HIGH SCHOOL TRACKING AND SOCIAL CAPITAL AMONG
COLLEGE-BOUND STUDENTS
Samuel Cruz Velázquez
B.S., University of California, Berkeley, 2007
THESIS
Submitted in partial satisfaction of
the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
in
SOCIOLOGY
at
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO
FALL
2010
HIGH SCHOOL TRACKING AND SOCIAL CAPITAL AMONG
COLLEGE-BOUND STUDENTS
A Thesis
by
Samuel Cruz Velázquez
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Charles S. Varano, Ph.D
__________________________________, Second Reader
Manuel Barajas, Ph.D
____________________________
Date
ii
Student: Samuel Cruz Velázquez
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University
format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to
be awarded for the thesis.
__________________________, Graduate Coordinator
Amy Qiaoming Liu, Ph.D
Department of Sociology
iii
___________________
Date
Abstract
of
HIGH SCHOOL TRACKING AND SOCIAL CAPITAL AMONG
COLLEGE-BOUND STUDENTS
by
Samuel Cruz Velázquez
This qualitative study presents high school tracking and the role of social capital
among college-bound students. The qualitative methodology includes forty personal
interviews to Latino/as and White Non-Hispanic (WNH) high school students. Family’s
income and parental level of education showed to play an important role for school
achievement. While some WNH students study under the shelter of their well-educated
and financially stable family, Latino/a students are nurtured by their family’s emotional
support and high educational expectations. This study found students making use of
technology in unique ways. Phone texting and internet chatting maintain female students
engaged in social and support networks. While male students made use of phone texting
and internet chatting less than females. Male students appeared more attracted to sports
than females. This study found that males use sports to strengthen their social bonds,
release stress and maintain mental balance. Students appeared to be highly competitive
with each other but they also reported that their peers are supportive with their education
iv
and academic achievement. Competition among students and family pressure appeared to
cause significant levels of emotional distress among all students.
_______________________, Committee Chair
Charles S. Varano, Ph.D
_______________________
Date
v
DEDICATION
A mi esposa Patricia, le dedico este trabajo de tesis y el producto de mi
educación. Agradezco su apoyo incondicional durante este largo proceso. A mi hija
Lisceth y mi hijo Martín, estoy agradecido de poder verlos como un modelo a seguir. A
mi hermana Carmen y su familia por sus palabras de apoyo y comprensión durante este
difícil proceso. A Saby y todos sus hijos también les agradezco sus palabras de apoyo.
Mis hermanos y sus familias: Moisés, Eleazar, Bellita y Saúl reciban este título de
maestría en nombre de Papá Moisés y Mamá Lupita. …los quiero.
En memoria de todos nuestros seres queridos que ya se han ido.
To my wife Patricia, I dedicate this thesis work and my education. I am thankful
for all her unconditional support during this long process. To my daughter Lisceth and
my son Martin, I am grateful for being able to see them as my role models. To my sister
Carmen and her family for all their supporting words and understanding during this
difficult process. To Saby and all her children for their supportive words. To my siblings
and their families: Moisés, Eleazar, Bellita and Saúl accept my Master’s degree in honor
of Papa Moisés and Mamá Lupita. … I love you all!
In memory of all the people we love that passed away.
vi
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The preparation, writing, and culmination of this thesis was truly a group effort. I
am truthfully indebted with my thesis committee for their unconditional support and
guidance. I thank Dr. Charles S. Varano for his academic guidance. Dr. Varano played a
long-lasting supportive role during the organization and analysis of my master thesis
from beginning to completion. I would also like to thank Dr. Manuel Barajas for his
comprehensive recommendations and continuous encouragement. Their encouraging
words always inspired and guided me to complete this thesis.
The nature of this study keeps me from disclosing other names. However, these
people were key in my data collection. I am tremendously indebted to the members of the
board of education, district administrators and school principals who allowed me to
conduct these interviews. A special thank you is dedicated to the assistant superintendent
who presented my petition and recommended its approval to the district’s board of
education on my behalf.
My most sincere gratitude goes to all the students who trusted me and allowed me
to look into their lives. They allowed me to ask questions and listen to their stories. After
conducting a meticulously analysis of their responses, I came to the conclusion that they
will never know much I have learned from their meaningful answers. My hope is that all
forty students, who are tremendously bright, and were happy to participate in this study
use their “advanced” academic knowledge to better the life of peers around them. I thank
them deeply and wish them great success as they pursue college and their other
endeavors.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Dedication ................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgments...................................................................................................... vii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................ x
List of Figures ............................................................................................................. xi
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION……………... ……………………………………………...… 1
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................. 1
Limitations ....................................................................................................... 6
Significance of the Study .................................................................................. 7
2. LITERATURE REVIEW ....................................................................................... 8
High School Tracking ....................................................................................... 9
Minorities in Education................................................................................... 15
Social Capital .................................................................................................. 29
3. METHODS ........................................................................................................... 37
Sample............................................................................................................. 38
Variables ......................................................................................................... 40
Concepts .......................................................................................................... 41
4. EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT ACROSS ETHNIC LINES ....................... 46
The Latino Experience .................................................................................... 48
White Non-Hispanic Experience .................................................................... 66
5. GENDER APPROACH IN EDUCATION .......................................................... 81
The Female Experience................................................................................... 82
The Male Experience ...................................................................................... 96
6. CONCLUDING REMARKS .............................................................................. 111
Comparisons and Similarities ....................................................................... 111
viii
Commonalities .............................................................................................. 114
What Have I Learned from this Study? ........................................................ 115
Tracking ........................................................................................................ 115
Mexican-American Educational Achievement ............................................. 118
Social Capital ................................................................................................ 121
Policies and Recommendations .................................................................... 123
Final Thoughts .............................................................................................. 126
Appendix A. Interview Questions ...........................................................................129
Appendix B. Dropout Rates by Family Income...................................................... 131
Appendix C. Dropout Rates by Sex, Race and Ethnicity ....................................... 133
Appendix D. Scores: Critical Reading and Mathematics ....................................... 135
Bibliography ............................................................................................................. 137
ix
LIST OF TABLES
Page
1.
Table 3.1 School District Demographics ……………..……………..….. 43
x
LIST OF FIGURES
Page
1. Figure 2.1 Dropout Rates by Income…………………..………………….….….… 17
2. Figure 2.2 Dropout Rates Race/Ethnicity ……………………..………….…......... 19
3. Figure 2.3 Dropout Rates by Sex ……………………………..….…...….….…..….20
4. Figure 2.4 SAT Scores: College-Bound Seniors in Critical Reading.1990-2008.......21
5. Figure 2.5 SAT Scores: College-Bound Seniors in Mathematics. 1990-2008.......... 22
xi
1
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
Statement of the Problem
One of the most desirable dreams for parents is to see their children lead a healthy
and successful life. For many parents success is defined by educational achievements.
Most parents are fortunate enough to have children who live a healthy life. Unfortunately,
many parents see the educational plans they have for their children gradually dissolve
when their children drop out of school or graduate from high school with a less than
competitive grade point average for admittance to a university. The current educational
system stratifies students into different curriculum tracks. While some tracks prepare
students to continue in higher education, other tracks place emphasis in training students
to learn a trade. Tracking students into different curriculums thus converts public high
schools into systems that stratify students into different groups; groups that socialize
individuals into their respective social class (Rosenbaum 1975).
Longitudinal studies (Gamoran 1992; Lucas and Paret 2005; Yogan 2000), have
determined that high school tracking systems perpetually damage many students because
they oftentimes deny opportunities of higher education to marginalized groups like
Latino and African American students. On the contrary, the same tracking system usually
enhances or clears the road for White students. Schools with high numbers of Latino and
African American students from low socioeconomic status (SES) are usually “bottom
heavy” school systems. These schools have large numbers of remedial or vocational
classes, and minority students have little participation in their honors or advanced studies
2
programs. As a general rule, “bottom heavy” schools are segregated and found in urban
areas (Oakes 1992). Despite the low number of Latino students in college-bound classes,
their minute numbers offers the opportunity to learn what techniques they have developed
to study and how they manage to stay focused in a demanding college-bound curriculum.
For this reason, the study of social capital and how students take advantage of their social
networks becomes an essential part of this research. This study will explore how students
use their social capital skills when they are enrolled in a college-bound curriculum. Thus,
learning how students take advantage of their social networks offers the potential to
replicate the same model in non-college-bound classes.
Lucas and Aaron (2001) and Mehan (1991) have studied the effect of
homogeneous classes and have concluded that tracking students according to their
academic level enforces racial and class segregation. The argument is that teachers can
concentrate on one academic level of students, but tracking has not made education more
effective among the general student body. Furthermore, when students are placed into
different tracks, their family’s educational level and socioeconomic status are used to
determine what grade and academic level students should be placed in. It appears that
racial bias and misconceptions play a big role during the selection process when students
are placed into different tracks. Tracking is illuminated in Malcolm X (1973)
autobiography where he shares to one of his instructors that he wanted to be a lawyer.
The instructor told young Malcolm X that he needed to be realistic. “A lawyer—that’s no
realistic goal for a nigger.” “…Why don’t you plan on carpentry?”(p. 36). This passage
indicates that the educational expectations and limitations for African American people
3
were controlled and embedded into society, whereas higher education was reserved for a
more privileged class. Today, traces of the same pattern can be observed in modern
classrooms. Villenas and Dehyhle (1999) find that labeling high school students as not
college material and placing them into non-college bound classes discourages them from
trying harder and being persistent in school. Therefore, tracking has created more
problems because it affects the way students view themselves. Tracking sends the
damaging message to low tracked students that they are not as good as students enrolled
in honors classes (Yogan 2000). College-bound students are usually more confident,
motivated, and enjoy a higher social status than low tracked students (Hallinan 1994a).
Therefore, it becomes an essential part of this research to understand what helps students
become more confident and what motivates them to stay focused in school.
Erickson and Shultz (1982) also highlight the role of school counselors as
gatekeepers, who make placement decisions based on student’s family background, race,
and socioeconomic status. This practice is problematic because once students are placed
into non-college-bound tracks, it becomes difficult for them to move up to college-bound
courses (Lucas and Berends 2002; Lucas and Good 2001; Useem 1992). In fact, when
students are assigned into a low track they find it difficult to move up more than one
track level (Lucas and Good 2001). Students in non-college-bound classes, therefore, see
their probabilities of going to college diminished. On the contrary, students who are
enrolled in college-bound classes early in their high school years always have greater
chances to transfer to a four-year university (Attewell 2001). Limited upward mobility
disadvantages minority students in remedial classes because the curriculum is not
4
academically designed to prepare them for institutions of higher education (Hallinan
1996). Therefore, a system that recognizes the needs of lower tracked students beyond
the curriculum would represent a turning point in educational practice.
However, this research does have the potential to show that when students create
support groups and enrich their social capital they empower themselves and, more
importantly, students make their educational achievement more predictable. Part of the
literature cited for this research sustains that students create supporting social networks
that function as the glue that bond them together and keeps them from dropping out of
school (Valenzuela 1999b). Therefore, the nature of social capital and the networks that
students generate represent a key component for this research. In fact, this study
momentarily puts aside national statistics to pay closer attention to the students’
perspectives in order to learn firsthand how they create or utilize their social capital and
system of networks to support their education.
When students have a combined workload of academics and honor classes, they
are made to believe that it is only natural to perform well in certain subjects while being
weak in others (Glasgow, Dornbusch, Troyer, Steinberg, and Ritter 1997). This line of
thinking assumes that forming homogeneous groups is more appropriate than having
heterogeneous groups where less advanced students would presumably struggle if placed
together with more advanced students. Nevertheless, we have yet to see what students
think about the advantages or disadvantages of carrying a combined workload of collegebound and non-college-bound courses.
5
In part, this research seeks to fill an existing gap in the study of high school
tracking and social capital. Most researchers construct their arguments based on data
collected from High Schools and Beyond, National Center for Education Statistics
(NCES) or private longitudinal studies made by social researchers. Valenzuela, (1999b)
in her ethnographic study of high school students, found that students with similar
backgrounds create support networks that helps them focus on school. Thus, taking a
similar approach to Valenzuela’s method, this study deviates from extensive databases
and relies more on personal interviews in order to allow students to define their own
experience in school.
Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) explain that middle-class students are
usually born to higher educated parents who know the educational system and what it
takes to go to college. Families that occupy a privileged place in society enjoy more
benefits from the schools’ counselors because their children’s language skills serve as an
indicator of their social status (Mehan 1991). Therefore, a family’s socioeconomic level
becomes another important part of this study. Annette Lareau (1989) explains that middle
class and working class parents approach school in different ways. For example, middle
and upper class parents invest more time on their children’s education while working
class parents have less contact and minimal participation in their children’s educational
activities. In fact, Lareau adds, upper and middle class parents feel that their children’s
education is a shared responsibility while working class parents place most educational
responsibilities on schools. In terms of social capital, one may assume that working-class
youths have a less valuable social capital in comparison to middle-class students.
6
However, Valenzuela (1999b) shows that even immigrant students from low social
economic status (SES) build a fair amount of social capital through support groups which
are oftentimes nurtured by female students. These groups bond students together and help
them stay focused in school as long as they maintain association within their group.
James Coleman (1988) sustains that every social group has the potential to profit from the
creation and maintenance of social networks. Coleman’s study shows that groups from
different social backgrounds have the potential to build enough social capital to help
them succeed in their everyday endeavors. The educational system is not an exception in
this realm. Students have the potential to associate with people that help them reach their
goals. For instance, students may seek help among older siblings, family members,
friends, and even neighbors.
Limitations
This study will not represent the general population. However, the results
obtained from this school district will provide important information about the value of
social capital to increase access to higher education among its residents. Nevertheless,
because most American schools do not work under the umbrella of a unified system,
school districts under the supervision of their local board of education have the discretion
to shape educational policies at their will. Therefore, the results of this study will offer
the opportunity to understand how social capital and the use of social networks are
essential assets in the American educational system. As indicated above, the sample size
cannot be representative of the general population. Indeed, this study is not designed to
produce general results that can be used to assume that social capital plays the same role
7
in any American school. As the literature used in this project indicates, schools vary in
their type of administration. While some schools are considered inclusive, others have
policies that exclude most students from enrolling in college bound courses.
Significance of the Study
The significance of this study is to understand the importance of social capital in
the educational system among college-bound students. Several researchers have studied
high school tracking based on empirical data and longitudinal studies. However, very
little has been done to study high school students from different SES currently enrolled in
a college-bound curriculum. As stated above, studies of social capital based on actual
interaction between students in high school continue to be scarce.
This study will pay special attention to social capital among Latino and AngloSaxon students in six high schools located in Northern California. First, the interviews
will gather information about the family’s educational and occupational background.
Then, open ended questions will establish the students’ educational experience. The final
part is designed to understand the nature of social capital that students accumulate and
how they use it to advance in school. This study will try to determine the role of social
networks when students are placed in different tracks. Additionally, ethnicity is also
important to explore social capital in regards to Latino immigrant students. Also,
following Valenzuela’s (1999b) research, this study must explore how low SES students
create essential social networks that bind them together in school when they do not have
the necessary knowledge or family support to navigate the educational system.
8
Chapter 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
High school tracking is a school stratification system. The system stratifies and
segregates students into remedial, academic or honor classes. According to school
officials, the purpose of tracking is to create homogeneous groups in order to properly
teach students based on their “natural” abilities and those who seem to be at the same
academic level (Oakes 1992; Rosenbaum 1975). This is to say, the creation of
homogeneous groups in which all students appear to be at a similar level of achievement
is one of the reasons for tracking students into different groups. High school tracking not
only stratifies students into different groups, but also creates distinctions among the
student body. Students attending the same school have a similar schedule, yet are
separated by their distinct curriculum. Therefore, tracking creates a “together but
separate” atmosphere, and a “smart” and “not too smart” portrayal of children along
racial and economic lines (Villenas and Deyhle 1999).
Tracking students into college-bound and non-college-bound courses diminishes
the capacity of the educational system to be an equal opportunity institution. For
example, students enrolled in college-bound courses have greater chances to continue
their education than those enrolled in vocational or other non college-bound curriculum.
Tracking, therefore, has turned schools into a type of filtering mechanism that selects and
prepares some students for college while training others for the secondary labor market.
For example, students in college-bound classes acquire the necessary education to
9
perform well in more demanding college work. At the same time, the academic level of a
non college-bound curriculum is not designed to prepare students to study in an
institution of higher education.
The aim of this research is to explore high school tracking beyond the official
interpretation as well as to outline the conditions through which tracking takes place. This
study pays special attention to the creation of social networks and social capital among
students and how they maintain and use their social relations to stay and succeed in
college-bound classes. My primary goal is to analyze how Latino/a and White students
accumulate and use their social capital to succeed in college-bound classes.
High School Tracking
Brief History of Tracking
Early in the twentieth century, the U.S. military began to administer IQ tests to
their soldiers. Soon after, this form of early massive classification of people proliferated
and expanded to American universities and high schools. By the first quarter of the
1900s, high school tracking became a common practice in the American educational
system (Lemann 2000). The early educational system was utilized to accommodate the
children of new immigrants in separate classes designed to integrate them to American
life (Rosenbaum 1976). By the 1930s, IQ testing became a standard practice to identify
student’s academic abilities. This form of ability grouping during the first quarter of the
1900s diversified students into different talents and helped legitimate the tracking system
(Hurn 1993). In his ethnographic study of an American high school, James E.
10
Hollingshead (1975) also explains that high school tracking was a legal practice in the
United States aimed at reaching the most achieving students and placing them in
advanced classes. Hurn explains that the most visible consequence of school tracking was
the presence of large numbers of Hispanics and blacks in lower tracks. Some early critics
of school tracking, Hurn adds, claimed that IQ ability tests were a clear evidence of
discrimination against minority groups. However, pursuant to court orders to desegregate
schools as a result of Brown v. Board of Education, in 1954 and during the Civil Rights
Movement of the 1960s, high school tracking became a hidden practice in American high
schools (Lemann 2000).
Quality of Education
The quality of education remains at question in lower track classes because
instructors put stronger emphasis on obedience rather than content (Hallinan 1994). On
the other hand, students schooled in wealthy neighborhoods have the benefits of better
labs, more experienced teachers, and more academic support than students from poor
urban schools do. As a consequence, it is highly predictable that students from wealthy
neighborhoods are more likely to achieve better than students from poor neighborhoods.
Tracking, therefore, disadvantages minority students in low track classes because the
quality of instruction in the low track is academically inferior to high-tracked classes
(Carbonaro 2005; Elledge 1958).
Oakes (1990) and Talbert and McLaughlin (2002) in their studies of high school
teachers found out that some teachers who teach non-college-bound classes are not
certified teachers. School administrators claim that schools have very limited access to
11
hire fully credentialed teachers. Other times, teachers in low-track classes are in the
process of acquiring their teaching credential. Nevertheless, the argument is that students
who are in much need of a quality education are being left behind due to inexperienced
teachers.
One may say that if tracking students into different class levels unfairly stratifies
students, then de-tracking students would be the best solution. However, despite intensive
efforts to de-track students, sometimes there is some resistance on the part of students to
take college-bound classes to avoid a more demanding curriculum (Mehan 1991). Some
schools also create innovative programs to integrate students together by using better
prepared and dedicated teachers who care for their students.
Hallinan (1994) states that after school activities such as concerts, sports, and
field trips are barriers that keep low SES students from participating in honor classes.
Hallinan and Lareau confirm that well-to-do families have the economic means to
support their children’s extracurricular activities which families from low SES find more
difficult to do. Additionally, other forms of social class disadvantage include the high
number of schools located in poor neighborhoods where the student-counselor ratio is
five hundred students to one counselor per the national average. Therefore, insufficient
high school counselors also reduce the chances of high school students to transfer directly
to a four year college (Sacks 2007). For instance, in public high schools where the
student-counselor ratio is 100 to 1, around 85 percent of students attend a four year
college. But, when schools follow the national average of 500 to 1, college attendance
fell to about 59 percent, Sacks explains.
12
Yogan (2000) argues that a tracking system has not made education more
effective even though homogeneous groups are supposed to be easier to teach. Yogan’s
argument also implies that the system creates prejudices and discriminatory practices
against non-college bound students because it sends the message that students enrolled in
remedial classes are not as “good” as students enrolled in college-bound classes.
Additionally, low-track students find it hard to meet the extra curriculum that high-track
students enjoy such as after school activities.
As mentioned before, when high school students are already assigned to a specific
track, pupils show very little mobility between tracks (Attewell 2001). Longitudinal
studies (Lucas and Berends 2002; Lucas and Good 2001) also show very little upward
mobility for low track students. Most of the upward mobility takes place from academic
to honor classes but not a bigger leap from remedial to honor classes. In other words,
when students experience some upward mobility, it is usually from remedial to academic
or academic to honor level courses. Thus, a bigger leap from remedial to honor is
extremely rare (Lucas and Berends 2002; Lucas and Good 2001).
Parental participation is also an indicator of placement in a college-bound
curriculum. In one study, Useem (1992) concludes that students who volunteer at school
and whose parents take a bigger role in school activities are those more likely to advance
to honor classes rather than those who participate very little or not at all in their school.
Useem’s study demonstrates that social connections and social capital are key facilitators
in educational mobility. Besides, students whose parents have the resources and the social
connections to invest in their children’s education are more likely to belong to higher
13
SES than working parents. In her study of middle and working class families Lareau
(1989) found that while middle and upper-class families maintain an interconnection with
school teachers, working class parents maintain a separation with school. Lareau explains
that working class parents distance themselves from teachers and school because they are
of the idea that school is solely responsible for their children’s education. In contrast,
adds Lareau, most middle and upper-class parents have much more contact with teachers,
and play a more active role in their children’s education. Additionally, middle class
parents feel highly responsible for their children’s education and when they feel that their
children have a weak teacher, they hire private tutors and educational consultants.
