CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE URBANISM

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CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE
URBANISM
\')
THE ANCIENT CI'I'IES OF THE PERUVIAN NOR'l'H COAST
A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the
requirements for the degree of !-'laster of Arts in
Anthropology
by
Elizabeth Paullada
June, 1979
The thesis of Elizabeth Paullada is approved:
California State University, Northridge
May, 1979
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Section I:
Supplementary information to the film:
URBANISM
The Ancient Cities of the
Peruvian North Coast
Section II:
Script of Film
Section III:
Bibliography
iii
ABSTRACT
URBAN ISH
THE ANCIENT CITIES OF
THE PERUVIAN NORTH COAST
AN ANCHEOLOGICAL FILM STUDY
by
Elizabeth Paullada
Master of Arts in Anthropology
Hay, 1979
This film traces the development of urbanism through
time in various archeological sites in the Moche Valley
on the North Coast of Peru.
The film also attempts to
show how ecological factors such as rich marine resources,
irrigation, and various patterns of land use contributed
to urban development.
The film draws heavily on the recent research done
by the Chan Chan - Moche Valley Project {1969-1974)
directed by Dr. Carol J. Mackey of California State
iv
University, Northridge, and Dr. Michael E. Moseley of
Harvard University.
The Moche Valley provides a unique opportunity to
present a visual record of the development of urbanism
since i t contains well-preserved archeological sites from
the early hunters and gatherers (10,000 B.C.) to the
ancient metropolitan center of Chan Chan, the capital of
the Kingdom of Chimor and the center of an empire that
stretched over 1,000 kilometers along the desert coast
of Peru.
In particular, this film focuses on Andean manifestations of certain urban traits such as dense nucleated
populations, social stratification, craft specializationr
management of labor resources and monumental architecture, and traces their development through each of the
major time periods in the Peruvian North Coast chronological sequence.
v
SECTION I
Supplementary information to the film:
URBANISM
The Ancient Cities of the
Peruvian North Coast
1
2
The Development of Urbanism on the Peruvian North Coast
Supplementary information to the film:
URBANISM
The Ancient Cities
of the Peruvian
North Coast
RATIONALE FOR A FILM ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF URBANISM IN
THE MOCHE VALLEY
Urbanism as a phenomena has long been of interest to
scholars in many fields.
In seeking to understand our own
cities, we study the cities of the past.
Urbanism has had a long and complex tradition in
South America.
This tradition is most clearly delineated
in the Moche Valley on the Peruvian Nofth Coast.
Here
cities attained a size and importance comparable with the
major pre-industrial centers of the Old World.
One of the
greatest of these early cities was Chan Chan, located in
the Moche Valley, near the modern city of Trujillo.
Chan was the capital of the Kingdom of Chimor.
Chan
At its
height, Chimor rule extended 1000 kilometers along the
desert coast from southernmost Ecuador to central Peru
near Lima.
This was the largest political body to contest
expanding Inca hegemony (Moseley, 1975 c).
Chan Chan was the product of a long established
pattern of urban residence.
From 1969 to 1975, the Chan
3
Chan-Moche Valley Project, under the direction of Dr.
Carol J. Mackey of California State University, Northridge,
and Dr. Michael E. Moseley of Harvard University, carried
out research aimed at providing an understanding of the
history and functioning of Chan Chan within the context
of its adjacent sustaining communities.
The project fur-
ther attempted to trace the antecedents of urbanism and
urban-rural relationships back in time and thereby provide
a processual study of the development of cities.
(Moseley and Mackey, 1973)
This film draws heavily on the research of the Chan
Chan-Moche Valley project and its makers are deeply indebted to all those connected with the project who most
graciously aided in the production of the film.
As a result of this recent research, we feel that
this film can offer new insights into the old and complex
problem:
the study of urbanism.
THE GOAL OF THIS FILM
Urbanism as a phenomena has different manifestations
in
dif~erent
parts of the world.
It is the Andean traits
of urbanism, as seen in the Moche Valley, that will be the
focus of this film.
Our goal is to trace visually these
urban traits as they develop through each of the major
time periods in the Peruvian North Coast chronological
sequence.
Although there are sites as early as 10,000
4
B.C. in the valley (Hunters and Gatherers), our film will
begin with the Preceramic and end with the Chimu Empire
(Time Line Figure 1) .
Certain urban characteristics such
as dense nucleated populations, social stratification,
craft or occupational specialization, management of labor
resources, and monumental architecture will be traced
through their developmental phases to their fluorescence
in the great metropolitan city of Chan Chan.
THE MOCHE VALLEY
The modern South American nation of Peru is bordered
on the west by the Pacific Ocean and on the east by the
Brazilian jungle.
The Andes, running from northwest to
southeast, divide Peru into three climactic zones: the
desert coast, the highlands, and the tropical forest.
The
coastal plain is a long narrow flatland, traversed in an
east-west direction by Andean outliers and by some forty
small rivers (Lanning, 1967).
One of these rivers, lo-
cated in the north, is the Rio Moche (Map, Figure 2),
and it flows through the Moche Valley.
The Moche Valley provides a unique laboratory for the
study of urbanism.
Since the Peruvian coast is essentially
a desert broken up by river oases, preservation is excellent.
Thanks in part to the remarkable preservation in
5
Moche Valley
Relative chronology
Colonial Period
Late Horizon
150·)
Late
Intermediate
Period
Colonial Period
Chimu Inca
Late
Middle
1000
Chimu
Early
v
Middle Horizon
500
Early
Intermediate
Period
A.D.
B.C.
IV
Ill
II
I
Moehe
Gallinazo
Salinar
500
~
Early Horizon
1000
Cupisnique
.
... 1500
{Gramalote)
Initial Period
2000
·.
'
Preceramlc
2500
(La Cumbre)
~
15.000
Figure 1
(After Donnan and Mackey)
"-·
f
'
-.
6
this dry area, sites may be examined in a continuous sequence from 10,000 B.C. to the present.
The Moche Valley is also unique in that it became
the center of political power for the surrounding area in
at least three (perhaps more) different times in history.
Trujillo was the major Spanish administrative center north
of Lima.
During the Late Intermediate Period, Chan Chan
was the capital of the second largest native polity to
arise in South America, the Chimu Empire, and during the
Early Intermediate Period the Huacas Sol and Luna, because
of their unrivaled size, can be inferred to have been the
center of an earlier polity (Moseley, 1979).
Since the Moche Valley possesses many of the important sites of the North Coast area, it is an appropriate
focus for the study ot" urbanism.
ECOLOGY/TECHNOLOGY
To be able to analyze the development of urbanism in
the Moche Valley, we must understand the geography and
ecology of the Peruvian north coast.
Lanning (1967}
states that much of Peruvian archeology becomes meaningful
only when we understand the role of the Pacific Ocean as a
source of food and as a controller of climate.
The Peru coastal current or Humboldt current c:auses
7
an upswelling of cold water from the ocean depths.
The
nutrients brought up from the ocean bottom with this cold
water become a source of food for a variety of marine
life.
Consequently, marine resources are extremely
abundant along the Peruvian coast, and the abundance of
these resources becomes a critical factor in early population growth.
The cold waters of the Humboldt current are also responsible for the desert conditions along the coast.
These cold ocean waters cool the air mass over them so that
evaporation is held to a minimum.
over the
land~
As the cool air moves
it is constantly warmed.
