CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF TRADITIONAL HOUSE COMPOUNDS IN TERENGGANU LONGUET CHRISTINE @ ROHANI BINTI ABDULLAH A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Master of Science in Architecture Faculty of Built Environment Universiti Teknologi Malaysia FEBRUARY 2007 iii To my dear husband, Wan Othman Wan Abdullah, and to my beloved children and grand children who all helped me each in their own ways. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am truly thankful to my supervisor, Associate Professor Zainul Hakim Mohd Zain for his judicious suggestions along the research, for having patiently edited the many versions of the thesis, coaching me toward intellectual progress even under the pressure of time. My gratitude goes also to Associate Professor Dr.Ismail Said for his help in the literature review, for many fruitful conversations and the warm hospitality of his family. I owe a lot as well to the inhabitants of villages in Terengganu who welcomed me in their compounds and generously volunteered a treasure of information. Finally, I wish to thank Ms. Jarina Mohd Jani and Mr.Yorgo Georgiou for their kind assistance during the final stage of this work. v ABSTRACT As it was observed that Terengganu traditional residential landscapes are disappearing fast, it seemed obvious that something had to be done before oblivion sets in. Therefore, taking the traditional houses compounds as basic building blocks of the traditional villages, a survey on 16 house compounds found mostly in the valley of the Terengganu River, was conducted. The study was aimed at demonstrating i) that these units have a particular identity, ii) that they are valuable assets to the state as cultural landscapes. The 16 house compounds have been divided into four categories or types, based on socio-economic differences amongst the inhabitants reported in background literature on Terengganu, i.e: “rakyat”, “aristocrat”, “clan heritage” and “farmer”. The investigation entails the use of pictures, interviews, lists of features and sketch plans of the house compounds. The findings are presented in tables of frequencies revealing priorities for each type: “rakyat” - household activities, “aristocrat” -status symbols, “clan heritage” -family ties, and “farmer” -harvest and storage. The resulting “portraits” are then analysed against a series of seventeen criteria for cultural value drawnd the literature on cultural landscape assessment. In conclusion, the landscape in the house compounds are found to present varying identity types, homogeneity, variety, symbiosis and ethic norms, and hence qualify as cultural landscape. This can be considered as a valuable indication for the rest of the house compounds in ancient villages. The research intends to serve as a first stage framework towards further course of action to document and /or to preserve what remains of the identified heritage in Terengganu. vi ABSTRAK Menyedari bahawa landskap kediaman tradisi di Terengganu sedang menghilang dengan cepatnya, sesuatu patut dilakukan sebelum ia luput untuk selamanya. Dengan menganggapkan perkarangan rumah tradisional sebagai asas kepada kewujudan kampung tradisi, satu penyelidikan terhadap 16 buah perkarangan rumah yang kebanyakannya terdapat di lembah Sungai Terengganu telah dijalankan. Penyelidikan bertujuan untuk membuktikan i) bahawa perkarangan rumah tradisi mempunyai identiti tersendiri; ii) dan bahawa ia adalah sesuatu yang bernilai bagi negeri Terengganu sebagai landskap budaya setempat. Enam belas kediaman dan perkarangan tersebut telah dibahagikan kepada empat kategori, berdasarkan perbezaan sosio-ekonomi di antara penduduk dan kajian awal negeri Terengganu, iaitu: “rakyat”, “bangsawan”, “warisan keluarga” dan “petani”. Penyelidikan ini menggunakan gambar, temuduga, inventori dan lukisan pelan ringkas kediaman dan sekitaran. Hasil kajian disenaraikan dalam bentuk jadual yang menunjukkan kekerapan beberapa elemen yang mendefinasikan sebilangan ciri ciri khas bagi setiap jenis landskap. Gambaran tersebut kemudian dibandingkan dengan 17 kriteria yang telah digunakan oleh pakar dalam bidang senibina dan landskap budaya bagi mendapatkan nilai budayanya. Pada kesimpulannya, perkarangan rumah tradisional yang telah dikaji telah terbukti mempunyai pelbagai ciri identiti tersendiri seperti: berkategori, mempunyai persamaan, pelbagai, simbiotik, beretika dan adalah layak sebagai landskap budaya. Ini boleh dianggap sebagai petanda yang kuat bagi lain lain kediaman tradisi yang masih ada. Kajian ini diharapkan dapat menjadi langkah pertama ke arah tindakan lanjut dalam mendokumentasi dan seterusnya memelihara warisan yang telah dikenalpasti di Terengganu ini. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER TITLE PAGE ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv ABSTRACT v ABSTRAK vi TABLE OF CONTENTS vii LIST OF TABLES xiii LIST OF FIGURES xiv LIST OF APPENDICES xvii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Problem Statement 3 1.1.2 Assumption 6 1.2 Objectives of the Study 7 1.3 Scope of the Study 8 1.3.1 Stage of the Study in a cultural Conservation Process 9 1.3.2 Common Boundaries with other Disciplines 10 1.4 Definition of Terms as understood in the Thesis 11 1.4.1 Landscape 11 1.4.2 Culture 12 1.4.3 Cultural Landscape 14 1.4.4 Traditional Village, kampong and Garden 14 1.4.5 Elements, Features and Attributes 16 1.4.6 Glossary 17 1.5 Significance of the Study 17 1.5.1 Originality of the Thesis Subject 17 1.5.2 Preservation of the esthetic Diversity 18 viii 1.5.3 Awareness of the Significance or Implications of cultural Changes 1.5 4 Education and Learning 18 19 1.6 Summary of the Chapters 20 CHAPTER 2 LITTERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction 23 2.1 Evolution of Landscape Perceptions 23 2.1 1 Natural Environment as a Source of Danger, Food, Medicine and Moods 24 2.1.2 Political Implications of Landscape Management Decisions 2.2 Theoretical Approaches to Cultural landscape 25 27 2.2.1 The Preferential Model and experiential Approaches 28 2.2.2 Landscapes seem through holistic Lenses 29 2.2.3 The historical Perspective 31 2.3 Cultural Landscape Assessment Methods 32 2.3.1 The problem of assessing Heritage Value 32 2.3.2 Heritage Registration 33 2.3.3 Recapitulation of theoretical Approaches to Landscape and derived cultural Landscape Criteria 2.4 Conclusion from the conceptual Approaches Review 34 36 CHAPTER 3 OVERVIEW OF THE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF TERENGGANU 3.0 Introduction 3.1 Kampung Nostalgia in the Collective Memory 38 38 3.1.1 A romantic Archetype 39 3.1.2 Novels and short Stories 40 3.2 Terengganu natural Environment 41 . 