Therefore, due to their economic advantage, middle class students have the potential to
gain more return in education than working class students do.
Low and High Track Students
Tracking sends the psychologically damaging message to low tracked students
that they are not as good as those in college-bound classes (Yogan 2000). College-bound
students are usually more confident and motivated and enjoy a higher academic status
than low tracked students (Hallinan 1994; Hurn 1993). Different tracks create class
segregation and hierarchies within the school system. Hallinan (1994) explains that wellto-do groups tend to look down upon lower-class students and see them as outsiders.
Additionally, Hallinan adds, higher track students tend to be more confident and
motivated because they usually have a guaranteed place at prestigious universities.
Ability grouping, nevertheless, is not always presented in the same manner across
different school districts. Tracking might take the form of an exclusive or inclusive
14
system. An exclusive high school system is one where students are placed below their
academic level, whereas in an inclusive system, a high proportion of students are placed
above their predicted level, and a low proportion of students are placed below their
predicted track level (Kilgore 1991). But, how do students who gain access to collegebound classes manage to stay in a rigorous curriculum? These are questions that Angela
Valenzuela (1999b) will help to answers in her ethnographic study of middle and
working class high school students.
Tracking Process
For Rosenbaum (1975) and Yogan (2000) gender, SES, race and ethnicity play an
important role in the decision making process about tracking. Analyzing the relationship
of SES and tracking, Glasgow et al. (1997) found that counselors consider the economic
status of the student’s family when they assign pupils to academic tracks. Students who
come from high SES families are more likely to be placed in college bound classes than
low SES students. Counselors simply make the assumption that wealthy families prepare
students for honor classes better than low SES families. The authors also examined race
and ethnicity and found the same tracking pattern when students were members of
minority groups or came from different countries. Thus, this trend may indicate that
many counselors have the tendency to assume that minority students may not perform the
same as high SES students seemingly do (Bernard 1963; Glasgow, et al 1997;
Rosenbaum 1975; Yogan 2000). For this reason, a closer look at the actual educational
conditions of minority students in American high schools is necessary to have a broader
understanding of how, why and what track level minorities are placed in.
15
Minorities in Education
Demographic variations in the United States constantly change the social fabric.
When changes in demographics occur fast, they usually affect all forms of social life. The
educational system is one of the institutions most affected by these changes. Latinos
represent the fastest growing group in American public education with a rapid increase to
almost twenty percent of the student population within the last few years (Ballantine and
Hammack 2009b). As a result, states with a growing number of Latinos have become
more educationally segregated. Ballantine and Hammack explain that increasing numbers
of segregated schools have several effects. One is that public schools are becoming
increasingly homogeneous as the percentage of Latino students are increasing while
White students are consistently diminishing. Language and cultural barriers, the authors
add, have the potential to limit student integration. A more dramatic effect in school
composition is the high number of high school dropouts.
Latinos have one of the highest high school dropout rates. For example, in
California, one in four high school students may not graduate from high school. In fact, a
four-year derived statewide dropout rate as of 2008 shows a general dropout rate of 21.5
percent. Latinos represented 27.4 percent of total dropouts1. But when we talk about
Latino students, we must avoid putting all Latinos together into the same category. When
we break up Latino groups by ethnicity, we see that most groups have their own story to
tell-some more or less harsh than others. To illustrate this point, Portes and Zhou (1994)
explain that during the 1960s Cuban immigrants arrived to the United States under the
1
See report at: http://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr08/yr08rel131.asp
16
best social conditions an immigrant can dream of. First, they faced no institutional
discrimination because they were welcomed by the U.S. government. Second, Cubans did
not meet the same level of social prejudice as other ethnic groups have always
experienced at their arrival to U.S. soil. Third, soon after their arrival they formed
supportive communities that help them open access to education and middle class jobs.
Unfortunately, Mexicans and the majority of Latin American groups had to face
institutional discrimination as the U.S. did not maintain the same standards for all groups.
Case analysis show that educational achievement of Latin American groups
deviates across generations. Kalogrides (2009) documents generational patterns of school
achievement among first, second and third generation Latinos. Kalogrides explains that
each generation performs in different ways. For instance, second generation students
appear to achieve more than first generation for the fact that they are more proficient in
English. But, achievement declines by the third generation because, Kalogrides explains,
individuals experience discrimination and some structural barriers to upward mobility. It
is the first and second generations that have developed strong study habits and work ethic
but they tend to fade away by the third generation, Kalogrides concludes.
Some indicators also highlight the impact that family income has on dropout
rates. For example figure 2.1 obtained from the National Center for Education Statistics
(NCES)2 show that families located at the lowest economic scale also experience the
highest dropout rates in the nation. Figure 2.13 defines low income as the lowest twenty
2
3
See chart at: http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2002/droppub_2001/figs/fig1.asp
Corresponding statistical table is located in Appendix B
17
percent of all family incomes for any specific year. Middle income families represent
between twenty and eighty percent of all families and high income is the top twenty
percent of all family incomes between the years of 1972 and 2004. Middle income
families have significantly reduced dropout rates compared to low income families.
However, it is high income families that have the lowest dropout rates among high school
students. This analysis supports Lareau’s (1989) findings that it is the middle and upper
class families who experience better returns from their children’s education. For Lareau,
social class provides families with valuable resources that will eventually be capitalized
into social profits. Resources such as active parental participation in school nourishes the
concept that their children’s education is not only the responsibility of schools but a
shared responsibility between parents and schools. In Lareau’s analysis, low dropout
rates would represent the value of resources invested in their children’s education.
Figure 2.1. Event dropout rates of 15- through 24-year-olds who dropped
out of grades 10-12, by family income: October 1972 through October 2004
Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, October (1972-200)
In short, immigrant and native born Latino dropout rates represent a growing
18
concern for the educational system. If the Latino population continues to grow at the
same pace and dropout rates continue to follow the same pattern, then Latinos will likely
represent a substantial number of undereducated people in the United States. The
projected statistics are dramatic. Ballantine and Hammack (2009) explain that some of
the reasons that lead so many Latino/a students to drop out of high school include
suspensions, cutting classes, deviant behavior, or early pregnancies. In addition, Hispanic
families experience high geographic and residential mobility among different school
districts, which makes them more vulnerable to fail scholastically (Ballantine and
Hammack 2009), because they do not have the academic continuity that other
permanently established students do.
Valenzuela also shows that the dropout rates represent a serious problem in the
United States. For instance, Valenzuela conducted a study in a high school located in a
small Southwestern border town where the total Latino population during 1996-97
surpassed fifty percent. In her study, the school’s dropout rates exceeded seventy percent
whereas the district as a whole experienced a dropout rate of 48 percent. Valenzuela’s
dropout numbers slightly fluctuate from the national statistics. For example, figure 2.24
obtained from the NCES5 shows that during 1996-97 the dropout rate for Latinos was
twenty-nine percent and for White non-Hispanic, was thirteen percent. The data shows
that the rates have generally remained constant with a slight variation of plus/minus three
percent between 1996 and 2004. Again, Valenzuela conducted her study in a small border
4
5
Corresponding statistical table is located in Appendix C
See Figure 2.2 at: http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2002/droppub_2001/Figs.asp
19
town where the Latino population highly exceeded White students as well as any other
ethnic group.
Figure 2.2. Status dropout rates of 16- through 24-year-olds by race/ethnicity:
October 1972 through October 2004
Figure 2.36 offers a closer look at how male and female students maintain the
same dropout patterns for the last thirty years placing female students below the median.
For example, figure 2.3 shows that males have experienced a constant reduction of
dropout rates from 14.1 in 1972 to 11.6 in 2004. There were three periods where male
dropouts have slightly increased but soon decrease again. The first increase was during
the late 1970s, the second during the late 1980s and the last during the 1990s. Female
students show similar patterns. However, according to graph 2.3, females had higher
dropout rates during the early 1970s but soon after their numbers have been kept lower
than male students. For example, the crossing point in the chart occurred in 1976 when
both gender categories experienced a fourteen percent dropout rate. The turning point of
6
Corresponding statistical table is located in Appendix C
20
1976 has shown that female dropout rates have diminished from 15.1 to 9.0 in 2004. The
data compares male students to female students but does not offer race and ethnicity in
relation to sex. Additional analysis is required to interpret the data even further in order to
distinguish what percentages do Latino/a students show compared to White students and
how they have fluctuated over the years.
Figure 2.3. Status dropout rates of 16- through 24-year-olds by sex:
October 1972 through October 2004
Other ways to compare Latino/as with White students is by analyzing their
Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT) score results. Figures 2.47 display national statistics of
SAT scores data obtained from the NCES8. The data serve as an indicator to show
students’ achievement, based on race and ethnicity, among college-bound high school
seniors. Figure three represents the SAT mean scores for critical reading. The trend
indicates that Mexican Americans and other Hispanics lag behind their White
7
Corresponding statistical table is located in Appendix D
Average SAT scores for White, Mexican American and other Hispanic college-bound seniors. See table at
: http://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=171
8
21
counterparts. For example, the two categories of Latinos shown in figure 2.3 have
fluctuated at an average score of 450 points in their SAT scores for the last eighteen
years. In contrast, White students outscore Latino students in critical reading by almost
seventy points during the same years. Asian/Pacific Islanders scored between 485 and
514 points between 1990 and 2008. SAT scores in critical reading position Asians
slightly below their White counterparts but significantly higher than any Hispanic group.
Thus, not only do Whites represent a model of achievement but so do Asians.
Figure 2.4. SAT mean scores of college-bound seniors.
Selected by years: 1990-91 through 2007-08. SAT-Critical Reading.
Figure 2.59 shows mean scores in mathematics for the same groups of students. In
this figure, the same pattern appears to be present. For instance, Latino students have a
combined average of 460 points contrary to their White counterparts of 525 score points.
Figure 2.5 displays almost identical trends between Whites and Latino/as showing that
9
Corresponding statistical table is located in Appendix D
22
White students also outperform Latino/as in math by sixty five standard points. SAT
scores in figure 2.5 shows that Asian students outperform any other group in math
including Whites. In fact, Asian student’s mathematical skills can not only be seen as
minority models to Latinos but they are also a model to follow by White students. Grace
Kao (1995) explains that the educational success of Asian students can be explained
because the average Asian parent has compiled more education than White parents.
Therefore, the level of parental education may be the main determinant of their children’s
educational achievement.
Figure 2.5. SAT mean scores of college-bound seniors.
Selected years: 1990-91 through 2007-08. SAT-Mathematics.
Other institutional factors also affect Latino students. For example, Latino
students are usually tracked in lower and non college-bound classes. Sometimes, many
Latino families assume that college is too expensive and they encourage their children to
attend technical training classes in order to learn a trade, but they fail to enroll in classes
that would prepare them for a four year college (Post 1990). However, over the last few
23
years, Post explains, a growing number of Latino students are planning to go to college.
Many Latinos who do pursue education beyond high school, however, plan to enroll in a
two year program or community college (Contreras 2005). Latino students have been
largely underrepresented in college-bound classes. Tracking students in non collegebound classes reduces their chance to directly enroll in a four year university without
passing though community colleges. Many working class families also lack the resources
and access to information channels to help their children gain a place in a college-bound
program.
As a result, this may be one of the factors of why there are large numbers of
Latino students enrolled in community colleges pursuing associate degrees rather than
bachelor degrees at universities. Besides, students who attend community colleges
experience higher dropout rates than those who go directly to a four-year college
(Karabel 1986). A vast amount of literature describes other ways that Latino/a students
are pushed out of the educational system. For instance, Hao and Bonstead-Bruns (1998)
explain that Mexicans in particular represent one of the ethnic groups that are more likely
to experience dissonant assimilation. In other words, some Mexican parents tend to
overlook the importance of learning English and their children oftentimes learn from
other peers to reject education.
Ogbu (2003), in his study of African-American parents indicates that when
minority parents try to teach their children the benefits of education, some may do it in
ways that sends the wrong message and creates the wrong effect. Therefore, it is not only
that some minority parents may be ambivalent to their children’s education but they do
24
not have the skills to encourage their children in ways that produce positive results. In
this way, when Mexican parents resist assimilation their children are more at risk of
rejecting school and experience downward mobility. In general, when parents do not take
interest to learn about their children’s educational system, they do not gain the
knowledge, skills or become part of social networks to help their children advance in
school. Matute-Bianchi (1991) makes clear that, in terms of education, Immigrant
Mexicans and native born Mexican-Americans respond in different ways. For the author,
school achievement is not always the result of assimilation and/or acculturation. For
example, students from Mexico that have not yet been acculturated/assimilated to
American society usually achieve better than native born Mexican-American students
because of the strong study habits they bring from their home country. Usually,
immigrant Mexican students are more likely to achieve in school than non-immigrant
Chicano and Cholo student groups, the author adds. Other reasons, Matute-Bianchi
explain, rest on the fact that second generation Mexican students have suffered the
negative effects of years of institutional discrimination and limited social opportunities.
Low school integration in addition to dropout rates and poor SAT scores may be
some of the results of weak commitment to education (Kalogrides 2009). Nevertheless,
before we place all the blame on parents and students for not integrating to cultural
norms, we must consider some structural forces that Mexican families face with their
arrival to the United States. First, Lareau (1989) explains that one factor is the geographic
area of residency. In other words, it makes a difference whether a family lives in a rural
area with little connection to people who know about the school system or in a
25
community-organized neighborhood where neighbors help other neighbors with school
issues.
Lareau also explains that immigration policies of the receiving country put
tremendous pressure on immigrant families and force them to live in the shadows (See
also Portes and Rumbaut 2006). A third factor, adds Lareau, is the attitudes and values of
native born toward new immigrants. Lareau’s argument emphasizes the importance of
social class on education. For instance, middle and upper-class groups already know how
to invest in education and how to use their social class resources to help their children
advance in school. On the other hand, working class families usually lack the knowledge
and resources to help their children achieve in school. Therefore, Lareau’s argument
represents a fine tool to understand why some Mexican families are better prepared than
others when they arrive to the United States. Furthermore, it makes a difference whether
a family comes from rural Mexico where education attainment is low or from middlesized and large Mexican cities where education is widely available to most children
(Bettie 202). Moreover, students who come from urban areas in Mexico are usually very
well prepared in math and science because the educational system teaches them strong
study ethics and habits not common in rural areas.
Despite the different Latino outcomes in education, there is scant literature that
focuses on successful stories of Latinos as role models. The data analyzed above from the
NCES shows that Latinos experience the highest dropout rates, low SAT scores, fewer
academic achievements, and lowest graduation rates compared to White students. In fact,
Latinos are highly underrepresented in college-bound courses. Nonetheless, their minute
26
representation in honor classes should not be ignored as a research subject. In fact, it is
precisely because they are underrepresented in college-bound programs why it is
important to study their case.
It is true that Latinos are not seen as a model minority like Asian Americans are
seen (Kao 1995). Similar to the Mexican and Cuban experience that Portes and Zhou
(1994) mentioned above, educated Asians were also welcomed by the government. Lopez
and Stanton-Salazar (2001) explain that due to historical factors, Mexican-descendants
face more social disadvantage compared to Asians. According to the authors, low
educated Mexican laborers migrated in large numbers to the United States during the
1960s at the same time as middle and upper class well educated Asians did. As a result,
Asians had better access to education and high-skilled jobs. Besides, the authors add, the
labor conditions of past generations such as unionized labor jobs that did not required
high educational training began to diminish within the last thirty years. Yet, there are
Latinos that are highly successful in education and serve as role models to other students
for their academic achievement. Richard Rodriguez (1983) presents himself as an
example of the level of education a Mexican-descendant student can achieve. Like
Rodriguez, a growing number of highly educated Mexicans are now reclaiming their
place in colleges, universities and every sector of society. Rodriguez’ successful
educational achievement can be followed by students aiming to reclaim their rightful
place in higher education.
Unfortunately, despite the availability of public data, there are limited studies
based on successful Latino stories. For example, data collected from the California Post
27
Secondary Education10 shows that Latinos represent 13 percent of all graduates at the
University of California (UC) and 20 percent at the California State University (CSU) in
2007. For the same year, Whites graduated at a rate of 43.5 percent at both the CSU and
UC systems. Despite the low Latino graduation rates, a report published by the UC11,
shows that out of the total number of Latinos enrolled in their universities system wide,
73.8 percent graduate in a six year cohort compared to 79.9 percent for White students
and 80.4 percent for Asian students. Slightly more than seven out of every ten Latinos
enrolled in higher education actually graduate in six years. It becomes clear that Latinos
have similar or more determination to graduate as Whites and Asians do once they gain
access to higher education. Therefore, the Latino experience in high school and their
transition to higher education has the potential to offer important contributions to this
literature.
Schools begin their tracking process during the students’ eighth grade level.
Oftentimes, minority parents do not know that if they want their children to go to college,
they have to make that decision during middle school. Students who know the benefits of
a college-bound curriculum, must enroll in honor classes during their freshman year in
high school and continue with the same academic level for the rest of their high school
career (Ballantine and Hammack 2009). Ballantine and Hammack explain that minority
students are two times more likely to be placed in non college-bound classes than other
students. Other recent policy changes in the educational system like the mandatory high
10
11
http://www.cpec.ca.gov/SecondPages/DetailedData.asp
See pages 69-70 at: http://www.ucop.edu/sas/infodigest03/Persistence_Freshmen.pdf
28
school exit exam, Contreras (2005) adds, also may stop students from transferring to a
four year college.
Valencia (2002) explains that some teachers’ lowered expectations and biased
behavior toward Latino students hurt them. Consequently, some Latino students may not
consider themselves qualified to enroll in demanding college-bound classes. As stated
above, tracking high numbers of Latino students in vocational classes reduces their
chance as an ethnic group to transfer to higher education institutions, have better jobs,
and ensure that their future generations take a more active participation in institutions of
higher education. We may simply assume that if students want to have greater chances to
transfer to a four year university when they graduate from high school, all they have to do
is choose the right required courses while at high school. However, such decisions are not
a matter of whether or not high school students want to go to college. In fact, it is very
likely that there are extremely limited numbers of students who do not wish to continue
with their education. But, it takes more than a desire or motivation to actually have a
good understanding of what it takes to navigate the school system. Knowledge of the
school system as well as how people create, maintain and utilize social connections with
othes who have the experience in the school system represent the most valuable assets to
navigate and succeed in school. Therefore, besides students’ motivations and selection of
courses, equally important is the way students take advantage of the benefits of social
capital.
29
Social Capital
Social capital is the ability to create connections and establish support groups
among families, friends, and institutions. Social connections help people advance and
achieve their goals more effectively. There are different understandings of social capital.
For example, for Pierre Bourdieu ([1983] 1986), the concept of social capital revolves
around concepts of money, social relations and culture. Bourdieu argues that the upper
classes create connections for economic reasons. Therefore, in terms of economic value,
only the upper class benefit from social capital (Portes 2000). In contrast, Coleman
(1988) holds a different conception of social capital, in which all social statuses benefit
from social relations. Communication channels, obligations, expectations and social
norms are the main element for the creation of social capital (Kao 2004).
When people exchange obligations and/or share expectations with other people,
they create a reliable access for mutual support. Kao explains that information channels
in education, offer the knowledge to choose the right college, teachers, classes and how
to gain access to financial aid. Social norms, adds Kao, encourage discipline and reward
positive behavior. Therefore, as long as students have social contacts, information
channels, meet their obligations among their network and comply within current norms,
they have the potential to know how to create and utilize their social capital (Coleman
1988).
As stated above, social capital in the educational sphere is measured in the ability
to create connections, social networks and support groups among students. Social capital
in education helps students organize and plan their educational goals. When students
30
have solid social networks, they have more chances and better tools that tie them together
and prepare them to stay in school and navigate the educational system. Stanton-Salazar
and Dornbusch (1995) explain that social networks represent an essential tool to succeed
in the educational system. They suggest that students might benefit more from the quality
of education and the support they receive from the educational system when they have
connections with people who know the system and have the necessary skills for
educational achievement. In fact, the authors refer to social capital as the social relations
that students have and use to derive institutional support as a guide for college
admissions.
Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch mention that working class students have
different types of social capital. In other words, while upper class students may have
more access to educational resources such as access to private tutors and educational
consultants (Martin 2009), lower class students create mutual cohesion that offers them
academic support by helping each other with school materials (Valenzuela 1999b).
Valenzuela agrees that helping each other is how students manage to stay focused in
school. Therefore, students who built their social networks as tools to navigate the
educational system have better chances to learn to navigate the system and advance in
their education. Students with expanded social networks have the best opportunities to
attend universities, and despite the low ratio of Latino high school graduates, some do
attend college-bound classes and demonstrate the importance of their social networks
(Contreras 2005).
Other questions arise as to how students from different SES use their resources to
31
cope in a highly competitive environment and the way they form groups, clubs and/or
alliances to be used as supporting tools. Social capital between college-bound students
may play an important role in student achievement and the tool to open the door for their
academic advancement. Studying the role of student social capital and academic
connections offers valuable information of how and which students are assigned to
college-bound classes.
Bowles and Gintis (2002) explain that the nature of social capital students and
their families have determines how successful the students are in navigating the
educational system. For Bowles and Gintis, students with weak social capital simply may
not benefit from the opportunities that social connections offer to ascend the educational
ladder. Significantly, the authors emphasize the quality and not the quantity of social
capital. For example, a student may have an extensive social network. Yet, her/his social
network may lack the necessary knowledge to achieve in school. On the contrary, if a
student has a reduced but effective network she/he may benefit much more by having the
right relation to help them advance in school (Ream 2003). As Valenzuela indicates,
sometimes the right network does not necessarily come from family members but from
peers or even neighbors. Therefore, those who do have a key social network are more
likely to have an enhanced path to college education.
Valenzuela (1999b) echoes the importance that Bowles and Gintis place on social
capital between students and their families as a mechanism to succeed in school.
