 3.150 (SD=2.66112) children, with a mean age of
6.2500 (SD=2.46822) years old. According to the Bureau of Justice (2008), more than
half of incarcerated mothers have a child under the age of 18.
Of the 20 mothers, only a limited numberhad contact with their children; contact
such as letters and visitations were highly dependent on the type of caregiver and
distance. Nearly all of the authors in the literature review focused on the potential
negative mental health outcomes which results from complex trauma. (As stated in the
literature review, complex trauma includes maternal absence and maternal incarceration.)
Figure. 1
Distribution of cases based on whether first time incarceration or not
47
Figure. 2
Distribution of cases based on whether repeat incarceration or not
As noted in Figs 4.1 and 4.2, 65% reported first time incarceration, while 35%
reported repeat incarceration. A major area of concern for children with an incarcerated
mother is the idea of intergenerational incarceration. Children with incarcerated mothers
may be socialized into following a similar path; the familiarity with prison culture may
transmit certain values to children and contribute to intergenerational patterns of crime
and delinquency (Dallaire, 2007).
Figure. 3
Box plot of the level of maternal involvement while incarcerated and whether it was a
repeat incarceration
48
In addition, as noted in the literature review, the Bureau of Justice (2008) reported that
75% of incarcerated have some type of contact with their children, which supports the
evidence that the children had some contact with their incarcerated mother. Also, the
researchers determined that the mean involvement was higher with mothers who had a
repeat incarceration.
Figure. 4
Distribution of marital status of respondents
As noted in Figure 4.4, researchers determined that relationship status of the
incarcerated mother. 50% of the subjects reported being single, while 20% reported being
married, 15% reported being divorced, 5% reported being widowed, and 10% were
unknown. Often these women reported being struggling financially with no outside help.
49
As noted in the literature review, often incarcerated mothers reported that prior to their
incarceration, they lived in poverty, were single, were ill-prepared to raise their children,
and were chronic abusers of drugs and/or alcohol to the extent that their mothering was
severely compromised (Hanlon, Blatchley, Bennett-Sears O'Grady, Rose, and Callaman,
2005).
Figure. 5
Ethnicity of the subjects
The known ethnicity of the subjects was split between Caucasian and African
American. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, African American children were
seven and a half times more likely to have an incarcerated mother than Caucasian
50
children (2008). Interestingly the numbers between the two ethnicities is within 5% of
overall incarceration. The data shows that the Caucasian subjects were typically
incarcerated for the first time (15% 1st time vs. 5% repeat), while the reverse was true for
the African American subjects (15% repeat vs. 10% 1st time). The ethnicity of 55% of the
subjects, total was unknown, however, of those 40% reported being incarcerated for the
first time, while 15% were repeat offenders.
Figure. 6
Distribution of who takes care of the child when mothers are incarcerated
The data clearly states that the majority of the children with incarcerated mothers
remained in kinship care, at a total of 50%, while the remaining 50% were distributed in
foster care (5%), with others, aka friends and neighbors (15%), unknown (5%), or split
between foster and kinship care (25%). Of those children, 40% were reported to be in
51
school, while 55% were unknown. The 5% who were not in school were already legal
adults. The findings support the research cited in the literature review that the most often
a child’s grandmother may become the main caretaker (30%), while other family and
community members can also have an impact on a child’s ability to develop healthy
coping skills to manage the loss of a mother. The school setting and teachers can play a
detrimental role in the child’s ability to cope with the loss of the mother. Dallaire et al
(2010) explained that elementary school children may be assigned seemingly innocuous
projects such as making art that depicts the family for show and tell or specific holidays,
such as Mother’s Day. But for a child with an incarcerated mother, these school activities
could be stressful events and lead to social withdrawal, isolation, or further the stigma.
Figure. 7
Distribution of whether the children have consistency of care while their mothers are
incarcerated
52
The incarcerated mothers overhelmingly reported that their children experienced
consistent care, at 85%. This was mainly due to the fact that they were in kinship care or
with caregivers who already had a relationship with the family. Five percent of the
children had unstable caregiving due to the death of the kinship caregiver and were then
transferred to foster care. The experiences of 10% of the children were unknown.
Figure. 8
Distribution of regular visitations while mothers are incarcerated
The researchers discovered that 40% of the mothers reported regular visitation for
at least a period of time. These incarcerated mothers overwhelmingly stated that often the
visitations were due to diligent caretakers who may have had to travel some distance to
make the visitation possible. Fifteen percent reported that they did not have regular
53
visitation, and often had no visitation at all. 10% reported that they had visitation was
split between children, depending on who had custody of the children. 35% were
unknown. According to the literature review almost 57% of mothers in State prisons and
44.1% of those in Federal prisons indicate no personal visits with their children.
Caregivers of children with incarcerated mothers face many challenges deciding if it is
appropriate to inform children their mother is incarcerated and/or whether or not
visitation would be beneficial for the child (Clopton et al, 2008). In addition, visitation
may not only cause financial strain, but as discussed in the literature review has the
potential to increase social ostracism.
