Disparate Treatment and the Issue of Improper Motivation
Suzy Fox, Ph.D.
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Disparate Treatment and the Issue of Improper Motivation
Comments on the Case of Michelle Worker
Suzy Fox, Ph.D.
Institute of Human Resources and Industrial Relations
Loyola University Chicago
820 N. Michigan Ave.
Chicago, IL 60626
(312) 915-7518
sfox1@luc.edu
Disparate Treatment and the Issue of Improper Motivation
Suzy Fox, Ph.D.
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This case can be analyzed from a number of perspectives. I will leave the issues
of legal liability and Employment Law to the experts on our panel. Obviously, the actions
of Henry Hyhatt and the management of TSM violate our norms of organizational
decency and fair play. I will comment briefly on the sheer stupidity of Hyhatt and
Turner’s decisions from a Human Resource Management and business point of view.
Then I will direct my observations to the many ways in which the assumptions, attitudes,
and behaviors of the characters in our case can be illuminated by our understanding of
deeply ingrained cognitive and cultural processes. It is through understanding the
interactions of legal, human resource, business, ethical, psychological, and cultural
factors in employment injustice, that we may begin to move forward to integrated,
comprehensive, win-win solutions.
Business and human resource strategy
One of the most talked-about marketplace problems as we enter the 21st Century
is the projected shortage of highly skilled labor. The challenges of global competition and
the post-industrial economy have transformed Human Resource Management into a
central force at the heart of the organization. The scarcity of technical and managerial
talent and the competition for talent everywhere in the world for deployment anywhere in
the world have forced companies to view diversity as a business necessity. In terms of
recognizing the vital contributions of women and minority workers, the mandates of
business survival have accomplished what decades of appeals to ethics and social
responsibility failed to achieve. Who would have predicted that the Adolph Coors
company, the notoriously right-wing Colorado brewery, would transform itself in the late
90s into a leading advocate of diversity, including support of benefits and legal
protections for gays and Lesbians?
These trends stand in sharp contrast to TSM’s personnel approach. In as
competitive a labor market as is found in the southern California high-tech industry, it is
unthinkable for a company to throw away the unique contributions of such a creative,
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entrepreneurial, technically superb employee (with a proven track record) as Michelle.
Not only are they failing to take advantage of Michelle’s talents in general, they are
losing her leadership in the conceptualization, development and implementation of a
whole new line of business. Companies in this competitive market can no longer afford to
discard the growing percentage of women and minorities in the available labor pool.
In light of these economic realities, we look to this rather extreme case for
insights into some of the reasons women and minorities continue to face barriers in the
workplace. We focus on some of the cultural assumptions and psychological processes
that may lie beneath the surface of continuing discriminatory behavior and passive
acceptance of discrimination in human resource processes.
Cultural assumptions and psychological processes
We cannot know from the facts given, whether Hyhatt and/or Turner overtly
believe women are not capable of handling this kind of project or management position.
It is more illuminating to assume that Hyhatt and Turner are NOT what social
psychologists call “old-fashioned sexists”, that is, individuals who acknowledge their
beliefs that women are not as smart or rational or analytic as men, that women should not
manage men because men would not accept female leadership. Rather, let us assume we
are dealing with what social psychologists call “modern sexism”, which lies hidden
amongst people’s unspoken cultural assumptions, and manifests itself through people’s
perceptual and cognitive ways of processing social information. “Modern sexists” (like
“modern racists”) assert that discrimination is no longer a problem for women in the US,
that society has reached the point where women and men have equal opportunities, and
that to continue to push for attention/legislation/special treatment is unnecessarily
divisive. The “modern sexist” perspective fails to recognize the powerful effects of
unchallenged cognitive schemas, scripts, stereotypes, attributional processes, and implicit
cultural assumptions on people’s expectations, performance appraisals (in the broad
sense), communication styles, interpersonal relationships, decision-making,
organizational behavior, and even self-perception, self-concept, and self-regulation of
behavior. Let us look at some of the insights from social psychology that seem most
relevant to this case: schemas, stereotypes, scripts, implicit theories, and self-fulfilling
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prophecies. On a more macro level, let us see how cultural expectations of gender roles
and occupational segregation inform the attitudes and behaviors of the actors in our case.
Schemas and stereotypes
Cognitive science is the study of how we attend to, perceive, encode, store,
retrieve, decode, and interpret the vast amount of data available in the environment.