The warming, to-
gether with the low temperature gradient, increases the
air's capacity to hold its evaporated water, effectively
preventing rainfall on the coast and at the same time providing cool weather in spite of the tropical latitude
(Lanning, 1967).
Thus the Humboldt current causes an
absolutely dry desert condition along the coast which,
nevertheless, has a cool and pleasant temperature due to
the prevelance of fog.
Since the climate remains fairly
temperate most of the year, the Peruvian coast is a rather
ideal place in which to live with one major problem:
scarcity of water.
the
8
It has been said that the most dominant factor of
the ecology is the desert nature of the coastal region;
from Tumbes to north central Chile, the west coast of
South America is one of the driest areas on earth.
Al-
though the North Coast receives fractionally more rainfall than areas to the south, no part of the coast receives enough rainfall to support more than scattered
xerophytic vegetation (Kus, Moseley, et al, 1977).
However, across this arid strip of land that is
the Peruvian North Coast runs a series of rivers (Map,
Figure 2).
These rivers carry the run-off from the Andes
and provide the desert valleys with a source of water and
oases-like conditions wherever the water touches the
lande
It seems only natural that irrigation agriculture
should evolve under such conditions.
It is also interest-
ing that a number of the ancient canals are still in use
today.
It should also be noted that in pre-hispanic
times, irrigation systems were larger and embraced more
reclaimed land than is now the case (Moseley, 1979).
Irrigation attained its greatest development with
the construction of the Chicama-Moche or La Curnbre Intervalley canal (Map, Figure 3), which brought water from
the neighboring Chicama Valley into the Moche Valley.
Chicama-Moche Canal was probably constructed sometime
"The
9
.t
Figure
(After Kroeber
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(After Farrington)
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between 900 and 1080 A.D. with a construction date late in
this period most likely ...• The canal, about 74 kilometers
long, represents the initial labor of literally thousands
of people, along with large numbers of workers for its
maintenance."
(Kus, 1974)
In the construction and maintenance of the intervalley canal, as well as the earlier, smaller canals, the
need for a highly organized labor force can be seen.
The
presence of an organized labor force and its gradual development can be noted through time in each of the major
sites in the Moche Valley (see map, Figure 4, for major
archeological sites in the Moche Valley).
Not only was
this organized labor necessary for canal construction,
but it was also noticeably present in monumental architecture.
In the film, we will focus on monumental architecture at the Early Horizon site of Caballo Muerto, at the
Early Intermediate site of the Moche Pyramids; Huaca del
Sol and Huaca de la Luna, and at the Late Intermediate
site of Chan Chan, the Chimu capital.
The film will
examine in detail the features of this monumental architecture that lead archeologists to postulate a complex
organization of labor.
12
13
This organization of labor, which developed in
coastal Peru, is known as mita labor,
the state in the form of labor.
or paying taxes to
This principle of labor
organization continues through Chimu, Inca, and even into
Colonial times (Moseley, 1975 a).
CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE
The Peruvian archeological chronology that we will
follow here, with minor modifications as to time, is the
one originally propounded by J.H. Rowe (1960) and elaborated by E.P. Lanning (1967).
For correspondence to other
Peruvian chronological sequences, the reader is referred
to Willey {1971, p. 83).
For an understanding of the
chronological sequence of the various subareas in Peru,
the reader is again referred to Willey (1971, pp. 84-85).
The Rowe-Lanning chronology is divided into 12
major time periods:
six preceramic and six ceramic.
The
six preceramic periods date from.prior to 9500 B.C. to
1800 B.C.
The ceramic periods are as follows:
The Initial Period
1800-900 B.C.
This period begins with the appearance of pottery
and ends with the appearance of the Chavin art style
which signals the Early Horizon.
14
The Early Horizon
900-200 B.C.
This period of time is defined by the spread of the
Chavin style in art and architecture, with its character- _
istic motifs of the jaguar, the serpent, and the eagle.
The type side of this style is Chavin de Huantar in the
highlands.
On the coast, the Chavin culture phase is
termed Cupisnique.
The Early Intermediate Period
200 B.C.-600 A.D.
This period is characterized by various regional
ceramic, art, and architecture styles that replace Chavintype styles.
In the North Coast, this time period sees
the appearance of the Salinar, Gallinazo, and Moche
I
culture phases.
The Middle Horizon
600-1000 A.D.
The Middle Horizon is defined as the time of the
Tiahuanaco and Huari-derived styles (based on these
Highland sites) and their propagation throughout most of
the Peruvian area (Willey, 1971).
However, as more arch-
eological research is undertaken, i t is becoming increasingly clear that the nature and degree of Huari influence
varied greatly in different Andean regions (Mackey, 1979).
The Moche Valley (a coastal site) does not seem to have
been strongly affected by Huari influence.
15
The Late Intermediate Period
1000-1476 A.D.
This time period is characterized by various late
regional art styles.
On the North Coast, this period sees
the development of the Chimu empire, its flourescence and
finally its fall to the Inca armies.
The Late Horizon
1476-1534 A.D.
The Late Horizon begins with expansion of the Inca
empire and ends with the Spanish conquest of Peru.
To understand the manner and chronological order in
which the culture phases integrated into these time
periods, please refer to the Time Line, Figure 1.
The Pre·cerarnic
Prior to 9500-1800 B.C.
Although, generally, the Preceramic time period is
divided into six distinct sections, we will talk about the
period as a whole.
The Preceramic begins with the early
hunters and gatherers and the first four periods are defined in terms of stone tool industry.
During Preceramic
Period V, there is a shift to coastline settlements based
upon marine subsistence.
This is the Pacific Littoral
tradition characterized by sites containing fishing gear
and the remains of domesticated plants, including squash,
chili peppers, guavas, and toward the end of the period,
cotton (Willey, 1971).
During the last Preceramic Period (VI) 2500-1800
16
B.C., we see a continuance of the same marine based tradition and an increase in population.
The first site to be shown in this film is a
Preceramic beach site.
At this site, we see a midden ex-
cavation in progress and we are thus able to note the remarkable bounty of marine life provided by the Humboldt
current.
It was this marine subsistence base that allowed
early permanent settlements and a considerable increase in
the early population.
17
The Early Horizon
900-200 B.C.
Culture phase termed:
Chavin (in the highlands)
Cupisnique (on the coast)
The Early Horizon is defined by the Chavin art
style, the first of the great styles in art and architecture.
It is characterized by anthropomorphic forms with
feline and serpentine characteristics.
The jaguar mouth
with cross canines is seen on almost all forms and is
perhaps the most distinctive trait of the art style.
Serpents emanate as hair from many figures as well as
turning around in a stylized manner in various other
parts of the art work.
The eagle or condor, with feline
and serpentine attribu·tes, is another common motif.
It has long been recognized that the Chavin-style
was the artistic manifestation of a religious cult.
The
temples of this cult were elaborate structures built on
high platform mounds, often with wings outlining a central
patio.
These temples represent an architectural style
which spread along with the decorative style in other
media.
{Lanning,l967)
In the Moche Valley, the major Early Horizon site is
Caballo Muerto.
Caballo Muerto is a complex of eight
ceremonial mounds or huacas of varying architectural complexity, covering an area of 2 kilometers by 1 kilometer.
18
The site is located in the Rio Seco quebrada, about 3
kilometers north of the Moche River.
These platform
mounds vary in size, with the largest measuring 100 meters
by 120 meters by 18 meters high.