Valenzuela argues that oftentimes students build support networks that serve as a source
of social capital from outside the family sphere. Her case study of high school students
32
shows that students create social bonds by associating with other students of similar
backgrounds. Their social bonds exhort students to invest in school even when they feel
that schools do not care and invest in them. For Valenzuela, social capital goes beyond
the mere social relations between students and institutions or students and parents.
Valenzuela’s study shows that immigrant Latino students create connections to support
each other with school by sharing computers and helping each other with their
homework. Some Latino students even make their house available to other Latino
students to help them with computer use and school projects. Students with educated
families, therefore, also serve as a source to build and use social capital as an important
educational resource for disadvantaged students. Valenzuela indicates that for some
students the only way to stay in school is by maintaining their connections with fellow
students and their respective families. Contrary to immigrant Latino students, many third
and fourth generation Latino/as fail to create the support groups to help them succeed.
Their achievement, therefore, relies more on those teachers who decide to care for their
students, Valenzuela adds.
Valenzuela (1999a) highlights the important role that female students play in the
educational system. In fact, Valenzuela explains that it is female students who play a vital
role in school by helping their male peers with school projects and exams. If it were not
for females, U.S.-born students would be almost absent of social capital, the author adds.
Again, Valenzuela (1999a) stresses the important role that female students play by
33
facilitating the formation and use of supporting groups. Figure 2.412 showed that female
students are more stable in school and less likely to drop out than males. Additionally,
Suárez-Orozco, Suárez-Orozco and Todorova (2008) states that the current gender gap in
education favor female students. Male students underperform compared to females and
the gap is more visible among minority students where males’ grades decline more
abruptly, the authors add. The authors explain some of the reasons why female students
perform better in school. For example, females are more serious about school, have better
relations with their teachers, comply more with school requirements and are more
predisposed to find school more engaging. On the contrary, males, minorities in
particular, face lower teacher expectations and are more likely to develop an oppositional
relationship with school. Different school development across gender lines creates
different outcomes for female and male students, the authors conclude. Female
engagement in school, therefore, facilitates the developments of social capital which at
the same time benefit male students when they create bonds with their female peers.
Social capital is a valuable asset for college-bound students of every social class.
When students lack the benefits of social networks, their access to upper-level classes
becomes compromised. In fact, Valenzuela’s argument suggests that when students create
and use their social capital, they benefit from the information channels that Coleman
claims are important and use them not only to seek but to stay focused in college-bound
classes. Thus, for students who have gained access to college bound classes, their social
capital becomes an essential tool to stay focused and succeed in their transition to
12
See figure 2.4 on page 20 and/or Appendix C
34
college. Immigrant students usually have a limited amount of social capital, particularly
when they have little time in the United States. However, immigrant students compensate
their lack of social capital and their limited access to social networks by utilizing study
habits learned in their country. In fact, Valenzuela’s study also shows that Mexican
immigrants have better academic success than Mexicans born in the United States
because they bring strong study habits from their places of origin. However, Mexican
Americans fluent in English and Spanish have broader access to social networks within
their Spanish-dominant and English-dominant peers.
Summary
I have focused my attention to review part of an extensive body of literature that
offered important insight to the completions of this research. The main points covered
include a review of high school tracking, the place of minority students in the American
educational system and/or the role of social capital among high school students and how
female students are key players in maintaining social bonds. The majority of the literature
indicates that tracking students into different groups maintains class division among
students and reduces the opportunities for minority groups to open the gates to higher
education. In fact, official records obtained from the NCES demonstrate that Latino
students perform low in their SAT scores and experience the highest dropout rates
compared to White and Asian students. During the process, other points of equal
importance came to light such as the effect of class, ethnicity, family structure and SES
on educational achievement.
Students who navigate through the educational system under the umbrella of a
35
high SES enjoy a wider path to higher education. In fact, statistics presented in this
review (table 2.1) show that the dropout rate among students from high income families
is as low as 1.4 percent within the last few years whereas low income students reach a
12.7 percent for the same period. Ethnic patterns present a similar scenario. For example,
one in four Latino students will never graduate from high school compared to AngloSaxon’s dropout rates of only one in sixteen.
The majority of studies employed in this literature review presented their findings
by analyzing data from the NCES, conducting ethnographic field work and/or carrying
out their own longitudinal studies. This study is aimed at covering an existing gap left
behind by previous studies. That is, interviewing Latino/a and White high school students
to use their input to help answer some questions about the tracking system and, most
importantly, the role of social capital among college-bound students.
I have made an effort to cover the most important points about high school
tracking and social capital among minorities and White students. However, the
educational system is one of the most complex institutions in the United States.
Therefore, a great deal of ground remains unexplored by this research. In fact, important
research about students who reach higher education by other means continues to be
scarce. For example, students who return to school at an older age or immigrant students
enrolled in community colleges and transfer to universities without having studied in an
American high schools. These are only a few of the many possible topics that remain to
be investigated by further research. More interesting, the educational system will keep
social researchers busy for a long time as it represents the breeding grounds to study
36
schools from many possible angles.
37
Chapter 3
METHODS
Interviews
The data collected during this research will constitute the body of information
used for the development of this master thesis. Currently, the main objective is to study
the value of social capital among students and how it affects their continuity in collegebound classes. However, the main point of focus may change to the extent that the
interviews themselves redirect the main focus of the study. Therefore, if a different
pattern emerges during the interpretation of the data, then, any possible changes will be
taken into consideration (Booth, Colomb, and Williams 2003:43). Most current studies on
high school tracking and social capital are based on quantitative analysis. However, this
study will rely on personal interviews in order to take a closer look at the students’
perceptions of their own educational experience.
Open ended questions will allow all interviewees to tell their own story (Burawoy
1997:12). Their personal narratives will be my main point of analysis to determine to
what extent their social capital plays a role in eliminating institutional barriers that may
serve as gate keepers to institutions of higher education. Because some students will
likely be coming from other countries, the questions will be formatted with careful
attention to word selection to ensure that the interviews are understood by people from
Euro-Anglo and Latino/a backgrounds. The careful selection of questions will also avoid
using concepts that have multiple cultural meanings (Fowler 2002:80-84).
38
The interviews will be approached as an “issue focused” research technique. In
other words, relevant material from all respondents will be codified in order to find any
outstanding patterns among the different interviewees (Weiss 1995:152). Conventional
survey instruments like questionnaires or census data usually produce general trends.
This method will allow me to have a direct access to information about the students’
educational experience.
As mentioned above, all interview responses will be categorized in tables
according to commonalities in their responses (Weiss 1995:156). Once the interviews
begin to produce distinguishing patterns, special attention will be placed on interviews
that produce similar responses (Miles and Huberman 1994). All the interview material
will be coded by categories and sorted using color coded matrices designed to organize
qualitative data. This type of display will help to better understand and read the data and
what connections exist between variables (Miles and Huberman 1994:93). .
Sample
Many researchers use research instruments that produce large amounts of data
like having students fill out extensive questionnaires, analyzing school records or national
surveys. Studies based on interviewing college-bound Latinos and comparing their results
with interviews conducted with Anglo-Saxon students in similar courses, however, has
received less attention. For this reason, this study seeks to fill an existing gap and serve as
a point of departure to further study the complexity of the American educational system.
Therefore, by taking a closer look at the personal stories of forty high school students,
39
this qualitative research will compliment some quantitative studies based on official
records conducted by many social researchers (Babbie 1986:93).
This research will be based on data collected by conducting in-depth interviews
with college-bound high school students. The participants will consist of 40 high school
students from a Northern California school district, which includes six public high
schools. The main criteria to include students in this study are that they must be White or
Latina/o students currently enrolled in a college-bound curriculum. Students will be
randomly selected from a student list that the school district will provide. The district will
do the initial scanning and create a list of students currently enrolled in college-bound
classes from the six different high schools. The final list will then be subdivided into four
different groups of students based on ethnicity and gender: Male Anglo-Saxon students,
female Anglo-Saxon students, male Latino students and female Latino students. The
gender and racial breakdown derives from the literature which suggests that females and
males among White and Latino/a students have different ways to create, utilize and
maintain social capital. Therefore, choosing a sample that includes a balanced number of
students based on gender among White and Latino/a students will help distinguish how
social capital is formed and utilized by these groups.
Within the last few years, students in this school system have gone through a
rapid demographic adjustment. Recent changes in immigration patterns have increased
the number of Latino/a students, mostly from Mexico but also from other parts of Central
and South America. These changes in demography expose native born Latino/as as well
as White students to different study habits and work ethics that immigrant students bring
40
from their countries of origin. The fact that some Latino students form part of collegebound courses offers me the opportunity to explore the different ways these students
utilize their existing social networks, and how they adjust, readjust or cope with the
American educational system. Therefore, my sample of forty students is carefully
designed to have a balanced number of male, female, Latino and White students. In this
way, I will be able to distinguish what role everyone plays on their own education as well
as on each other’s educational achievement.
Variables
The first section of the interviews is designed to collect demographic information
such as place of birth, current grade level as well as their family’s educational and
occupational history. In this section, a question about the student’s family occupational
history will help calculate to what SES students belong without asking students to
disclose their family’s income. Other important questions about their family’s
educational experience will reveal their existing knowledge of the educational system. It
is presumed that those with university careers have a much broader understanding of how
to navigate the system than those without a college experience. The second section
consists of open-ended questions and is designed to explore the students’ own experience
in college-bound courses. This section will explore what are the educational plans of the
students and how the students plan to achieve their goals. In this section, their responses
will also help document the student’s opinion about their teachers and whether or not
they feel their teachers have a good understanding of the different academic abilities and
weaknesses students bring to class. Some of the questions in this section will target the
41
student’s experience in past college-bound classes, and how they have or have not
succeeded meeting the expectations of a college curriculum work load.
The interviews will conclude with questions about social capital. This final
section is designed to explore how they utilize their social network and what role their
family, friends, or teachers play in their education. In this section, the main unit of
measurement is the creation and use of social capital. The level of social capital students’
possess will be determined by the level of their involvement with other students, their
parents and anyone who may play a role in their education. In sum, these questions will
evoke how important social capital is to enrich their own education and their perception
of the effectiveness of the current educational system.
Concepts
The variables for this study will help to answer the main research questions.
During the interviews, special emphasis will be placed on identifying the relationship
between social capital and educational mobility. Family educational level will also serve
as an indicator of the families’ educational goals. Additionally, family’s educational
expectations will also be explored to see if there is any correlation between the amount of
social capital and educational placement. In equal manner, the student’s responses will be
examined to detect the amount of knowledge of the educational system they have. This
last point will be very important to see to what degree of knowledge of the educational
system is important when students plan to transfer to a four year college. It is assumed
that those who know the educational system have better chances to transfer to college.
42
However, some students with less educational knowledge or limited social capital still
manage to transfer to a four year college.
All five high schools offer unique opportunities to study the role of social capital
among college-bound students. Some schools are better situated than others in terms of
geographical wealth and the number of college-bound classes they offer. The number of
college-bound classes ranges from four to fifteen with a median of 9.6 classes. (School
names are fictitious.) LaCrosse, a high school situated in a wealthy neighborhood, offers
fifteen different college-bound classes each year. Oak Valley, a middle class and the
oldest high school in the city, offers fourteen college-bound classes from every level.
However, Grace Hudson High School situated in a poor neighborhood, only offers four
college-bound classes. Juan Bandini and Edwin Cannan are located in middle class
neighborhoods and both include in their curriculum seven and eight classes respectively.
Table 3.1 shows the percentage of students enrolled in each high school as well as
the type of neighborhood each school is located. Table 3.1 also confirms the literature
presented in chapter three that schools like Grace Hudson with a higher number of
minority students are located in lower class neighborhoods, and predominately white
schools are located in wealthy neighborhoods as is the case of La Crosse High School.
Schools located in lower and middle class neighborhoods offer fewer college-bound
classes than those located in upper and middle class neighborhoods. For example, the
table clearly shows that students enrolled at Grace Hudson would have fewer
probabilities to engage in a college-bound curriculum than students at La Crosse or Oak
Valley schools would have.
43
District statistics13 show that thirty five percent of their total enrollees take at least
one advanced math or science class. As indicated before, I am only taking into
consideration the two ethnic categories that I have focused on during the literature
review. According to statistics from the California Department of Education, in any given
advanced class within the five high schools in the district, for every two Latinos there are
eight White students sitting in the same room. District statistics show a slight variation
because some schools have more college-bound classes than others. However, as
mentioned above, the number of college-bound classes offered across the district for each
school varies based on the school’s ethnic composition and location.
Table 3.1 School district demographics
School location by social class and total
percentage of White and Latino/a students by
school for the 2008-09 school year.
13
Number of collegebound classes offered
at each school and total
school population.
Advanced
Total
Classes
school
Enrollment
4
1280
School
Name
School
Location
White
Students
Latino/a
Students
Grace
Hudson
Lower
class
26%
60%
La
Crosse
Upper
class
75%
10%
14
1514
Edwin
Cannan
Middle
class
61%
21%
8
1910
Juan
Bandini
Oak
Valley
Middle
class
Middle
class
46%
33%
7
1308
67%
21%
15
2022
School names are fictitious and actual statistics are available upon request through the author. However,
revealing the actual names would disclose sensitive information that must remain confidential.
44
Schools like Grace Hudson have extremely impacted college-bound classes and
can easily open more advanced placement courses so more students can benefit from the
program. As I indicated in chapter two, school tracking takes different forms. One way is
at the school level by selecting only certain students to enroll in college-bound classes. At
the district level, school tracking is perpetuated by offering more advanced classes to
upper-middle class schools and a reduced number to schools located in middle class and
working class neighborhoods. Schools located in working class neighborhoods offer their
students even fewer college-bound classes. I refer to LaCrosse and Grace Hudson
schools, with comparable ethnic diversity to illustrate this point. Despite the fact that they
both belong to the same school district, their ethnic composition differs from the rest of
the schools within the same school district. Again, the disproportionate number of
college-bound classes, within the school district, appears to be one of the implications
from the disproportionate ethnic composition among the five different high schools. In
other words, students attending high schools that offer college-bound classes for every
subject have higher probabilities of transferring to a four-year college in comparison to
students enrolled in schools with just a handful of college-bound courses. For the public
eye, high school tracking is not visible and goes undetected from school year to school
year.
The different ethnic composition of all five high schools offered the opportunity
to look at ethnicity from different angles. During the literature review, I explained that
people from the same ethnic group always experience life in different ways. Indeed, it
would be of little interest for researchers to continue studying Latino issues if all
45
Latino/as share the same experience in American high schools. Thus, researchers are
busy studying Latino/as because the significant distinctions that Latino/as represent
among different nations and from the same national origin. In order to elaborate more
about Latino/as issues on a broader scale, I will present the case of those who were born
in other countries and Latino/as born in the United States to foreign parents-mostly from
Mexico. During the process, I will highlight the distinctions and similarities and compare
them to their White counterparts.
Terminology
From this point on I will adopt the national census guidelines to make clear
distinctions between Latino/as and non-Hispanic whites. For male Latino students I will
continue to refer to them as Latino students. Similarly, female Latina students will be
referred to as Latina students. White and/or Euro-Anglo students will be divided in three
different terms in order to be specific to the categories I refer to in the text. For white
students in general including males and females, and to accompany white families I will
use white non-Hispanic (WNH). White males will be described as white non-Hispanic
males (WNHM). White females, consequently will be referred to as white non-Hispanic
females (WNHF).
A complete interview Questionnaire is attached on Appendix A
46
Chapter 4
EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT ACROSS ETHNIC LINES
Introduction
Students from different ethnic groups achieve their educational goals in different
ways. A closer look across ethnic lines between Latino/a and WNH students highlights
the different ways they pursue their studies. This chapter is aimed at analyzing the most
salient distinctions between the two college-bound student groups interviewed at five
different high schools in Northern California. I will explain the role that family, teachers,
peers and siblings have on students. I will also elaborate on how students made use of
technology, such as texting and/or emails to maintain a constant connection with one
another.
While WNH students benefit from their family’s educational expertise and
expanded social networks, Latino/a students’ response to school is driven by their
parent’s educational expectations and emotional support. Teachers also play a very
important role in the academic life of students. A greater number of WNH students
versus Latino/a students responded that their teachers know their academic abilities to a
great extent and consider them to be very supportive of their education. However, more
Latino/a students pointed out that their peers have a positive influence on their education
and are always supportive towards one another although sometimes they appeared to be
competitive. In addition, siblings also play a vital role. Latino students see their older
siblings as source of emotional and economic support. WNH students, on the contrary,
not only see their older siblings as role models, rather they also become competitive with
47
younger and older siblings. The use of technology appeared to be an important factor for
the expansion of social networks among students. Most students, especially Latino/as
have developed a habit of maintaining a constant communication with their classmates by
texting and/or emailing each other throughout the day. This habit, I argue, serves as a
constant reminder that they belong to a group. Their social group, family, teachers, peers
and siblings create the right conditions to cope and succeed with a demanding
curriculum.
In general terms, students enroll in college-bound classes because they plan to
transfer to a four year university after they graduate from high school. However, drawing
from their interviews, Latino/as and WNH have different reasons to persue a higher
education. While Latino/a students seek higher education for upward mobility, for WNH
students the reason for higher education is to secure a place in their already privileged
social class. Additionally, some interviews will also reveal that there is an emotional
burden attached to school achievement. This is to say, WNH students, in response to
family or parental pressure, are forced to compete with their siblings and/or peers for
grades. Students’ responses appeared to be brief at times, but significant in their content.
More importantly, I let the students tell their own story. These are their voices.
48
The Latino Experience
Bio-sketch
Alma Rodriguez, a senior at Oak Valley High school, offered a particular case of
dedication and extended responsibilities uncommon for a seventeen-year-old female.
Alma’s mother, Mrs. Telma Rodriguez immigrated to the United States in 1993 when she
was five months pregnant with Alma. When I asked Alma about her parental educational
experience, she responded, “My mom had little education in Mexico and my dad has
been out of the picture all my life.” After struggling with the burden of being an
undocumented person in the United States, Mrs. Rodriguez, who remained a single
mother, managed to open a small Mexican bakery. By the time Alma reached her early
teens, she already had the responsibility of helping her mother run the bakery. Alma was
not the only Latina student who had extracurricular responsibilities. In fact, six out of ten
Latina students interviewed had some type of family responsibility to carry on their
shoulders. Four Latinas said they were fully responsible for the care of either their
siblings or an older family member and three had some sort of financial responsibilities
like paying part of their rent or mortgage.
Family
Family size and composition was not part of my questionnaire. However, when I
asked students about their family’s education and occupation, only one Latina mentioned
that her mother has lived as a single parent since she arrived in the United States before
the student was born. Therefore, the assumption is made that most students come from
intact middle-sized families. Derived from their responses, most Latino/a students in this
49
sample come from undereducated families. In fact, only three out of twenty students
reported that at least one of their parents has obtained a college degree and another three
said that their parents have some college. The family’s occupational history among the
most educated Latino families is as follows. One father is in real estate, another father is
an accountant and one mother is a nurse. Three Latino families have their own business.
One owns a bakery shop, one a Mexican restaurant and one a roofing company. The rest
of the Latino families have occupations in landscaping, dry cleaning, restaurant
employment and other similar service and manual labor jobs.
Despite the fact that Latino/a students come from undereducated families, their
educational achievement is nurtured by their positive attitude towards school as well as
their family’s interest in their education. Of particular importance is their mother’s full
support and high educational expectations for them. In fact, fourteen students mentioned
that their mother’s involvement in their education is more significant because they always
ask questions about school, homework and even classmates. According to these students,
their mothers talk to teachers and counselors during open house or when needed by the
school. Mothers also serve as emotional pillars when their children are stressed during
midterms and finals. Clara Gomez, a Latina senior student at Edwin Cannan High School
exclaimed:
“My Mom doesn’t help me with school work but she makes it easy
for me. During exams, she tells everyone in the house to keep it
down when I’m studying. She also cooks my favorite food, she
does my laundry and that, um … just means a lot of help. She is
very supportive with my education, um … I mean, my Dad also,
but my Mom, she is always right there for me.”
50
Clara further explained that her mother supports her education as much as she
could but that her mother also expects her to do well in school and graduate with a
college degree. I asked Clara to expand on her last remark and she said that not only did
her mother expect a college degree from her but also her family in México expects the
same from her as she would be the first in her entire family to graduate from college.
Drawing from the standpoint of social mobility, Clara’s education represents a sign of her
family’s upward mobility. That is, immediate and extended Latino families see in their
American educated children a symbolic ascent up the economic and social ladder.
Clara’s response indicates the impact of supportive mothers on their children’s
education. While it is true that Mrs. Gomez does not help with Clara’s academics she is
vital in another capacity. Mrs. Gomez makes things easier for Clara like cooking her
favorite meal, doing her laundry and offering her emotional support by simply being
“always right there for me” as Clara exclaimed. This creates the necessary supportive
conditions to cope with demanding classes. Thirteen other Latino students also mentioned
that their families have placed on them higher educational expectations and were
supportive of their education. Emotional and financial support is clearly followed by
expectations and the desire to see their children obtain a college degree.
Family expectations may explain some of the reasons why a substantial number of
Latino students see the benefits of education as a collective goal. For example, Sergio
51
Maldonado, a junior student at Oak Valley High School mentioned some of the reasons
his family shows interest in his education. Sergio exclaimed14:
“My parents don’t talk much about school but when they do, they
say that it’s for my own benefit. My dad says that he doesn’t want
me to break my back like he does in the fields for ten dollars an
hour. He says, “echale ganas a la escuela mijo pa’que no te jodas
como burro en los files igual que yo” [study hard in school son, so
you do not have to work hard like a donkey as I do in the fields]. I
know they are right. They want me to do well in life. My family in
México also expects me to go to college.”