Social cognition in particular is the manner in which we process information from our
social environment. According to cognitive psychologists, the main tool we use in this
cognitive processing is the schema. Schemas are variously described as knowledge
structures, categories of information in our minds, or filters through which we process
incoming information. Existing schemas tend to be quite robust or resistant to change.
Information that is inconsistent with existing schemas (our preconceptions) is less likely
to be noticed, processed, or remembered. Thus schemas play a central role in the three
primary stages of cognitive processing: attention, encoding, and retrieval.
1) Schemas serve as filters or screens for what we attend to when we encounter a
person or situation. If information is inconsistent with our prevailing schemas, we’re not
as likely to notice it, unless it is blatantly contradictory. Thus we’re more likely to notice
a person’s behavior that confirms our expectations, which in turn strengthens the
expectations and makes it more likely we’ll notice the behavior the next time. We are
more likely to notice when a new mother occasionally comes in late for work, even
though others may come in late too. The first impression formed in a job interview can be
viewed as the schema we spontaneously form of the individual. As the interview
progresses, unless incoming information is blatantly inconsistent with that schema, we
tend to notice things that are consistent with our first impression.
2) Schemas influence how we encode information, that is, how we translate it into
representational forms, categorize it, and store it into memory. Our encoding processes
have a self-perpetuating bias: we’re more likely to encode information that confirms
existing schemas. This underlies our natural tendency to classify people into in-groups
and out-groups, and to more readily encode information about an individual that is
consistent with our knowledge structure of that group – the basis of stereotypes. We draw
inferences (fill in the blanks when we’re guessing at motivation and causes of behavior)
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based on our stereotypes. This can contribute to the problem of ratings bias in
organizational work – interview decisions, performance appraisals, disciplinary actions.
For example, how we judge a manager’s assertive behavior may vary if the manager is a
man or a woman.
3) Perhaps the effects of schemas are most pronounced in how we remember –
how we retrieve and transfer information from long-term memory. Decades of research
have shown that human memory is reconstructive. We don’t remember events as
photographic snapshots or video recordings, but rather select information as it’s being
integrated into a running story consistent with our schemas. We remember some
information that was there, and other information that was never there but that we have
unknowingly added later. Once schemas are developed, they’re used to give meaning to
new experiences. We identify new events by comparing them to memories, attempting to
fit them into the organized structure of our schemas, and filling in gaps with default
information.
The structure of the situation also strongly influences how and what we notice,
encode, and retrieve, that is, which of our many possible schemas become salient. Thus
the choice of whether to discuss a proposal in a formal conference room or in a cozy
restaurant influences which character and relationship schemas will emerge – mutuallyrespecting professional or father/daughter frameworks.
One form of schema which is particularly relevant in work dynamics is the
implicit theory. An implicit theory consists of the ways we assume that traits covary in
people. That is, we assume that a person who demonstrates one particular trait also has
other traits that we assume or expect to go together. An example in organizations is the
implicit leadership theory. Leadership research indicates that people have implicit
theories about what sorts of personality, physical, and behavioral characteristics go
together with good leadership – like a prototype or schema of what a good leader is.
When people rate or spontaneously choose a leader, the cognitive explanation is that
rather than judging the actual behaviors and qualifications of the specific individual,
people tend to compare that person’s traits and behaviors to an implicit leadership theory.
The closer the match, the more “leadership qualities” they judge the individual to
“possess”. Many people’s schema of a “great leader” or “top business executive”
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includes characteristics such as white, male, conservatively groomed, tall, deep-voiced,
etc. How many of these characteristics really have to do with the work effective leaders
do? This becomes especially problematic in management research findings that top
managers tend to choose subordinates for promotion who resemble themselves – that is,
their implicit leadership theory is very similar to or based upon their own self-concept. If
a candidate is different from me, he or she can’t be as good!
These implicit theories are deeply imbedded in our culture – and the process of
using schemas or implicit theories may be deeply imbedded in the very ways our brains
process information. They are entirely different than conscious prejudices and overt
efforts to keep out-group targets in their place. Rather, they are often difficult to
recognize, and it is difficult to overcome the resulting errors of judgment.
Self-fulfilling prophecy and internalization
The self-fulfilling prophecy (or Pygmalion effect) is a feedback loop that can
powerfully affect people’s behavior in response to the schematic processing of others.