Figure. 9
Distribution of whether the children were neglected by the incarcerated mother
According to the data, the incarcerated mother neglected their children at an even
split: 40% neglected their children, while 40% did not. 20% were unknown. The mothers
who neglected their children often had a history of drug use as will be discussed in the
specific findings.
54
Specific Findings
In this section, an overview of the significant findings will be discussed in order
to determine whether the researchers hypothesis could be supported or negated. The
researchers hypothesized that having an incarcerated mother has various negative effects
on a child’s mental and social outcomes. In addition, the researchers assumed that
maternal incarceration, particularly on mothers, negatively impacts a child’s social and
mental health outcomes. The main variables that were analyzed in order to examine the
relationship between maternal incarceration and child mental health and social outcomes
were whether children were in foster care, were maternal rights terminated, was the care
consistent, did the caretaker have a good relationship with the mother, maternal history of
drug use, first time incarceration or not, repeat incarceration, were children neglected by
the incarcerated mother, maternal history of victimization, are visitations regular, and if
children had behavioral issues. The set of statistical tools used to measure the relationship
between maternal incarceration and child social and mental health outcomes were T-tests,
cross-tabulations, chi-square tests, Cramer’s V, and Phi.
Table. 2
Significance of the association between termination of maternal rights and children in
foster care
Value
Nominal by Nominal
N of Valid Cases
Phi
Cramer's V
0.728
0.728
20
Approx. Sig.
0.005
0.005
55
To determine if any significant relationship existed between whether children
were in foster care and if maternal rights were terminated, a cross-tabulation was
conducted. With a Phi value of .728 there was a strong association between whether
children were in foster care and maternal rights being terminated. It was statistically
significant with a p-value of .005. However, when the reseachers calculated chi square,
the number of cells with the expected count less than 5 were more than 60% and
therefore researchers proceeded with caution and used Phi value as a better indicator of
association.
The researchers examined the relationship between whether children were in
foster care and if the care was consistent. Table (4.3) shows that there was a moderate to
strong association between the care being consistent and children not being in foster care
with a phi value of .555 (Table 4.4). It was statistically significant with a p-value of .046.
As mentioned in Fig. 4.6, in the overall findings, 65% of children remained in kinship
care with family (50%) or with neighbors and friends (15%). According to the literature
review Kjellstrand et al (2012) reported that 88% of children whose fathers were
incarcerated remained in the care of their mothers. In contrast, when the mother was
incarcerated only 33% lived with the father; many of them lived with the grandmother or
other relative. Of the twenty cases, 85% (n=17) of the children were not in foster care
compared to 15% (n=3) who reported being in foster care. Of the 85% (n=17) of children
that were not in foster care, 75% (n=15) stated the care was consistent. Out of the 15%
(n=3) that stated the children were in foster care, 10% (n=2) reported the care was
consistent while 5% (n=1) reported the care was not consistent. The researchers noted
56
that 85% (n=17) of the subjects reported that the care was consistent regardless of
whether the children were in kinship care or foster care, meaning they had consistent
caregivers while the mother was incarcerated.
Table. 3
Children in foster care or not? Is the care consistent?
Is the Care
Consistent?
Yes
No
Children in Foster
Care or Not
Yes
No
Total
Count
% within is the
care consistent
Count
% within is the
care consistent
Count
% within is the
care consistent
Unknown
Total
2
1
0.00
3
11.8%
15
100.0%
0
0.0%
2
15.0%
17
88.2%
17
0.0%
1
100.0%
2
100.0%
20
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Table. 4
Significance of the association between whether the children are in foster care and if the
care is consistent
Value
Nominal by Nominal
N of Valid Cases
Phi
Cramer's V
0.555
0.555
20.000
Approx. Sig.
0.046
0.046
The researchers examined the relationship between whether children were in
foster care and if the care was consistent. Table (4.3) shows that there was a moderate to
strong association between the care being consistent and children not being in foster care
with a phi value of .555 (Table 4.4). It was statistically significant with a p-value of .046.
57
As mentioned in Fig. 4.6, in the overall findings, 65% of children remained in kinship
care with family (50%) or with neighbors and friends (15%). According to the literature
review Kjellstrand et al (2012) reported that 88% of children whose fathers were
incarcerated remained in the care of their mothers. In contrast, when the mother was
incarcerated only 33% lived with the father; many of them lived with the grandmother or
other relative. Of the twenty cases, 85% (n=17) of the children were not in foster care
compared to 15% (n=3) who reported being in foster care. Of the 85% (n=17) of children
that were not in foster care, 75% (n=15) stated the care was consistent. Out of the 15%
(n=3) that stated the children were in foster care, 10% (n=2) reported the care was
consistent while 5% (n=1) reported the care was not consistent. The researchers noted
that 85% (n=17) of the subjects reported that the care was consistent regardless of
whether the children were in kinship care or foster care, meaning they had consistent
caregivers while the mother was incarcerated.