(Pozorski,l976)
The
largest platform mound of the complex is Huaca de los
Reyes.
As we can see from the architectural drawing of
Huaca de los Reyes (Figure 5), this platform mound is an
example of great architectural sophistication.
From the
architectural drawing, we can also see that this huaca
follows the form described by Lanning.
It is a high
platform mound with wings outlining a central patio, in a
u-shape.
The fact that Huaca de los Reyes is one huaca in a
group of eight at Caballo Muerto gives us some idea of
the complexity of this Cupisnique site.
From the com-
plexity and monumental nature of this architecture, it
can be inferred that a considerable amount of labor had
to be mobilized over a long period of time to produce it.
At Caballo Muerto, labor seems to be well organized
under the direction of a dominant priest class.
This
organization of labor is one of a number of trails that
becomes progressively more developed with each succeeding
site in the valley.
Two other major elements of urbanism are found at
HUACA DE LOS REYES
Julio 1-974
©
lev. y dib. Jophet Rosell.
N.
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1
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a a
or;;;Jo
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ra
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Figure 5
(After Pozorski)
,_.
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20
Caballo Muerto.
These elements are social stratification
and craft specialization.
Social stratification is evi-
denced at Caballo Muerto by the way in which the concept
of "limited access .. is incorporated into the architecture.
Raised platforms with narrow stairways separate
the ruling class from the ruled.
The beginning of craft
specialization can be seen in the friezes and massive
adobe heads with jaguar mouths that adorn Huaca de los
Reyes.
Skilled artists are at work here.
There is a major shift in settlement pattern from the
Preceramic beach sites to the Cupisnique site of Caballo
Muerto.
Caballo Muerto is up in the neck of the valley,
some 25 kilometers from the ocean.
At this location, the
inhabitants of the site are more easily able to control
and utilize the waters of the Moche river for irrigation.
There is now a shift in the subsistence base from the sea
as a major food supplier to agriculture.
21
The Early Intermediate Period
Culture phases:
200 B.C.-600 A.D.
Salinar
Gallinazo
Meche (Sub-phases:
I through IV}
Another shift in settlement location is seen with the
Salinar site of Cerro Arena and the Gallinazo site of
Cerro Orejas.
They are located on terraced hillsides, a
means of conserving productive bottom land for agriculture.
The Salinar site of Cerro Arena is a nucleated site
with several classes of domestic architecture (Brennan,
1977) and the later Gallinazo site of Cerro Orejas is
I
nucleated with both domestic and corporate labor architecture.
(Mackey, 197 9)
Thus it can be seen from these two sites that the
complexity of architecture and density of population
characteristic of urbanism was developing during the
Salinar and Gallinazo culture phases.
The Moche pyramid site of the Huaca del Sol and Huaca
de la Luna exhibits the most densely populated occupation
of the Early Intermediate period.
The site exceeds 1
square kilometer and has cultural deposits up to 6 meters
in depth.
(Mackey, 1979)
The Meche pyramid site is lo-
cated on the banks of the Moche River, down valley from
the previous Early Intermediate sites.
22
Monumental architecture, social stratification,
craft specialization and dense nucleated populations progressively increase through time with each new major
site.
With the Moche Pyramids, monumental architecture
reaches a peak.
Huaca del Sol, measuring at least 342
meters by 159 meters, was the largest brick structure in
South America.
(Hastings and Moseley, 1975)
By analyzing various elements of construction in
Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna, we are able to delineate more clearly the kind of organization of labor
that has developed.
It is estimated that the construction of Huaca del
Sol required more than 143 million adobes, and that the
Luna platforms needed more than 50 million adobes.
All
bricks were made in four sided rectangular molds open at
the top and bottom.
Although mold-made, the adobes vary
in composition, size, and mold and makers' marks.
(Hastings and Haseley, 1975)
These makers' marks found on
the inqividual adobe bricks are present at both Huaca del
Sol and Huaca de la Luna.
Refer to Figure 6 for an index
of the kinds of marks that have been found.
It is probable that makers' marks did not simply
identify ephemeral parties of scattered individuals who
came together for awhile to make adobes and then disbanded.
23
.
..
. -· --····
.
- f·
~--···
Figure 6
(After Hastings and Moseley)
A
8
CD
E
F
G
HI
J
K
. ·DDDDDDEJD0DD .
. {JDGJDDDtJBGDG
3
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-
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~I
Index of
makm' mMks
recorded at Huaca del Sol, regardless of
their exact provenience. Columns and
r~ws are lettered and numbered, respectively, for reference.
6
[][]0000~~~[][]
,[] cg [9 D[@ []@ (8 [] EJ @1
@] @] [Q] Q~ ~ ~ l] [8] ~ 8
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Index of all makers' marks recorded in Section 3 of Huaca de Ia Luna, regardless of their
exact provenience. Columns and rows are lettered and numbered, respectively, for reference.
•
24
A chronological study of Huaca del Sol indicates that it
took more than a century to build the platform.
At Sol,
there are numerous examples of the same makers' mark
associated with the same soil type being employed from
early through late construction phases.
This continuity
of symbol and soil over a long period. implies makers'
marks identified groups that maintained their separate
status over many generations.
(Moseley, 1975)
Segmentation is another feature of the construction
of Huaca de la Luna that reflects the labor practices of
the time.
This practice of segmentation is particularly
evident in the walls of Chan Chan.
tation occurs in this manner:
Huaca del Sol segmen-
Bricks are laid down in
long, discrete columns and generally these bricks have
the same soil type and makers' marks.
Moseley states:
"The segmentation at Sol and Luna is most economically
interpreted as a product of separate labor parties working
at individual but repetitive tasks."
(Moseley,l975a)
In summary, we can conclude that makers' marks were
used to identify social units for the purpose of taxation
and segments as the units or measures of labor by which
tax obligations were paid.
(Moseley,l975a)
This is simi-
lar to the traditional Inca mita labor system, and we see
this system in operation in Chimu, Inca, and even into
historical Spanish times.
25
Thus an analysis of construction techniques in monumental architecture is able to show us the manner in
which a society controlled the labor resources necessary
to build its urban centers.
Social stratification during the Moche period is
very evident.
pottery.
First of all, we see it reflected in the
All classes of individuals are depicted.
High
status personages in ornate costumes and headdresses
are common and are often shown in raised, covered platforms.
Warriors are shown with their shields and weapons.
Sometimes they are depicted with captives or trophy heads.
The high status of the warrior in the Meche community can
be seen by the manner in which they are depicted.
Often
they will have gold bands around their arms and gold ear
plugs.
Persons of lesser status are also depicted:
fishermen, metal workers, weavers, musicians, curanderos
and their patients all find their way into Moche pottery.
Social stratification can also be seen elsewhere.
Evidence from burials and domestic architecture found dur'
ing the excavations at Moche confirms the presence of
distinct social classes.
(T. Topic, 1976)
It is assumed that a clear cut difference in burial
patterns reflects a difference in the status of the occupants of the graves.
Considerable variation in burial
26
location and burial furniture has been observed.
Some
individuals were even buried with no goods at all, and
these burials occurred most frequently in deposits which
were probably middens.
(T. Topic, 1976)
Many high status Moche burials have been recorded.
In the center of the plain between Huaca del Sol and
Huaca de la Luna, a high status burial area was discovered and excavated by the Chan Chan-Moche Valley Project.