You may start with an expectation about what another person is like. Your expectation
influences how you behave toward that person. Your behavior sends out situational and
interpersonal cues that guide that person’s behavior in a manner consistent with your
original expectation. That person’s subsequent behavior strengthens your initial
expectations, which loop back to influence your future relationship with that person.
Perhaps most damaging of all is that the person begins to internalize your expectations,
supported by the evidence of ensuing outcomes. For example, if a manager expects a
subordinate to be less capable (perhaps a minority candidate perceived to be
hired/promoted due to affirmative action), the manager will tend to treat that subordinate
differently. S/he may give the subordinate less challenging assignments, less mentoring,
fewer risk-taking opportunities, or less autonomy. As a result, the subordinate learns the
manager’s preference for less assertive, less independent action, and as a result may be
less likely to achieve success visible to the organization. The subordinate will fail to
profile him/herself as an up-and-coming power in the organization. This in turn confirms
the manager’s (and others’) initial assessment of the candidate, and reinforces the
stereotype in general. The job interview situation provides another example. Here the
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self-fulfilling prophecy can predetermine the outcome of the application. Interviewers
who believe a particular candidate is not suitable for a position are more likely to probe
for negative information, remember negative information, and give it more importance in
weighting the information during evaluation. In one study, white subjects interviewed
both African-American and white applicants. When they interviewed African-Americans,
they conducted briefer interviews and sat farther away, as compared to when they
interviewed white applicants. This caused the applicants to react in a less confident,
personally engaging, effective manner. As a result, the African-American candidates
received lower ratings not only from the interviewer but from independent observers as
well.
A similar process, on a more macro socialization level, occurs with cultural
beliefs about the personal attributes of females and males. In general, males are perceived
as more independent, aggressive, assertive, self-confident, intellectual, competitive, and
controlling. Females are generally perceived as more emotional, communicative,
excitable, nurturing, gentle, and higher on interpersonal skills. These schemas are learned
at a very young age, and reinforced by media images, themes in children’s books, art, and
of course television. Men are shown in a variety of roles and occupations; women are
only recently emerging from restriction to domestic and family roles. Men are more often
portrayed as experts and leaders; women as subordinates. Face-ism has been investigated
by recent studies of photos in newspapers and magazines. Photos of men tend to
emphasize their faces; photos of women, their bodies. Other studies have found that
individuals are rated as more intelligent when seen in close-up photos emphasizing their
faces. Together, this reinforces stereotypes of men rather than women as thinkers.
Television is a particularly potent source of occupational gender stereotyping. In
one correlational study, children who watched more TV had more stereotyped views
about men and women and about what types of jobs were suited to men and women. A
field study in a Canadian community surveyed residents before and after the first
introduction of television in the community – and found similar results. In a laboratory
experiment, college women were randomly assigned to one of two conditions: ½ saw
four commercials depicting the sexes in traditional roles. Men were portrayed as
authorities, centers of attention, while women were shown in domestic roles or as sex
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objects. The other ½ saw reversed-role versions of the same commercials. After watching
the films, participants from both conditions carried out one of two tasks. Some performed
a measure of conformity. Others were rated on self-confidence as they gave a short
extemporaneous speech. The results were substantial: the women who had watched
traditional commercials conformed more and showed less self-confidence than those who
had watched the reversed-role commercials. Even after a brief exposure, at some level
subjects bought the implicit images of femininity and masculinity presented in the TV
commercials.
Far more powerful is the long-term socialization of children. Psychologist Sandra
Bem describes the development of gender schemas. As young children we learn a set of
expectations about what is essentially male and female behavior. We learn to encode and
organize incoming information around this set of schemas. We learn to evaluate highly
people we perceive to be the best exemplars of our schemas. We also evaluate ourselves
by these standards: how well we match our schemas, particularly the gender schema
appropriate for our sex. Bem calls this a “nonconscious ideology”, because although it is
so pervasive, we often fail to recognize it. A remarkable study of female college students
supported this perspective. Each research participant read the same scholarly article and
rated it for competence and writing style. For ½ the participants, the article was signed by
“John T. McKay”; for the other ½, the article was signed by “Joan T. McKay”. Subjects
reading John’s article rated it much higher on both substantive competence and writing
style than those who read Joan’s.