With respect to whether caretakers had a good relationship with the incarcerated
mother and whether children were in foster a cross-tabulation was conducted (Table 4.5).
The data showed that there was a moderate association of .409 but it was not statistically
significant (Table 4.6). The specific findings suggest that the kinship caregivers were
much more likely to have a good relationship with the incarcerated mother than the foster
care caregivers. The results show that 65% (n=13) of the cases, regardless of whether the
children were in foster care or not, their caretaker had a good relationship with the
incarcerated mother. 70.6% (n=12) of those cases who reported having a good
58
relationship with the caretaker, the children were not in foster care. As stated in the
literature review, family members such as grandmothers, aunts and uncles, and siblings
play a valuable role in the care and nurturing of children. They are also more likely to
have a good relationship with the incarcerated mother because of the kinship bond.
Table. 5
Does the caretaker have a good relationship with the incarcerated mother? *Children in
foster care or not crosstabulation
Children
in Foster
Care or
Not
Yes
Does the caretaker have
a good relationship with
the incarcerated mother?
Yes
No
Split
Unknown
Total
Count
% within Children in
Foster Care or Not
Count
% within Children in
Foster Care or Not
Count
% within Children in
Foster Care or Not
Count
% within Children in
Foster Care or Not
Count
% within Children in
Foster Care or Not
No
Total
1
12
13
33.3%
0
70.6%
1
65.0%
1
0.0%
2
5.90%
3
5.0%
5
66.7%
0
17.6%
1
25.0%
1
0.0%
3
5.9%
17
5.0%
20
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
59
Table. 6
Significance of the association between whether the caretaker had a good relationship
with the incarcerated mother and whether the children were in foster care
Value
Nominal by Nominal
N of Valid Cases
Phi
Cramer's V
0.409
Approx. Sig.
0.341
0.409
0.341
20
A cross-tabulation was used to investigate the relationship between maternal drug
use and whether it was first time incarceration (Table 4.7). There was a moderate to
strong association between history of maternal drug use and first time incarceration with
a Phi value of .555 (Table 4.8). The findings also show that it was statistically significant
with a p-value of .046. The findings are significant of less than a .05 value. However, the
number of cells with the expected count less than 5 were more than 60% and therefore
researchers wanted to proceed with caution and used Phi and Cramer’s V values as better
indicators of association. The results show that 65% of the incarcerated mothers were not
repeat offenders. Out of the 65% that were first time offenders, 30.8% reported a history
of drug use. This finding corresponds with the family systems theory and the literature
review that the researchers examined in the context of intergenerational truama. For
instance, children who are exposed to drug related behaviors are more likely to acquire
maladaptive behaviors and beliefs that such activities are a normal pattern of conduct
(Geller et al, 2009). The growing “prison culture” in some neighborhoods, may
contribute to unhealthy coping skills, such as intergenerational drug use (Dallaire, 2007).
60
Table. 7
History of drug use * First time incarceration or not crosstabulation
First time
Incarceration or
Not
Yes
History of
Drug Use
Yes
No
Unknown
Total
Count
% within First time
incarceration or not
Count
% within First time
incarceration or not
Count
% within First time
incarceration or not
Count
% within First time
incarceration or not
No
Total
4
6
10
30.8%
3
85.7%
1
50.0%
4
23.1%
6
14.3%
0
20.0%
6
46.2%
13
0.0%
7
30.0%
20
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Table. 8
Significance of the association between the history of maternal drug use and first time
Incarceration
Value
Nominal by Nominal
N of Valid Cases
Phi
Cramer's V
0.555
Approx. Sig.
0.046
0.555
0.046
20
The same cross-tabulation measurement was used to analyze the history of
maternal drug use (Table 4.9) and repeat incarceration and the results were the same as
history of maternal drug use and first time incarceration. There was a moderate to strong
association with phi value of .555 and it was statistcally significant with a p-value of .046
61
Table. 9
History of drug use * Repeat incarceration or not crosstabulation
Repeat Incarceration or Not
Yes
No
History of
Drug Use
Yes
No
Unknown
Total
Count
% within First time
incarceration or not
Count
% within First time
incarceration or not
Count
% within First time
incarceration or not
Count
% within First time
incarceration or not
Total
4
6
10
30.8%
3
85.7%
1
50.0%
4
23.1%
6
14.3%
0
20.0%
6
46.2%
13
0.0%
7
30.0%
20
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Table. 10
Significance of the association between the history of maternal drug use and repeat
incarceration
Value
Nominal by Nominal
N of Valid Cases
Phi
Cramer's V
0.555
Approx. Sig.