Dozens of Moche burials were found here, all of which had
ceramic vessels.
Some burials also contained copper in-
gots, jewelry and ornaments.
(Donnan and
Macke~
1978)
Social stratification is also reflected in the
I
domestic architecture found at Huaca del Sol and Huaca de
la Luna.
Different types of domestic architecture, vary-
ing from simple houses with cobblestone-set-in-mud walls
to high quality domestic architecture at the southern end
of the site, have been excavated.
(T. Topic, 1976)
Since there is a distinct and wide variation between the
different types of domestic architecture, it follows that
there was a distinct variation in the status of the inhabitants of that architecture.
During the Moche culture phase, the valley's irrigation system was completed beyond the limits of modern
agriculture.
This expansion of the irrigation system
27
reflects the need to feed a large population by reclaiming desert land and the ability of the central powers at
Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna to mobilize large
labor forces for the purposes of reclamation projects.
Recent research supports the interpretation of the
Moche culture as an expansionistic state with the Moche
pyramid site of Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna as its
capital.
(T. Topic, 1974)
As the center of the Moche
state, the site was in a politically dominant position
over the Chicama, Viru, Santa and Nepena valleys and, at
its height, undoubt.edly drew on the resources of those
valleys to augment its grandeur.
28
The Middle Horizon
·Go0-1000 A.D.
At the end of Moche Phase IV, the site of Huaca del
Sol and Huaca de la Luna was abandoned, and the center of
power now shifts to the neck of the valley.
is Galindo.
The new site
The Galindo settlement extends for over 5
square kilometers, contains various classes of architectural units, and appears to be urban in all respects.
(Bawden, 1976}
At the site of Galindo, we see architectural features
that are developed to an extreme in the great urban
center of Chan Chan.
The most obvious I of these is an
-adobe-walled compound with a platform mound in it.
At
previous sites, the dominant feature has been the ceremenial mound.
Now, the huaca, or platform mound, is still
present but it is, comparatively speaking, reduced in
size, and incorporated into a complex of adobe walls.
These adobe walls form a compound that is basically
rectangular in shape and very reminiscent of the compounds
that we will find at Chan Chan, although on a much smaller
scale.
And, as was the case at Chan Chan, the compound
at Galindo served to house the elite.
As is characteristic of most urban sites, both domestic and non-domestic architecture are present.
Domestic architecture that housed personages of different
29
status can be clearly observed.
A massive adobe wall
separates a lower status residential area on the hill from
the higher status area below.
(Bawden, 1976)
Another architectural feature found at Galindo is
the large cluster of structures used primarily for corporate storage.
(Bawden,l976)
Here we see the complex
pattern for the redistribution of goods found later at
Chan Chan.
A large number of industrial sites are present which
would indicate that many diverse activities took place
within the settlement.
Galindo presents the aspect of a well organized and
I
tightly controlled urban settlement containing all those
features basic to the genre.
Upon those many architec-
tural forms is imposed an overwhelming aspect of rigid
planning, with internal functional segments being strictly
defined, and separate from each other.
(Bawden, 1976)
It is this aspect of rigid urban planning with welldefined architectural canons that we see carried to an
extreme in the compounds of Chan Chan.
30
The Late Intermediate Period
Culture phase:
1000 A.D.-1476 A.D.
Chimu
At the end of the Middle Horizon, the major urban
center shifts to the coast.
Chan Chan is located in the
mouth of the Moche Valley within sight of the ocean.
With
Chan Chan, urban development has reached its zenith on
the Peruvian North Coast.
Chan Chan is the capital and
center of the powerful Chimu empire which stretched from
southernmost Ecuador to central Peru near Lima.
The urban traits we have seen developing are now
at an apex: monumental architecture, corporate labor,
population density, social .stratification, and craft
specialization.
The city is composed of a central core of buildings
out of which monumental architecture radiates for more
than 20 square kilometers.
(Moseley, 1975c)
The core
city is dominated by ten large rectangular compounds.
{Figure 7)
These compounds are formed by massive adobe
I
brick walls that often reach as high as nine meters, and
stretch as far as 650 meters on a side.
The compounds
served as residences for the various kings of Chimor, as
well as for the elite that helped him govern the empire
and the servants that administered to the needs of the
king.
r
i
i
I'
31
'
,·
ackey
and 11
oseley)
•
\I
f
I .
32
The typical compound of the Chimor king is a highly
planned, rigidly sectioned and compartmentalized unit.
As can be seen by this map of Ciudadela Rivero (Figure 8) ,
the compound is divided into three basic parts:
the north
sector, the central sector, and the canchone.
As one looks at the map of Cuidadela Rivero, one
can get a feeling of the maze-like quality of the Chimu
compounds.
Here, incorporated in the architecture of
Chan Chan, is the same tendency toward separating the
elite from the ruled that we first noticed in the raised
platforms and narrow stairways of Caballo Muerto.
walls of Chan Chan are truly massive structures.
The
It
seems unlikely, since Chan Chan was the center of the
empire, that these walls would function in any way for
defense.
Massive walls built parallel to and within a
few feet of other massive walls create long, narrow
passageways, and circuitous entries in these passageways
seem designed to impede direct movement through the
cuidadela.
The elite are effectively separated from the
ruled.
Looking now at the map of Cuidadela Rivero (Figure 8),
one notes certain architectural features.
Spacious entry
courts or plazas occupy a prominent position in the
Northern Sector.
Another oblique passageway leads from
-
--- ----
33
Figure 8
(After Mackey and Moseley)
NORTH
SECTOR
CENTFAl
SECTOR
34
the entry court into a series of rooms called "audiencias".
Audiencias are U-shaped structures with niches in their
interior walls.
"The buildings are called audiencias be-
cause they are reminiscent of small, elevated u-shaped
structures occupied by one principal personage holding
'audience' with individuals positioned in front of the
structure.
There are at least 178 such buildings in
nuclear Chan Chan and more than 30 have been excavated."
(Moseley,l975c)
Because of their design, size and location, it is
inferred that these audiencias were the "offices" from
which the empire was governed.
Associated with the
I
audiencia are the corporate storeroom complexes, similar
to those first seen at Galindo.
The audiencia is always
positioned in such a way as to control access to the storerooms.
In the central sector the ratio of audiencias to
storerooms changes, and there are relatively fewer audiencias and more storerooms.
The largest structure associated with the compounds
is the burial platform.
(It is located within the com-
pound in the central sector.).
Refer to Figure 9 for a
drawing of an excavated burial platform.
Moseley (1975c)
describes this burial platform, Huaca Avispas, as follows:
The summit is reached by a complex ramp
35
. !
t•
c;:::==='='==i1'1
~
r1
I
0
s
10 15 20 25
~
·
metus
A drawing of Huac::~. Avispas, one
of the smaller buri:~l platforms, shows th::
enclosing court :anti r:amp system at the
north end of the mound. Opening to the
summit arc internal cells cont:~inin~ remains of looted grave ·goods and female
interments. Centrally located, the larg~
T-shapetl c:h;lllllh!r is believed to have
conlain~d the l,oJy of a Chimor monarch.
I'
"•
Figure 9
(After Moseley)
36
system in the north.
From here, openings lead
down to rectangular cells incorporated within
the platform.
These are regularly positioned
around an oversized T-shaped chamber.
This
central chamber witnessed particularly heavy
looting, and in some platforms, it is completely destroyed.