3.2.1 Geography 42 3.2.2 Wild Flora 44 ix 3.2.3 Natural Landscapes 3.3 History, Economy and Society of Terengganu 44 46 3.3.1 Historical Background 46 3.3.2..Economy: from Success to Obsolescence 48 3.3.3 A hierarchised Society 50 3.4.3 The Particularity of the Terengganu Village 51 3.4.1 The kampung in scholarly Studies 51 3.2.1 The Terengganu Village Lay out 52 3.2.2 Terengganu House Architecture 53 3.5 Villagers Beliefs and Relationship with Nature 53 3.5.1 A mystical Interpretation of Nature 55 3.5.2 A psychological Bond 58 3.5.3 Quotidian Use of Nature resources 58 3.6 Conclusion 59 CHAPTER 4 METHODOLOGY 4.1 Theoretical Framework 4.1.1 Cultural Landscape Components 61 61 4.1.2 Role of the cultural Value Criteria as Guides in the Study 63 4.2 Dynamics of the Demonstration 65 4.3 Prerequisites to the Investigation 66 4.3.1 Sample Acquisition 66 4.3.2 Objectivity: Observer previous Knowledge and Involvement 68 4.3.3 Range of Data Collection: Profusion and Parsimony 4.4 Operative Classification 4.4.1 Heuristic Types of House Compounds 4.5 Field Inventory Procedure 69 70 70 72 4.5.1 Check List of Elements and features 74 4.5.2 Interviews 75 4 5.3 Site Survey Procedure 76 x 4.6 Structured Information Supports 80 4.6.1 House Compound Sketch Plans 80 4.6.2 Inventory Tables 80 4.6.3 Ethnobotanical Table and Charts 81 4.7 Exploration of the House Compounds 81 4.7.1 Sample Identification 81 4.7.2 House Compounds Classification and Code 84 4.8 Field Surveys and Informants Response 86 CHAPTER 5 INVENTORY, ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS 5.0 Introduction 88 5.1 Most Frequent Features 88 5.1.1 Flora 89 5.1.2 Ground Features and Garden Accessories 96 5.1.3 Architectural Features 101 5.1.4 Fauna 106 5.2 Particular Features of cultural Significance 107 5.2.1 Particular botanical Features 107 5.2.2 Particular architectural Features 108 5.2.3 Particular Ground Accessories 108 5.2.4 Particular Fauna Features 110 5.3 Measurements, Space Articulation and Patterns 5.3.1 Zones 111 115 5.3.2 Differences in Space Organisation according to Type 5.4 Ethno-botanical Compound Analysis 5.4.1 Plant Species Habits 117 123 125 5.4.2 Geographical Origin of the Plant Species 126 5.4.3 Husbandry 127 5.4.4 Function of the Plant Species 128 5.4.5 Location of Plant Species on the Grounds 129 5.5 Summary of Findings 134 5.6 Inventory recapitulative Tables 135 xi CHAPTER 6 EVALUATION 6.0 Introduction 151 6.1 Characterisation 151 61.1 Characterisation Limits and Bearing 166 6.2 Cultural Value Assessment by screening to Criteria 167 6.3 Results from the Screening 169 6.3.1 Sample cultural Values and Priorities 169 6.3.2 Summary of the Results 171 6.4 Empirical Verification 172 6.5 Practical Use of the Results 176 6.5.1 Conservation 176 6.5.2 Modern Use of traditional Accessories and Plant Species 176 6.5.3 Re use of ancient Lay out and Space Organisation 178 6.5.4 Contribution to and Collaboration with other Disciplines CHAPTER 7 178 PERSPECTIVES AND CONCLUSION 7.1 Generalisation 183 7.2 Contribution of the Study 185 7.2.1 Investigation Method and further Research 186 7.2.2 Brief Reference to other Studies 187 7.2.3 Theoretical Aspects of Terengganu cultural Landscapes 188 7.3 Recommandation Urgency of Documentation 191 7.4 Conclusion 192 REFERENCES 195 APPENDICES 21 xii LIST OF TABLES TABLE NO. 4.1 TITLE PAGE Cultural landscape criteria from various theoretical perspectives 64 4.2 Adjustement of heuristic types 72 4.3 Rakyat house compounds identification and code 84 4.4 Aristocrat house compound identification and code 85 4.5 Clan heritage house compounds identification and code 85 4.6 Farmer house compounds identification and code 86 5.1 Ethnobotanical analysis of a “Rakyat” House Compound (R4 ) in Pulau Ketam 125 5.2 Recapitulation of flora species features: a,b,c,d,e 136 5.3. Recapitulation of ground features 145 5.3 Recapitulation of architectural features 148 5.4 Recapitulation of fauna species. 150 6.1 Screening of the sample of house compounds to criteria for cultural value 6.2 168 From cultural components to examples in the surveyed house compounds 173 xiii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE NO TITLE PAGE 1.1 “Timeless scenery” in a Terengganu Village 2 1.2 Changes in Terengganu house compounds 5 1.3 First stages of the Burra Charter sequence 9 1.4 Flow chart of research procedure. 22 2.1 Map of cultural landscape theories 34 3.1 Paintings of village scenes in Terengganu 39 3.2 Relief map of Malaysia with details on the state of Terengganu 45 4.1 Terengganu house compounds as “total landscapes” 61 4.2 Dynamics of the demonstration 74 43 Detail of the research sequence. 66 4.4 Filled-in example of “Field Survey Data Set” C1 Haji Yusof in Kuala Hiliran 77 4.5 Example of sketch plan, clan heritage compound C1 79 4.5 Sketch map of location of surveyed house compounds 83 5.1 Some of the most frequent trees species 90 5.2 Some of the most frequent shrubs species 91 5.3 Some of the most frequent herbs species 92 5.4 Some of the most frequent climbers, epiphytes and palms species 93 5.5 Most frequent ground features 99 5.6 Most frequent architectural features 105 5.7 Examples of wild native species, favoured or planted. 108 5.8 Particular ground and architectural features 110 xiv 5.9 Particular fauna and accessories 5.10 Difference of orientation house//compound (pictures) 111 114 5.11 Difference of orientation house //compound (sketch plan) access to R4 from the road 114 5.12 Analysis of a typical compound zones in relation with the neighbouring part of the house 117 5.13 Spatial organisation according to house compound type 119 5.14 Four examples of sketch plans 120 5.15 Analysis of plants habit, uses and location in R4, 5.16 in Pulau Ketam) 126 Functions of the plants species in the sample 130 5.17 Example of location matrix applied to the house compounds 132 5 18 Summary of Findings 134 6.1 Clues Rakyat 153 6.2 Clues Aristocrat 154 6.3 Clues Clan heritage 155 6.4 Clues Farmer 156 6.5 Recapitulative portrait Rakyat compound 157 6.6 Recapitulative portrait Aristocrat compound 157 6.7 Recapitulative portrait Clan heritage compound 158 6.8 Recapitulative portrait Farmer compound 158 6.9 Research results 170 6.10 Clan heritage 3, components 3 (nature resources) and 9 (history) 6.11 Farmer 1, components 5 (knowledge) and 7 (activity) 174 174 6.12 Aristocrat 1, component 6 (construction principles) and 9 (historical events) 174 6.13 Clan 1: components 6 (construction principles) and 9 (historical events) 174 6.14 Clan 1: components 1 and 2 (cosmic orientation and Islamic culture) 175 6.15 Farmer 2, components 3 (nature resources) and 4 (way of life) 175 xv 6.16 Aristocrat 3: components 2 (beliefs) and 8 (status) 6.17 Farmer 4, components 5 (knowledge) and 6 (construction principles) 175 175 7.1 Pulau Ketam: jar from Patani, component 9 (history) 184 7.2 Pulau. Ketam: open fence, component 3 (way of life) 184 7.3 Merang: feet washing, jar and slab: component 3 (way of life) 7.4. 184 Pasir Panjang: morning sun façade, Gerai bersalin platform, peles boards, components 1 and 2 (cosmic orientation and Islamic culture) and 6 and 3 (architecture principles and way of life) 7.5 P.Duyung: Platform under kapok tree by the river, :component 3 (way of life) 7.6 184 Kpg. Bahri: curtain of palms leaves and cloth line : components 4 and 3 ( nature challenges and way of life) 7.7 184 185 Bukit Tumbuh, platform with veiled and batik clad ladies on a background of a house on high stilts and coconut grove, components 4 (way of life) and 3 (nature resources and challenges) 7.8 185 Kpg. Losong, “wave stairs”: components 6 (construction principles) and 9 (history) 185 xvi LIST OF APPENDICES APPENDICES A TITLE Reference Documents 1) Burra Charter Sequence 2) Spheres of the Ecological Hierarchy 3) Total Human Ecosystem Ecosphere 4) Dunn’s shema of the Cultural system of the Temuan 5) National Park Register Criteria B Examples of filled in Information Supports 1) Field Inventory Data sheets 2) Etnobotanical tables and Charts 3) Comparative Charts extracted from the Inventory Lists C Glossary CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The state of Terengganu in Malaysia was for a long time synonym with “unspoiled beaches”, “charming fishing villages” and “pristine forest hills”. Then, over the last fifteen years, transformation of natural landscapes was noted, both by visitors and by residents (Chang, 2000). The estuary of the Terengganu River lost its fringe of sands and coconut fronds. Kuala Ibai lost its dream-like lagoon. Merang hill’s sweeping perspective over the sea and the land, the grand approaches to the Gajah Terung hills in Kuala Berang, these and other views that were for centuries part of the beauty of the land, disappeared. In the rural vicinity of the capital of Kuala Terengganu, rice fields and orchards have been replaced by rows of terrace houses (Marzuki et al.1999). In Seberang Takir, on the northern bank of the Terengganu River, hectares of mangrove palm have been replaced by a giant lowcost housing esplanade. However, inside the villages, as illustrated in Figure 1.1, the traditional scenery with houses on stilts and laid back atmosphere described in guidebooks had remained untouched. 