0.046
0.555
0.046
20
The variables history of maternal drug use and whether children were neglected
by the incarcerated mother were measured (Table 4.11) and there was a medium to strong
association between maternal history of drug use and children being neglected by the
incarcerated mother as the Phi value was .624. However, the findings were not
statistically significant being a p-value of .455. The results show that nearly 50% (n=10)
of the incarcerated mothers had a history of drug use. Out of those 50% (n=10) with a
62
history of drug use, 60% (n=6) of those reported that children were neglected by the
incarcerated mother. Out of the 20% (n=4) that reported no history of drug use, only 25%
(n=1) reported that children were neglected by the incarcerated mother. Nearly all of the
research cited in the literature review focused on the negative impact of complex trauma,
which includes neglect and maternal absence (in this case maternal incarceration) on the
infant brain and psyche. These variables ultimately lead to impaired brain and social
functioning and a propensity for insecure attachment; thus facilitating maladaptive mental
health later in life (Schore, 2001; Scheeringa & Zeanah, 2001;Horowitz, Logsdon, and
Anderson, 2005).
The variables history of maternal drug use and whether children were neglected
by the incarcerated mother were measured (Table 4.11) and there was a medium to strong
association between maternal history of drug use and children being neglected by the
incarcerated mother as the Phi value was .624. However, the findings were not
statistically significant being a p-value of .455. The results show that nearly 50% (n=10)
of the incarcerated mothers had a history of drug use. Out of those 50% (n=10) with a
history of drug use, 60% (n=6) of those reported that children were neglected by the
incarcerated mother. Out of the 20% (n=4) that reported no history of drug use, only 25%
(n=1) reported that children were neglected by the incarcerated mother. Nearly all of the
research cited in the literature review focused on the negative impact of complex trauma,
which includes neglect and maternal absence (in this case maternal incarceration) on the
infant brain and psyche. These variables ultimately lead to impaired brain and social
functioning and a propensity for insecure attachment; thus facilitating maladaptive mental
63
health later in life (Schore, 2001; Scheeringa & Zeanah, 2001;Horowitz, Logsdon, and
Anderson, 2005).
Figure. 10
Bar Chart of the Incarcerated Mother’s History of Drug Use and Neglect of Children
Table. 11
History of drug use * Were children neglected by the incarcerated mother
crosstabulation
Were Children Neglected by the
Incarcerated Mother
Yes
No
Unknown
History
of Drug
Use
Yes
No
Unknown
Total
Count
% within Were Children
Neglected by the
Incarcerated Mother
Count
% within Were Children
Neglected by the
Incarcerated Mother
Count
% within Were Children
Neglected by the
Incarcerated Mother
Count
% within Were Children
Neglected by the
Incarcerated Mother
Total
6
2
2
10
75.0%
1
25.0%
2
50.0%
1
50.0%
4
12.5%
1
25.0%
4
25.0%
1
20.0%
6
12.5%
8
50.0%
8
25.0%
4
30.0%
20
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
64
In relation to whether there was a relationship between maternal history of drug
use and maternal history of victimization, a cross-tabulation was done (Table 4.12). The
results showed that 35% (n=7) of those cases that had maternal history of drug use
reported a history of victimization. Of the 20% (n=4) that reported no maternal history of
drug use, 25% (n=1) of those cases reported history of victimizatioin. 15% (n=3) of the
cases with maternal history of drug use and history of victimization was unknown. The
researchers assumed that mothers with a history of victimization also had a history of
drug use. Had the research findings been statistically significant, the researchers may
have suggested that such mothers were unable to model secure attachment to their
children because of their own insecurity (Makariev & Shaver, 2010). However, data
showed that there was a low to moderate association with a Phi value of .464 and it was
also not statistcally significant with a p-value of .367.
Table. 12
History of drug use * History of victimization crosstabulation
History of
Victimization
Yes
No
History of
Drug Use
Yes
No
Unknown
Total
Count
% within History
of Victimization
Count
% within History
of Victimization
Count
% within History
of Victimization
Count
% within History
of Victimization
Unknown
Total
7
0
3
10
70.0%
1
0.0%
1
37.5%
2
50.0%
4
10.0%
2
50.0%
1
25.0%
3
20.0%
6
20.0%
10
50.0%
2
37.5%
8
30.0%
20
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
65
A crosstabulation was completed to assess the relationship between whether
visitations were regular between children and incarcerated mother and if children
exhibited behavioral issues (Table 4.13). Results showed there was a moderate to strong
association between whether visitations are regular and children exhibiting behavioral
issues. The data also indicated that it was not statistically significant with a p-value of
.146. Although not statistically significant, the researchers are able to determine that
regular visitations have a positive impact on children exhibiting behavioral issues.
Maternal incarceration has a negative impact on the attachment between the child and
incarcerated mother. As stated in the literature review, Geller et al (2009) reported that
separating a child from their primary caregiver, as well as poverty and academic risk, has
the potential of putiing a child at a higher risk for developing psychopathology and
engaging in criminal activity. Children are even at higher risk of negative outcomes when
the main caregiver such as the mother is incarcerated.
66
Table. 13
Are visitations regular? *Children having behavioral issues
Children Having Behavioral Issues
Yes
No
Unknown
Are
Visitations
Regular?