In Huaca Avispas, along with quantities of artifacts,
were found the remains of 91 young female skeletons.
(T.G. Pozorski, 1974)
Because of the similarity of age
and sex, these are considered to be sacrificial burials.
The Chimu King went to his grave with great quantities of
I
gold, ceramics and sacrificial females.
The third sector of the compound is called the
Canchone.
It usually contains a walk-in well and was
generally thought to house the servants or retainers
that administered to the needs of the elite of the first
two sectors.
Outside the walls of the compound are·two distinct
classes of architecture.
The first type, often called
"intermediate", are constructed of adobe and are well
planned and well made.
They feature some of the archi-
tectural canons of the compounds, but on a smaller scale.
(Figure 10)
It seems likely that this intermediate archi-
37
•
0 .
s
10
15
20 2 5
~:uus;:;;;:;,;,.~
meter~
The outlines of a unit of intermediate orchitccture with U-shaped stru~­
tures. · storage facilities. and a single
kitch:n situated in the southeast. The formality of !Jrout seen in the compounds
{see Fig. 2) is diminished, but the stru.;turc is more spacious than are tho: residences of Chan Chan's common citizenry.
Figure 10
(After Moseley)
.•
38
tecture housed the lesser dignitaries or the petty bureaucrats of the Chimu empire.
The next class of architecture found at Chan Chan is
small, irregular, agglutinated rooms, often referred to
as the "SIAR."
It was this type of architecture that
housed the majority of the population of Chan Chan.
(Figure 11)
These haphazardly built structures were made of
cane and reed matting with cobblestone or adobe base
walls, and were packed together in peripheral areas outside the walls of the compounds.
These cobblestone and
cane houses are very similar to those in use today in the
less affluent sections of Trujillo.
The inhabitants of the SIAR were predominantly
craftsmen.
Metal working implements, weaving implements,
and evidence of lapidary work and \'lOOdworking have all
been found.
(J. Topic, 1970)
Most of the inhabitants of
the SIAR were not directly engaged in cultivation and only
a minor amount of fishing gear points to marine exploitation.
(Moseley, 1975c)
The tenants of the cobblestone
and cane houses were industrial producers that created
the wealth and splendor of the luxury goods used by the
elite inhabitants of the compounds.
A rural population produced the food that sustained
39
:.
_
The quarters of a prolc::t:uiat f:~mily. Built of cane and mud walts with rock
or adobe footin£:5, the sm:~!!cr rooms were roofed v.hilc others rcmJined open. There
is a sin£!-IC' hearth and grinJing 5toncs for fcod prep:~ration. Lng:: po!s, brick bins, and
subfioor pits \\ere- used for storJ.>;c. PJckc:d t0gcther in peripheral areas, similar small
quarters housed the:: majority of Ch:1n Chan's resident popul;~tion.
Figure 11
(After Moseley)
40
the urban population of Chan Chan.
The rural site of
Cerro la Virgen gives us an idea of how the economic
system functioned.
The storage facilities at Cerro la
Virgen seem to be designed for bulk storage of foodstuffs,
while within the SIAR, most bins were used for storing nonedible commodities.
The rural population was orientated
toward food production, the urban population was orientated
toward industrial production.
(J. Topic, 1970)
Since
there is a lack of evidence for a market economy, a state
controlled redistributive system has been postulated, with
the elite inhabitants of the compounds in control of that
system.
The rural population also provided a labor force for
the construction of the monumental architecture in the
city of Chan Chan.
The compounds, as well as other state
building projects, were constructed by distinct work
parties drawn from different communities outside the capital, and mobilized by means of a labor tax system.
(Moseley,l975c)
This is the same type of iabor organiza-
tion that we saw in detail at the Moche pyramid site, and
this form of labor organization continues into Inca and
Colonial times.
The Chimu empire ended with the armies of the Inca
in 1476.
The Incas removed the Chimu king to Cuzco and
41
set up a puppet government.
Chan Chan continued to
function as a city during this time, but in a diminished
capacity.
Seventy years later, the Spaniards conquered Peru
and a new urban center, Trujillo, was established.
Trujillo is a typically Spanish urban center in design,
but it has retained a number of characteristics seen at
Chan Chan.
Social stratification is reflected in the
architecture, including the same cobblestone and reed
housing that has served the needs of the lower classes
throughout our history of urbanism.
The city is still
supported by a rural farming population, although the
system of redistribution has now changed.
Occupational
specialization and monumental architecture are also
present at Trujillo.
The system of labor management seen
at Chan Chan lasted into the ColoniaL era, but has been
replaced by taxation utilizing a money economy.
Urbanism has had a long and traceable history in the
Meche Valley.
It did not spring up suddenly as a result
I
of spacemen or Huari invasions, but grew progressively,
step by step, through time on the North coast of Peru.
42
SECTION II
URBANISM
The Ancient Cities of the Peruvian North Coast
(An Archeological Film Study)
Script of Film
43
URBANISM
The Ancient Cities of the Peruvian North Coast
Picture:
Narration:
Shots of street, buses
Titles/music.
Shot of street with
Trujillo sign
This is Trujillo, a modern
urban center with all the attendant problems of urban
centers throughout the world.
Cut of map of South
America
Trujillo is located in the
Moche Valley on the North
Coast of Peru.
Cut to shot of desert
and cane fields
In this coastal desert valley
called Moche, urbanism has a
long traceable history.
There
are over 1,000 archeological
sites in the valley ..••
Aerial shot of
Chan Chan
•••• including one of the
largest urban centers in South
44
America -- Chan Chan -- capital
of the Chimu Empire.
Because
of the desert climate of the
Peruvian coast, the preservation in these sites has been
excellent; thus we have an uninterrupted archeological
record in which we can study
the development of urbanism.
Time chart
Our study of urbanism focuses
mainly on bwo important cultures:
First, the Early
Intermediate Period Culture of
Moche which continues into the
succeeding time period of the
Middle Horizon, and second, the
Chimu Culture with its beginning in the latter part of the
Middle Horizon.
However,
urbanism was developing in the
beginning of the Early
Intermediate Period with the
Salinar Culture.
And even
45
before Salinar, we can see the
developing elements of urbanism
in the Early Horizon -Cupisnique Culture and the
Preceramic.
Sa lavery
In this Preceramic beach site,
we see a subsistence factor
that provided the basis for
early population density.
The
cold Humbolt current creates
climactic conditions that provide rich marine resources.
As
can be seen from this midden
excavation, fish, mollusks,
crustacenas, sea otters and
birds could be obtained by the
most basic technology.
Through-
out the development toward
urbanism, these marine resources provided a protein
source and a supplement to developing agriculture.
46
Reed sequence
The coast provides other resources such as the Totora
reeds shown drying and growing
here.
Reeds supply a cheap,
readily available material with
numerous uses.
Totora boat sequence
The Totora reed boats or caballitos are a good example of
a modern use of reeds with an
ancient history ..• These small
boats are found depicted in the
pottery of various periods, a
fact that tells us the importance of the sea as a food supplier ••. Today, these boats
still.supply the city of
Trujillo with fish.
Mat maker
In the past, reeds woven into
mats were used for house walls
or siding, supplying inexpensive
housing to the growing population in the newly developing
47
cities.
Reed mats are used in
the same manner today.
These
technologies have survived because they are functional in
the desert coastal environment.
Even now they aid in
housing large numbers of
people.