2 Figure 1.1: A “timeless” scenery in Pulau Ketam, an island in the estuary of the Terengganu River. (Picture by author, 2004) Then, from years 2000 to 2005, drastic changes occurred, starting in the most populated areas of Terengganu such as villages around towns, and on the coastline. One example is the beach agglomeration of Marang –facing Pulau Kapas, a former successful tourist attraction with its “cowboy town” planks walkways and fishing village lagoon. Development made without attention to the sensorial assets of the place destroyed all its charm to the eyes of outsiders. As one guidebook puts it: “Marang “was”, because Marang is not anymore. No reason at all to stay there”. (Guide du Routard, 2003, translated from the French by the author). The paradox is that, while this study is conducted, its subject, the Terengganu cultural landscape, is vanishing. According to the figures from the State Economic Planning Unit, from 1980 to 2004, although the pace is one of the slowest in the country, the population in some areas of the state has doubled (Unit Perancang Ekonomi Negeri Terengganu, 2004). Changes are deemed to happen. The phenomenon is global. The media echoes of protests in China and Africa where the numerous losses brought about by the spreading onslaught of traditional settlements are deplored (Three Gorges Probe, 2002, BBC World Africa, 2005). 3 Global trends in economy, including the rising scarcity of land and traditional materials do not presage well for the newly appreciated assets. As expressed in the following statement of the International Council of Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) in Mexico. “Due to homogenization of culture and global socio-economic transformation, vernacular structures all around the world are extremely vulnerable, facing serious problems of obsolescence, internal equilibrium and integration,” (ICOMOS 1999). At the same time, the value of the previously overlooked or taken for granted heritage is re-asserted: “The built vernacular heritage is the fundamental expression of the culture of a community, at the same time, the expression of the world’s cultural diversity” (Ibid.1999). The vernacular built environment, especially in the tropics, includes the floral background that frames traditional structures. Under the Burra Charter on the built Vernacular landscapes heritage (ICOMOS, 1981), landscapes and gardens may be considered as places of cultural significance and part of the human heritage. In Malaysia, landscape architects Kamariah Kamsah (1997) and Nor Atiah Ismail (2003) among others, have expressed their concern for the Malaysian landscapes which now demonstrate the “identity loss” and “placelessness” reported as characteristics of modern landscapes which “lack identity and personality” (Antrop,1997). Apart from warning of the physical disappearance of the vernacular landscape identity, these Malaysian authors have also emphasized the importance of vernacular landscape documentation for future planning: “There is a need to create a richer base of resources to design” further explained Nor Atiah (2003), studying the planting composition in rural Malay residential Perak. 4 1.1. Problem Statement The disturbance of traditional vernacular landscapes raises social and anthropological questions. Do outward cultural changes such as those occurring in landscapes affect a people’s sense of identity? Is the loss of the material supports of a former identity prejudicial to the people? A second series of questions are more technical: How to identify cultural values in a place? How much culture is embodied in dwellings and the built environment? How to demonstrate that a place warrants to be considered as cultural heritage? A landscape architecture approach affords an answer to the technical questions by providing an inventory of landscape features. These features, such as architectural traits, plants species, gardens lay out and ground elements, may be shown to express a people’s culture and their historical, artistic, economic and social achievements. The identified heritage may then be used in planning future development. The task at hand for this particular study is to provide such an inventory and to demonstrate that there are good grounds to consider a series of house compounds in Terengganu as cultural entities or repositories of a culture. If the assumption that a cultural heritage is embodied in Terengganu house compounds is verified, then, further steps can be taken to document, preserve or use the identified assets. Another aspect of the problem is the scale and the pace of the changes observed directly by this author in a growing number of house compounds in Terengganu. The speed and the large scale of the evolution are due to cumulative factors. Vernacular compounds are today submitted to numerous influences including abandon, demolition (internal influences), introduction of new materials and replacement with new standards (external influences),as illustrated in the pictures of Figure 1.2 5 a) New materials (Pulau Ketam) c) Demolition (Nisan Empat,K.Terengganu) b) Abandon (Kuala Terengganu) d) Replacement (Pulau Duyung) Figure 1.2: Changes in Terengganu house compounds. (Pictures by author, 2005) Gradually modified, some of the residences reach a turning point where they disappear to leave room to new cultural categories. Renovated or new habitations are called “bungalows” (Anglo-Indian) “terrace houses”, “villas” (Latin) and “Taman” gardens (promoter’s language) where garden space is minimal. Documentation of the still extant traditional houses compounds is urgent because the features that characterised the vernacular landscapes in Terengganu are now transformed by the forces of material globalisation. The change is not evolutionary, nor “involutionary” -an evolution from within, as described by Voss and Meekes (1999 ) in a study on the types of landscape changes.. It is more radical: “In many areas, landscape history reflects a shift in man-landscape relations from involution towards replacement that strongly determines an over-all tendency towards decreasing characteristics, biodiversity, scenic values, 6 sustainability.” ICOMOS Charter, Mexico (1999): The evolution, in Terengganu, is fast. New generations are brought up interiorizing psychologically new concepts that have no links with the past. A new psyche, a new world vision is being formed. That is not the gradual “involution” observed in Europe by Voss and Meekes (1999). What is seen in Terengganu, in these authors’ terms, is “replacement”. 