Jobs & the Economy in Wisconsin Joel Rogers, UW-Madison Prepared for 2012 Wisconsin Economics Association Conference, Stevens Point, November 9, 2012 What I’m going to talk about • Tell you a bit about COWS • Then focus on what’s been happening in Wisconsin over the past few years … and the past decade … and to WI and the US over the past 40 years • And what we might do about it COWS? COWS Equity Sustainability Democracy And a lot of data on Wisconsin’s economy. www.cows.org Sign up for e-news Like us on Facebook COWS Building the High Road Any way we can. www.cows.org Sign up for e-news Like us on Facebook STOP I made some slides for you Like this slide And this one I do wonder about PowerPoint Power corrupts Absolute power corrupts absolutely Absolute PowerPoint just can’t be good Hahahahahaha ha…teeheeteeheeteehee PAST FEW YEARS: THE GREAT RECESSION Popped housing bubble Public debt and private deleveraging Blame Republicans Sort of amusing, instructive, depressing Party Debt Clock No ordinary recession www.economics.harvard.edu/faculty/rogoff/files/Aftermath.pdf National picture on job quality “Balance sheet recessions” are prolonged www.economics.harvard.edu/faculty/rogoff/files/Aftermath.pdf % Change in WI jobs 12/7-7/12 WI Jobs Deficit @ 8/12: 220K 80K 140K What’s disputed and what’s not Unemployment and involuntary part-tim doubled, long-term tripled WI Employment Status 2000 & 2011 AA’s really nailed (worst in nation), young too African Americans Workers Age 16-24 No Jobs Bowl for Bucky! If Bucky’s conference win rate turned on proportionate job numbers by state of opponent Sept 29 WI 37,183 @ Nebraska 56,745 L Oct 6 42,349 L WI 37,183 Illinois Oct 13 WI 37,183 @ Purdue 60,280 L Oct 20 WI 37,183 Minnesota 55,869 L Oct 27 WI 37,183 Mich State 74,317 L Nov 10 WI 37,183 @ Indiana Nov 17 WI 37,183 60,280 L Ohio State 59,262 L Nov 24 WI 37,183 @ Penn State 41,035 L THE LOST DECADE, AND MORE Median Hourly Wages, Wisconsin and U.S., 1979-2011 Share of Wisconsin Workers Earning Poverty Wages, 1979-2011 Wisconsin Coverage by Employer-Provided Benefits, 2008-2009 Wisconsin Union Membership, 1983-2011 Wisconsin Median Hourly Wages by Sector and Union Status, 2011 Lost Decade for Four-Person Families Share of Wisconsin Students Who Qualify for Free and Reduced-Price School Lunch, 2001 and 2012 2001 2012 BIGGER PICTURE Social contract broken Source: BLS Almost nobody escapes Source: BLS, Census Growing together, growing apart End of shared prosperity Gilded Age New Gilded Age Great compression Great divergence 2007 Middle class America Internationalization Active labor force (millions) Rest of World China, India, former Soviet bloc 3,500 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 0 1980 2000 Capital/labor ratios roughly halved. Internet and higher investments outside US in education equip much less-well-compensated workers with skills and technology. Top 10 percent income share More or less unique to U.S. U.S. Income gains to the top (PTPT, 1979-2007) NB: The increase for top 1% equals total income of the bottom 40% Top Incomes Share Pretax income (not capital gains!) of top 1 percent, selected countries, in Shares of top 1% incomes in otal pre-tax incomes (excluding capital gains) and most recent in country 19901990 to most recent year (most year recent(indicated year indicated in countrylegend) label) 20 1990 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 Source: World Top Incomes Database most recent Change in actual income Inflation-adjusted post-transfer-post-tax income (in $K’s), averaged within each group, were, for 1979 & 2007 respectively, 15.5 & 17.5 for bottom 20%; 44 & 57 for middle 60%; 350 & 1,300 for top 1% Real action at the tippy tippy top • Share of pretax income earned by top 0.1% increased over last 30 years from 2.7% to 12.3% • Rest of upper 1% increased their share from 5.3% to 5.7% • So could have had a ≈ 10% income increase among all others, including the rest of the 1%, if .01% share had been constant • Wealth of course is worse. Richest 400 Americans own more than the bottom 155 million combined. Winner-take-all politics • The top 1% aren’t just getting most of the economic gains. They’re using politics to enrich themselves further. • Congress is composed of rich people. – The median net worth of American families is $120K. Among members of Congress, it’s $912K. If you’re a member of Congress, chance are better than 10 to 1 greater than other Americans of being a millionaire. • It’s supported by rich people – 90+ % of individual campaign contributions come from the top 2 percent of American households – Unions are the only major non-business PACs, and they’re outspent by business interests at least 10 to 1 (about to go up, with Citizens United decision • It’s advised by rich people – Annual direct lobbying by corporations outpaces lobbying by public interest groups by about 30 to 1 ($3 billion vs. $100 million) • And it does the work of rich people – Regressive tax reform, deregulation, union