Map
During the Early Horizon which
is called Cupisnique on the
coast, there is a movement
away from total reliance on the
sea, and a shift toward irrigation agriculture.
Coming around farm
Sites of
this phase such as Caballo
Muerto are found in the neck of
the valley, 17 kilometers away
from the seacoast.
The pat-
tern of settlement is now one
of scattered rural sites which
are unified by a large cere(Men through cornfields)
menial center.
48
Huaca de la Cruz
We are now entering the site of
Huaca de la Cruz, one of eight
ceremonial mounds in the Caballo
Muerto Complex.
The platform under excavation
here is built into the side of
a large hill, utilizing the
natural terrain to add height
and impressiveness to the
structure.
The monumental nature of the
architecture, the accuracy of
the measurement, and the intricacy of design is truly
amazing considering that this
complex dates to 1500 years
before Christ.
What trends to future urbanism
can we discern in these plazas,
stairways, and walls that are
now being uncovered? .•..
49
From the size and complexity of
this platform mound, we can infer tha·t a considerable amount
of labor had to be organized
to build it.
This organized or Corporate
labor develops in scale as we
approach urbanism.
Corporate
labor or inita labor as it is
called in Inca times means conscripted labor -- a method of
paying taxes by working on
state-directed projects.
Architecturally, all of the
Caballo Muerto mounds are similar:
a main mound with a pair
of lower wing structures form(shot across to Reyes)
ing a "U" pattern.
Drawing
This architectural drawing of
Huaca de los Reyes shows the
"U"-shaped structure and gives
50
an idea of the complexity and
architectural sophistication
that is present at Caballo
Muerto.
Pan - Huaca de
los Reyes
The largest plaza at Huaca de
los Reyes is now a corn field,
but the basic "U"-shape still
remains visible.
This construction embodies an
idea which becomes elaborated
with each step toward urbanism.
It is a systematic process in
which the elite are separated
from those they ruled.
It is
manifested by raised platforms,
and narrow stairways and enVarious shots
trances.
This concept of limited access
becomes more prevalent with
each consecutive site in the
Moche Valley.
,,
.
51
Heads
Massive adobe heads with the
characteristic jaguar fangs
show us the presence of skilled
artist-craftsmen during this
Early Horizon-Cupisnique
perio~
Craft specialists working for
the elite become increasingly
characteristic of developing
urbanism.
Friezes, figures
Elaborate standing figures and
intricate murals further attest
to the architectural and artistic achievement of the Early
Horizon.
River Sequence
(Shot showing desert)
To
un~erstand
the development
of urbanism in the Meche Valley,
we must understand the ecological system.
The valleys of
the North Coast are essentially
deserts broken up by rivers
flowing out of the Andes.
52
Up Valley
The Meche Valley is essentially
wedge-shaped for following its
river back •.•• into the rugged
Mountains
heights of the Andes.
Down
Waterfall
from the snow-capped Andes
River rapids
rushes the life-giving water
that feeds the desert coast.
Because of the Humboldt current, there is no appreciable
rain, and therefore life is totally dependent on this water.
Canals, corn, etc.
Since water is necessary in
order to farm this desert land,
it becomes a crucial factor in
the development of social organization.
To utilize this
water, irrigation canals had to
be built, and in order to build
and maintain the ancient canals, it was necessary to organize and control a labor force.
Ancient canals
The ancient canals that can be
seen running along the edge of
53
the hills are still in use
today and supply the water to
the fields that feed the city
of Trujillo.
Irrigation developed to such a
degree of complexity that in
Chimu times we see such tremendous undertakings as the La
Intervalley canal
Cumbre Intervalley Canal which
connected with the Chicama
River in the next valley.
Map with arrows to
Cerro Arena and
Cerro Orejas
The Salinar site of Cerro Arena
and the Gallinazo site of Cerro
Orejas exhibit the foundations
for urbanism that were developing in the Early Intermediate
Period.
Hillside Orejas
Aerial - ground
This dense nucleated settlement
of Cerro Orejas contains both
domestic and corporate {labor)
architecture, and the site ex-
54
tends for over 3 kilometers.
Building on terraced hillsides
conserved usable bottom land
for farming.
Houses on hills
This practice, as we can see by
this modern settlement located
on the edge of a cane field, is
still in use today.
Map:
Meche
From the terraced hillsides of
Cerro Orejas, the main center
of population now moves to the
L.S. of Sol
Meche pyramids, one of the
major sites of the Early
Intermediate Period.
This is the Huaca del Sol, a
terrace adobe brick pyramid
which measures at least 342
meters by 159 meters at the
base and rises to a height of
41 meters.
55
Pan of Sol
Huaca del Sol is the largest
pyramid in the valley and among
the largest of buildings in all
of South America.
Urban characteristics noted in
their infancy in Cupisnique, are
now full grown in Moche times.
Monumental architecture as evidenced by Huaca del Sol and its
sister pyramid, Huaca de la
Luna, is now fully developed.
Sol from other side
Prior to the Moche Pyramid site,
we have seen platform mounds as
monumental architecture, and
.
.
densely nucleated populations.
The difference now is quantitative.
The pyramids overwhelm
us with their size, as does the
complexity of the site which
houses all classes of archi-
56
tectural units and contains evidence of intensive craft specialization.
Bricks
Both Huaca del Sol and Huaca de
la Luna are constructed of
adobe bricks like these modern
bricks that are drying near
Huaca del Sol.
Sol
It is estimated that Huaca del
Sol alone required 143,000,000
bricks and millions of manhours of labor to produce these
bricks, transport them, and set
them.
These·bricks are laid down in
vertical segments.
Each brick
within a segment bears a similar
brickmaker's mark and is of the
same soil type.
various shots of
bricks - pyramids
From this, it
is deduced that specific groups
of people were assigned the
57
task of building one or more
segments of a particular construction stage.
This same group had to produce,
transport and lay its own
bricks.
This is the principle
of labor organization called
mita labor or paying a tax in
the form of labor.
Seen first
in its infancy in Cupisnique,
this form of labor organization
continues into Chimu, Inca, and
even Colonial times.
This Meche Pyramid site was the
capital of an emerging state.
What kind of society built
these pyramids ·and lived in
this new urban center?
Cut to pottery
The Meche pottery gives us a
_good 'description.
58
High status persons
Social stratification, first
seen in the elite of Caballo
Muerto, is now very evident.
High status personages are depicted with ornate headbands,
often with gold armbands and
ear plugs.
Man on dais
They are shown sitting in
raised platforms.
Warriors
A warrior class, important to
the new expansionistic state,
is very much in evidence.
This
class now is necessary to maintain Meche's control over
neighboring valleys.
Often
warriors are shown capturing
prisoners.
Common man
The average citizen is also portrayed.
Pepino,' lobster, etc.
Agricultural products
as well as lobsters, crabs, and
crayfish molded by the potter
59
tell us of the subsistence base
for the city.
Deer
Beautiful pottery such as this
deer make us aware of the pres-
Chino
ence of craft-specialists that
functioned much like the potter
we see here.
Chino
Eduardo Calderon makes pottery
in a manner almost identical to
that used during Moche times.
His pottery, in fact, is so sinr
ilar to that produced by the
Moche potters that the two are
often confused.
Calderon faces
many of the same technical problems as the ancient craftsmen.