1.1.2 Assumption However, it is still reasonable to assume that Terengganu cultural landscape exists and that the house compounds in the villages may be considered as cultural entities in their own right. In fact, the assumption is supported in various ways: 1.1.2.1 Observation It had long been obvious to visitors in the East Coast state that Terengganu village landscapes had a striking personality made of the natural assets associated with the vernacular architecture and the practice of traditional trades and crafts (Sheppard 1949). Furthermore, living for more than thirty years in such a village, the author had ample opportunity to notice that houses and the grounds around them showed constant characteristics as well as visual differences that were not obviously linked to the natural background and, so, may be cultural. 7 1.1.2.2 Circumstantial contextual evidence. The vanishing of the traditional house compounds observed today is interpreted by visitors as well as by villagers as an effect of the modernisation of building techniques and of the way of life of the inhabitants. Cultural landscapes are not only value related but also context dependant. Therefore, seeing that the Terengganu village landscape is affected by contextual changes, one may assume that the village landscape in Terengganu is fundamentally cultural. 1.1.2.3 Architectural Evidence The existence of a Terengganu cultural landscape has been previously acknowledged through the bias of its architecture. It has been recorded for example, at the Universiti Teknologi Malaysia in a collection of measured drawings on 14 houses in Terengganu (Pusat Kajian Alam Bina Melayu, 2002). It has been the inspiration behind elegant reconstitutions made by Tengku Ismail Tengku Su in hTanjung Sabtu (Yong, 1997), and Dato’ Raja Bahrin Shah in his beautiful Aryani resort (Kee, 1996). Both princes, pillars of the traditional heritage of Terengganu, have dismantled and reconstructed ancient houses and some of the landscape around the buildings. Another Terengganu aficionado is tourism businessman Alex Lee (2000) who in Jenang near Marang has gathered ancient houses and artifacts from the past. Today, exclusive hotels like the Tanjung Jara in Dungun and a few private residences reproduce the features that composed the traditional atmosphere. They seek the “feel” of the Malay village –Terengganu style-, with full sensorial experience, using timber architecture, gulai and ulam treats, herbal baths, music, flora and fauna. The trend may have started in Bali and Thailand and could be influenced by cultural heritage of these countries, but the gathered features are indigenous (Joshua Lim, personal communication). 8 The Terengganu State Museum has also relocated palaces and ancient houses showing the variety of the traditional style, including even a “fisherman’s house”. 1.2 Objective of the study Observation, contextual change dependency, and recognized architectural specificity- are as many reasons to suppose that a Terengganu cultural landscape embodied in its villages exists. Yet, a bibliographical survey shows that, from an academic point of view, it does not. Documents about the compounds, their lay out, the buildings in them, the ground accessories, plants use and garden composition are still too few to demonstrate the existence of a “Terengganu village cultural landscape” and to establish its characteristics. In consequence, the objective of this thesis is to begin to substantiate the existence of this landscape, and to prepare for an exploration of its cultural value. Referring to global efforts towards identification and evaluation of vernacular landscapes -such as International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) seeking to identify “on the ground cultural landscapes of universal value” (Roberts, 1994), the thesis focuses on one essential feature of the Terengganu landscape, the house compounds that composed until very recently the building blocks of the residential structures in villages and even towns in the state. The title of this thesis deliberately contains an assumption that these house compounds of Terengganu may be considered as cultural entities. The goal of the study then is, through a preliminary assessment of a series of house compounds in the state, the verification of the assumption. To reach this goal, after a review of the literature to elicit theoretical and vernacular backgrounds, it will be proceeded to (i) Investigate features and lay out principles of the considered house 9 compounds to contribute to the identification of the Terengganu landscapes; (ii) Refer these features to their roots and role within Terengganu cultural context and substantiate through examples the significant relationship that exists between landscape features and a cultural heritage. 1.3 Scope of the study The target of this study is the houses and their compounds. This includes the buildings, the flora, the fauna and the grounds on which these elements are found. At first, the chosen subject may appear to be vast. It needs to be circumscribed by defining its boundaries. 1.3.1 Stage of the study in a cultural conservation process The proposed demonstration is a preliminary exploration. It is a first step towards a proper assessment. If one refers to the Burra Charter cultural preservation sequence (ICOMOS 1999) for the conservation of places of cultural significance (available in Appendix A), this study is at the beginning of the sequence, at the “Understand significance” stage as shown in Figure 1.3. 10 IDENTIFY PLACE AND ASSOCIATIONS GATHER AND RECORD INFORMATION ABOUT THE PLACE SUFFICIENT TO UNDERSTANCE SIGNIFICANCE Documentary Oral Physical ASSESS SIGNIFICANCE PREPARE A STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE Figure 1.3: First stages of research in the Burra Charter Sequence, with the scope of the present study enlightened in grey. After completion of these stages, the option would be opened to proceed to the further stages of the sequence towards preservation or full documentation provided in the Charter. 1.3.2 Common Boundaries with other Disciplines As the field of cultural phenomena is multifaceted and “landscape issues are of interest in many disciplines “(Tress et al. 2001), it is necessary to precise the scope of this thesis in relation to other disciplines related to the field of cultural landscape. 1.3.2.1 History In general, the material witnesses of the past remaining on the field are considered in this work in their modern role as part of the inventory of today s 11 landscapes, not for their historical value per se. However, the author believes that historical reference is essential to help select significant features and link these to the culture of the people who live in the given area. It provides proof of the documentary value of the considered compounds if these are eventually submitted to criteria for historical value. 1.3.2.2 Other disciplines “Cultural” phenomena include man’s psyche and his natural environment. The exploration of the Terengganu landscapes from a cultural perspective includes a reference to disciplines such as sociology, psychology, architecture, botany and ecology to identify as well as understand the significance of the encountered features. 