Occupational segregation
Occupational segregation is the phenomenon that women tend to gravitate toward
particular clusters of occupations. Jobs regarded as women’s jobs are typically lower in
status and pay. Even prestigious occupations, as they become increasingly “feminized”
(such as the Human Resource Management profession) tend to decline in status and
compensation. Differential valuation of typically “male” and “female” work is even
institutionalized in apparently “objective” designations of skill and knowledge levels
required by different jobs. The US Government’s Dictionary of Occupational Titles is the
official result of job ratings based on the function of Job Evaluation. Job Evaluation is the
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formal analysis of tasks and duties of various jobs, in order to determine how much each
job is “worth” based on more or less objective job analyses. Yet determination of “worth”
is nonetheless a social perceptual process, hardly independent of deeply socialized
schemas. For example, the Dictionary of Occupational Titles ranks the job of marine
mammal handler (a typically male job) as more complex and calling for more skill than
the job of kindergarten teacher. Presumably caretaking for dolphins is more complex than
educating children.
We have seen both research and courtroom evidence that people are judged not
only by their behavior itself, but also by how closely their behavior conforms to
traditional gender schemas. Performance appraisal research has demonstrated that women
in management receive lower ratings when they work in a traditionally “masculine” field,
when they adopt a traditionally “masculine” (task-oriented, directive) leadership style, or
when they adopt traditionally “masculine” communication behaviors or appearance.
Women aspiring to senior management in companies with masculine workplace cultures
face a dilemma. If they fail to conform to the behavioral norms, they may be viewed as
unserious or inadequate. However, if they adopt the male standard of behavior, they may
violate the traditional gender expectations of the men in power, and be scorned as
unfeminine. We’re all familiar with the Price Waterhouse v Hopkins case, in which a
woman who was the top contract winner in the accounting firm was denied promotion to
partnership. The male partners described her in their written reviews as “macho”, and
suggested she was “overcompensating for being a woman.” She was advised off the
record to walk, talk, and dress more femininely—to wear make-up, have her hair styled,
and wear jewelry. (Steiner & Steiner).
Michelle’s dilemma
These notions support a subtle but powerful interpretation of Michelle’s dilemma.
As we walk through the case, let us look at how our understanding of social cognitive
processes and cultural assumptions helps us interpret the attitudes and behaviors of
Michelle Worker and Henry Hyhatt.
First we are told Michelle is an Asian female. We cannot assume very much about
the Asian cultural background Michelle brings to the situation, as we don’t know
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anything about her family background. We don’t know the extent and how far back her
family is assimilated into “American” culture. From which of many diverse Asian
national cultures does Michelle come? Asian cultures differ widely on the key
dimensions we typically consider in the emerging disciplines of international business,
global human resource management, and intercultural psychology. Even individuals from
the cultures of China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong (not to speak of such diverse nations as
Japan, Singapore, Indonesia, and India) perceive the world in very unique and diverse
ways. We find wide differences among Asian countries along such cultural dimensions as
individualism/collectivism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance,
masculinity/femininity (Hofstede, 1980), neutral/affective relationships, relationship to
time (Trompenaars), vertical/horizontal orientation (Triandis), or low/high context (Hall
& Hall, 1990). What we can, however, probably generalize are the likely assumptions
Hyhatt and Turner make about Michelle’s cultural orientation as an Asian (Asian
woman!). Hard work, intelligence, engineering expertise go without saying. A collectivist
orientation combined with acceptance of hierarchical distinctions and management
decision-making prerogatives, respect for the wisdom of elders, and pronounced
male/female role distinctions would also be assumed. These assumptions would likely
assure Hyhatt that his assessments of Michelle were appropriate and that she would
accept his response to her requests.
The next point to consider is Michelle’s career history with TSM. I find it
interesting to begin with that after successful participation in integrated software
development and a major patent-worthy hardware design project (important line positions
at the organization’s technological core), Michelle should be assigned (and accept) what
is traditionally considered a peripheral, staff assignment. After two years Michelle is
recognizing that remaining in that position is a dead-end, but to her bosses, she couldn’t
be more perfect for the job. In her orientation of new employees, teaching, interpersonal
relationships and creative program design, she demonstrates the very competencies that
resonate with common expectations of female excellence. The case leads us to infer that
the meeting Michelle requests with Hyhatt is her first indication to him that she is
dissatisfied with this role in the organization. We may consider the possibility that from
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Hyhatt’s frame of reference, Michelle should naturally be content in fulfilling such a role,
and that her dissatisfaction must be with issues of title and salary.