I asked Sergio to tell me more about his family in México. What do they say about school
and what are the reasons they want him to go to college. Sergio responded:
“Like I said, when they ask me about school they tell me to do
well, they also say that they did not have the chance to go to school
in México. My mom and my dad nada mas fueron a la primaria
[they only went to elementary school]. Oh, last year, when my
grandparents came from México, my mother used to take them to
pick me up from school. Right?, mi abuelito [grandfather] used to
say, “ai mijo, ya quisieramos tener en México las escuelas que
ustedes tienen aqui, aprovecha he a ustedes que tanto se les
facilita, [son, I wish we had in México schools like these, take
advantage son because you have it very easy here].”
Does anybody else show interest in your education Sergio?
“Yes, my uncles in México, sometimes when we call them on the
phone they ask me about school. They say, how’s school?, do well,
study hard, you know! Things like that. They know I have to stay
in school if I want a good job. Ve a la escuela mijo pa’ que te
encuentres un buen trabajo, [go to school my son so you can find a
good job] my uncle Alfredo says. It’s just like, you know, I just
can’t fail. Sometimes is hard to keep up. But, what am I going to
14
During the interview, this student kept switching from Spanish to English which made it more
complicated to transcribe it in its original format. Therefore, for reasons of clarity, this transcription has
been fully written in English.
52
tell them if I bail out. I don’t even think about it. My mother would
kill me right on the spot, you know!”
Sergio indicated that his family does not talk much about school. However,
drawing from Sergio’s interview, his family support is evident not only from his parents
but also from his family in México. Sergio’s family justifies their demands by logically
drawing out that education would help him find a less physically intensive job and higher
pay. His family’s advice shows that his entire family sees education as a vehicle to move
up the social and economic scale. Furthermore, this interview shows that there is one
point that has not been discussed yet in this chapter nor in the literature review. That is
the emotional burden that some students might face by complying with their family’s
educational expectations. The pressure is tangible. Sergio appeared distressed just by
imagining what would happen if he dropped out of school. First, the student indicated
that he would not be able to find the words to tell his family in México he has quit school.
Second, Sergio would not even consider facing his mother in such an event. There is an
emotional burden that students face as a result of their family’s higher educational
expectations. It is clear that Sergio finds in his family a constant amount of support and
encouragement. However, what remains unclear is the pressure that Sergio faces as a
result of having to do well in demanding classes. This emotional aspect, I would argue, in
the life of college-tracked high school students, appears to be widely absent in current
literature.
The economic situation of the family determines how much a student gets involved
in college-bound classes. All students responded to having adequate economic support
53
from their parents to go on with their education. However, seven students also mentioned
that despite the fact that their parents help them with school, they have a moral obligation
to help their parents pay some bills. Having financial responsibilities at home has some
ramifications and college-bound class enrollment is one of them. Students who have
some economic responsibilities at home were enrolled in no more than two college-bound
classes. However, five Latino/a students who have more financial freedom were enrolled
in three honors courses and two in four courses. Therefore, for some students, their
economic responsibilities restrict them from taking full advantage of a college bound
curriculum.
As mentioned above, family members in México also play a role in the student’s
education. Latino families in the United States who have a family member in México
who carries a professional degree serve as role models for Latino students in the United
States.
Luis Enriquez is a junior student at Edwin Cannan High School born in the United
States to Mexican born parents. When I asked Luis about his family’s educational
history, he responded that his parents did not have any education beyond elementary
school in México. In fact, three other Latino students responded that their parents had
limited education in Mexico. Luis’ aspiration in school is to obtain a law degree. His
educational goal is maintained by his desire to raise the quality of living standard of his
family. When I asked Luis if there was any other family member besides his parents who
did go to school in México or in the United States, he responded “yes my uncle Jorge is a
lawyer in México.” I asked Luis to tell me more about his uncle. “He is my mother’s
54
younger brother, he went to school after my grandparents moved to a bigger city in
Jalisco,” Luis responded with pride and enthusiasm about his uncle being a lawyer. Luis
did not have much to add about his uncle but the way he responded made it clear that his
uncle, the lawyer, is one of the reasons he feels motivated to achieve in school.
Teachers
Most Latino/a students considered their teachers as having a proper understanding
of their academic abilities. In fact, fifteen mentioned that their teachers know them well.
They know who they are as students and five responded that only some teachers
understand who they are as students. Four of the fifteen students who reported to have a
satisfactory student-teacher relation were also born abroad, three in México and one in
Honduras. Students also exclaimed that sometimes their teachers ask questions about
their educational plans, how to and why they should apply to a particular university
according to their educational goals. In general, the Latino/a student-teacher experience
can be seen as satisfactory and a reliable source of social capital. According to the
majority of students, most teachers are always willing to help students plan their
academic future.
This study is designed to present the most salient patterns found during the
interviews. However, in this teacher-students section, a small number of students have a
different opinion about their teachers and their voices deserve a place in this study. As
reported above, five students mentioned that only some teachers take the time to know
their students well. In other words, not many teachers become interested in their students’
life outside school, their ambitions and/or educational goals. Javier Toledo, a U.S. born,
55
junior student at Oak Valley High School exclaimed that most of his teachers, in
particular his math teacher Mr. Strauss, does not care about his students outside the
classroom. I asked Javier to explain to me what made him believe that about his math
teacher. He said,
“yeah, you know, last month, this guy Pedro, from my math class,
got stabbed in the leg, …right? On Monday, we told Mr. Strauss
what happened to Pedro, it was like, he didn’t really care. You
know, he said, well he didn’t have to be there right? You know
what I mean, he didn’t even ask what happened or nothing you
know?”
Javier’s disappointment about his math teacher was obvious. He further explained to me
that his classmate Pedro was victimized by a gang member for wearing the wrong colors.
When the students told Mr. Strauss what had happened to Pedro, Mr. Strauss could have
been already privy to the occurrence. However, Mr. Strauss’ indifference towards Pedro’s
accident was an offensive act and students reacted by expressing their negative feelings
about his character and his lack of sympathy for Pedro. Teachers have the potential to be
supportive to their students. However, a wrongful reaction by teachers can create a
distance with students and lose the potential to serve as a reliable source of social capital
to all students. Valenzuela (1999), explains how a caring pedagogy is an important factor
to engage all students in a learning environment. When students go into distress, caring
teachers pay attention to find out and understand the source of their students’ distress.
Mr. Strauss apparently denied his students the opportunity to be heard and express their
concern for their victimized classmate. As a result, students like Javier developed a
negative opinion toward Mr. Strauss due to his lack of sympathy. One factor worth
56
mentioning is that all five students who expressed some degree of discontent with their
teachers were also born in the U.S. Equally important, among all Latino/as who see their
teachers as responsible people who care for their education four were born abroad.
Peer Relations
Benito Sanchez is a senior from Juan Bandini High School. Benito's motivation to
pursue a degree in higher education became evident when I asked him to explain the
difference between his college-bound classes from the regular academic track. Benito,
like every student interviewed, responded that college-bound classes are much harder
than the regular academic track. Benito further explained to me that his classes are much
harder because they are designed to train students to do college work. I asked Benito to
explain to me what he does to cope with a demanding curriculum. Benito explained:
“Well, I think it’s important to have good teachers ’cause that’s
how we learn. But, in an AP15 class you also need good friends to
keep up with the class. You know …. in school you can be a loner
and you’d do just fine but in AP you can’t really be a loner. You
need to hang around with your classmates.”
I asked Benito to explain to me in detail why his friends in AP classes are important. He
explained:
“Yeah, they’re important because classes can get very hard and ah,
if you have good friends you can call them if something comes up
with school. I mean, sometimes I can’t get my homework done
because soccer practice, something comes up or whatever. You
know? I have a friend in math, Justin. He called me on Tuesday
because we had a project due on Thursday, right? He was behind
for…I don’t know what reason. Anyway, he called me, and I
helped do his part. Other times when I had practice or a game, he
has helped me with my homework. So, you know it goes back and
15
Student referred to advanced placement program as AP.
57
forth. But yeah, you know, you definitely need to have close
friends in AP.”
Benito mentioned the importance of staying connected with other college-bound
classmates. Teachers know that most students plan to transfer to four-year universities
after high school. Therefore, in honors classes the focus is on learning college level skills.
Some students do not have a family member to go to for help. Therefore, their only
source of educational support appears to come from classmates; in particular classmates
with educated families appeared to be of special value for students like Benito.
Latino/a students have lived and attended school with their WNH counterparts. As
indicated earlier, most Latino students in this sample were born in the United States to
Mexican parents. In fact fifteen out of twenty Latino/as were born in the United States,
and four of their parents were also born in the United States. Thus, Latino/a students have
interacted all their life with WNH classmates, WNH neighbors and WNH friends, as well
as many other Latino/a friends. Thus, Latino/as enjoy a privileged position because their
social network expands to two or more different cultures. Benito mentioned the benefits
of having friends in advanced placement classes. That is, having friends with educated
families who know that college-bound classes improve their students’ chances to go to a
four-year university gives students like Benito the extra push.
In fact, peer relations are very important as a source of social capital among
students. Valenzuela (1999b) shows that sometimes students’ main support networks do
not necessarily come from their family but from neighbors or other people in their life. In
this instance, Benito’s circle of friends among educated families clearly supports an
58
argument made by Valenzuela that some Latino/as find their support networks outside
their family. Benito also responded that he and his friends were always supportive of
each other’s education. Luis and Benito also mentioned that most of their friends in
school were also team players on the school’s soccer team. Playing sports and having
friends with educated parents maintains some students’ engagement in a network of
social connections. Luis’s experience supports Valenzuela’s point, but it does not support
the argument made by Matute-Bianchi (1991) that students born in México usually
achieve better than U.S.-born Mexican students do. For the authors, second generation
students resent the negative effects of discrimination and social prejudice. Therefore, the
authors sustain, Mexican students born in the United States develop a type of resistance
to school due to the negative effects of long years of institutional discrimination and
limited social opportunities. However, Douglas B. Downey (2008) explains that
immigrant groups who arrive voluntarily16 to a host country eventually overcome the
challenges and discrimination they face at their arrival. For Downey, minority groups
compare their own social condition to the condition their relatives’ experience in their
native country and learn that if they invest their efforts in their studies, they will learn to
overcome the obstacles to succeed. Additionally, even when immigrants do not have
knowledge of the educational system, Downey adds, “they invest in school eagerly
because they anticipate an attractive return on their investment.” In this sample, most
Latino/a students were born in the United States, they have families in México and they
16
In Oppositional Cultural Theory, “voluntary minority groups” migrate to a host country on their own without being forced.
“Involuntary minority groups”, like African Americans, are those brought by force to a host country against their will.
59
have shown to be highly competitive among their peers. Despite the fact that only a small
number of Latino/as mentioned having a family member in higher education who serve
as a role model, their main source of social capital comes from the close social networks
they create in school and their desire to achieve in school. Those networks offer students
the tools to cope with a demanding curriculum by maintaining group membership and
creating a habit to rely on each other for mutual support.
In the family section of this chapter I mentioned that students face pressure from
their parents and siblings to maintain high academic standards. The same emotional
distress became visible among peers. Juana Moran, is a senior student at Oak Valley High
School. I asked Juana to tell me about peer support and how they mutually influence their
education. Juana exclaimed:
“Oh yeah, my friends, I think are very supportive. I mean, we share
notes and do projects together, things like that. My friend Liang
and I do a lot of work together I’ve known her from elementary
school. Here at Oak Valley we’ve had many classes together. She
is very smart and makes me compete for grades. Like now, we
have senior science seminar together. Oh my God, that’s a hard
class. But we push each other, you know? Yeah, it’s very hard
when you have a competitive friend. I guess is good in one way,
right? ’Cause you don’t fall behind but sometimes it’s just way too
much.”
Why is it too much Juana? I asked.
“Yeah ’cause it’s like you’re not doing it for yourself, you know?
You’re doing it for others.”
Juana clearly expressed her anxiety of studying among competitive friends. It is true that
doing school work with advanced students highly benefits Juana to maintain a top
60
position at school. However, Juana’s achievement as a result of competition shows signs
of frustration and signals a degree of emotional burden.
Siblings
Latino/as in this sample reported to have one or two siblings. Three of the twenty
Latino/a students mentioned having at least one sibling in college. Twelve have a brother
or sister in high or middle school and seven students did not make any comments about
their siblings. Students who mentioned their siblings said that they were supportive and
some see their siblings as role models. Some of the students highly benefit from having a
sibling in college. For example, Maria Tejada is a senior student at Grace Hudson High
School. Maria’s brother, Carlos, is a junior student at a local university. Carlo’s friends
from the university have also become part of Maria’s network of friends. Maria holds a
privileged position by knowing people who are already part of a university life. It is
precisely in this way that some students like Maria enrich their social capital by having
siblings in higher education. Maria mentioned her brother Carlos when I asked her to tell
me who in her family has more influence or has been more being supportive towards her
education.
“Oh, my family is very supportive. I mean, they always tell me to
study hard, they give me what I need. My mom wishes she could
help me with school but she can’t, I mean my parents help me in
other ways but not with my homework. They say that they didn’t
have the chance to go to school and that I should take advantage of
school just like my brother Carlos. He is in college; and it’s usually
him who has helped me with school. Oh, once in a while his
friends from college have also helped me.
I asked Maria to expand more about her brother’s friends.
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“Yeah, some of my brother’s friends from high school now go to
college with him. I’ve known Jonathan and Sophie, gosh like,
forever. Sometimes they come home to visit when Carlos is home.
Sophie helps me review my English papers or they both help me
with an outline or things like that. You know? There is this other
guy, Anthony, I didn’t know him from before. Anyway, Anthony
tutors Carlos with calculus and has offered to help me with math, if
I need help.”
Maria then changed the focus of her conversation and began to tell me about interactions
with friends and her brother. She said:
“Sometimes I just spend time with them at my house, we listen to
music, and we play games on the computer, things like that. Yeah,
I never see them anywhere else. I mean, my brother is a cool guy,
but he never takes me out with them. Anyway, Carlos says that I
have to do better than anybody else in school because of all the
people I know from his school. Yeah….. he thinks that I have to be
smarter because of his friends from college. I say Carlos! That
doesn’t mean anything and you know that. But, you know? He just
says ‘Oh shush, you just do well in your classes, okay?’ I am okay
in all my classes but still, he wants me to keep up to his standards
and sometimes, it’s just not gonna be easy I know. I try to do my
best, but seriously, it’s just like I’m being forced to do my best in
school, and that’s a lot of pressure.”
Maria’s grades show that she is a committed student. She mentioned that her cumulative
GPA exceeds 4.0. Maria is one of the only three students who reported having a sibling in
college. Drawing from Maria’s interview, her brother not only serves as an anchor to
maintain her focus on her education but also to expand her social networks. In fact, if
Maria transfers to the same university her brother Carlos goes, she will already have a
well established network of friends. However, if Maria transfers to a different university,
it is very likely that she will adapt easily based on her experience with college students.
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The student’s answers reveal more than just the educational support she gets from
different people in her life. The educational experience and social networks Maria is
currently accumulating comes at a price. During the last part of this student’s interview it
became salient the pressure she gets from her brother to do well or better than other
students. In fact, Maria is fully aware of the emotional pressure and feels that pressure to
maintain her brother’s academic standards. Emotional burden, I would say, often appears
to be a dark byproduct of social capital and the accumulation of social networks.
Technology
Almost all students included technology as one of their main educational tools. In
fact, among all students interviewed, only one Latina mentioned that she did not have a
home computer. The rest of the students have at least one home computer. Fourteen have
their own personal computer. However, students not only use computers for schoolwork
but also as a social tool to stay connected with friends and classmates. Phone-texting is
another tool students use for communication purposes. When I asked students to tell me
about their peers and how they support each other, most mentioned that they maintain a
constant communication throughout the day by texts and emails. In this way, students are
able to maintain a support group that can be used to help each other with school.
As discussed in the literature review, Coleman (1988) explains that all social
groups have the potential to benefit from the creation of social networks. Social networks
facilitate the creation of social capital students need for their everyday endeavors. In the
educational system, students create coalitions with other students to help them reach their
goals. Kao (2004) also explains the importance of information channels among students
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to help them advance in their education and by helping students choose a college,
teachers and classes. In short, Coleman mentioned that all social groups have the
potential to benefit from social networks to build social capital. However, Coleman and
Kao did not explore the use of technology in the form of computer use and cell phone
texting as one of the main vehicles people use for networking and group membership.
Digital communication, I would argue, supplies the tools students need to advance in
their studies.
Eva Perez, a Latina sophomore at Grace Hudson High School mentioned that she
supports her peers’ education by helping them with math. I asked Eva to tell me specific
ways she uses technology to help her peers. She said:
“Oh, we’re always texting or emailing each other, I mean, you
know pretty much who can help with math, history or whatever.
You know! I mean, it’s not like I’m always on the phone because I
need help or someone needs my help. But, it’s just really the fastest
way to get hold of somebody.”
Texting and cell phone use became a salient behavior among college-bound students.
During the interviews, I noticed that some students continually checked on their phones
while being interviewed. Alejandra Tapia is a junior student at grace Hudson High
School. Alejandra gave me a detailed idea why she uses cell phones as a main form of
communicating with her friends. Furthermore, Alejandra’s network of friends and class
enrollment could have being more difficult to maintain without the use of texting. She
explained:
“My sophomore year was my first year in honor classes. I found it
very difficult to stay in those classes. I had honors English and
honors Government. In English I was doing okay but in
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government I was struggling a lot, I almost flunked the class.
Yeah, sometimes I said, what am I doing here? Two of my friends,
Alma and Julia, helped me with the class. Gosh…. we’ve spent
hours chatting on the computer. I mean, we reviewed class notes
together, homework or any other assignment. Anyway, at the end
we probably ended up helping each other but I know they helped
me more than I did help them. We do great together, this semester
I help them with honors Spanish more than they help me. That’s
how it goes you know!”
For students like Eva, Alma and Alejandra, easy access to technology has opened the
channels for mutual communication. Constant communication, at the same time, help
maintain students engagement in group membership. Coleman and Kao would argue that
membership through the use of digital communication allows students to rely on each
other for group support. When students develop a sense of moral obligation to help each
other, they create the conditions that bond them together. Thus, their group membership
nurtured by the use of technology represents the source of social capital students use to
advance on their studies.
Section Summary
I have discussed general social patterns that became salient among Latino/as. This
group of students expressed having supportive families who have placed great
educational expectations on them. Their teacher-student relations appeared to be stable,
as students believe that most of their teachers understand what their needs as students are.
A small number of students, however, do not see some teachers as supportive as others.
Latinos place enormous value on their peer relations. In fact, students learn to seek help
from more advanced students. Thus, peer relations facilitate their learning process
because they help each other cope with their demanding college-bound curriculum.
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Students also improve their social networks by having bi-cultural friends and/or friends
with educated families. Latino/a students also mentioned having supportive siblings. A
small number of students benefit from other social networks by having a sibling in higher
education. Technology appeared to be another important aspect of communication
between high school students. Their main use of technology to maintain contact with
their social network is computer use and phone-text. Texting engages students in an
instant exchange of ideas, support groups and interest in school. In equal form, chatting
rooms offer students the opportunity to advance in their studies by maintaining a constant
group engagement. This section presented the most salient patterns among Latino/as
enrolled in college-bound classes. However, within this sample of Latino/a students, there
are some gender differences worth mentioning that are addressed in the following
chapter. For example, Latino students expressed having more personal freedom than
Latinas. In other words, the majority of Latina students live under tight family
supervision in comparison to Latinos. For example, Maria Tejada explained that her
brother Carlos does not allow her to go out with their group of college friends. Latino
students appear to have more freedom to go about their life than Latina students. Their
family relations also appeared to have some variations. Males talk less about their
education with their parents than females do. Female students also reported to have better
teacher-student relations than male Latino students in this study. In fact, a junior student
at Oak Valley High School explained to me that some teachers do not take the time to
listen to their students and usually do not show interest in their students’ life outside
school.
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White Non-Hispanic Experience
Bio-sketch:
White Non-Hispanics students in this sample demonstrated to have extensive
opportunities to accumulate social capital and knowledge of the educational system.
WNH students have their family’s educational and occupational experience as a secure
asset to achieve in school. Students with educated families learn how to profit from
parental advice and extended social networks. To illustrate one clear example I introduce
Brenda Walter. Brenda’s father is an engineer who studied at a prestigious university in
northern California. Brenda learned from her family’s educational experience exactly
what classes she needed to take in order to follow in her father’s footsteps and pursue a
degree in engineering at one of the most exclusive universities in California. “I’m in three
AP classes right now, I have AP calculus, English and geometry, they don’t want less
than that.” Brenda’s response made me ask her to explain a little further her last response,
“Who doesn’t want less than that Brenda?” Brenda responded, “college admissions.”
Brenda’s knowledge of college requirements came from her family who has extensive
experience in the educational system of this country. Educated families with experience
in college requirements teach their children how to research for colleges and admissions
requirements. Brenda’s educational placement and her family’s educational guidance
have increased her chances to gain a place in a privileged university. First, her family’s
educational knowledge helps her take the right college-bound classes for the right college
and to have a clear idea of what she wants to be in her life. Second, Brenda had no
occupational or financial responsibilities attached to her young life. When I asked Brenda
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to explain in detail about her family’s educational support, she said, “My parents and
grandparents opened a college fund for me when I was very little. They will also pay for
tuition and college expenses.” Not all students reported having a college fund account in
their name. However, considering that the majority of WNH students have educated and
financially stable families, it can be stated that their family’s privileged position serve as
an educational asset.
Family
Fifty percent of WNH students have parents with college or some college
education. Ten of the WNH students I interviewed have at least one parent with a college
degree or reported having some college or an associate’s degree from a community
college. Six parents have professional jobs either in consulting firms, bank branches or as
a professional family counselor among other occupations. Three parents with some
college education have white-collar jobs. One is a bank clerk, one is a store manager and
one is an insurance adjuster. Other parents have middle class jobs such as store clerk, a
supervisor, a carpenter and a welder among others. Most parents with college education
have attended universities located in different parts of northern and southern California.