1.3.2.3 Spatial and temporal Determination of the Subject The physical or geographical field of the research has historically determined boundaries. The areas of potential material are settlements mentioned in the literature on the history of Terengganu (Muhamad Saleh, 1992; Sheppard,1949). They have been habited for more than three generations, are known for historical personages, or particular events, crafts or products establishing a long existence of the settlement. They are scattered following traditional economical patterns along river valleys (travels, trade and fishing), around estuaries (trade, fishing and international networking), and on the fringes of the forest (hunting and forest products gathering) (Mohd Taib, 1997). To illustrate the existing diversity, the house compounds sample should be gathered from such varied areas in the state. 12 1.4. Definitions of the Terms as understood in the Thesis The literature shows that there have been considerable shifts through times and places in perception of nature, earth and man’s environment. Concepts have expended and taken enlarged meanings, starting with the term of “landscape” itself: 1.4.1 Landscape Vidal de la Blache (1903), founder of the French School of Geography, which introduced the relationship between physical and human elements in geographical studies, had given a simple definition:”Un paysage est ce qui peut etre percu d’un seul coup d’oeil “ “A landscape is what can be grasped at a glance-” John Brinckerhof Jackson, pioneer of landscape architecture who in 1951 founded “Landscape Magazine”, further detailed the perception: ”Landscape consists of two root words: land and scope. While land refers to the physical and tangible things that we see and feel such as trees, lakes, mountains, buildings, flower beds etc. scope refers to how these physical phenomenon are translated and perceived in the mind.” (Jackson, 1984) In both definitions, although the human observer is involved, there is a dichotomy between the object, the landscape and the onlooker, the subject. The second definition begins to involve more the senses and the mind as tools that influence the perception of the considered space. Today, the inhabitant is seen as he invests himself in the landscape in an interactive relationship. The concept of landscape perception has been extended by the tenants of the School of Environmental Psychology to all the senses (Appleton, 13 1975, Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989). Its realm is now limited only by what the viewer’s mind and heart can grasp during a very long lasting “glance” while experiencing his environment. Additionally, following those who emphasize the importance of history in planning the future (Yahner and Nadenicek 1997; Marcucci 2000), it is necessary as well to consider the third protagonist not literally written in the word “landscape” yet essential, that is “time”. For these authors, a landscape is the result, through centuries, of both -events in nature and impact of man, a perspective which confirms that the concept of landscape is inseparable from the concept of culture. 1.4.2 Culture Culture is generally referred to as: i) “Ensemble des structures sociales, regligieuses etc. des manifestaion intellectuelles, artistiques etc. qui caracterisent une societe” –“A sum of social, religious etc. of the intellectual, artistic etc. manifestations that characterise a society” ( Larousse,1982). ii) “The customary beliefs, social forms and material traits of a racial, religious or social group”. (Webster, 1977) These two definitions refer mainly to the social and spatial aspect of culture at a certain point in time. There is also another, more encompassing, vision of culture. iii) ”The integrated pattern of human behavior that includes thoughts, speech, action, and artifacts and depend on man’s capacity for learning and transmitting knowledge to succeeding generation” (Webster, ibid.) 14 This last dictionary definition is normative. It implies a judgment of values. It has many other implications. Culture is seen as synonym to civilisation. It involves the array of man’s devices to project himself in time, to overcome death after his own individual demise through his teachings, his art and his built environment. Closer even to the present research perspective is the definition of culture given by Wan Salleh (1991). “Culture is a kind of self actualization process, continuous, consistent, and self sustaining for any given community . It is a way of life typical of a group referring to beliefs and perceptions, values and norms, customs and behaviour. They share the quality among the group in a consensual way, passing on to others through the socialization and education of a new member in the society.” This last definition expresses well the wide ranging role of the culture in traditional communities such as in Terengganu villages. 1.4.3 Cultural landscape A “cultural landscape” is, literally, a landscape affected by a relation with a culture. Carl Sauer further defined the particular dynamism attached to the concept. “The cultural landscape is fashioned from a natural landscape by a culture group. Culture is the agent, the natural area is the medium, and the cultural landscape is the result” Sauer (1925, 19) Anthropologist and sociologist Amos Rapoport, refers to the same parameters: 15 “Cultural landscapes are defined as the result of the human action on the “primeval” landscape over long period of time”. Rapoport, (2004, 1) A mirror for anthropologists, a cultural landscape expresses the identity of a people on a considered land. Beyond this, the rich semantic aspect of cultural landscapes implicated by the dynamism of the concept is today well appreciated by researchers from multiple horizons. Studying an area in southern France, Roberts (1994) observed the “multiple-functional layers” that characterize the landscape and “make it a narrative text of overlapping and oscillating meanings”. 1.4.4 Traditional Village, Kampong and Garden There are numerous definitions of what is “traditional” and “they apply to much more generally than just the built environment” writes Rapoport (2004). To simplify, a “traditional village” is taken to mean a small settlement, established at least for more than 50 years by people united by a common origin or economical activity, following a common customary rule (Birbaum, 2002). When used in this study, the term refers to that definition. It may be added that, in Terengganu, traditional settlements are often found established since more than three generations of Malay inhabitants who share the same religion and customs (Muhamad Saleh, 1992). A “kampong” (or in Malay “kampung”) is not synonym with “village” because in academic writings, the vernacular expression has anthropological connotations of “Malayness” which brings a perspective other than landscape observation. When used in this study, it implies these connotations. “Compound”: According to the dictionary, the word “compound” comes from the Malay language. It is, “by folk etymology, from Malay kampong, group of buildings, village; a fenced or walled area containing a group of buildings and 16 especially residences.” (Webster, 1977). It is a physical unit composed of houses and grounds that implies material or symbolic boundaries. “House compound” refers to a residence, -a house, and the grounds -the compound, on which it is located. It is the subject, and the basic unit of this thesis. In Perak, Nor Atiah (2003) has chosen the term of “residential garden” to elicit the cultural value of the “planting composition” in the rural residences. However, this author does study the relationship between the house parts and the garden space and planting organisation. Nor Atiah demonstrates how house and grounds are a physical unit that tells a researcher how the inhabitants live, how they perceive life and interact with their natural environment. The scope of the present study includes as well other aspects of cultural significance such as architecture and ground features. Hence, the two words unit “house compound” has been selected as appropriate to describe the field of the research. The term of “garden” is used by landscape architecture researchers in Malaysia (Ismail Said 2000, Nor Atiah, 2003,) when describing an area with plant species associated to a residence. A convenient, professionally explicit term; it may not be exactly adapted to the reality in Terengganu. A “garden”, literally, is “guarded”. From these researchers’ observations, one particular feature of the Malay village “garden” is that it has not usually delimited by material borders or fences. The term generally used in this study is “grounds”, except for the designation of separate zones around a house when the term of “yard” would not sound adequate: “back garden”, “side garden” are preferred to “backyard” and “side yard”. 