Yes
No
Split
Unknown
Total
Unknown
Count
% within Children
Having Behavioral
Issues
Count
% within Children
Having Behavioral
Issues
Count
% within Children
Having Behavioral
Issues
Count
% within Children
Having Behavioral
Issues
Count
% within Children
Having Behavioral
Issues
Total
2
2
4
8
33.3%
0
100.0%
0
33.3%
3
40.0%
3
0.0%
2
0.0%
0
25.0%
0
15.0%
2
33.3%
2
0.0%
0
0.0%
5
10.0%
7
33.3%
6
0.0%
2
41.7%
12
35.0%
20
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
An independent sample t-test was completed in order to explore the relationship
between the incarcerated mother’s involvement with their child while incarcerated and
whether it was a repeat incarceration or not. Given the limitations in the case studies, the
variables used to define maternal involvement score were: did caretaker have a good
relationship with the incarcerated mother, were visits regular, did children receive letters,
indicators of children upset, and did the incarcerated mother report experiencing anguish
at being separated from their children. The score was computed from these variables. The
results indicated that, with equal variances assumed, there was a significant mean
67
difference that existed between the two groups of mothers-those with the status of repeat
offenders and first time offenders, with a statistical significance at a .047 level and a
mean difference of 1.769 with respect to being a repeat offender and the level of maternal
involvement while incarcerated. This leads researchers to reject the null hypothesis and
keep the research hypothesis that the level of maternal involvement is impacted by to the
number of times that a person is incarcerated.
Table. 14
Independent sample T-Test
Levene's Test
for Equality
of Variances
What is the
mother's
involvement
while
incarcerated
Equal
Variances
Assumed
Equal
Variances
not
assumed
T Test for Equality of Means
df
sig (2
tailed)
mean
difference
std. error
difference
95 % confidence
interval of the
difference
Lower
Upper
F
Sig.
t
0.021
0.887
2.134
18
0.047
1.76923
0.82917
0.02722
3.51125
2.101
11.879
0.058
1.76923
0.8419
0.06735
3.60582
Table. 15
First time offenders vs. Repeat offenders
Whether repeat
incarceration or
not
What is the incarcerated
parent's involvement while
incarcerated
Yes
no
N Mea
Std.
Std.
n
Deviatio Error
n
Mea
n
8.00
.690
7
1.82574
00
07
1 6.23
.482
1.73944
3
08
43
68
Interpretation to the Findings
It is important to note that the 20 cases that were used to in this study were
collected from various public domain websites and due to the small sample size, the
internal validity of the study is compromised. Furthemore, the researchers would like to
point out that the findings are not to be generalized to larger populations. Similarly, the
researchers were unable to generalize the findings to a culturally diverse population of
individuals because the researchers did not analyze for contextual and cultural differences
in the study. Nevertheless, conducting research on this topic can establish a platform for
dialogue in identifying the particular needs of this disregarded population of children and
their families. Additionally, the findings gathered from this study can assist in bringing
this topic into public interest for further research and to begin addressing policy and
program development.
The results did show that the majority of children (85%) with an incarcerated
mother are being cared for by a family member, family friend, or neighbor. Interestingly,
there was a moderate to strong association between children not being in foster care and
the care being consistent and the findings were statistically significant. This can indicate
that children who remain with their biological family or with someone in their
community has consistent care. Although it was not statistically significant, there was a
moderate association between the caretaker having a good relationship with the
incarcerated mother and children not being in foster care. For example, since the majority
of the caretakers were mainly compromised of family members and friends, it can be
noted that there was a strong association with having a good relationship with the
69
incarcerated mother. The researchers also looked at the relationship between visitations
being regular and cildren exhibiting behavioral issues. The results showed that there was
a moderate to strong association between visitations being regular and children exhibiting
behavioral issues. Overall, regardless of whether or not visitations were regular, 30% of
children exhibited behavioral issues. 40% 0f all the cases regardless of whether or not
children exhibited behavioral issues had regular visitations with the incarcerated mother.
10% of the cases exhibited behavioral issues and visitations were regular. 10% of the
cases reported no behavioral issues and visitation were regular.
When looking at the relationship between maternal drug use and whether it was
first time incarceration, there was a moderate to strong association and findings also show
that it was statistically significant. This suggests that the out of the 65% that were first
time offenders, 30.8% reported a history of drug use. In addition, whether they were first
time offenders or not, 50% of the cases reported there was maternal history of drug use.
The results are important as it demonstrates that the majority of incarcerated mother have
a history of drug use. In relation to maternal drug use and if children were neglected by
the incarcerated mother, there was a medium to strong association between maternal
history of drug use and children being neglected by the incarcerated mother although the
findings were not statistically significant. When examining the relationship between
maternal history of drug use and maternal history of victimization, there was low to
moderate association and it was not statistically significant. Maternal involvement and
repeat incarceration was examined. The results indicated there was a significant
correlation with respect to being a repeat offender and the level of maternal involvement
70
while incarcerated. The finding allows the researchers conclude that the level of maternal
involvement is closely related to the number of times that a person is incarcerated.