Not much needs to be said about Hyhatt’s presumption that he knows what’s best
for her. He assumes that Michelle’s home situation is comparable to his, that his own
experienced alienation from his family as a traditional male breadwinner is relevant to
participants in a contemporary dual-career family, and that as an older man his advice
will be welcomed and accepted. He assumes that Michelle bears primary responsibility
for raising the children (which is often, but not necessarily the case), even though
Michelle’s husband is a college professor, an occupation which, while demanding, allows
considerable flexibility to pick up the slack on days Michelle must travel. It is highly
improbable that he would counsel a male employee to restrict his job ambitions for the
sake of family balance. An interesting twist on this issue is provided by Arlie Hochschild
(1989) in her study, The Second Shift. She examines the division of labor at home in
dual-career families. She finds, surprisingly, that while highly educated and professional
husbands tend to espouse ideas supportive of women’s full career engagement, and while
working class men are more likely to express traditional gender beliefs, in actuality
working class husbands are more likely to participate in household and child-rearing
responsibilities. The point in this case is, however, that neither we nor Hyhatt can judge
the probability of Michelle’s success in balancing her home and work responsibilities.
Only Michelle (and her husband and children) have access to the necessary information
about their home situation, cultural and personal values, and schemas for making those
kinds of judgments. By basing his advice and his administrative decisions on his own
experience and schemas, Hyhatt is denying Michelle the agency to emerge from the
constraints of traditional stereotypes and roles.
Hyhatt’s next concern is that Michelle would be a helpless victim in a macho
work environment. He assumes that she couldn’t hold her own among the male clients
and that she would be unable to command a respectful work relationship. He refuses to
consider the obligation TSM might have to insist on a professional environment. Clearly,
Hyhatt is responding not to Michelle’s particular situation, but rather to his generalized
perception of “dealing with female professional employees.”
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We cannot know from the facts of the case whether Turner shares Hyhatt’s
perspective, or whether he is merely using the travel issue as an expedient excuse for
denying Michelle’s promotion to such a central role in the company. We can infer from
subsequent events that Turner responded in bad faith, denying the validity of Michelle’s
proposal while apparently proceeding to champion her ideas within the company. I will
leave discussion of the legality of these actions to my co-panelists. However, from social,
ethical, and business perspectives, the outcome of this case is tragic--perhaps most of all
from the point of view of Michelle’s passivity in accepting Hyhatt and Turner’s agenda
every step of the way.
Michelle’s passivity
One of the salient characteristics of Michelle throughout this case is her passivity.
In the initial encounter, she accepts Hyhatt’s suggestion to present her ideas in an
informal lunch setting, and in so doing Michelle exposes herself to Hyhatt’s personalized
framework. As might be predicted, the meeting becomes a lengthy discussion of Hyhatt’s
view of Michelle’s career and life issues, rather than the validity of the proposal. An
informal lunch at the invitation of one’s supervisor underscores the power dynamics
(boss/supplicant, mentor/protegee, elder/junior, male/female) of the encounter. In such a
situation, individuals are likely to conform to highly gendered and powered cognitive and
behavioral scripts, and it is no accident that Hyhatt’s personalized interpretation and
agenda take precedence over Michelle’s professional considerations. Clearly it would
have been to Michelle’s advantage to maximize the professionalism of the encounter,
perhaps by separating the issues of the proposed project and her own vocational
development. In other words, the informality of the setting allows for a reinforcement of
traditional scripts and power relationships, rather than the enactment of the professional
role Michelle seeks. In contrast, it would have highlighted the professionalism of the
encounter for Michelle to have handed Hyhatt a written and well-documented project
proposal when she asked to meet with him to discuss it. This would have given Michelle
the structure to direct the conversation to the project rather than her family life. She might
have further suggested holding off the lunch until after they had had a chance to review
the proposal together in the office, perhaps together with another colleague. That would
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have clearly indicated the professionalism of the meeting, while allowing Hyhatt to
express his “friendly” mentoring role at another time and place. Naturally, when Hyhatt
asked permission at lunch to speak to her as “a friend”, she could hardly refuse. This is a
good example of how a well-considered structuring of the externals of a social interaction
may be more effective than direct confrontation, and certainly more effective than
passively submitting to the partner’s agenda.