1.4.5 Elements, features and attributes Terms related to landscape components commonly used in descriptive analysis such as “elements”, “features” and “attributes”- are understood here according to the chosen perspective, in order of progressive abstraction respectively. 17 Therefore “Features” refer to the visible and outward aspects of landscape components; “Elements” are the components considered as parts of the landscape; “Attributes” refers to characteristics in the landscape which are found not separable from its identity and “Markers” , idiosyncratic features of a landscape may emerge among the attributes. But it would be premature to seek to determine these in a preliminary study. “Feature”, understood as a descriptive term without particular connotation is the preferred term at this stage of the research. 1.4.6 Glossary Definition of terms that could not for various reasons find a place in this chapter or in the text of the following chapters signaled by an asterisk(*) in the text are available in Appendix C. 1.5. Significance of the Study The present study hopes to bring a new contribution to landscape architecture through its multidisciplinary approach of landscape units and the documentary value of its inventories. Its results may benefit other disciplines as well such as architecture, anthropology, planning and sociology. 1.5.1 Originality of the Thesis Subject Studies on small scale landscapes such as the Mormon homesteads in Utah and “farmersteads” in Arizona have been the work of American geographers (McClalland et Al., 1990). Similarly, in Europe, geographers have identified and studied regional individual habitats such as the “souf” of Algeria or the Normandy 18 farm in France, the “hacienda” in Brazil, as part of chorography discipline (study of places or regions), (Bruhnes, 1960). As mentioned earlier, a number of researches have been conducted on villages in Terengganu from the architectural and environment planning point of view at Malaysian universities (Pusat Kajian Alam Bina Melayu 2002, Wan Fadhila 2003, Mohd Sarhil 2003). Both series of studies give views on the land and compounds as well. However, the perspective chosen in the thesis is presently relatively unexplored. A study covering house compounds as integrated units of landscape or “wholes”–building, grounds, flora and fauna- has not been made yet in the east coast state. Referring to a holistic ecology perspective, the study intends to emulate the efforts of international agencies such as the International Council of Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), as well as those of individual nations including the Malaysian Ministry of Art, Culture and Heritage, towards increased awareness of the heritage value of vernacular landscapes. In Terengganu, particular points of significance may be stressed as follows. 1.5.2 Preservation of the esthetic diversity. The research may help reduce the process of oblivion of the material and visual diversity of Terengganu cultural landscape. It can bring some material towards further identification of the features of a “Malay garden” and may contribute to the preservation of the “zahir” (the visible) part of this type of South East Asian gardens. 19 1.5.3 Awareness of the Significance or Implications of cultural Changes. If the house compounds are in effect found to be cultural and to embody the world-view of their inhabitants, the normative element of these landscapes (Arnesen 1998, Rapoport, 2004) will be emphasized. Once it is shown that the identified “cultural units” (the house compounds) carry values (norms), and that these values may disappear with them, it is the hope of the author that awareness of the significance of the changes will be triggered or reinforced. The social and moral issues alluded to previously may be examined. Are these changes really necessary to the inhabitants or wanted by them? Are they ineluctable? What are their far reaching consequences? The transforming traditional Terengganu landscape is particularly worthy of scholarly attention because it is associated with a known rich historical and artistic heritage (Sheppard 1978; Syed Ahmad Jamal,1994).Trying to decipher that heritage through its remains in the landscape will help increase the awareness of an alienation threat brought about by the changes. Alienation, for anthropologists is expressed in a feeling among villagers of being strangers –alien- or by-standers on their native land. The impression of “onsite uprooting” was previously reported as experienced mostly by indigenous tribes “when their attachment to the land is removed” and by dwellers of suddenly logged forests (Colin, 1996). Furthermore, “losing landscape is threatening social cohesion in the affected groups. It may produce what we could call landscape induced alienation” (Arneson 1998). The point is that not only knowledge, art and skills disappear, but also that the effects of that disappearance on the Malay villagers are still rather uncharted. On the positive side, with studies such as the present one, a measure of continuity may be envisioned. 20 1.5.4 Education and Learning This study is expected to illustrate the didactic function (Rapoport 2004, 4) of the built environment in a traditional culture such as the one in Terengganu where it would have played the role of an ever available teacher. In fact, the house compound unit has still today a pedagogic role for a researcher who has the opportunity to read the “live” lessons from the past. In the past, preservation in writing was not necessary as the culture was written in the way of life of a people. “The vernacular built heritage” was “the fundamental expression of the culture of a community” (ICOMOS 1999) and the “memory bank of social groups” (Arnesen, 1998). Education was made by environmental information and oral transmission. Informal interviews conducted for this study continue the tradition. The research attempts to capture knowledge consigned on nowadays fragile material supports such as the vernacular landscapes and the memory of elders. 1.6 Summary of the chapters The first chapter states the problem of the rapid landscape changes and presents the study’s approach, a preliminary assessment of the cultural value of some Terengganu house compounds landscapes. This involves the assumption that these house compounds in Terengganu can be considered as cultural entities to begin with, an assumption that will be verified by substantiating their cultural value. Chapter two reviews the literature on (i) the perceptions of landscape through history and (ii) the theories on cultural landscape that are potentially pertinent to Terengganu. The various theories are summarized in a conceptual map and the criteria for cultural value derived from the various perspectives are introduced. . 