busting, no industrial policy, etc. The US is not a high tax nation People often feel like they’re paying more taxes. Actually, they’re not (we used to spend about $11 per $100 of income, now we spend $10). But it feels worse because our incomes aren’t going up, and things that employers used to pay for (e.g. health insurance) are now paid by workers, and their cost has skyrocketed. Regressive tax reform Average (not top marginal) rate for $1M+ households has been cut in half As share of federal revenues, corporate taxes down two-thirds, while payroll taxes (capped at $106.8K) have quadrupled Beneficiaries of Bush tax cuts Low level of public goods Country Total taxes as % of GDP Country Total taxes as % of GDP Australia 30.6 Luxembourg 41.8 Austria 43.9 Mexico 16.0 Belgium 45.7 Netherlands 42.1 Canada 38.2 New Zealand 35.6 Czech Republic 40.4 Norway 41.6 Denmark 50.4 35.2 Finland 46.2 Poland Portugal France 45.8 Slovak Republic 35.3 Germany 37.7 Spain 35.1 Greece 37.1 Sweden 52.2 Hungary 39.2 Switzerland 34.4 Iceland 36.3 Turkey 31.3 Ireland 32.3 United Kingdom 36.3 Italy 43.3 United States 28.9 Japan 26.2 EU average 41.6 Korea 23.6 OECD average 37.3 34.3 Voting National elections Off year elections US Union Density 1973-2011 All wage & Sal Emp Private Sector Public Sector 45 40 Percent of workforce in sector 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1973 1978 1983 1988 1993 1998 2003 2008 Union membership and coverage Source: 1960-2010 ICTWSS data from Amsterdam Institute for Advanced Labour Studies (AIAS). Concentrated influence of money .026 percent account for 68 percent of all contributions .05 percent give the max to any congressional candidate .01 percent give more than $10,000 in a election cycle .0000061 percent (196 people) account for 4/5ths of new super PAC money Lessig 2012 US an extreme example of decay • • • • • • • • Highest economic inequality in the developed world Political system most driven by private money Weakest public-interested media institutions Lowest voting, weakest labor movement Weakest affirmative state, under unrelenting attack Reactionary federalism Intense, dysfunctional, rightward polarization Eating its seed corn, declining competitiveness, etc. HOW TO GET OUT OF THIS What makes a place rich? In the end, a place’s wealth is determined by the productivity of its human, physical, and natural capital. Productivity is a function of the value ($) of goods and services produced (itself a function of their uniqueness or performance) and the efficiency of that production (i.e., output per unit of input). Productivity should be measured by value per unit of input, not output per unit. What matters is not what industries a place competes in but how firms compete in those industries. Firm variation is much more important than sectoral variation. Ownership per se also not important, though its concentration and diversity certainly is. What makes it worth fighting for? Democracy: a community of free equals, enjoying equal protection, equal opportunity, equal political power Shared prosperity: high and rising living standards; with the benefits of increased productivity widely shared (through labor compensation, more equitable private wealth, or progressive public goods) and with fair opportunity to contribute to and receive those shares Sustainability: both achieved in a way that doesn’t limit future welfare Two ways to compete: high road and low road. One’s good for workers and the other’s not. One’s sustainable and the other’s not. One’s socially accountable and the other’s not. Both can be profitable. High road is a strategy “High road” refers to a (universally available and scalable) strategy to achieve progressive values under competitive market conditions. Values – Equity, sustainability, democracy Strategy – Use democratic organization to – – – – Reduce waste Add value Capture and share the benefits of doing both Learn from what you just did, and repeat High road choice for firms Low Road Compete on price, resulting in • • • • • Economic insecurity Rising inequality Poisonous labor relations Little firm commitment to place Environmental damage High Road Compete on productivity, requiring • • • • Continuous improvement Better trained and equipped workers System-wide reduction in waste Public goods to get these things and producing • • • Higher worker incomes & profits Reduced environmental damage Greater firm commitment to place High road choice for communities “the wealth of networks” Exclusion Waste Divestment Inclusion Reuse Investment Connectedness High road Poverty Wealth Low road Isolation But is it really possible? 