The next evidence of passivity is Michelle’s neglecting to respond directly to
Hyhatt’s “advice”. At this stage, it is possible that Hyhatt was unaware he had been
unprofessional or discriminatory. Under the traditional paternalistic paradigm, his
responses and recommendations might be interpreted as genuine expressions of good
will. Open and explicit communication on Michelle’s part might have been welcomed, or
at least instrumental in refocusing Hyhatt on her professional agenda. At the very least, it
would have provided a necessary foundation for documenting unsatisfactory outcomes. If
Hyhatt then refused to respond appropriately, Michelle would have a basis for
documenting the events and pursuing more formal channels.
Michelle’s next move also evidences her passive approach. She sends a letter to
Page Turner (with a copy to Hyhatt) requesting reassignment and promotion to design the
type of system she envisions. She then waits two weeks for his response. A number of
questions arise: once again, it appears she sent a letter combining her promotion request
with a description of the project. A detailed and documented proposal highlighting the
benefits and validity of this project for the business, infused with evidence of her unique
expertise, would have focused management on the proposal itself, rather than on her
personal issues. An accompanying letter documenting her unique qualifications for such a
position would have underscored her professionalism while maintaining focus on the
project. Her own letter’s defensive assurance of her husband‘s support in spite of
probable demands and risks, transmitted the message that gender and work/family issues
were legitimate considerations.
A phone call requesting an appointment to discuss both the document and her
promotion would have demonstrated her seriousness. Why did she wait for two weeks
without a response? Recent research suggests that one barrier to women’s advancement
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in organizations may be that women are less likely than men to persist in asking for high
status projects and promotions. Similarly, one reason women may have more difficulty
than men in attaining high-level mentors, is that generally the prospective protégé seeks
and initiates the relationship with the mentor, and women’s traditional socialization may
inhibit their assertiveness in initiating relationships, particularly with senior men.
Why did Michelle jump two levels of the management hierarchy, which resulted
in her proposal being considered by a remote senior manager located in Chicago? Dewey
Cheatham, a local senior officer, would more likely be familiar with her capabilities, and
direct communication (perhaps including Hyhatt) would be more feasible. Her exclusion
from the communication process with Turner is evident; in contrast, Hyhatt obviously
had input in the decision. Turner’s comment that her “promotion” allowed her to remain
in San Diego indicates that Hyhatt must have expressed concerns about Michelle’s family
status. Again, rather than necessarily viewing this as an alliance to discriminate again a
woman’s promotion, it is possible that Turner accepted Hyhatt’s perspective that the
decision was in Michelle’s best interests. Michelle’s exclusion from the discussion
highlights the paternalism of the managers. Michelle’s passive waiting for Turner’s
response, and in turn her passive acceptance of his decision did little to challenge their
professionally unsupportable assumptions.
Finally, Michelle’s continued engagement in her training position at TSM can be
viewed either as a flaw in the case itself – how realistic is it to envision a highly talented,
successful engineer with software, hardware, and customer experience remaining in a
dead-end job in the competitive high-tech San Diego market? – or as an extreme
consequence of Michelle’s personal passivity. In any case, Michelle’s acceptance of
Hyhatt and Turner’s decision and presumably successful fulfillment of her allocated role
reinforces their confidence in how they handled the situation and how wisely they found
the best fit for Michelle in their organization.
Conclusion
It appears that the informality and familiarity that are so much a part of American
business culture may in fact serve to perpetuate traditional power dynamics and gendered
scripts. We see this in discussions of “old boy networks” and “glass ceilings”, in
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problems women may encounter in finding and taking advantage of mentoring
opportunities, and in the stigmatization often associated with employees who take
advantage of “family-friendly” policies. This case illustrates how the absence of
formalized processes and channels for change, internalization of traditional work roles
and stereotypes, and passive acceptance of discriminatory outcomes seriously undercut
the transformation of our work culture, and lead, among other things, to a reification of
legal solutions when change is deemed necessary.
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References
Hall, E.T. & Hall, M.R. (1990). Understanding Cultural Differences: Germans, French
and Americans. Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press.
Hochschild, A. (1989). The Second Shift. NY: Avon.
Hofstede, G. (1980). Motivation, Leadership, and Organization: Do American Theories
Apply Abroad?” Organizational Dynamics.
Steiner & Steiner. Business, Government, and Society.
Triandis. Individualism and Collectivism.
Trompenaars, Fons (1994). Riding the Waves of Culture: Understanding Diversity in
Global Business. Burr Ridge, IL: Irwin.