21 Chapter three gathers background information on the state’s geography, history, architecture, flora, literature, and evokes the links of the Terengganu people with surrounding nature. This information is particularly important because of the necessity to know beforehand the components of the vernacular culture in order to find them embodied in the features of the surveyed house compounds. Chapter four presents the conceptual framework of the research, together with a diagram of cultural components and a table of criteria for cultural value derived from the literature. Heuristic “types” of compounds are proposed. The investigation tools and information supports such as tables of features and plan sketches are presented as well as the selected house compounds. In chapter five, tables of features frequency yield findings on the general aspect of these landscapes. Observation of less frequent but conspicuous features brings about the more specific Terengganu character. Observation of patterns in space organization and. ethno-botanical surveys complete the findings Chapter six presents a characterization of the sample deducted from the findings and confirms the value of the exploratory typology. Then, the surveyed house compounds are screened to the series of cultural value criteria derived previously from the literature. The screening is followed by an empirical verification of the results. The results are found to be positive and the assumption of cultural value is verified. A brief review of implications of the results is made. In conclusion, Chapter seven suggests an extrapolation of the study results to similar landscapes in the state of Terengganu. Finally, the importance of elaborating a conceptualisation of the Terengganu’s house compounds landscape architecture is envisioned. The process is illustrated in the flow Chart presented in Figure 1.4. 22 Assumption A series of House Compounds in Terengganu qualify as Cultural Landscapes Literature review -What is a cultural landscape? What criteria help identify a landscape of cultural value? Experiential, holistic, historical etc. perspectives Æ 17 criteria -Components of a Cultural Landscape from theories, then applied to T’gnu background: Nature, History, Society Methodology of Research & Conceptual Framework for Research Design Qualitative Investigation -Sample acquisition: 16 cases -Classification in heuristic types -Interviews Æhistory & significance -Sketch plans -Photographs Quantitative investigation -Sites inventory recapitulation: -Tables of features frequency, averages by case, by type and for the whole sample, -Charts of ethno-botanical data Field Analysis & Findings Main features in each landscape element: Particular features Findings from space lay out & articulation Relationship inhabitants/nature Synthesis, Discussion and Perspectives Characterization, including types Screening to cultural criteria Discussion and empirical verification Results: cultural value of the sample Generalisation to Terengganu Conceptualisation and recommendations Conclusion Fig.1.4: Flow Chart of Research Procedure & Demonstration. CHAPTER 2 LITTERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction: This chapter presents the theoretical background behind the concept of cultural landscape as understood in this study on Terengganu. It retraces the steps of the evolution of the concept from perceptions to theories obtained from the literature review. 2.1 Evolution of Landscape Perceptions The literature review shows that there has been an evolution in landscape perceptions through history and in different parts of the world. That evolution has led to the modern approach of man’s habitat and to the concept of “cultural landscape”. The modern approach focuses on the semantic layers written in landscapes that reveal the stages of the relationship between the inhabitants of a place and their natural environment through time. The idea of “reading” a landscape for its significance is now considered as fundamental. Searching for the historical ecology and the “cultural sequences” of a landscape is a recommended practice in planning the development of an area (Vos & Meekes, 1999, Marcucci, 2000). 24 However, landscapes had been long regarded as two-dimensional views of arrangement of nature and human intervention that referred only to themselves. When Jackson Brinkerhof Jackson, founder in the 50ties of the “Landscape” magazine whose vision had been influenced by years of travels including in “old” Europe, said,: ”I see things that other people don’t see and I call their attention to it” (Jackson, 1984), the semantic interpretation of a landscape was new, especially to the American public. Landscapes or surrounding nature had previously been considered differently: Nature had been (i) a wilderness to be tamed, (ii) a source of food to be exploited, and (iii) an occasion for esthetic emotions or (iv) for meditation on the design of the universe. Then, (v) political and (vi) moral implications behind land management decisions were identified. These interpretations are listed below as they retrace the history of a human perception and attitude, some aspects of which may be shared by the Terengganu inhabitants in their relationship with their natural environment. 2.1.1 Natural Environment as a Source of Danger, Food, Medicine and Moods It was not only in the jungle-covered lands like Malaysia or even the hilly Champa that nature was commonly considered as dangerous (Winstead 1981, Po Dharma, 1992). As late as the eighteen century in Western countries, forests were the abode of fearsome creatures. Nature was “hostile and forbidding “(Roberts, 1994). In the 17th century, French writer Madame de Sevigné (1971) in her “Lettres a Madame de Grignan”, commiserates with her daughter for having to live in the “savageness of the country”. During the reign of Louis XIV (1638-1715) the “Sun King”, who commissioned the gardens of Versailles to Le Notre, landscaping was the art of creating gardens to frame a palace in a carefully domesticated version of nature (Booth, 1983). It was a way to reassure oneself against the perceived disorder of natural environment. Labyrinths would cater for the adventurous. 