Sarah Reed is a junior student who comes from a family of teachers and
counselors. Both of Sarah’s parents work at LaCrosse High School where Sarah is a
student. Sarah’s parental education and accumulation of social capital became salient
when I asked her to explain in what ways her family supports and influences her
education. Sarah mentioned that her mother has taught her how to organize her time,
advises her on which classes to choose and with school projects. Her father, according to
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Sarah, is equally supportive with her education. Sarah has a privileged position by being
the daughter of school teachers because she can capitalize more on the accumulation of
the social capital her parents have built among other teachers. Therefore, for Sarah,
having educated parents who also work for the school system is a valuable educational
asset.
Educated and economically stable families facilitate the creation of social capital
for WNH students. For example, Josh is a student who goes to Edwin Cannan High
School, as mentioned previously, the school is located in a middle class neighborhood.
The school offers eight college-bound classes, and has a reputation of being the second
best school in academics and first in art in the district. Josh’s parents work for local
companies. His father is an executive for one of the biggest companies in the region and
his mother is a sales supervisor for another company. Both of Josh’s parents gained their
college degrees from a University of California campus. Having economically stable
families gives students the opportunities to devote more time for pleasure activities,
which they use to keep their group membership active. Additionally, WNH parents
maintain a closer connection with school. When I asked WNH students to give me
examples of how their parents support their education, fourteen mentioned that their
parents interact with their teachers on a regular basis. Marcia Stewart is a sophomore at
LaCrosse High School. Marcia expressed that her mother, Mrs. Stewart, has always
maintained communication with her teachers. I asked Marcia to explain to me in which
ways her family support her education.
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“Most of my teachers post our homework online, …usually, by the
time my mom gets home from work, she already knows what’s my
homework. You know, it’s like …she tells my counselor and
teachers to let her know if there ever is any issue with my grades. I
mean, she’s always right there. Last year Mrs. Ross, my English
teacher, told my mom that I needed extra help with English. Right
away my mom hired a tutor from the JC.”
Most WNH students responded that their parents are actively involved with school.
Scholarship supports this view as, Lareau (1989) explained that middle and upper class
families maintain an interconnection with school teachers. Students like Marcia clearly
reflect Lareau’s statement that WNH parents and their participation in their children’s
education help students achieve in school. Mrs. Stewart’s prompt response to hire a
private tutor to help Marcia in English enhanced the student’s educational achievement. It
is in this way that WNH families use their financial status to afford extra expenses such
as private tutors.
Teachers
White Non-Hispanic students reported having satisfactory student-teacher
relations. All WNH students who mentioned that their parents maintain constant
communication with school also considered their teachers as knowing their academic
abilities very well. Their student-teacher relation appears to be correlated with their
parental involvement in school. In the section above, I explained the many ways WNH
parents maintain an active interaction with teachers and counselors. Taking parental
involvement into consideration as a factor of student achievement, WNH students highly
benefit from their parents’ involvement because it opens the door to have wider access to
teachers. For example, in the family section, Marcia Stewart mentioned that her mother
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maintains a close and constant connection with her school. Marcia could only benefit
from having a parent whose involvement in school is steady.
When I asked Mark Adams, a senior student at LaCrosse High School, to mention
some of the most influential people in his student life, he said:
“I believe teachers are the most influential. I mean, my parents
support my education a hundred percent, of course, and they have
a lot of influence over me. But, in my opinion, a teacher can really
make a difference. I mean, my parents can tell me all they want
about school, but, it’s nothing like a good teacher standing next to
you making sure you understand the lecture, you know? I mean,
don’t take me wrong, both of my parents have college degrees, and
they know what’s going on in school. They’ve already learned
what I’m learning now. But, they are simply not in the teaching
business, teachers are. You know what I mean. Teachers can either
make you hate school or love school. That’s why I feel they have
the most influence over us”
All the twenty students I interviewed mentioned their parents and their teachers as the
most influential people in their education. Mark acknowledges his parents among the
most influential people in his life. However, for Mark, his teachers are more academically
supportive toward his education, and he believes they are also responsible for his interest
in school. Additionally, among the twenty WNH students, eighteen responded that most
teachers understand their students’ academic abilities. Two NHM students responded that
only some, not all teachers understand their students’ academic progress.
WNH students feel that teachers are there for them most of the time. Mason
Green is a sophomore student at Juan Bandini High School. Mason has a balance of
college-bound classes and a regular academic track. Mason made a clear distinction that
his teachers from his college-bound classes care more for their students than regular
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academic track teachers. His interview clearly portrays how students perceive their
instructors in different settings.
“In general, I think teachers do care for their students. But, in
honors you can really see the difference. Um… I have one of my
teachers, Mr. Todd, in two different classes. I have him in first
period for honors algebra and computer science in fourth period. In
our algebra class, Mr. Todd is very active and attentive with
everyone in class, yeah, his class goes very fast. But, in computer
science, it’s not like he cares much for the class. I mean, he is still
nice, he is a good teacher but he doesn’t show the same interest. I
don’t know but I can see it.”
I asked Mason to tell me one specific example how his teacher can act different in honors
and a regular academic class. Mason responded:
“Well, for example, in algebra there are no class interruptions. We
are always right on schedule. I think he is able to keep on schedule
because everybody seems to get the lecture rather fast. I think in
comp science he can be a little frustrated at times. You know?
Some guys in this class just don’t get it. He used to call on names
but he doesn’t do that anymore ’cause half the time many students
didn’t know the answer. I think that’s why he got pissed at the
class. I mean, he teaches the class well but, you know you’re more
on your own in this class sort of thing. You know?”
This is another distinction that most students across gender and ethnicity made when I
asked them to compare their college-bound classes with their regular academic classes.
Students mentioned that the teaching quality is far superior in honors and advanced
placement classes. First, students responded that in honors classes lectures go much
faster, class interruptions are rare and there are no problems with classroom discipline. In
a regular academic class, students reported that teachers appear to be less friendly and
they are constantly paying attention to discipline and waste more time on instructions and
making sure most students understand the material. Mason clearly is of the idea that
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teachers perform different in different academic levels. However, I suspect that Mason
has the wrong impression about the teaching quality between regular track and college
track courses. For example, if teachers experience frustration due to the lack of students’
efforts in a regular-tracked class it may be because some students do not care about
learning as much as students in college track classes do. Indeed, the fact is that teachers
may face limitations to their teaching quality based on students’ response to the material
and their general attitude toward school.
In this study, I did not consider interviewing teachers. However, drawing upon
students’ comments, teachers know whose parents maintain a connection with school.
Therefore, teachers could be more likely to create close relations with students as a
response to parental participation. As a result, students have in their hands the tools to
expand their social networks not only among their peers but also among teachers.
Peer Relations
Many WNH students in this sample have an active weekend life. Most students
indicated that they place enormous value on spending time with classmates. In fact,
eighteen WNH students responded that outside school and when not at home, they spend
their time with friends playing sports, going to the movies on weekends or just spending
time together. Having time to socialize with classmates outside school help students
create and maintain group membership. Their leisure activities, at the same time, serve to
engage students not only in their weekend life but also to keep them focused in school.
I have mentioned that Latino/a students highly benefit from having friends with
educated families. But, WNH students also benefit from having bi-cultural friends. For
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example, they share the same school and some of the same classes with Latino students.
By having bi-cultural friends, WNH students improve their chance to explore and expand
their networks to include people from other cultures. John Porter, a junior student at Oak
Valley High School presents a clear example of how WNH students benefit by having bicultural peers. John’s exposure to Latino friends has influenced his educational plans. I
asked John to tell me if and in which ways his friends have any influence on his
education. He promptly responded; “yes, …we choose classes together and work on
school projects.” I asked John to tell me about his educational plans taking into
consideration the influence that peers mutually have on each other. After he gave it a
brief thought, he explained:
“Well, …for example, last year I went to México with my friend
Francisco and his family. They invited me to his cousin’s
quinceañera17 in México City. It was very nice, I really liked it a
lot. I had never been in a party like that. They had a big, big party
with music, a D.J. oh … and lots and lots of food. People there are
very nice too …I made lots of friends there. Now I am taking
Spanish and maybe I’ll get a minor in Spanish.”
John’s cultural experience in México shaped part of his academic plans. He states
that because of his experience in México, now John is enrolled in Spanish and plans to
graduate with a minor in Spanish when he goes to college. John is well aware that
understanding a second language expands his social network. In fact, people who are
fluent in two languages enrich their social capital because of their exposure to two
different cultures.
17
Quinceañera is a traditional Mexican party where young females celebrate their fifteenth birthday and
every family member is expected to participate. Quinceañera parties are usually entertain guests with
music, folk dance and plenty of food.
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As mentioned earlier, some WNH students have an educated family member to
whom they can rely for school work. However, other students prefer to pair with a friend
for school work even if they have an educated family member with the skills to help them
in school. Megan Silverman is a senior at Juan Bandini High School. Megan has college
educated parents with the skills to assist her for school work. However, Megan finds it
more convenient to study and rely on close friends for school work.
“My mom has a degree in biology and my dad in mathematics.
They can help me if I need them. I mean they do help me
occasionally. But, they don’t take the class with me. You know?
My friends take the class and sit with me. If I or one of us need
class notes or something from a class, friends are more valuable
than parents, for that matter I should’ve said. ’Cause my parents
don’t sit with me but my friends do, you know?”
Megan’s interview shows that despite the fact that many WNH students come from
educated families, they place enormous value on their peer relations. Students like Megan
also understand that in college-bound classes students could not make it on their own
because of the complexity and level of difficulty of their classes. Therefore, if we remove
the economic and emotional aspect that parents represent, peer relations represent one of
the most solid pillars for students. First, they rely on each other for academic support.
Second, they credit their peers for maintaining the same pace as the rest of the students
do. Third, students across ethnic lines said they learn and benefit from having friends that
can function in more than one cultural setting.
Siblings
Sibling relations did not appear to be a salient pattern among most WNH students.
From the twenty WNH students interviewed, only a handful mentioned that a sibling
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helps them with school. During the interviews, I did not ask students to expand their
answers more about the role their siblings have on their own academic achievement.
However, students who did mention a sibling said that they were supportive.
Next, I will introduce the case of Aimee Perkins as one student who mentioned
that her brother Tom has been a role model for her but also has been a competitive figure
during her student life. Aimee Perkins, is a sophomore student at Edwin Cannan High
School. Aimee has two siblings, her sister Tammy is in eighth grade and her older brother
Tom is a junior at a California polytechnic college. Aimee describes her relations with
her younger sister and her older brother as pleasant but competitive. Not every female
student described their relationship with their siblings as competitive. However, in the
case of Aimee, competition has forced her to find ways to advance in her studies.
Consequently, Aimee sees that her social networks have expanded and she has been able
to maintain a place among the most advanced students in her classes. Aimee explained
that her parents have always compared her grades with her brother’s grades. “Tom, had
over 4.0 GPA throughout high school,” Aimee exclaimed. I asked Aimee to explain to
me what she meant earlier by having a competitive relationship with her brother Tom.
“Yeah, its like, there’s always been competition.” She said, “my parents always praise
Tom for his grades, you know, and I had to just, I just can’t fall behind because I know
how my parents would react.” I asked, “How would they have reacted Aimee, if you get a
low grade in a class?” She responded,
“Oh for once, they’d go crazy. When I was in seventh grade, I got
a B in history and a C in music. My parents went crazy, they
couldn’t believe it. How did I get grades like that on the easiest
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subjects ever. Yeah, …and of course there was big a lecture about
grades, why they’re important you know? …then my mom
showed me Tom’s grades when he was in seventh grade, …all A’s.
You know, I’d rather work harder for my grades, …it just goes
easier on everyone.”
“It’s easier in what ways?” I asked. “I get the grade my parents want and there is peace in
my house,” Aimee responded. Aimee also explained that in order to avoid conflicts at
home, she has learned to seek help among teachers and other students when she finds
something difficult to understand.
Knowing if Aimee’s parents responded in a healthy and fair way when they
reprimanded her for having low grades is beyond the scope of this study. However, in
terms of academic achievement, having constant competition with her brother Tom has
undoubtedly made her maintain a competitive place among her classmates. In this way,
competition between siblings can be transformed into social capital because it forces
students to make an extra effort to succeed in school by making them seek extra help.
Consequently, asking for help among other people helps create essential support
networks, one of the conditions for the creation of social capital.
Technology
One of the first questions I asked students was if they own a computer and if they
did how many computers they actually had at home. Every WNH student responded that
they had a home computer. Seventeen reported having their own personal computer and
six had more than two home computers. During the interviews, I noticed that several
students take their computer to school with them. Computer use appeared to be among
their favorite pieces of technology that students use for their studies. Phone ownership
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was also highly visible during all interviews. The majority of students turned their phones
off when we proceeded with their interview. Few students, among all groups, checked
their phone’s screen at a glance. It became obvious that all high school students in this
sample rely to some extent on technology as part of their school’s materials.
Susan Foster is a senior student at Edwin Cannan High School. Susan is one of
the six students that reported having more than two computers at home. In fact, according
to Susan, in her household there are six computers running most of the time during the
day. The Foster household appeared to provide a higher technological advantage than
most students interviewed in this sample. I wanted to see if there was a correlation
between computer availability and school achievement. I asked Susan to elaborate about
the number of computers at her house and their use. After a brief silence she responded:
“My parents have to use their own work computer. My sister Betty
has one, I have my own. That’s four, we have one in our living
room and an older one in the guest room. We don’t use them all
everyday but we do use the one in the living room a lot. Everybody
likes to use that one because it’s already there up and running. You
know? Anyway, I have to have my own computer because in
honors chemistry, we respond to class quizzes and we need to turn
all assignments in online. Oh, like for my college applications, I
have them all in this computer anyway. So, there is a use, I guess,
for all computers.”
Susan’s last statements about class requirements and homework assignment could very
well be fulfilled whether she had only one home computer instead of six. However, the
student made clear that technology in the form of computers has become part of her
school supplies essentials. Furthermore, Susan also mentioned specific ways she used her
personal computer. First, Susan mentioned that she has to turn in quizzes and
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assignments online. That activity alone illustrates show how students use technology to
advance in their studies. Second, Susan justified having her own computer because she
had her college applications on her personal computer. Kao (2004) emphasized that
students use information channels as tools to choose the right college, teachers and
classes. Through the use of her own computer Susan has clearly made use of information
to learn and research the colleges she had applied to.
WNH students also responded that they usually keep in contact with their friends
and family by phone texting. One of my questions asked students what they do with their
time outside school. I wanted to know if they use their time for academics, social reasons,
church, sports or any other activity that serve to engage them in social networking. I
asked Karen Harris, a senior student at Grace Hudson High School to explain how she
spends her time outside school. Karen vividly responded:
“Oh yeah, well, church on Sundays, maybe a game during the
week. I do spend a lot of time with friends, friends from school.
But most days during the week I just stay home doing homework. I
know it sounds kind of weird but we spend a lot of time on the
phone. It’s just like, sometimes I have a couple of questions from
class, you know? or whatever. I call or text one of my friends and
that’s why we use the phone a lot. I mean, we don’t always talk
about homework, you know? But, definitely a phone is part of
everyday activity, for sure.”
Karen clearly identified her peer contact as one of her activities outside school. Her
emphasis on texting and phone conversations with her friends indicated to me that
students value their peers as an educational resource. Furthermore, maintaining a stable
circle of friends also serves as a reliable source of social capital.
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Section Summary
In this section I have included general characteristics common to WNH students.
Family appeared to be one of the most important educational assets WNH students have.
Their parental involvement makes them beneficiaries of improved teacher-student
relations. Most students live under the shelter of well educated and financially stable
families. In fact, their economic stability allows WNH families to afford extra expenses
such as private tutors when their children need extra help in school.
White Non-Hispanic students reported having satisfactory relations with their
teachers. Teachers in honors’ classes are seen by students as more supportive and caring
than in regular academic classes. Furthermore, students feel that their teachers are
completely aware of their abilities as students.
White Non-Hispanic students considered their peers to be supportive of their
education. Some students mentioned that they plan classes together with their closest
friends. Their peer relations help students stay focused and interested in school. Some
students exclaimed that in an academic setting, they benefit more from their peers than
from their parents. For example, a female student with educated parents believes that her
peers are capable of offering more academic help because they share the same classroom
and go through the same material together.
WNH students consider their siblings as supportive but competitive. In fact, a
student mentioned that she studies hard to avoid conflicts with her parents. I have
mentioned that some students appeared to face significant emotional burdens due to the
fact that their parents provoke a competitive environment among siblings.
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I have also mentioned in this section the use of technology among WNH students.
The economic stability of their parents allows this group of college-bound students to
have their own computer, cellular phone and full access to the internet. WNH students
said that they use computers to chat about school, class material and assignments. They
also mentioned using their computers to apply to colleges, and choose classes and
teachers. Phone texting also appeared as a salient pattern among students.
During this chapter, I have made comparisons and similarities that Latino/as and
WNH have in common. More WNH than Latino/as students live under the shelter of their
financially strong and better educated family. WNH and Latino/a students presented
different reasons why they want to go on to higher education. For example, WNHs know
that with education they secure a place in their already privileged class. Latino/as, on the
contrary, see education as the most viable way for upward mobility. Their relationship
with their teachers also presented some variations between the two groups. WNH feel
completely confident that their teachers know their students’ abilities and teach them
accordingly. On the contrary, not every Latino/a student had the same opinion. In fact,
some even expressed that not all teachers know or care the same for all students. Sibling
and peer relations appeared to be constant across ethnic lines. That is, students responded
that their peers are very influential towards each other’s education. Students also reported
that their siblings were supportive of their education although during the siblings and
peers sections, students mentioned high levels of emotional distress as a result of constant
competition.
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Chapter 5
GENDER APPROACH IN EDUCATION
Introduction
Students who enter a rigorous curriculum oftentimes see that a great part of their
life revolves around their advanced placement classes and the curriculum demands. As
the literature states, a college-bound curriculum absorbs a great part of the student’s life.
In the previous chapter, I explained the role of ethnicity among Latino/a and White
college-bound students. Some students highly benefit from the shelter of their family’s
financial position while others benefit from the emotional support and higher
expectations their families place on them. I also introduced the role of teachers, peers and
siblings in the academic life of students. This pool of college-bound students
demonstrated to be fully aware of some of the benefits of social networks. For instance,
students are mentally and academically ready to transfer to a four year university after
they graduate from high school.
The majority of females in this study have their goals very well defined. Sixteen
female students mentioned that they had already decided what career they wanted to
pursue. Only four Latina students mentioned having some financial responsibility.
Female students in this study represent different class positions, ethnic backgrounds and
diverse family structures. However, they show important commonalities that distinguish
females from their male counterparts.
This chapter discusses gender in an attempt to highlight the most salient patterns
that female and male students presented during their interviews. Gender differences
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became apparent during the interviews, in particular, when I asked the respondents to tell
me about their study habits, how they use their free time and their family’s role in their
own education. Their peers’ roles in maintaining social connections also appeared to be
an important component of social capital. Males and females also create unique and
particular student-teacher relationships. Also important is the way males and females take
advantage of technology to keep their social networks connected and how, as a result,
they built their social capital. In the following section, I will present the role that family,
teachers, peers, siblings and technology have on the life of a high tracked female student.
The Female Experience
Bio-Sketch
Lauren Baird is a senior at LaCrosse High School. Her father works as an
engineer for the state of California and her mother is a financial advisor for an investment
firm. Lauren has taken two to three honors classes each year during her four years in high
school. During her junior year, Lauren’s GPA was 4.25. She received an A in two honors
classes, an A in three academic classes and a B in physical education. This year, Lauren
exclaims that she expects her GPA to gain a few more points as she is currently taking
three honors classes. Lauren is a student who acknowledges the contribution that her
family has made on her education. Her family’s educational background has helped
Lauren internalize a clear idea of what and where she plans to go to college. Lauren also
acknowledges the potential educational contribution of her peers. However, she considers
that keeping a proper balance between school and friends also helps her to stay focused
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on academics. Her educational plans include a degree in mathematics and logistics
system analysis from one of the top public universities in California.
Family
Family was one of the most important aspects in the life of female students.
Sometimes, their dedication to school appears to be in direct response to a family
standard. Eighteen out of twenty females responded that their families offer them full
economic support. Emotional support also became salient as every female mentioned that
their family is always there when they need them. For some females, their family has
always been very important to help them make decisions about their academic life.
Lauren mentioned that her parents have always helped her choose her classes and
teachers. I asked Lauren to explain to me what she meant by choosing teachers and why.
She responded,
“um … when I was a sophomore, a substitute English teacher
taught our class most of the year because our teacher, Mrs. Dale
had a pregnancy leave. It was a bad year for the group, I didn’t
learn what I should have. Now my parents kind of make sure there
is not going to be any class interruption.”
I asked Lauren to tell me how her parents made sure there is not going to be any class
interruptions during the school year. She responded,
“My mom knows most of the teachers and she just kind of makes
sure I stay with older or experienced teachers I should say. Oh
yeah like last year, my junior year, my parents had a meeting with
my counselor just to make sure she had a place reserved for me in
AP calculus and to make sure there wouldn’t be any last minute
changes to my schedule. My counselor, Mr. Obrien just smiled, he
was like ‘wow, not many parents plan this stuff a year ahead.’
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Yeah, that’s my parents. My dad in particular knows that I need to
have AP calculus taken here before I transfer.”
Lauren exemplifies the role of dedicated families in their children’s education. When
parents supervise what classes their children should take and who are the best teacher
options, students increase their potential as students. For example, Lauren is a student
with a 4.25 GPA, and at the time of this interview she had already applied to several
University of California campuses for a degree in mathematics and logistics. Therefore,
her parental supervision in addition to her academic abilities would likely help her reach
her educational goals. Lauren has a valuable source of social capital right at home.