Summary
The overall and specific findings of this study noted that when children remain in
the care of the biological family the potential to alleviate negative mental health
outcomes exists. The kinship care is more likely to have increased communication which
fosters and supports healthy attachment witht the main caregiver of the child. The study
also found that children exhibited behavioral issues regardless if visitations were regular
with the incarcerated mother thus demonstrating the impact separation has on children’s
cognitive behavioral outcomes. When looking at the reasons for maternal incarceration,
the majority of the offenses were drug related offenses and the majority of mothers were
first time offenders. In addition, the majority of the mothers had some type of
employment before they were incarcerated. These findings support the notion that
mothers were productive members of society that had substance abuse issues and were
channeled through the criminal justice system rather than receiving community support
and rehabilitation treatment services. The findings also showed that incarcerated mothers
who are repeat offenders are less involved with mothering their children. Possible factors
contributing to the repeat offenses could be that when mothers re-enter into society there
is a lack of support and empathy from the community, lack of proper rehabilitative
services, lack of employment, and lack of accessibility to services such as counseling,
rehabilitiative, medical, and financial. These factors could cause a mother to re-offend if
their drug and mental health issues were not addressed and contribute to the
71
intergenerational trauma families are experiencing. Chapter 5 will discuss the conclusion,
summary, implications for social work practice, and recommendations of the research
study.
72
Chapter 5
CONCLUSION, SUMMARY, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The purpose of this research study was to determine how maternal incarceration
affects the social and mental health outcomes of children. The researchers hypothesized
that maternal incarceration negatively affects the social and mental health outcomes of
children. This chapter reports the summary, implications for social work,
recommendations, limitations, and conclusion that resulted from the analysis of data
mined for this study.
Summary of Study
The major findings from the study included that majority of children with an
incarcerated mother remain in the care of the biological family. The majority of the
kinship caretakers had a good relationship with the incarcerated mother and the majority
had visitations that were regular between the children and their incarcerated mother.
Children exhibit behavioral issues regardless if the kinship or foster care was consistent
and visitations were regular. Behavioral issues involved drug use and law and order
troubles. The majority of the incarcerated mothers had stable employment prior to
incarceration and were first time offenders with a history of drug abuse. Those mothers
who were repeat offenders were less involved in their children’s lives. One third of the
mothers had reported the neglect or abuse of their children prior to incarceration. Most
cases of mothers studied for this research reported extreme anguish at not being able to
be part of their children’s lives and continue to mother their children.
73
Implications for Social Work
The importance of funding mental health and prevention programs for children
with an incarcerated mother needs to be studied from different perspectives and
documented accordingly. Although there is research information on the mental health
outcomes of incarcerated adults and juveniles, there is minimal data about the mental
health outcomes of children with an incarcerated mother.
According to the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) EPAS Educational
and Policy Accreditation Standards. The 2008 EPAS defines 10 competencies (EP 2.1.1EP 2.1.10), which are as follows: EP 2.1.1 Identify as a social worker and conduct
oneself accordingly; EP 2.1.2 Apply social work principles to guide professional practice;
EP 2.1.3 Apply critical thinking to inform and communicate professional judgments; EP
2.1.4 Engage diversity and difference in practice; EP 2.1.5 Advance human rights and
social and economic justice; EP 2.1.6 Engage in research-informed practice and practiceinformed research; EP 2.1.7 Apply knowledge of human behavior and the social
environment; EP 2.1.8 Engage in policy practice to advance social and economic wellbeing and to deliver effective social work services; EP 2.1.9 Respond to contexts that
shape practice; EP 2.1.10 (a)-(d) Engage, assess, intervene, and evaluate with individuals,
families, groups, organizations, and communities; EP 2.1.10 (a) Engagement; EP 2.1.10
(b) Assessment; EP 2.1.10 (c) Intervention; EP 2.1.10 (d) Evaluation (CSWE EPAS).
Social workers are expected to possess certain competencies in regards to basic social
work practice. By developing a research study that looks at the relationship between
maternal incarceration and effects on social and mental health outcomes of children, the
74
researchers were able to demonstrate competence in areas such as applying critical
thinking to inform and communicate professional judgments, advance human rights,
social, and economic justice, engage in research-informed practice and practice-informed
research, and apply the knowledge of human behavior and the social environment.
By developing a project, proper mechanisms for measuring understanding,
collecting stories that met researchers parameters for inclusion, and engaging in research,
allowed the researchers to apply their critical thinking skills to develop professional
views based on those findings. Because research on this topic has been minimal, it
allowed the researchers to practice informed research and contribute to its development
and to advocate for further research. Furthermore, future research would allow social
workers to engage in research-inform practice and develop evidence-based interventions
for this growing and marginalized population. Another competence the researchers
demonstrated by completing this research study was to advance human rights, social, and
economic justice. Due to the fact that this population has not been clearly identified by
service providers, communities, school systems, and overall society, these children and
their families are lacking the necessary services that would allow them to develop into
productive members of society and live to their fullest potential. The study allowed the
researchers to apply the knowledge of human behavior and the social environment by
using the information gathered to make recommendations.