1. We know it’s possible to increase productivity dramatically, increasing returns to new investment 2. We know it’s possible to eliminate large amounts of waste, increasing disposable income 3. We know the economy is largely regional, and that it’s possible to organize regional productive infrastructure 4. Doing (1) & (2) in (3) will attract capital while grounding it. That permits bargaining over division of surplus and direction of future investment. And starting local doesn’t mean you’ll stop there. Within-sector firm variation in productivity Not related to establishment size 140 75th Percentile 25th Percentile Median Value-added per FTE ($000) 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 Establishment size 20-49 50-99 100-249 Small Companies 250-499 20-49 50-99 100-249 250-499 Large Companies 500+ Very Large Companies Middle quintile ($36,070-$57,944) consumption Other 19% Housing 25% Food away from home 6% Food at home 9% Transportation 18% Pension and social security 8% Health care 7% Utilities 8% ≈60% of household necessities (housing, transportation, energy, healthcare) in areas of obvious waste A chance to rebuild America 131.4 billion new square feet 213.4 billion new square feet of built space 82.0 billion new square feet from replacement 295.6 billion square feet in 2000 Source: A.C. Nelson 2004 427.3 billion square feet in 2030 Annual savings from one less car Source: Bailey, Linda (2007) “Public Transportation and Petroleum Savings in the U.S.: Reducing Dependence on Oil”. ICF International. p.19. [available at: http://www.apta.com/resources/reportsandpublications/Documents/apta_public_transportation_fuel_savings_final_010807.pdf] Exceptional waste in energy Source: https://flowcharts.llnl.gov/content/energy/energy_archive/energy_flow_2010/LLNLUSEnergy2010.png Exceptional waste in health care Health Expenditure per capita 2011 or most recent year (2010 ppp dollars) 12,000 10,000 United States 8,000 6,000 Switzerland 4,000 Luxembourg Norway Canada France Sweden 2,000 0 0 10,000 20,000 30,000 40,000 50,000 GDP per capita Sorce: OECD Health Data 2012, and OECD iLabrary 60,000 70,000 80,000 90,000 100,000 100 US Metros: 75 % of GDP Get smart and unapologetic about cities • • • • • • An Iron Law of Urban Decay? Incomes rise and investment moves out Revenues decline Public goods deteriorate Middle class flees Tax base erodes Poverty concentrates Or a wasting of obvious assets? E.g.: size, location advantages, density, key infrastructure, appeal for new industries, eds and meds foundation, more skilled workers, younger workers, immigrants, key infrastructure, greater energy efficiency, tax base for public goods, political tolerance, higher wages and productivity, more easily organized The world’s not flat, it’s spiky Urban shares of GWP, top 130 cities Metro % of Global Growth 50% of World Pop, 2007 70% of Population, 2050 Two views of Chicago Getting on the high road 1. Map your economy and offer a new deal to employers: We’ll give you almost anything to get you on the high road and almost nothing if you want to stay on the low-road 2. Lower the cost of living by cutting energy, housing, and transportation costs through smarter growth 3. Build skills to meet higher value-adding demand; reform education system to be seamless, integrated, modularized, open, lifelong, demand-driven 4. Promote regional capital pools and easier worker savings for increased withinregion investment 5. Raise the social wage (insurance against loss to health, wages, housing) and basic public goods (education, transportation, research, recreation) 6. Reform government to be cleaner, smarter, more accountable, more opensource in problem-solving 7. Pay for increased public investment in the simplest and most progressive way possible, evaluated by final distribution of government spending, not just revenue incidence Low road High road What did we learn (or relearn) last spring? Act boldly defend our rights and values. Have the courage of our convictions, speak from our hearts, take our own side in the argument, go on offense. It’s a lot more fun than waiting for somebody to kick you in the teeth again. Show unity of purpose. That’s the key to our strength and makes almost anything possible. We were able to assemble as broad coalition because it was clear what we’re against – Walker’s agenda – and what we’re for – fairness, a future, and the democracy needed to get them both. What we have in common is far greater than anything that might separate or divide us. We’re in this together. Collective action is crucial. It can change the terms of debate, throw opponents on the defensive, inspire and activate friends, call out the best in old ones. It changes political dynamics (to our advantage) and builds our power. This should be positive, peaceful, and confident. It should take on the forms we need – electoral and non-electoral, street theater, mass protests, rallies and house-parties. Organizing, done strategically, is our real power. The vision that brings us unity translates into collective action only through organizing. And we saw that new platforms like social media and the internet can complement tried-and-true methods to educate, agitate and mobilize our masses. And we learned that our opponents are in this to win, to crush us, and that we have to organize ourselves for a long struggle, turning a moment into a movement.