Chino
Scarcity of fuel on the desert
coast necessitates the use of
dung for the process of
firing~
60
Craftsmen like Calderon formed
a specialized group which congregated around the growing
urban center of Moche and made
up a considerable part of its
population.
Shot of Sol-Luna
plain
Social stratification is evident in the difference in bur-
35 nun slides
ial patterns.
In this plain
between Sol and Luna, were uncovered many high status burials such as this man found
with gold and copper alloy
spools and numerous grave goods.
Sol with sun spot
Social stratification is also
reflected in the architecture.
The elite were housed in rooms
built on top of the pyramids.
Slides of excavation
To the south of Huaca del Sol,
well-constructed domestic architecture was excavated.
This
61
probably housed personnel of
high status but of lower rank
than the residents of the
pyramids.
Pan from Luna
In contrast to the higher status
architecture, are the remains
of small rooms with cobblestone
foundations and walls of reed
matting.
The extent of habitation as evidenced by the potsherd debris
was considerable.
Archeologi-
cal deposits have accumulated
to a depth of over 9 meters
Before its abandonment around
600 A.D. the site was one of
the largest population centers
on the Andean coast.
Map:
Galindo
Durin'g Moche Phase V the pyramid
62
site is abandoned and the new
center is located in the neck
of the valley at Galindo.
Aerial
Galindo is a large urban settlement almost 6 square kilometers in-surface area.
Compound
At this site we see new urban
features that we will find
later fully developed at the
Chimu site of Chan Chan.
Mound within
Compound
Perhaps the most indicative of
things to come is this adobewalled compound with a platform
mound in it.
At previous sites, the dominant
feature has been the ceremonial
mound.
Now, it is still pres-
ent, but it is reduced in size
and incorporated into a comple'x
of adobe walls that also func-
63
tion to house the elite.
As
in previous sites, domestic and
non-domestic architecture are
present, as well as different
status architecture.
Wall
A massive adobe wall separates
a lower status residential area
on the hill from the higher
status area below.
Various shots
Another architectural feature
found at Galindo is the large
cluster of structures used primarily for storage.
Here we
see the beginnings of the complex pattern for the redistribution of goods found later at
Chan Chan.
Industrial sites testify to an
ever increasing number of
craftsmen-specialists.
All architectural forms at
64
Galindo are rigidly planned
with the internal functional
segments being strictly defined
and separated from each other.
Map:
Chan Chan
At the end of the Middle
Horizon, the major urban center
shifts toward the coast.
Aerial - Chan Chan
This is Chan Chan, one of the
largest of the Pre-Columbian
cities.
It was the capital of
the powerful Chimu Empire which
in its prime extended from the
border of Ecuador to the Chillon
Valley near Lima, Peru, a distance of over 1,000 kilometers.
The urban traits we have seen
developing are now at an apex.
Monumental architecture, corporate labor, population density, social stratification,
craft specialization are all
present in Chan Chan.
65
Cut to map of
compounds
The city is located on the
north side of the Meche Valley
next to the sea.
The civic
center is dominated by ten
large rectangular compounds.
Cut to walls
Each is bounded by massive
adobe brick walls which reach
9 meters in height and stretch
as far as 650 meters on a
side.
Map of compound
The
typica~
compound of a
Chimer king is a highly
planned, rigidly sectioned
and compartmentalized unit.
It is divided into three basic
parts:
the north sector, the
central sector, and the
chanchone.
Wooden Statues
The entry into the North
Sector is symbolically guarded
by wooden statues such as
these.
66
Inner Passageway
The walls and the maze-like
indirect passageways serve to
isolate the compounds from the
rest of the site, thus sue-
Miguel through
Passageway
cessfully separating the ruling elite from those they
ruled.
Narrow passageways
controlled access to the compounds.
Plaza
These led to spacious entry
courts such as this one.
Entry courts occupy a prominent position in the Northern
Sector of most of the compounds.
Shot of walls
show bricks
The walls of the compound are
built in segmented sections
similar to those noted in the
Moche Pyramids.
Each section
corresponds to a work-tax
unit -- a tradition that has
become progressively more
67
developed since the Early
Horizon.
Passageway
Japhet
Another passageway leads us
from the entry court into a
series of rooms called
audiencias.
Audiencias
An audiencia is a "U"-shaped
structure with niches in its
interior walls.
"U"-shaped
structures containing a
person of high status have
been depicted in pottery since
the Early Intermediate Period.
The position of the audiencia
is always such as to control
access to the storerooms.
This relationship of audiencia
to storerooms is repeated
again in the Central Sector,
but with relatively fewer
~-'
diencias and more storerooms.
68
Various shots of
audiencia
The location of the audiencia
tells us that its elite inhabitants were concerned primarily
with control of the goods in
the storerooms.
Audiencias functioned as administrative offices for the
collection and redistribution
of_ goods and as governmental
offices for the Empire.
These
intricately decorated rooms
also served as the residence
for the king and certain members of the nobility.
Burial Platforms
Most important and distinctive
to the Central Sector are the
ruins of a burial platform.
Centuries of looting testify
to the tremendous wealth buried with the King of Chimor.
69
The burial platform is a mound
containing multiple prepared
cells entered by a ramp.
A
single T-shaped chamber is
surrounded by a variable number
of smaller cells.
Ritual human sacrifice on a
large scale is evident from
the fact that the majority of
skeletons are young females.
Slide on Funeral
When the Chirnu king died, vast
quantities of offeratory goods
were buried with him, including
Gold objects
Pottery
Spondylus
. gold artifacts, fine pottery
and whole and ground spondylus
shells
the symbol of royal-
ty.
Walk in well
The third sector of the cornpound,called the Canchone,contains a walk-in well and the
70
remains of servant or retainer's quarters.
This last
sector housed the population
that served the needs of the
elite of the first two sectors.
Cut to outside
wall shot
Outside the compound walls
were two other distinct types
of domestic architecture.
Intermediate
This is what is termed Intermediate architecture.
It
follows many of the basic patterns found in the upper
status compounds, however, on
a much smaller scale.
These
dwellings probably housed the
lesser nobility of the Empire.
Drawing
The craftsmen's dwellings are
densely packed outside the
walls.
Built with cobblestone
foundations with reed and cane
matting for siding, these
71
dwellings were almost identiCut to modern
cal to those in use today.
SIAR
These buildings housed the
artisans and traders that made
up the majority of the population of Chan Chan.
Living outside the walls, this
class produced the goods and
services for the nobility
within.
It is speculated tha·t
this class had a social organization like the medieval
craft guilds.
Pit
Population estimates vary, but
in this test pit we can see a
refuse deposit·over three
meters in depth -- certainly a
testimony to a dense population.
Walls - SIAR
The craftsman class living
72
outside the walls were not
agriculturalists.
Cerro la Virgen
Various rural sites such as
this site Cerro la Virgen
supplied food and raw materials.
Peasant populations at
these scattered rural sites
contributed to the subsistence
of the urban population of
Chan Chan.
C-I beach site
•
This beach site, located next
to the Chimu Empire's coastal
highway, supplied the resources
of the sea.
The sea, as it
had from early Preceramic ·
times, continued to be a source
of food for the ever-increasing
urban population.
Huaca El Dragon
Corporate labor architecture
exists outside the main center
of Chan Chan in this rural
73
site at Huaca El Dragon.
Here
we are able to see clearly
some of the beautiful Chimu
friezes that adorned these
structures.