Recommendations
In order to mitigate and/or ameliorate the potentially negative mental health and
social outcomes for children with incarcerated mothers, the researchers propose several
75
strategies and recommendations on the micro, meso, and macro levels. The researchers
propose that new policies take into consideration Micro level services in order for
communities and agencies to give special considerations for specific programs for
children. One policy would allow the children, with at least one incarcerated mother, to
be given immediate enrollment and educational stability, in his or her home district, in
order to prevent the possibility of further disruption, such as emotional trauma,
instability, and hinderance to academic outcomes, due to the absence of said mother.
The researchers also proposed that children with incarcerated mothers be given
priority access and fee waiver(s) to early-intervention and after care programs, such as
the Early Head Start or Boys and Girls Club, in order to promote healthy socialization
and support. In the area of practice, the researchers recommend that each child or family
be assigned a Licensed Clinical Social worker, specializing in clinical work, specifically
to deal with the potentially negative mental and social outcomes that the child will
experience as a result of the maternal incarceration. In addition, incarcerated mothers and
children need specific trainings such as mothering education courses and mother-child
intensive therapy, while protecting confidentiality, in order to ameliorate the effects of
separation. Additional recommendations should include the need to increase visitations,
making resources available to extend the length and frequency of visitations, making the
visitations an enriching experience by differentiating the needs of the children from the
needs of the mothers
On the Meso level, the researchers propose that support groups be developd for
caregivers in their communities, whether at local community centers or social service
76
organizations, and led by a Licensed Clinical Social Worker in order to help process the
difficulties that they might be facing, emotionally, mentally, and financially.
Additionally, the researchers recommend that a toolkit and handbook of best practices for
school districts and teachers be created and disseminated in order to bridge the gap in
understanding between the school administration and the families with incarcerated
mothers. The researchers recommend that the LCSW assigned to the child (or children)
with the incarcerated mother collaborate with the school social worker, teacher, and
school administration in order to promote stability and a positive academic environment.
Moreover, the media can assist in educating the public about the impact of incarceration
on families. State and local agencies can look at developing funds for decreasing costs of
kinship care and to provide respite services as most of the caregivers tend to be
grandmothers or other family members who are resource strapped and find it difficult to
keep up with the demands of mothering a child with an incarcerated mother.
On the Macro level, the researchers recommend mandatory visitation for children
and incarcerted mothers once per month, on holidays, and birthdays in order to promote
healthy attachment and mitigate insecure attachment patterns. Also, the researchers
recommend family appropriate environments during visitation, which would have the
potential to enable children and their mothers to interact in safe and nurturing
atmospheres. The researchers urge policy makers to subsidize communication costs, such
as telephone fees, which currently inhibit regular communication between children and
mother. The researchers also recommend adequate legal represenation for incarcerated
mothers to maintain their maternal rights, based on reason for incarceration and whether
77
or not children will be in kinship care. As such, the researchers acknowledge that there
must be an increase in access to reunification services, such as substance abuse treatment,
mental health services, and mothering classes. In addition, the researchers strongly urge
policy makers in California to allow for judicial discretion for time limits regarding
reunification.
The long term mental health and social outcomes remain a rich area of study as
much continues to be unknown regarding the influence of separation due to imprisonment
on the children, as well as efficient strategies for understanding and preventing
intergenerational trauma and incarceration. The researchers propose that future research
includes longitudinal studies focusing specifically on promoting and/or maintaining
healthy attachments between children and incarcerated mothers even during separation.
Such research has the potential to contribute to the knowledge on ways to reduce negative
mental health and social outcomes, due to the importance of the maternal child
relationship on brain development, as noted in the literature review.
On the Meso level, the researchers propose that future research focus on the
support systems for cargivers of children with incarcerated mothers, specifically, kinship
caregivers with an emphasis on grandmothers as they are the ones who typically take
responsibility for the children. Future research might focus on the economic outcomes
that caregivers face due to the maternal incarceration and how that affects the children’s
ability to maintain healthy attachment with the incarcerated mothers. In addition, the
researchers recommend that research focus on the development of a toolkit and handbook
for teachers and school administration regarding best practices for working with children
78
with incarcerated mothers. The future research might also address the efficacy of such
tools in conjunction with positive academic outcomes.
On the Macro level, the researchers recommend that policy makers investigate the
feasibility of subsidizing communication, specifically telephone costs or Skype/Face
time, in order to promote communication between children and their incarcareted
mothers. The researchers also recommend that future research investigate the cost
benefits and analysis of developing more nurturing visitation environments for children
and their incarcerated mothers.
In addition, the researchers propose that the field of social work engage in
collaborative efforts with other professions like criminal justice, child development, child
welfare professions to advocate for lawmakers to look at changing policy regarding first
time offenders with a drug related charges, especially for those that have stable
employment and are the main caretakers of the family. For example, knowing that the
majority of those in prison are there as a result of drug related charges, federal, state, and
local officials can examine the costs and benefits of allowing individuals to seek out
substance abuse treatment programs instead of incarceration. Law makers can develop
family friendly detaining facilities in order decrease the effects of long-term separation
and the financial impact on family members who are left to care for the children.