Having parents who know the educational system well enough to supervise and advise
their children in regards to what classes they should take represents a valuable asset and a
secure base in building their social capital. Additionally, teachers and counselors become
familiar with their students’ individual plans when parents interact with the school.
Parents contribute to their children’s education in different ways. Some students
benefit from having educated parents who are also knowledgeable and proactive in the
educational system. Other female students achieve academically in response to the
emotional support and educational expectations of their caring parents. Andrea Gonzalez
is a senior student at Edwin Cannan High School. Mr. Gonzalez owns a smog inspection
center in town. Mrs. Gonzalez completed two years of nursing education in México City.
Andrea’s older brother, Luis, completed high school and pursued an associate degree
from a local community college but had to drop out of school to work at their family-run
business. Andrea’s educational plans include a degree in nutritional science at a UC
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campus. I asked Andrea to explain to me how supportive her family is with her
education. Andrea responded: “My mom is my main support. I mean, all my family
supports my education in different ways. But my mom is the one who actually knows my
teachers, my grades, goes to school meetings and reads my reports.” Mrs. Gonzalez is
presumably the person who is the most involved in Andrea’s education. Andrea
mentioned that all her family supports her education in different ways. I asked Andrea to
say more about her family because I wanted to know more about the role other family
members play in her education. Andrea added:
“Yeah, my brother Luis wants to see me graduate. He also wanted
to go to school but he had to drop the JC to help my dad in the
shop. He says that he is not gonna go back to school ’cause he
needs to stay in the shop with my dad. I have to be the one in the
family with a college degree, he says. My dad, um, he wants me to
get an education so I don’t have to put up with a crazy husband
like some of my cousins do. My mom is like my brother Luis, she
says that I have to be the one to go to college. A lot of times she
sits with me and watches me do my homework. It’s like she enjoys
seeing me. Yeah, she says that I remind her when she went to
school. Yeah, too bad she didn’t graduate from nursing school in
México. Anyway, my mom makes me feel good about going to
school but at the same time, I say to myself ‘hey… you better not
flunk school.’ …and that is pressure. You know what I mean?”
The Gonzalez family has placed clear educational expectations on Andrea. For the
Gonzalez family, Andrea’s education appears as a collective enterprise. Andrea is fully
aware that her family expects no less than a college degree. It is also clear that different
family members have different reasons for her education. First, Andrea mentioned that
her brother Luis did not have the chance to continue his studies because of extended
family obligations. Second, Mr. Gonzalez sees in Andrea’s education a protective shield
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against a possible abusive husband. Third, Mrs. Gonzalez’s apparent reason is to fill an
educational gap she developed for not being able to culminate her own education. I stated
before that most Latina students come from undereducated families. In the case of the
Gonzalez family, Mrs. Gonzalez has some college education in México. Luis Gonzalez
had to interrupt his studies to join the family’s labor force. Thus, for the Gonzalez’s, the
most viable way to have an educated family member is to release Andrea from any
financial burden and encourage her focus on her studies. However, as Andrea mentioned,
there is an emotional price tag attached to the cost of pursuing higher education.
Teachers
Ana Garcia is a junior at Grace Hudson High School. As indicated earlier, Grace
Hudson is a school located in a lower class neighborhood. Sixty percent of the school
population is Latino/a and twenty-six percent are white students. Mr. and Mrs. Garcia
immigrated to the United States in 1990 from rural México before Ana was born. During
Ana’s interview, she responded that her parents had no formal education in México but
that they were supportive of her education and that they expected her to get a college
degree, as she would be the first in her family to attend college. However, in terms of
academic guidance, Ana said that her teachers had made a difference in her studies and
her decision to go college. For example, she explained to me that her biology teacher,
Mrs. Castro talks to her about school on a regular basis. Oftentimes they go out for lunch
and talk about college life. Ana said about her conversations with Mrs. Castro;
“During recess, I like to help Mrs. Castro in the Lab. We talk about
things like movies or food, like …you know, for example, last time
I talked to her, we were talking about a new restaurant they just
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opened here by the school. Then, she invited me to try it out for
lunch, so we went and we talk for a long time. She told me about
her life in college and why she studied biology science.”
Ana’s short description of her relation with her teacher exemplifies how students,
sometimes, see in their teachers a mentor figure. Ana supplements her lack of parental
academic guidance with a teacher-mentor figure. Her relation with her biology teacher
creates the link that she needs for academic support and a role model to follow. However,
not only students like Ana seek stable teacher-student relations but also students whose
parents have the academic knowledge to help their children in school. In fact, all the
female students I interviewed mentioned that their teachers were always supportive of
their education, that they felt their teachers know them well as students and that they felt
close to their teachers. A teacher-student relation is a secure way to build their knowledge
of the educational system and to increase their social capital. For example, Ana’s close
relation with one of her teachers offers her the opportunity to ask questions about college,
classes and what universities are the best to apply for what she wants to study. Therefore,
students like Ana highly benefit from having a close relationship with their teachers
because their social network includes people who are knowledgeable about college life
and the educational system in general.
Janet Reich is a senior student at Oak Valley High School. Janet has a cumulative
3.86 GPA and is enrolled in three honors classes: English composition, English literature
and US Government. Janet’s educational goal is to pursue a degree in English or Political
Science from a University of California campus. This student is one of the nineteen
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female students that considered their teachers to be aware of their students’ academic
abilities. When I asked Janet a question about her student-teacher relationship and how
comfortable she was with her current teachers, she responded:
“Oh, I’m okay with all my teachers. I can’t think of one that I don’t
really get alone with. Well last year my math teacher used to get
upset very easy and defensive but that’s because a guy attacked
him with a sharpie in class. I have him again this year and he is
much more relaxed. He is a nice teacher, he is always available
even after school. Like, … during midterms or exams he says that
we can call him at home with any questions. I’ve never called but I
know sometimes students call him at home. Yeah, I mean it’s not
the same with all the teachers but I have great teachers and I think
they do a lot to work very close with students. Last year my
Spanish teacher Mr. Garcia, took us to La Raza day at UC
Berkeley. I love the campus! They let us walk into a big Chicano
Latino class. It felt good just to listen in a classroom at Berkeley.
That’s why I want to go to Berkeley.
Janet’s response identifies her teachers as the most influential people in her student life.
The fact that she has decided to study at a prestigious university is because her Spanish
teacher exposed her to experience what it is like studying in a university such as
Berkeley. It just takes caring teachers that understand their students and the difference
they can make when they show interest for their education.
Peer Relations
In addition to teachers, female students also consider their peers are as an
important part of their education. Shelby Smith is a junior student at Juan Bandini High
School. Shelby considers that her peers play one of the most important roles in school.
Shelby takes three college-bound classes and has a 3.80 GPA. According to Shelby, her
dedication to school mirrors the efforts that her peers put into school. I asked Shelby to
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tell me about her friends and if they do well in school or not. She responded, “All my
friends are committed to school, they have to, our classes are hard and require a lot of
effort. You can’t fall behind because if you do, you can’t catch up with the rest of the
group.” Then I asked her to explain what type of relationship she had with her friends and
how supportive they were of her education. “You know, …we do everything together, we
study together for exams and group projects. We all help each other, there is no way you
can do it without your friends, …yeah, I would say that they’re always very supportive.”
I asked Shelby to tell me one specific way her friends support her education. She said,
“well, for example, I am not in advanced math but my friend Martha is, so she helps a lot
with math but I help her with English, yeah, so that’s how we help each other, …I guess.”
Shelby’s description of her peers brings to light the important contribution that students
make towards each other’s academics. Having friends who have different skills
represents an excellent source of social capital. Their social network not only serves
students who belong to groups but also serves to have other student’s skills available to
them when they need them. Shelby is also an important source of social capital because
her skills in English help other students advance in their studies.
I have presented the argument that some students study and live under constant
pressure from school and their families. To release emotional tension that school causes
them, students need their peers. Raquel Jimenez is a senior student at Edwin Cannan
High School. Raquel explained to me that her family supports her economically and they
have always been supportive with her education as well. However, Raquel added that her
family was also very demanding with her grades. She said that when she was with her
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friends, she used those moments to relax and step aside from school for a moment.
Raquel exclaimed:
“My parents don’t let me work, I have an allowance every week
and they also pay for anything I need. But, I mean it is not like
they just give me free stuff for nothing. I have to work very hard to
earn it. If I don’t bring good grades, I mean, not just good grades,
excellent grades, they put me on a leash. You know? I remember
one time when I was a sophomore, I got a B in biology, right? Well
my dad didn’t talk to me for days. I was like, “Hello!” it’s
biology, I’m not going into science anyway you know?”
I asked Raquel to tell me how she manages to stay focused despite all the pressure she
described. She said:
“Oh, I have good friends. They understand what we go through at
home ‘cause they’re also going through the same. Especially my
friend Maggie, she said that her father cut the cable wire because
her brother flunked a class. So, she and I kind of help each other. I
tell her my problems, she tells me hers and that’s how we kind of
help each other stay focused.”
Students enrolled in college-bound classes have a better opportunity to increase their
social capital for several reasons. First, students are exposed to a higher quality of
education. Enrollment in a college track curriculum exposes students to college level
work and engages students in dialogues about colleges and university. Second, their
teachers and counselors talk more about college requirements and admission processes.
As indicated before, teachers from college-bound classes take their students to field trips
to visit universities. Third, a college-bound curriculum is more academically superior
than a regular track curriculum. Thus, students increase their social capital because they
learn skills to which regular track students are not exposed. These only represent a few
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ways students increase their social capital. Usually, the mere act of being enrolled in a
college-bound curriculum already involves more pressure than a regular track program
because of the quantity and quality of work students have to do. However, as mentioned
before, their privileged enrollment in a college track program has an emotional pressure
attached to it. Responses by students like Raquel express the mental pressure they face
from their family. Raquel added that she spends plenty of time with friends at school as
well as chatting online or phone texting.
Siblings
In general, female students responded that their siblings were supportive.
However, only four female students mentioned a sibling among the people who helps
them do homework or school projects. Jennifer Lewis is senior student at Edwin Cannan
High School. At the time of this interview, Jennifer was one of only three students who
were enrolled in four college-bound classes. Her educational plans include a degree in
business administration and a teaching credential. When this student spoke about her
family, she spent a considerable amount of time talking about her older sister.
“My older sister Claire, lives in the bay area. She is basically the
only one who helps me with school. Mostly when I need help with
chemistry ’cause she is a pharmacist and she understands
chemistry more than I do anyway. She wants me to become a
pharmacist as well but, I say there’s no way I’ll study chemistry. I
mean, when she went to school, she had no life. She had to study
all the time. When I was little, I always wanted to be like her and I
do want to be like her in terms of school but, I don’t think a
pharmacist is a good idea for me. I’m gonna go to college but I
won’t kill myself like she did. Anyway, yeah, overall, Claire’s
been very supportive.”
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For some students, the only academic support they get comes from their siblings. Jennifer
appears to have her educational goals well defined despite the fact that her sister
pressures her to become a pharmacist. Again, there is a slight sign of discomfort from the
student to study something that she does not feel attracted to. Oftentimes, families put
pressure on their students to follow the steps of successful family members. We must
recall Aimee Perkins under the siblings section in the previous chapter. Aimee explained
that her family had always pressured her to achieve as high as her brother Tom had in
school. Jennifer, explained to me that her family had also compared her educational
achievements with her sister’s Claire. The results of such a pressure from her family may
have positive results because Jennifer has well defined educational goals. However, a
degree of mental pressure is again detected in this student’s educational history, as has
been the case with other students in this sample.
I have indicated that many students perceive an older sibling as a role model to
follow. However, some students play the role models for their younger siblings. Alicia
Garza is a junior student at Oak Valley High School. Alicia is the oldest of four siblings.
She has two sisters in middle school and a brother in elementary school. Alicia said that
being the older sister is a privileged position but also carries more responsibilities.
“I’ve always said that being the older sister is a double-edged
sword. I have more freedom at home but when something happens,
I’m the one who gets the blame. I mean, I’m okay being the older
sister, I really like the fact that my siblings look up to me. It’s just
the blame part I don’t like. You know what I mean? Yeah, …I
want to be a good example for my two sisters and my brother. I’m
actually the only one who helps them with school. Raul wants to
be the big guy, you know?! So he never asks for anything. But, I
help Rosa and Julia with their homework. Rosa is gonna be a
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freshman next year on my senior year. Yeah, she can’t wait to be
in high school with me. I think it’s because she wants to hang with
my friends.”
Alicia further explained to me that sometimes she feels that her parents have placed her
siblings’ education under her responsibility. Alicia sounded distressed by that idea and
mentioned that she does not want to feel guilty if one of her siblings fails in school and
having that weight on her shoulders makes her uncomfortable.
Technology
Technology plays an interesting role in school achievement and for the creation
and use of social capital. This section highlights why phone-texting and emailing
function as important tools that students use to advance in their studies. During the
interviews, I asked all students to tell me how they use their time outside school. Some
females responded that they spend their time at home while others mentioned clubs,
sports or church on Sundays. Then I asked them how often they see or keep in touch with
their friends when they were outside school. Eighteen mentioned that they do not see
their friends all the time but they always stay in touch with them by texting or emailing
each other. Texting and emailing became salient among all female students.
Maggie Lewis is a senior and cheerleader at Oak Valley High School. Maggie’s
educational plans include a major in kinesiology and medical school in the area of sports
medicine. Maggie mentioned that she always knew what her friends were doing because
they all were constantly texting their activities to their closest friends. When I asked
Maggie to tell me more about why staying in touch with her friends is so important, she
responded;
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“Cause it’s fun, you know, …it’s like being there and doing what
they’re doing. I mean, we gossip a lot but we also talk about our
classes. We play games but we also quiz each other. You know all
the phone applications right? There is one called flashcards; I use it
to quiz girls from class. It keeps us laughing I guess. But yeah,
definitely we all girls and guys use our cell phones a lot.”
Regardless of the content of their text communication, female students use technology to
maintain their group cohesion. Their social network helps them build their social capital
because they also use texting to discuss schoolwork and study for exams. Additionally,
they constantly reinforce their sense of group membership every time one sends and/or
receives a text or email. Female students have made the use of technology in the form of
phone texting and internet chatting part of their daily school activities.
Ana Leiva is a sophomore at Juan Bandini High School. When I asked Ana to tell
me her educational plans she mentioned that she wants to enroll in a paralegal studies
program and eventually in law school. I asked her how she decided to become a
paralegal. She responded:
“Mrs. Hill from a career pathway program gave us a questionnaire.
I’m supposed to do well in all office work and legal studies. Since
then we have been searching colleges, checking out admissions,
cost and things like that. I’ve downloaded a different program from
the internet just to check out if I’d get the same results and both
programs matched on the results. My parents want to send me to
college and I never really gave it a serious thought but now I see it
more real.”
Ana’s interview covered a different example of how high school students use
technology. Ana developed interest in colleges and universities after she was introduced
to career match programs. Ana also mentioned to me that she is currently enrolled in only
honors English and honors US Government because honors classes have more transfer
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value than a regular academic class. In fact, when I interviewed Ana, she responded very
enthusiastically to the idea of actually going to college. I must point out that her high
school is located in one of the most disadvantaged neighborhoods in the city. In fact,
graduation rates are the lowest in the district. However, Ana’s interest in education
clearly has increased her probabilities to go into higher education. Thus, access to
technology helps students like Ana foster interest into higher education.
Section Summary
In this section, I have presented the different ways females go about their studies.
I have mentioned that families support their daughters by offering academic guidance as
well as economic and emotional support. Parents also maintain close supervision of their
daughter’s education. Female students also developed strong attachments with their
teachers and they feel that student-teacher relations help advance their studies. Female
students also see their teachers as their educational advocates and seek college advice
from them. The role of peers in the life of female students was another important factor
for college-bound students. For example, after their own family and their teachers, female
students consider their peers as playing a very important role in their studies. Females
highly identify with other females because they share similar experiences at home and in
school. I also explained how for some students competition among siblings leads to
pressure and competition as well as educational achievement. Finally, the use of
technology such as texting and emailing strengthen the bonds between female students.
Female students enrolled in college-bound courses also benefit from technology because
they use computers to research university requirements and admission processes.
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Technology is not only used to discuss schoolwork but also in maintaining a friendly,
personal communication with each other. In fact, students mentioned that they also text
each other just to gossip about others. However, taking into consideration the main
results of maintaining a constant communication, texting and emailing their friends
strengthens their bonds to their group and consequently to their studies.
The Male Experience
Bio-Sketch
Robert Hill is a junior student at LaCrosse High School. Robert’s educational goal
is to transfer to a four-year university for a degree in civil engineering. As most males
interviewed, Robert plays sports two or three times a week and likes to spend time with
friends on weekends. During the course of his three years in high school, Robert has had
two Math and science college-bound classes per semester and has a cumulative GPA of
3.93. Robert mentioned that his family gives him full economic support but he has
worked part time for the last two years in a local health food store. Males in general
appeared to present themselves as independent individuals who chose to work part time
despite the economic support they have from their families. In fact, males work to pay for
their cell phones, movies, and personal expenses. In this sample, three females reported
that they work although the reasons appeared to be different. In the previous chapter,
under The Latino experience, I introduced the case of Alma Rodriguez. Alma works in
the family’s bakery to help raise money to cover household expenses. Thus, females who
work reported that they do it to help their family pay for household expenditures.
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Family
All male students responded that their families were supportive of their education.
Fourteen mentioned that they have full economic support and six said that their family
only covers their most essential school expenses. Some students work part time to pay for
entertainment, phone bill or extra personal expenses. Seven male students in this pool, six
Non-Hispanic males (NHM) and one Latino, come from college-educated families.
However, most responded that they usually do not ask their parents for help for schoolrelated work. Nevertheless, when I asked them about their parents and how they help
them stay focused in school, students mentioned that their parents do not talk very much
about school with them but when they do, they encourage them to do well and they make
them feel proud of their accomplishments.
I asked Jerry Sanders, a senior student from Edwin Cannan High School, if his
parents do not talk much about your school, how do they stay informed about school?
After brief consideration, he responded;
“I’m on the varsity team. We have at least two games a week. My
parents talk to other parents about school. Somebody always
knows what’s going on at school. And, I mean, it’s not like we
never talk about school, we do, once in a while they ask me what’s
going on, how’s school going, work hard? you know! things like
that.”
Male students’ initial responses that their parents do not talk with them much about
school may be because they want to present themselves somehow as completely
independent individuals. However, the fact that some students responded that their
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parents do not talk with them very much about school does not mean that parents distance
themselves from school issues. In fact, despite the fact that male students pretend to
appear independent, Jerry’s response made clear that parents talk to other parents to stay
informed about school issues.
Antonio Cervantes is a sophomore student at Juan Bandini High School.
Antonio’s educational goal includes a degree in business administration at a state
university. Antonio reported having a cumulative 3.78 GPA and currently taking two
honors classes, algebra and economics. When I asked Antonio about his family’s
educational and occupational history, he responded:
“Sure, my dad works in a wine warehouse. He did not go to school.
I mean, I think they only had like elementary school in his
hometown. So, he only went through sixth grade. Yeah, let’s see,
mom has a part time job in a restaurant and, like my dad, ’cause
they lived in the same town in México, she only studied
elementary school. I have a younger sister, she is in ninth grade.
Oh, my uncle Ramon, he is my dad’s younger brother. He moved
with us a couple of years ago from México. He works with my dad
in the warehouse. I don’t know about him, he probably only went
through elementary school like my parents did. I haven’t asked
him.”
Antonio gave a partial account of his family’s occupation and education. He clearly
stated that his family did not have the opportunity to go to school beyond elementary
school. At that point, I became curious and asked him what made him enroll in collegebound classes despite his parent’s limited educational levels. In other words, parents with
educational experience know that a college-bound curriculum presents the best option
when students plan to go to college. However, in the case of Antonio’s parents, it is very
likely that they are unfamiliar with this detail. Thus, I asked Antonio to tell me more
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about his family in connection to his choice of enrolling in college-bound classes,
different ways his family supports him going to college. After a brief silence, as many
students did when I asked them about their family, he responded:
“My dad wants me to study at a veterinary school. He says that’s
what he wanted to be if he had had the chance to go to school in
México. I don’t know but I didn’t grow up in a farm or around
animals like he did. You know? My mom says that she is okay
with anything I choose as long as I don’t become a police officer,
Oh and I don’t talk to my uncle or my sister about school stuff, just
with my parents.”
As stated above, the Cervantes family never had a clear picture of what it takes to send
one of their children to college. In fact, it was not until Antonio entered college-bound
classes that his family realized that going to college was actually possible for their son.
Students enrolled in college-bound classes are usually those students that did very well in
middle school and carry a strong GPA. I was curious to know under what circumstances
Antonio had obtained a place in college-bound classes. I asked the student to tell me
about his own experience and what it took to find a place in a demanding college-bound
curriculum. Antonio explained to me:
“I’m enrolled in honors because I had good grades in tenth and
eleventh grade and then during my freshman year. This year my
counselor called me in his office and told me that he was going to
place me in honors algebra and honors econ ’cause first I had all
academics. So, anyway, he said he saw my grades and that I was
ready for advanced classes. He moved me to these two classes.
They are very hard but I like them more than regular academics.
You know? In these classes most guys talk about going to college.
Now I started thinking about college. I remember when I told my
parents my plans to go to a university. They were happy but my
dad was like, …worried! ’cuase he thought university was only for
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the rich ‘where am I gonna get the money.’ You know he used to
say things like that. Yeah, but now, he likes the idea. You know
what I mean?”
First, Antonio mentioned that his grades in the previous three years earned him a place in
college-bound classes. In fact, Hurn (1993) explains that earlier school performance
appeared to be one of the main factors school teachers and counselors take into
consideration to assign tracks to students. Second, Antonio and his family learned that
going to college was actually something that could become reality. However, had it not
been for the eye of a careful counselor that saw in Antonio a potential student, his
educational future would have probably been much different. One of the topics covered
in my literature review is why many counselors oftentimes fail to detect potential
students for their college-bound programs. What is clear about students like Antonio is
the fact that their family revives their own dreams about education.