Modern architecture
Many of these Chimu motifs
still decorate the buildings
of today.
Cut back to
Time Line
The Late Horizon arrived with
the Inca armies a mere 65 years
before the Spanish Conquest.
The Incas removed the king of
Chimor to Cuzco and set up his
son as a puppet ruler.
Chan Chan
The
city of Chan Chan continued
for at least one generation.
Shots of Spanish
houses
In 1535, the Spaniard,
Francisco Pizarro, conquered
the Inca Empire and founded
the city of Trujillo.
74
Cut to buses
Trujillo is now a modern urban
center like many urben centers
throughout the world.
ever 1 in the Moche 1
How-
urbani~sm
has had a long and very unique
history.
END TITLES
75
SECTION III
BIBLIOGRAPHY
76
BIBLIOGRAPHY
GENERAL
Bennett, Wendell C.
1939 "Archaeology of the North Coast of Peru: An
Account of Exploration and Excavation in Viru and
Lambayeque Valleys." Anthropological Papers of the
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Bennett, Wendell C. and Junius Bird
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Bonavia, Duccio and Rogger Ravines
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Bushnell, G.H.S.
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Collier, Donald
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Union, Washington, D.C.
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Ceramics of the Viru Valley, Peru. Fieldiana:
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1962 "The Central Andes," in: Courses Towards Urban
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1962 "Archeological Investigation in the Casma Valley,
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Disselhoff, H.D. and Sigvald Linne
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77
Donnan, C.B. and Carol J. Mackey
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Ford, J.A.
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Guidoni, Enrico and Roberto ~iagni
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Horkheimer, Hans
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Kauffman, Doig, Frederico
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Kosak, Paul
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Kroeber, Alfred Louis
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The
Kubler, George
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Lanning, Edward P.
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78
Larco Hoyle, Rafael
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Mason, J. Alden
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Schaedel, Richard P.
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Strong, W.D. and C. Evans, Jr.
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79
Tello, J.C.
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Willey, Gordon R.
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. ;·
80
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ECOLOGY, TECHNOLOGY, AND SETTLEMENT PATTERN
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Beardsley, R.K. et al
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Childe; V.G.
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Collier, Donald
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Kus, James S.
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Mackey, Carol J.
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Mackey, C.J. and M.E. Moseley
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Morse, Richard M.
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Moseley, Michael E.
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1975b The Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization.
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Moseley, Michael E.
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Parsons, J.R.
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Patterson, T.C. and E.P. Lanning
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Rodriguez Suy Suy, V.A.
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Steward, Julian
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Topic, T.
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West, Michael
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Wilbert, J.
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Willey, Gordon R.
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84
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRECERAMIC
Bird, Junius B.
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Donnan, C.B.
1964 "An Early House from Chilca, Peru," American
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Engel, Frederic
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1963 A Preceramic Settlement on the Central Coast of
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Kelley, David H. and Duccio Bonavia
1963 "New Evidence for Preceramic Maize on the Coast
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Lanning, Edward P.
1963 "A Preagricultural Occupation on the Central
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85
BIBLIOGRAPHY
THE EARLY HORIZON:
CHAVIN, CUPISNIQUE
Bennett, W.C.
1943 "The Position of Chavin in Andean Sequences,"
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1944 The North Highland of Peru: Excavations of the
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Carrion Cachet, Rebecca
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Della Santa, Elizabeth
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Engel 1 Frederic
· 1956 "Curayacu a Chavinoid Site," Archaeology, Vol. 9,
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Izumi, Seiichi and T. Sono
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Kroeber, A.L.
1953 Paracas, Cavernas, and Chavin, University of
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Lareo Hoyle, Rafael
1941 Los Cupishiques, Casa Editora, La Cronica y
Variedades, Lima.
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1941 "Gold Ornaments of Chavin Style from Chongoyape,
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ll
'
86
Lothrop, S.K.
1951 "Gold Artifacts of the Chavin Style," American
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Lumbreras, L.G.
,
1968 "Para Una Revaluacion de Chavin," Ms. Presented
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of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.
Moseley, Michael E. and Luis Watanabe
1974 "The Adobe Sculpture of Huaca de Los Reyes,"
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Pozorski, Thomas
1976 "Caballo Muerto: A. complex of Early Ceramic sites
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Rowe, John H.
1971 "The Influence of Chavin Art on Later Styles."
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Pp. 101-124, Washington, D.C.
Tello', J.C.
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1956 Argueologia del Valle de Casma. Culturas:
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Willey, G.R.
1962 "The Early Great Styles and the Rise of the PreColumbian Civilizations," American Anthropologist,
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Willey, G.R. and J.M. Corbett
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·
87
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Benson, Elizabeth
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Brennan, Curtiss T.
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Donnan, Christopher
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Hastings, C.M. and M.E. Moseley
1975 "The Adobes of Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la
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Pp. 196-203.
Kroeber, Alfred L.
1925 "The Uhle Collections from Moche." University
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Larco Hoyle, Rafael
1938 Los Mochicas, Vol. I.
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1944 Cultura Salinar. Buenos Aires:
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Rowe, J.H.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
THE MIDDLE HORIZON
Bawden, Garth
1976 "Galindo: A Study in Cultural Transition."
Paper for School of American Research, Advanced
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Coastal Peru. Santa Fe.
Mackey, Carol J.
1979 "The Middle Horizon as viewed from the Meche
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Menzel, Dorothy
1964 "Style and Time in the Middle Horizon." Nawpa
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90
BIBLIOGRAPHY
THE LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD
THE CHIMU EMPIRE AND CHAN CHAN
Andrews, Anthony P.
1975 "The U-shaped structures at Chan Chan, Peru."
Journal of Field Archaeology 1:241-264.
Conrad, Geoffrey W.
1974 "Burial platforms and related structures on the
north coast of Peru: some social and political implications." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard
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Day, K.C.
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Griffis, Sheila
1971 "Excavations and analysis of midden material from
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Holstein, Otto
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Keatings, Richard W.
1973 "Chimu ceramics from the Meche Valley, Peru: a
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Klymyshyn, Alexandra M. Ulana
1974 "Urban growth at Chan Chan, on the basis of data
from intermediate architecture." Paper read at the
annual meeting of the Society for American Archeology,
Washington, D.C.
McGrath, James
1973 "The Canchones of Chan Chan, Peru: evidence for
a retainer class in a pre-industrial urban center."
Unpublished B.A. thesis, Harvard University.
Moseley, Nichael E.
1975c "Chan Chan: Andean alternative of the pre-industrial city." Science 187(4173): Pp. 219-225.
Platt, Simon
1970 "Mapping Chan Chan." The Illustrated London News.
No. 6856, Vol. 257, Pp. 23-25, December 26. London.
Pozorski, Thomas G.
1971 "Survey and excavations of burial platforms at
Chan Chan, Peru." Unpublished B.A. thesis, Harvard
University.
Rodriguez Suy Suy, V.A.
1968 "Chan Chan, Ciudad de adobe. Observaciones sabre
su base ecologica." Aetas y Memorias del XXXVII
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Rowe, J.H.
1948 "The Kingdom of Chimor". In: Acta Americana,
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Scheele, Harry and Thomas c. Patterson
1966 "A Preliminary Seriation-of the Chimu Pottery
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Bandelier, Adolf F.
1893 "Journal of 1893." Ms. on file at the American
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Cieza de Leon, Pedro de
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11
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