Limitations
The study limitations the researchers identified include the fact that there was
limited data available to determine how maternal incarceration directly impacts a child’s
mental and social outcomes. While it was important to note that children with
79
incarcerated mothers may be cared for by extended family members or by foster care
mothers, the purpose of the study was not to analyze the experiences and needs of
caregivers. However, the researchers acknowledge that understanding the needs of the
caregivers is important to understand their limitations in maintaining regular visitation
and contact with the incarcerated mother and how that relates to healthy attachment.
Also, the researchers did not explore the differences between an incarcerated mother in
state or federal prisons and/or county jails. The researchers focused on examining how
the overall factors of maternal incarceration affects children mentally and socially versus
focusing on specific outcomes.
The data came from personal narratives collected from the public domain, across
the United States. The personal narratives collected were a non-random purposive sample
and did not promote a structured means of data collection. In addition, the small nonprobability of the sample size limited the internal validity of the data, which therefore
limited the researchers ability to generalize the specific needs of incarcerated mothers
living in the United States. The data did not allow for specifics regarding the negative
affects of maternal incarceration on stigmatization of the children or academic outcomes.
As a result, the researchers were unable to generalize the findings to a culturally diverse
population of individuals because the researchers did not analyze for contextual and
cultural differences in the study.
Conclusion
Based on the findings of the study, the following conclusions can be drawn. The
study findings and this research demonstrated how maternal incarceration affects the
80
mental health outcomes through the destabilization of the caring processes, lack of
consistent contact with the mothers, and of stable caregiving processes. The major
findings from the study included that majority of children with an incarcerated mother
remain in the care of the extended family. The majority of the kinship caretakers had a
good relationship with the incarcerated mother and the majority had visitations that were
regular between the children and their incarcerated mother. Children exhibit behavioral
issues regardless if the kinship or foster care was consistent and visitations were regular.
The majority of the incarcerated mothers had stable employment and were first time
offenders with a history of drug abuse. Those mothers who were repeat offenders were
less involved in their children’s lives. To prevent intergenerational trauma resulting in
uncessary involvement with law inforcement and drug abuse, it’s not only a cause saving
mechanism but a humanistic appproach, by investing in stable and consistent contact with
mothers and children who are either in out of home placement or kinship care. In the
context of attachment theory, it supports the findings as children are separated from their
main caregiver they are impacted by the effects of having to adjust to new environments.
Among the studies included in the meta analysis, antisocial behavior was reported as
outcome of the parental incarceration in most of the cases with odds ratios ranging from
1.50 to 8.50. Majority of the studies tracked the impact of antisocial behavior among
male children of incarcerated parents and mental health issues were tracked among the
female children of incarcerated parents. This could be possibly interpreted as the gender
disparities in expected social norms related to sex role stereotyping as mental health
81
issues among girls and women, despite the stigma associated with them, are tolerated
more than the antisocial behavior among girls and women.
Nearly half of the studies included in the meta analysis had their samples of
incarcerated parents with multiple incarcerations occurring at various stages of their
children’s lives with the other half set of studies including samples of parents who were
incarcerated when their children were still in their childhood years. In three studies the
samples of children of incarcerated parents experienced the beginning of their parents in
their adolescence. Each of these three studies tracked exclusively girls, exclusively boys
and both respectively. All the three groups of studeies reported antisocial behavior as the
outcome of parental incarceration with Odds Ratios being the highest for boys at 3.40 and
for girls with 1.60. The difference in the risk of boys developing antisocial behavior is
highlighted through the above ratios.
82
Appendix A: Human Subjects Approval Letter
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO
DIVISION OF SOCIAL WORK
To: Zenaida Lopez-Cid and Monica Menjivar
Date: September 26, 2013
From: Research Review Committee
RE: HUMAN SUBJECTS APPLICATION
Your Human Subjects application for your proposed study, “Impact of Parental
Incarceration on Outcomes in Children”, is Approved as Exempt. Discuss your next
steps with your thesis/project Advisor.
Your human subjects Protocol # is: 13-14-009. Please use this number in all official
correspondence and written materials relative to your study. Your approval expires
one year from this date. Approval carries with it that you will inform the Committee
promptly should an adverse reaction occur, and that you will make no modification in
the protocol without prior approval of the Committee.
The committee wishes you the best in your research.
Research Review Committee members Professors Maria Dinis, Jude Antonyappan, Serge Lee, Francis Yuen, Kisun Nam, Dale Russell,
Cc: Antonyappan
83
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Becker-Weidman, A. and & Hughes, D. (2008). Dyadic developmental psychotherapy:
an evidence-based treatment for children with complex trauma and disorders of
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Berant, E., Mikulincer, M., & Florian, V. (2001). Attachment style and mental health:
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