Teachers
Most male students are aware that teachers have the potential to serve as a reliable
source of social capital. Teachers know about transfer requirements, how to apply to a
university or to what universities their students should apply. However, not all male
students take advantage of their teacher’s knowledge. One of the reasons is that some
male students maintain a distance with their male teachers. During the interviews, fifteen
students responded that their teachers were well aware of their academic abilities. Five
responded that some but not all teachers knew their abilities. This point came to my
attention when different male students made different comments about some teachers.
Marcos Sanchez is a junior at Grace Hudson High School with a 3.6 GPA. Marcos wants
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to transfer to a four-year college but he declared that he has not decided what he wants to
study yet. When I asked Marcos about teacher support, he responded that they were
supportive but not all teachers care about their students in the same way. Marcos
exclaimed: “Yeah, most teachers are nice, they take their time with you, but they’re not
all the same.” I asked Marcos to explain to me what he meant by not all teachers being
the same. He responded,
“Yeah well like, I’ve asked my math teacher a couple of times
about some transfer requirements. He explained to me what classes
I should take next year and this and that, but it’s like he really
wasn’t in a mood to talk. You know? But I’ve seen him taking his
time with other guys. I mean, come-on!, he is an AVID18
coordinator, you know? It’s like hello you’re the expert dude,
that’s your job. I don’t ask him no questions anymore.”
I asked Marcos to elaborate and to be more specific with what other students he thinks
teachers are more attentive. He responded switching between English and Spanish:
“Teachers are not the same with everybody. Como que ponen mas
atencion a las mujeres, yo pienso. [It seems that they pay more
attention to women, I think]. Oh during class, if a guy is talking he
says aloud ‘hey buddy knock it off! but if a girl’s doing the talking,
then he goes ‘okay class pay attention. You know what I mean? He
is not the same with us guys.”
Interactions between students like Marcos and his math teacher may be one of the
reasons why some male Latinos choose to distance themselves from their teachers.
Marcos may be wrong in the way he perceives his teacher. Losing interest in
communicating with their teachers, students lose a source of social capital potentially
18
Advancement Via Individual Determination (AVID) is a program from elementary to high school
designed to prepare student to transfer and succeed in universities.
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available through teacher interaction. However, Marcos is able to identify his teacher’s
different behavior with male and female students. Equally important is the fact that his
math teacher, an AVID counselor, is a college requirement specialist. Marcos has already
embedded in his mind a negative image of his math teacher. Worst yet is the fact that
students pay the price because they may create a general opinion that all teachers would
respond in the same way. In short, when students distance themselves from their teachers,
they refrain from asking questions, as Marcos said; “I don’t ask him questions anymore.”
Fortunately, not all teachers respond in the same way to their students. Fifteen
students responded that their teachers were supportive with their studies. Most male
students acknowledge the contribution that their teachers make to their studies and the
quality of education they are getting from experienced teachers in college-bound classes.
Nevertheless, male students did not appear to make close attachments with their teachers
as female students did. Kevin Miller is a senior student at LaCrosse High School. Kevin’s
educational goal is to study kinesiology. At the time of the interview, Kevin had honors
French and honors Senior Science Seminar. Keeping in mind that other students had
responded with disgust about their teachers, I asked Kevin to explain to me if he
considered his teachers to be fully aware of his academic abilities. Kevin promptly
responded:
“Oh yeah, teachers are nice. I have good teachers, they know what
we need to learn and that’s what they teach us. I mean, sometimes
a teacher may lose it with a student, but for the most part they are
nice.
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In previous interviews, some students responded that they had a close teacher-student
relationship. For example, a female student mentioned that her biology teacher invited
her to go out for lunch to talk about school. Another female also reported that her Spanish
teacher planned field trips to a UC campus. Drawing from past interviews, I asked Kevin
to tell me how close he was with his teachers and if he had a particular teacher with
whom he identified the most. Kevin gave my question a brief thought and responded:
“I don’t feel closer with any teacher in particular. I mean, I’m okay
with all teachers and I’m pretty much the same with everyone. You
know I do my part and they do theirs. When I have a question, they
respond well to me, I don’t see why they would not.”
Kevin’s response was short but illustrative of a student who did not report feeling very
close to his teachers but believed that all his teachers were good and attentive with their
students. As indicated above, fifteen male students echoed Kevin’s response that most
teachers are helpful to their students. Equally important, is the fact that despite their
opinion, male students did not report creating close student-teacher relations. Male
students may want to avoid feeling fully dependent on their teachers. For instance, Kevin
responded that he does his work and his teachers do their part too. Kevin’s response
alerted me to a sense of male independence and individuality on the part of students. On
the contrary, female students did not want to portray the same degree of separation with
their teachers.
Peer Relations
Male students maintain tight social networks with their peers by participating in
sports. Eighteen students mentioned being part of a soccer, basketball or baseball team. It
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is through sports that male students meet with their peers outside school at least two or
three times a week. Students maintain interest and stay focused in school by constantly
participating in extracurricular activities. One male student mentioned that soccer makes
school more fun. Derrick Riddell is a junior student at Juan Bandini High School.
Derrick is currently enrolled in honors world history and honors English and has
accumulated a 4.14 GPA after four advanced placement classes within the last two years.
According to Derrick, his academic placement can only be sustained by participating in
sports. After Derrick mentioned that most of his friends participate in sports, I asked him
to tell me why playing sports is an important part of school.
“Honor classes are hard and stressful; soccer is just a way
to clear my mind from school. All my buddies play
something, so it’s hard not to play. Otherwise I would be
just doing nothing else but school, you know? That would
be pretty insane. I mean, I’m not all sports but I like to
hang around with my friends.”
Derrick also explained to me that he has been able to maintain his grades despite the fact
that he is highly involved in extracurricular activities. Male students highly value sports
and other after school activities. When I asked male students about other activities
outside school, seventeen responded that they work part time, they get together with
friends on weekends during games, at the movies or a teen center.
Male students expressed being highly sociable individuals whose extracurricular
activities help them manage demanding college-bound classes. In fact, after school
activities maintain male students engaged in tight social networks that keep them focused
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and interested in school. Arturo Soto, a junior student at Grace Hudson High School
responded that his friends are an important part of school.
“I like to hang around with my buddies. That’s what makes school
interesting. My neighbor across the street is a teacher, he homeschooled his kids. I guess that’s okay for some people. I say to
myself, ‘what a boring life’, ’cause they can’t take your buddies
away from you. They’re part of school. I know I wouldn’t be able
to do it. Like, who am I going to ask if I get stuck with a paper in
the middle of the night, you know? We have a friend, Lucia, she
helps us a lot with English ’cause I work three nights a week right?
So, Lucia helps me with English and sometimes I help her with
math.”
Having close friends in school was good for Arturo because of the extra help he
needed with English. Arturo explained to me that Lucia Fernandez is a Latina and a
family friend and they’ve known each other since elementary school. Angela Valenzuela,
(1999b) explains that students from similar backgrounds form social networks that help
them achieve in school. Arturo sees in Lucia a reliable source of academic support. The
student explained that he relies on Lucia on a regular basis since he works three times a
week. Arturo explained that their help is reciprocal, he also helps his friend Lucia with
math. The fact is that they have created a network of mutual support that increases their
chances to achieve in school.
Siblings
Most males in this sample did not mention their siblings when I asked them which
family member helps them with schoolwork. Most students mentioned that their family
helps them occasionally with schoolwork. However, when they need help students
usually seek peer support. In fact, only three students said that sometimes an older sibling
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helps them with school. I do not have a clear idea why more male students did not
mention their siblings as part of their school life. However, those who mentioned their
siblings said that on a few occasions they have relied on a sibling for schoolwork. Again,
I did not design my questionnaire to go deeper into the family dynamics. Additionally, at
the time I interviewed all students, the WNH male’s sibling relations began to emerge
slower than family, teachers, and peers. I can only conclude that their family size is
similar to WNH females and Latino/a students. In fact, the US Census Bureau19 indicates
that the median size family across the county is 3.8 individuals per family. Three male
students mentioned an older sibling. Nevertheless, it is possible that the rest of the white
male sample has younger siblings who do not represent an academic help to the students.
Moreover, the academic level of college-bound students is more advanced than the
general track. Therefore, most family members, including younger siblings may not have
the skills to offer any help.
Technology
Computer use among male students did appear as a common activity. All male
students interviewed in this sample expressed having at least one computer at home.
Fourteen reported having their own personal computer. Most students rely heavily on
technology for their schoolwork, to stay connected with friends or simply to search the
web. Male students are no exception. Every male in this sample has direct access to
computers at school or at home. Computer use has become an essential tool in high
19
Specific census data-links for this city cannot be displayed in order to protect the identity of student
participants.
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schools at all levels. However, students rely more on cell phones than computers to stay
connected with their social network. During the interviews, I noticed that some male
students had their computer with them and almost all students had their cell phones with
them. When I asked them to tell me about peer support, they did not mention texting as a
way of communicating with other students. Most male students mentioned that they
always spend time with friends but I failed to ask them about their main form of
communication. Nevertheless, I suspect that high school students would find it very
difficult to maintain social bonds without the use of cell phones. In fact, I recall that two
of the male students checked their cell phones while being interviewed. Furthermore, in
the technology section under The Female Experience in this chapter, Maggie Lewis
explained that all students including males use their phones to stay in contact with their
friends. Thus, I suspect that male students did not mention that form of communication
because they did not wanted to appear so reliant on cell phone use.
Work
Robert Clements, a junior student at LaCrosse High School, lives under the
umbrella of an economically stable family. His parent’s economic position serves as a
shelter for any expense that Robert may have during his student years. However, despite
the fact that he does not have any economic obligations as other male students do, Robert
chose to work part time. When I questioned him about his activities outside school, he
mentioned that he plays soccer on weekends and works part time in a local health food
store four times a week. I asked Robert to tell me the reason why he wanted to work
when his parents offer him full economic support. Robert responded that he wanted to
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have his own earned money for extra expenses despite the fact that he had no economic
responsibilities at home. He added:
“I don’t have to pay any bills, my parents pay for all my stuff, but
…you know I don’t want to depend on them for everything I need.
If I work I don’t have to ask my parents for other stuff I need.”
I asked Robert to give me an example of what he meant by “other stuff.” He responded:
“well yeah, other stuff like, um, for example, I just bought new
tires for my truck, I pay my own phone bill, I usually buy my own
clothes. You know, things like that. When I go grocery shopping
with my mom I give her some money and I usually buy stuff for
the house too. My dad tells me to save my money for college and I
think that’s a good idea but, I don’t know I just like to feel that I’m
spending my own money.”
Work became a pattern that male students mentioned during the interviews when I asked
them to tell me about their off-school activities. Despite the fact that their parents support
them educationally and economically, male students seem to find in work a sense of
independence as individuals.
Section Summary
In this section, I have highlighted the most salient patterns among male students.
Male students reported that they do not talk as much about school as their female
counterparts. However, students said that their parents stay informed about school by
talking to other parents. According to males, their families have placed on them the same
educational expectations as females. As the literature suggests, male and female students
with educated and economically stable families expressed being more involved in their
education. On the contrary, lower class families distance themselves from school
interaction. Male students reported that their families offer them economic support.
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However, males appear to be more independent than female students. For example, some
male students said they work part time to have more financial freedom. Contrary to
female students, some male students appear to avoid closer teacher-students relations.
For instance, I have cited the case of a male student that has developed a sense of
resentment because he feels some rejection by a male teacher. The same student reported
that some high school teachers do not care enough for their students. However, I could
not state that all male students develop the same approach to all teachers. Peer relations
appear to be very important for male students. Males reported that due to the stressful
nature of college-bound classes, they keep close social relations with other students to
play sports or go to movies in order to release stress. Females, on the contrary, maintain
social engagement through phone texting and internet chatting. Unlike female students,
sibling relations related to education was not a salient pattern among most male students.
This is to say, females and their siblings see each other as role models. Furthermore, only
female students discussed being competitive with older and younger siblings. However,
those who did mention a sibling said that older siblings help them with school when
necessary. Male students did not mention texting or emailing as their form of
communication with other students like female students did. However, during the
interviews, I noticed that most males have cell phones with them. However, given the
fact that males seemed to be highly sociable individuals, I suspect that they rely on cell
phones to maintain communication with their network or at least to set up meeting times
and places with their friends. More males than females reported working part time. Some
females mentioned that they work because they have some financial responsibilities at
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home. On the contrary, male students responded that they work because they want extra
money and do not want to be an economic burden to their parents. Contrary to females
who work to help their parents, male students also see employment as a form of
independence and control of their life.
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Chapter 6
CONCLUDING REMARKS
This sample of high school students enrolled in college-bound classes
demonstrated that many factors influence their educational achievement. During the
literature review, I mentioned studies indicating that high school students face many
obstacles in their search for higher education. Tracking high school students into college
and non-college bound classes is just one of the obstacles students face. In fact, the main
reason why I wanted to conduct this research study was to clarify why high school
tracking takes place in American high school. This thesis project slowly evolved as
students began to talk about their experience in college-bound classes. One important part
of this gradual development was based on the amount of personal responsibility that
students demonstrated. In other words, students stated that they constantly dealt with
elevated amounts of stress due to their very demanding classes, competitive peers and
family pressure. Yet, their sense of personal responsibility encourages them to maintain
enrollment in college-bound classes.
Comparisons and Similarities
Across Ethnic Lines
As opposed to WNH students whose parents with a college degree total fifty
percent, only three Latino/a students came from households with educated parents who
had earned a college degree or attended some college. Students with educated parents
also had the highest GPAs and most were enrolled in more than two honors classes. More
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WNH students also reported that their parents keep a closer connection with school more
than the Latino/a parents. When Latino/a parents participated in their children’s school,
mothers appeared to take a more active role than fathers did. However, parental
participation among Latino families does not seem to take place on a regular basis except
during the inaugural school’s open house.
Some Latino/a students find in family stories the motivation they need to follow
the steps of educated family members. Recall Luis Enriquez, the junior student from
Edwin Cannan High School. Luis sees in his uncle, the lawyer from México, a role model
to follow. His dedication to school is constantly reinforced by family histories of a
successful family member who managed to achieve high levels of education. Family
stories were very common among Latino/as but absent among their WNH counterparts.
Given the fact that WNH come from families where education is more common, I
suspected that these students take their education as a personal endeavor and not as a
family enterprise. In addition, they did not have the same expectations as some Latino/a
students expressed.
The purpose of education also appeared to be different for WNH and Latino/a
students. WNH students see their education as the most feasible way to climb up the
social ladder. I have indicated that the majority of Latino families are employed in
manual or labor jobs. Three own their own business and three others have blue-collar
jobs.
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A gender approach on education also presented the opportunity to see what makes
college-tracked males and females similar or different from each other. For instance,
females appeared to maintain a closer connection with their teachers than males do.
Females expressed that their teachers were always very supportive of their education. On
the contrary, some male students were of the opinion that not all teachers were supportive
all the time. In fact, five students mentioned to have good teachers but they also felt that
they did not take the extra step when students needed them the most.
Another way in which males and females differ is their use of technology to
maintain connections with their peers. Females did not hesitate to say that they rely on
phone texting to maintain a connection with their peers. On the contrary, males did not
mention phone texting as a form of communication despite the fact that some males
continually checked their phone while being interviewed. Thus, I suspect that males also
rely on phone texting as a form of communication but they are not as open as females are
to talk about it. I would also suspect that males use their phone in different ways. While
females mentioned that they also use their phone to quiz their friends for school work and
to chat with them, males perhaps only use it to set up times and places to meet.
Sports represent an important part of the educational system in the United States.
Students who perform highly in sports are usually singled out by coaches and university
recruiters to form part of their teams (Bowen and Levin 2003). Thus, many students
enroll in sports wishing that one day they may play for college and eventually become
professional athletes. Indeed, many students have seen their dreams materialized. Thus,
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some students see in sports a potential way to escalate the social ladder. In this study,
more males reported to sports as a big part of their student life. However, there was no
mention by male students that they use sports as an upward mobility tool. In fact, Bowen
and Levin found that academic underperformance is very common among university
athletes. Therefore, a student who does not achieve well academically, but is a good
athlete sees in sports their opportunity for upward mobility. However, college-bound
students are already high academic achievers and because of their performance in school
they have almost secured a place in a four-year college. Thus, I suspect, college-bound
students see sports as a tool to release the high levels of stress caused by their demanding
classes and not as a means to enter college. In fact, male students who mentioned sports
as part of their activities said that it helps them concentrate better in school.
Commonalities
I have presented the most salient distinctions between Latino/a and WNH
students. However, both groups demonstrated to have many commonalities. For example,
most college-tracked students had a clear idea of their academic future. The majority of
these students already knew what universities they were planning to apply to. All students
gave me the impression to be highly committed to their studies. The list goes on. In fact,
seeing these students from the surface, every aspect in their life seemed to be right in
place. However, it took a little digging to uncover a less-pleasing aspect of their academic
life that most students demonstrated to have in common. It is the emotional part that
college-bound students have in common.
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Before I present this part of my findings, I must clarify that during the process of
my thesis development, I did not think or design my study to measure the level of
emotional burden that many students presented. This part came to my attention after
several students presented signs of emotional distress. Some examples include students
who had signs of distress as a result of their family’s pressure, high educational
expectations and/or their intent to maintain the same educational standards that other
members of their family have reached. Sibling and peer competition and/or being
responsible for the academic performance of younger siblings were among some of the
stressors mentioned. My student sample presented this commonality. I will elaborate
more on this issue under the social capital section of this chapter.
What Have I Learned from this Study?
Tracking
At the beginning of this thesis process, I had my mind set on the inequalities and
disadvantages students face during their high school years. In fact, my first drafts
appeared more like a bunch of demanding phrases taken out of an educational picket line.
The students who volunteered their time for these interviews brought me down to earth
and made me see tracking from a different angle and view it through a different
perspective. Not all students claim a place in college-bound classes. In fact, only twenty
percent of the general student population chose to enroll in honors classes. The small
fraction of students who take the challenge to be part of a rigorous college-tracked
curriculum do so knowing that they will face a more rigorous curriculum than they would
in regular-tracked courses. After I analyzed the rigorous nature of college bound classes,
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the constant competition students face with one another, and the emotional burden they
have to face. It kept me thinking for a while and saying, “Who in their right mind wants
to go through such a complicated and painful process?” After all, most students prefer to
be tracked in a regular-tracked program. More interestingly, most students enrolled in
regular academic classes still graduate from high school with enough credits to go to
college. Maybe not the college of their choice, but they manage to secure a place in some
university. Taking all those points into consideration, being tracked in college-bound
classes appears to be in great part the result of personal choice. In other words, when
students find a comfortable academic level, they simply stay there. This may explain the
low upward mobility that Attewell (2001), Lucas and Berends (2002) and Lucas and
Good (2001) found in their studies. Therefore, I would argue, students stay tracked in
college-bound classes in great part because of their personal responsibility, their strong
educational habits and their well-defined set of educational goals.
Most of the studies I reviewed had a propensity to generalize tracking patterns. It
is true that most Latino/a students are enrolled in non-college-bound classes but that fact
is not the case with everyone. As I have indicated during the early stages of this thesis,
there are a small number of Latino/a students who do participate in a college-bound
curriculum. These students are the outliers who deserve to be more visible to the eyes of
social researchers. My goal was to look into the life of this small group of college-tracked
pupils and try to unpack what reasons lay behind their exclusiveness and academic
success. I have learned that college-bound students measure their academic success for
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different reasons. While some benefit from their families’ academic and financial
background, others rely on factors such as sibling, peers and/or teachers’ supportive
approach.
The studies reviewed also indicated that students with a combination of collegetracked and non-college-tracked courses are made to believe, by counselors and teachers,
that it is only natural to be strong in some subjects but not in others (Glasgow,
Dornbusch, Troyer, Steinberg, and Ritter 1997). I have learned that not all students in this
sample chose to have a combined load of honors and regular-tracked classes because they
are strong in some subjects but not in others. It is true that some students reported to be
weak on certain subjects while strong on others. However, it became apparent that one of
the reasons that students choose a balanced load of college and academic classes is
because they do not want to see their social life reduced or eliminated. After studying the
role of social networks and the value of social capital, this group of students made me
understand that a mix of college and non-college-tracked classes is a smart move on their
part. For instance, having a balanced academic load of honors and regular-tracked classes
allows students to have free time to socialize with their peers, which clearly represents
one of the conditions for the creation and use of social capital. I have explained that
college-bound classes have more transfer value but they also require twice the effort
because they are classes that demand more study time. Recall that some students chose to
be employed part time while others faced financial responsibilities at their young age.
Thus, I speculate that taking a full load of college-bound classes would simply
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compromise their advanced track because of the amount of work that students have to do
and taking in consideration their need for recreational time.
Mexican-American Educational Achievement
I have shown that Latino/as represent the highest school dropout rates in the
nation. Appendixes B, and C show income and ethnic variations among Latino/a and
WNH students represented in this study. Those tables indicate low income and Latino/a
students are more at risk of dropping out of high school than are WNH students.
Appendix D also shows that Latino/as score lower in their critical reading and math
SATs. In fact, in 2008 a four -year study shows that Latino/as students in California
experienced a twenty-seven percent20 high school drop out of rate. Approximately one
out of every four Latino/as in the 2008 cohort may never graduate from high school. At a
national level, statistics also show that Latino/a students are not keeping up with WNH
and Asian students. High dropout rates represent a problem because the Latino
community is rapidly growing to be the largest minority in the United States. In fact, the
census bureau predicts that by 205021 if the population continues to grow at the same rate,
nearly one in every three residents will be of Latino descent. These figures are
problematic because if the Latino/a dropout pattern continue in the same path, the United
States will have a large uneducated population. An uneducated community means higher
crime rates, low-income jobs and weak political power as documented by various studies.
20
21
See report at: http://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr08/yr08rel131.asp
See Census report at: http://www.census.gov/population/www/projections/2008projections.html
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For many of the reasons described above, society highly benefits from having
educated people. The question remains, how would boards of education promote a
curriculum that truly includes more people and enhances their path to higher education?
Indeed, an inclusive curriculum is in desperate need. In fact, even small steps count
enormously when taken from the right source. Thus, I would argue that this small sample
of twenty college-bound Latino/a students could be taken as a model for other lessadvanced students. This group of Latino/a students has taught me some valuable lesson of
what it takes to succeed in school.
First, I have learned that these Latino/as have dedicated and encouraging parents
who care for the education of their children. It is true that the majority of Latino/a
students come from undereducated parents. However, Latino/a parents compensate their
lack of education with unconditional emotional support. In part, it is their emotional
support that inspires Latino/a students and gives them encouraging power to study in a
demanding curriculum. Besides, the Latino/a community is culturally inclined to
appropriate educational gains made by any one of its members. In other words, when a
Latino/a succeed in school, his or her achievement is appropriated by the immediate and
extended family. This cultural trait has its own effects on the students. For example,
recall the case of Luis Enriquez, the junior student from Edwin Cannan High School.
Luis mentioned that one of his uncles in México is a lawyer. His uncle’s degree is a main
topic when the Enriquez family talks about educational plans. In fact, Luis expressed that
the reason why he wants to become a lawyer is because he wants to follow the same steps
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his uncle took in México. Thus, Latino/as in this sample are not alone. Their immediate
and extended family accompanies their journey.
Latino/a students demonstrated that they have the privilege to capitalize from
other educational assets. For example, I take the cultural value as an example. I would
argue that most Latino/a students regardless of their educational level can benefit from
being fluent in two different cultures. Latino/a students proved to have the facility to
expand their capital because they learn and make friends from two different cultures. In
fact, this group of students proved the benefits of maneuvering in two different cultures.
First, they meet people with ample knowledge of the educational system. Second, they
reaffirm their cultural identity because they have other cultural friends in college-bound
classes that act and think like them. In short, Latino/as in this sample show how students
could benefit from the opportunities that two different cultures have to offer. I fact, the
Latino/a and their WNH counterparts who take time to immerse themselves in each other
cultures have expressed the valuable learning experience they had. Recall John Porter, the
student from Oak Valley High School who shaped his education plans as a result of a trip
to México with Francisco, his college-bound peer. The interaction of Francisco and John
offer a fine illustration of how students from different cultures have the potential
influence on each other’s education.
Studying Latino/a students this close was an eye-opening experience. It is true
that this small sample of twenty Latino/a students are not representative of the Latino/a
population as a whole. However, from an objective perspective, they allowed me to see
121
the potential they represent as a group. For example, this group of Latino/as has
demonstrated enormous gains in education. Enrollment in a college-bound curriculum
already places them in a privilege position. In fact, about eighty percent of the student
body does not benefit from college-tracked classes. Thus, their participation in a collegetracked curriculum positions them among the most advanced students. Again, their
minute presence in advanced classes does not limit the fact that they are beginning to
make themselves visible in their path to college. To conclude, this small group of
Latino/a students and their educational achievement are factual events that call for a
change in discourse. In other words, the Latino/a community deserves to be seen as
students with the potential to achieve high in education. Latino/as also need to learn to
feel good about themselves. They need to learn how to break ethnic barriers and absorb
the best other cultures have to offer. An educated Latino/a community could only offer
society a brighter future.
Social Capital
During the literature review I explained the extensive benefits of social capital.
For example, I explained that when students create coalitions they become advocates of
each others’ education. I also mentioned that families with higher levels of education
have better chance to benefit from social capital because they expose their children to
education in ways that less fortunate families cannot. In other words, educated families
socialize with other educated people who also have schooled their children about the
benefits of higher education. Thus, their dialogues are more likely to be about school and
122
their experience in college. On the contrary, Latino/a students learn to create support
groups that they use to increase their social capital and knowledge of the educational
system.
I have confirmed the enormous value of social networks and the fact that students
use their group membership to increase their chance for educational achievement. But,
studying social capital among college-tracked students also made me aware that there are
other factors that current research on social capital ignores. The extensive body of
literature I have used about the benefits of social capital and social networks failed to
mention emotional distress as the dark outcome of social capital due to competitive
behavior, family pressure and measuring their achievement against other people’s
educational development. I found competition among students to be a hidden by-product
of social capital and group membership. It seems like competition plays an important role
in the academic life of students. It is true that the main function of social networks is to
integrate and offer support to its members. However, their social relations appeared to
have a competitive tag attached to it. Again, despite the fact that all students were
supportive and paternalistic with their peers and among siblings, several students
expressed signs of distress. Their distress appeared to be caused by a highly competitive
environment. Students compete for grades with other students and on some occasions
with their siblings. Most students in this sample reported to have a GPA above the
average. However, a solid academic standard did not stop students from mentioning that
oftentimes it is a burden to study among highly competitive individuals.
123
Family expectations were also a cause of emotional distress. For example, some
Latino/a students mentioned that their family has placed on them high educational
expectations because they want to have a college graduate in their family. I noticed that
all Latino/a students mentioned family expectations. I did not intend to say that WNH
families do not expect their children to go to college. On the contrary, WNH expect
perhaps more than Latino/a families to see their children graduate from college. In other
words, I suspect that White families take for granted their children’s educational
achievement. However, Latino/a families hold onto the idea of having a college graduate
at home and in the process they place an enormous weight on their children. Without
doubt, students feel the pressure and they expressed it during their interview. Thus, their
high levels of social capital and their skills to maintain support networks to advance in
their studies carries a visible level of emotional distress. As I mentioned before, the
literature presented for this thesis work ignores the emotional burden as a string that
attaches itself during the accumulation of social capital.
Policies and Recommendations
The educational system does not function under the umbrella of a unified
educational system. Districts, regulated by their local board of education, have the
discretion to shape their own policies. Local educational boards approve or disapprove
school policies that they consider beneficial to students or appear to be beneficial. I
would argue that school administrators and board members can reserve part of their
124
agenda to review the advantages or disadvantages that their policies have on students in
general.
Schools need to do a better job reaching out to Latino/a parents and explaining
that their participation in their children’s education is very important. By recount of this
student sample, most Latino/a parents’ only connection with school is during open house
or when teachers and counselors summon their presence. A constant parental engagement
on the part of Latino/as parents remains absent. The tendency to maintain a distance from
school should be taken by schools as a point of departure to create programs that
facilitate parental engagement. However, very little is done to teach parents about the
benefits of staying engaged in school. School districts have the potential to counsel
parents, in their own language, on how to become partners in their children’s education.
For this matter, bilingual personnel need to be trained to understand Latino culture. This
is also beneficial to help Latino/a students and their parents integrate into the educational
system.
The purpose of a college-bound curriculum is to offer advanced students the
opportunity to participate in accelerated courses. Honors and advanced placement classes
train students with college skills that a regular-tracked curriculum does not include.
Students enrolled in a college-tracked program learn how to navigate the educational
system. For example, they learn what classes they need to prioritize for their particular
college plans and their English and Math skills are usually more advanced as well. In
fact, students in this sample proved to be knowledgeable of the educational system as a
125
whole. They demostrated to have a clear idea of college requirements, admission
processes, and even the degrees they planned to pursue. All students in this sample truly
demonstrated to be advanced high school students. In great part, they own their quality of
education to their dedicated teachers, counselors and school administrators. Schools fail
to take a step further and teach their dedicated students the benefits from passing on their
knowledge to regular-tracked students. When I asked these students to explain in what
ways they support their peers’ education, everybody responded enthusiastically that they
were always available and willing to help their college-bound friends. However, there
was no indication that they also care for their non-college bound peers. In other words,
advanced students did not show to be educational advocates for their less-advanced peers.
Most honors pupils, I would argue, soak up tremendous amounts of knowledge that could
be very beneficial to students who need the extra push in their studies. For example, even
before high school, middle school could be a starting point to teach students the benefits
of a well-planned course load and why honors classes have more academic weight than
regular-tracked classes. Therefore, I would recommend to the board of education, school
administrators, teachers, and counselors to encourage their most advanced students to use
their academic knowledge and skills to help their peers.
I have indicated that students in this sample make extensive use of their cell
phones. However, cell phone use is not always an accepted behavior by teachers and
school administrators. The board of education in this district recently adopted a new
policy that allows teachers to collect, until school is over, cell phones when students use
126
them during class. It is true that class interruptions distract teachers and all students and
cell phone use during class should not be tolerated. However, sometimes these measures
are taken to the extreme. For instance, students should not be sanctioned for using their
phone during recess. Some of the students who participated in this study indicated that
they use their phones to plan study sessions or to quiz each other for exams. Cell phones
are widely used by all sectors of social life. For instance, it is only logical that school
stuff also use their phones during school time not only to perform their job but also to
plan coffee breaks or any other social event besides their school duties. Therefore, school
staff should avoid degrading students for using their phone. In fact, one of the main
lessons learned from this study shows that students used their phone to maintain cohesion
with their social network. Therefore, if students are forced to hide or suppress their own
tools of communication, their ability to capitalize from the benefit of social capital will
also be diminished. Thus, it is in the best interest of anyone who cares for the education
of young people to understand the world that students create and what tools they use to
shape their educational future.
Final Thoughts
This small sample of college-bound students opened their lives to take a quick
look at the world they create together. Their responses were always enthusiastic and
energetic as if they knew that their participation had the potential to reverberate across
school grounds. The way they accumulate social capital and use their social networks
truly became a point of departure for the educational achievement of less advanced
127
students. School officials have a valuable asset at their hands. For example, teachers,
counselors and school administrators should look at this issue with fresh eyes. That is,
administrators should understand that students highly benefit from supporting networks
and they should try to encourage regular-tracked students to include in their networks
college-bound students.
Students not only benefit from their supportive peers. Students are aware of the
fact that their teachers play one of the most important roles in their education. In fact, all
students express gratitude to have dedicated teachers. For the most part, teachers are
doing their part in the education of high school students. However, family guidance,
encouragement and emotional support had great impact in the life of college-tracked
students. Recall Maria Tejada, a senior student from Grace Hudson High School. Maria
explained that her family is her main educational pillar even though her family has
limited education. Maria also explained the value of having supportive siblings and
expanded social networks in her life. In Maria’s words:
“Oh, my family is very supportive. I mean, they always tell me to
study hard, they give me what I need. My mom wishes she could
help me with school but she can’t, I mean my parents help me in
other ways but not with my homework. They say that they didn’t
have the chance to go to school and that I should take advantage of
school just like my brother Carlos. He is in college; and it’s usually
him who has helped me with school. Oh, once in a while his
friends from college have also helped me.
Maria further explained:
“Yeah, some of my brother’s friends from high school now go to
college with him. I’ve known Jonathan and Sophie, gosh like,
128
forever. Sometimes they come home to visit when Carlos is home.
Sophie helps me review my English papers or they both help me
with an outline or things like that. You know? There is this other
guy, Anthony, I didn’t know him from before. Anyway, Anthony
tutors Carlos with calculus and has offered to help me with math, if
I need help.”
A great part of this study could be described by the interaction between Maria and her
mother’s emotional support as well as her supportive sibling Carlos. Furthermore, her
peers Jonathan and Sophie also explain the value of school peers. Moreover, her brother’s
friend, Anthony shows the benefits of expanded social networks. All these actors
accentuate the important role that people from different ethnicities and gender played in
the life of these college-bound students.
Latino/as and WNH students are together in this educational endeavor. Neither
group can achieve their goals alone. WNH need their Latino/a peers because they both
share the same classrooms. Besides, by learning about other cultures all students improve
their chances to better navigate in a society that is in the midst of a growing Latino/a
population. Latinos too need their educated WNH peers to include in their networks
people rich in social capital and expanded social connections. All students demonstrated
to be valuable educational assets. To replicate and encourage this model among other
students is now our duty and challenge.
129
APPENDIX A
Interview Questions
Background Information
1. What is your current grade in high school?
Freshman/Sophomore/Junior/Senior
2. What is your place of birth?
3. (For foreign born students) How many years have lived in the U.S.?
4. Up to what grade level did you attend in your home country?
5. Is this the only high school you have attended, if not, where else?
6. Do you own a computer? If yes, how many at home?
7. If is comfortable for you, can you tell me about your family’s occupational history?
8. Tell me about your family’s education: parental and sibling educational experience.
Educational Experience
9. How many college-bound classes are you currently enrolled or were enrolled in the
past?
10. (If a student have a combination of college-bound and non college-bound course)
Tell me about your experience in those classes, what makes them different? What
do you enjoy most and least from your classes?
11. Do you feel your teachers have a good understanding of your academic abilities
and weaknesses? Explain how and/or why?
12. How confident do you feel about your educational level or academic placement?
130
Social Capital
13. Does anyone help you with your homework? What about your parents, do they
usually help you with school assignments?
14. Do you rather study alone or in groups and why?
15. How do you use your time outside school? (e.g., Sports, clubs, church)
16. Where do you do your homework: own house, friend’s house …?
17. How do your parents support your education? What about your siblings,
grandparents or other family member?
18. What about your friends, do they support you with school, and how?
19. How much influence do you think you have over your friend’s education?
20. Who has or shows more responsibility over your education: parents, siblings,
friends, or teachers? Offer some examples.
131
APPENDIX B
Dropout Rates by Family Income
Table 2.1 Event dropout rates of 15- through 24-year-olds who dropped out of grades 10–12, by family income:
October 1972 through October 2004.
Total
Year1
Family income
(percent)2
(percent)
Low income
Middle income
High income
Total
Low Income
Middle Income
High Income
1972
6.1
14.1
6.7
2.5
1973
6.3
17.3
7.0
1.8
1974
6.7
17.3
7.0
1.8
1975
5.8
15.7
6.0
2.6
1976
5.9
15.4
6.8
2.1
1977
6.5
15.5
7.6
2.2
1978
6.7
17.4
7.3
3.0
1979
6.7
17.1
6.9
3.6
1980
6.1
15.8
6.4
2.5
1981
5.9
14.4
6.2
2.8
1982
5.5
15.2
5.6
1.8
1983
5.2
10.4
6.0
2.2
1984
5.1
13.9
5.1
1.8
1985
5.2
14.2
5.2
2.1
1986
4.7
10.9
5.1
1.6
1987
4.1
10.3
4.7
1.0
1988
4.8
13.7
4.7
1.3
1989
4.5
10.0
5.0
1.1
1990
4.0
9.5
4.3
1.1
1991
4.1
10.6
4.0
1.0
1992
4.4
10.9
4.4
1.3
132
1993
4.5
12.3
4.3
1.3
1994
5.3
13.0
5.2
2.1
1995
5.7
13.3
5.7
2.0
1996
5.0
11.1
5.1
2.1
1997
4.6
12.3
4.1
1.8
1998
4.8
12.7
3.8
2.7
1999
5.0
11.0
5.0
2.1
2000
4.8
10.0
5.2
1.6
2001
5.0
10.7
5.4
1.7
2002
3.6
7.7
3.6
1.7
2003
4.0
7.5
4.6
1.4
2004
4.7
10.4
4.6
2.5
— Not available.
1
Estimates beginning in 1987 reflect new editing procedures for cases with missing data on school enrollment items.
Estimates
beginning in 1992 reflect new wording of the educational attainment item. Estimates beginning in 1994 reflect
changes due to
newly instituted computer-assisted interviewing. For details about changes in the Current Population Survey (CPS)
over time,
please see Kaufman, Alt, and Chapman
(2004).
2
Low income is defined as the bottom 20 percent of all family incomes for the year; middle income is between 20
and 80 percent
of all family incomes; and high income is the top 20 percent of all
family incomes.
NOTE: The event dropout rate indicates percentage of youth ages 15 through 24 who dropped out of grades 10–12
between one
October and the next (e.g., October 2003 to October 2004). Dropping out is defined as leaving school without a high
school
diploma or equivalent credential such as a General Educational Development (GED)
certificate.
SOURCE: U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau, Current Population Survey
(CPS), October 1972–2004.
133
APPENDIX C
Dropout Rates by Sex, Race and Ethnicity
Table 2.2. Status dropout rates of 16- through 24-year-olds, by sex and race/ethnicity: October 1972
through October 2004
Race/ethnicity (percent)2
Total
Sex (percent)
White,
non-
Black,
non-
Year1
(percent)
Male
Female
Hispanic
Hispanic
Hispanic
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
14.6
14.1
14.3
13.9
14.1
14.1
13.7
14.2
13.3
14.1
15.1
14.5
14.4
14.5
14.2
12.3
11.6
11.9
11.4
12.0
21.3
22.2
21.2
22.9
20.5
34.3
33.5
33.0
29.2
31.4
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
14.1
14.2
14.6
14.1
13.9
14.5
14.6
15.0
15.1
15.1
13.8
13.9
14.2
13.1
12.8
11.9
11.9
12.0
11.4
11.4
19.8
20.2
21.1
19.1
18.4
33.0
33.3
33.8
35.2
33.2
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
13.9
13.7
13.1
12.6
12.2
14.5
14.9
14.0
13.4
13.1
13.3
12.5
12.3
11.8
11.4
11.4
11.2
11.0
10.4
9.7
18.4
18.0
15.5
15.2
14.2
31.7
31.6
29.8
27.6
30.1
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
12.7
12.9
12.6
12.1
12.5
13.3
13.5
13.6
12.3
13.0
12.2
12.2
11.7
11.8
11.9
10.4
9.6
9.4
9.0
8.9
14.1
14.5
13.9
13.2
13.6
28.6
35.8
33.0
32.4
35.3
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
11.0
11.0
11.5
12.0
11.1
11.3
11.2
12.3
12.2
11.4
10.7
10.9
10.6
11.7
10.9
7.7
7.9
7.7
8.6
7.3
13.7
13.6
12.6
12.1
13.0
29.4
27.5
30.0
30.0
29.4
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
11.0
11.8
11.2
10.9
10.7
11.9
13.3
11.9
12.0
12.2
10.1
10.3
10.5
9.9
9.3
7.6
7.7
7.3
6.9
7.3
13.4
13.8
12.6
13.1
10.9
25.3
29.5
28.6
27.8
27.0
2002
10.5
11.8
9.2
6.5
11.3
25.7
2003
9.9
11.3
8.4
6.3
10.9
23.5
2004
10.3
11.6
9.0
6.8
11.8
23.8
1
Estimates beginning in 1987 reflect new editing procedures for cases with missing data on school enrollment items.
Estimates
beginning in 1992 reflect new wording of the educational attainment item. Estimates beginning in 1994 reflect changes
134
due to
newly instituted computer-assisted interviewing. For details about changes in the Current Population Survey (CPS) over
time,
please see Kaufman, P., Alt, M., and Chapman, C. (2004). Dropout Rates in the United States: 2001 (NCES 2005-046).
2
Beginning in 2003, respondents were able to identify themselves as being “more than one race.” The 2003 White, nonHispanic
and Black, non-Hispanic categories consist of individuals who considered themselves to be one race and who did not
identify as
Hispanic. The Hispanic category includes Hispanics of all races and racial combinations. Due to small sample size for
some or
all of the years shown in the table, American Indians/Alaska Natives and Asian/Pacific Islanders are included the totals
but not
shown separately. The “more than one race” category is also included in the total in 2003 and 2004 but not shown
separately
due to small sample
size.
NOTE: The status dropout rate indicates the percentage of 16- through 24-year-olds who are not enrolled in high school
and
who lack a high school credential. High school credential includes a high school diploma or equivalent credential such
as a
General Educational Development (GED)
certificate.
SOURCE: U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau, Current Population Survey (CPS), October 1972–2004.
135
APPENDIX D
Scores: Critical Reading and Mathematics
Table 2.3
SAT mean scores of college-bound seniors, by race/ethnicity: Selected years, 1990-91 through 2007-08
Race/ethnicity
199091
199697
199798
200001
200102
200203
200304
200405
200506
200607
2
0
0
70
8
SAT-Critical Reading
499
505
505
506
504
507
508
508
503
502
White
518
526
526
529
527
529
528
532
527
527
Black
427
434
434
433
430
431
430
433
434
433
Mexican
American
454
451
453
451
446
448
451
453
454
455
Puerto Rican
436
454
452
457
455
456
457
460
459
459
Other Hispanic
458
466
461
460
458
457
461
463
458
459
485
496
498
501
501
508
507
511
510
514
5
0
2
5
2
8
4
3
0
4
5
4
4
5
6
4
5
5
5
1
3
470
475
480
481
480
483
489
487
487
485
497
4
9
6
All students
Asian/Pacific
Islander
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
479
Other
486
512
511
503
502
501
494
495
494
SAT-Mathematics
All students
500
511
512
514
516
519
518
520
518
515
White
513
526
528
531
533
534
531
536
536
534
Black
419
423
426
426
427
426
427
431
429
429
5
1
5
5
3
7
4
2
6
136
Mexican
American
459
458
460
458
457
457
458
463
465
466
Puerto Rican
439
447
447
451
451
453
452
457
456
454
Other Hispanic
462
468
466
465
464
464
465
469
463
463
Asian
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
548
560
562
566
569
575
577
580
578
578
4
6
3
4
5
3
4
6
1
5
8
1
468
475
483
479
482
488
493
494
494
491
512
5
1
2
483
Other
492
514
514
512
514
513
508
513
513
SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2009).
Digest of Education Statistics, 2008 (NCES 2009-020), Table 141.
NOTE: Data are for seniors who took the SAT any time during their high school years through
March of their senior year. If a student took a test more than once, the most recent score is used.
Scores from the writing test introduced in March 2005 are not included. The SAT was formerly
known as the Scholastic Assessment Test and the Scholastic Aptitude Test. Possible scores on
each part of the SAT range from 200 to 800. The critical reading section was formerly known as
the verbal section.
137
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