25 However, throughout the Middle Ages, with indigenous knowledge and Islamic influence, a more scientific trend in botanic and horticulture had persisted There had been utilitarian gardens of herbs and medicines around monasteries and functionally designed gardens of tamed nature in ordered landscapes (Booth, 1983 ).. In contrast to the fear and the awe or the aesthetic and the horticultural attitudes, another way of benefiting from nature’s gifts appeared. In Europe. the “Romantics” like French writer Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) surrendered to their natural environment and regarded nature as a most suitable pedagogue (Roberts, 1994). In the 19th century, the movement spread from literature to painting with Constable and the impressionists. Music in Germany celebrated landscapes. Views (skopein, the visual part of landscape) inspired artists, and their moods. In China of the 6th century, another artistic and quasi-mystical trend had already developed. Represented by the Ch’an school of painting, it was expressed in ”meditation scrolls” (Bankroft, 1979).Waterfalls and rivers were part of the arhat (hermit) spiritual experience. The hermit contemplative stance, in turn, was represented as physical part of the landscape. This attitude had an echo in the Malay man in search of knowledge (ilmu) who retired (bertapa) in the forest or wild areas. Yet the retreat was not meant to be an immersion in nature. Nature was often a path to other -mystical or magic, quests (Winsted, 1981). At the beginning of the twentieth century, the shifting perspectives that presented landscape and environment as sometimes alien to, sometimes part of human psyche, found a stabilising ground in the environmental or ecological movement. The founding fathers of environmentalism were a forester like Aldo Leopold, agriculture engineer like Rene Dubos, or scientists like Bertrand de Jouvenel. Knowingly or not, meeting with religious thinking (Islamic stewardship of the earth and Buddhist respect of life), they clearly stated the responsibility of man and his solidarity with nature. A vision shared today by modern Malay Muslims (Mohd Taib 1997) and in their own way by traditional villagers, particularly (Coatalen, 1982) on the east coast of Malaysia. 26 2.1.2 Political Implications of Landscape Management Decisions In parallel, another type of awareness had taken shape. Landscapes can be considered as arenas for ideology or power confrontations. Ingerson (2002) evokes “the invisible politics of visible landscapes”. She quotes scholars from various horizons, a geographer, a landscape archeologist and an urban historian, who all speak of landscapes (the “land” part of the concept) as the center of a debate because they are intrinsically linked to land use, lebensraum (living space), and territory. “The cultural landscape is the physical and symbolic arena for the social process of production, the accumulation of wealth, and the resistance to unequal accumulation. The cultural landscape…is both a tool and the context of cultural change” (Hood, in Ingerson 1996) “The study of urban landscape needs to be embedded in both the aesthetics of experiencing places with all five senses and the politics of experiencing places as contested territory” (Hayden, in Ingerson 1996) Ingerson (2002) further points out: “These scholars drew attention to the different and often conflicting meaning of a single landscape to those who owned the land and those who worked it those who painted it and those who wrested a living from it.” The confrontational aspect of land use is part of a long standing contestation of the right of land ownership when ownership is not associated with actual work on the land. In that context, “Ownership is theft” claimed French socialist theoretician Proudhon (1840). Soon, unilateral land management politics would be denounced as imperialist or totalitarian. Indigenous communities would have to be informed about 27 technocratic decisions that could change the lands. They would be called to “participate in the decision making process” (UNICED Rio 1992). After the straightforward territorial struggles of the past, politicians and planners have become more aware of the deeper significance of the impact of man’s action on the land, including within one's frontiers. Land use and landscape planning are now understood not only as a matter of space control and development but also as a proclamation of one’s beliefs. They are a statement of a people’s idea on the management of their parcel of earth. “Landscape enters life and politics, and touches upon important aspects of social life such as shared memory and validation, group identity and acceptance” (Arnesen 1998). One of the results of this study then will be to see how this interpretation of space organisation as a political, social and religious statement is expressed in the traditional Terengganu house compound. Research on the concept of landscape during the last three decades have extended that field in depth and range, to almost all aspects of life. Landscape studies include the effects of landscape on the human psyche and the far reaching consequences of a change in a landscape. They cover from anthropology to politics, from archeology to economic prospective. Landscape studies have become transdisciplinary (Tress et al., 2001). This epistemological evolution has helped to understand better the cultural aspects of landscapes, to read them in a useful (i.e. prospective) way, beyond plain record. It has allowed elaborating theories reaching farther than the basic definition of a cultural landscape and yet to rate landscapes for their cultural value. A few of these theories are reviewed in the following section. 2.2 Theoretical Approaches to Cultural Landscapes Referring to the definition by Rapoport (2004) of cultural landscapes as “the result of human action on the primeval landscape over long periods of time”, at one level, the “human action” is caused by the need to feel safe, provided for and 28 comfortable in one’s environment. That need results in particular “preferences” in environment. Identifying these preferences to design better habitats is one of the objectives of the environment psychology school of thought. 2.2.1 The preferential Model and experiential Approaches In her study of the rural Perak Malay Residential garden, Nor Atiah (2003) relies on the psychological approaches of the study of landscape design elaborated by Rachel Kaplan and Stephen Kaplan (1975) further developed by Appleton (1975) in the “Prospect-Refuge Theory” to show how some Perak house compounds exhibit culturally responsive features in their planting composition. To identify the basis for man preference in a landscape, Kaplan and Kaplan (1975) applied the “Preferential Model” and selected “four informational variables”: “coherence, legibility, complexity and mystery”, as characteristics of a landscape responsive to human psychological needs, -a landscape that is cultural, by opposition to purely functional or decorative. This approach is useful in establishing the components that contribute to the sensorial attractiveness of a residential area as well as inspire the attachment of the inhabitants to some landscapes perceived as particularly suitable to them. In the case of Perak, Nor Atiah (2003) found it appropriate to express the “cocooning” feeling created by Perak rural landscapes. The Perak garden, she observed further, also catered for material and religious needs and so, did qualify as totally culturally responsive from the preferential and experiential perspective. After years of being constantly referred to and effectively used in landscapes study and planning, the psychological approach was tested by Arthur E.Stamps III (2002). Stamps found that the method has its drawbacks. An exploration on large numbers of studies using the informational model of environmental preference (IME) resulted in mitigated conclusions: It did appear that questionnaires designed to find 29 out the correlation between the identified factors and the index of satisfaction gave more reliable results than random interviews. Yet, subjective appreciations by respondents and heterogeneity of data often prevented scientific replication. This approach also leads far from actual historical and anthropological documentation on existing sites. Claims to cultural value by house compounds in Terengganu are expected to be more numerous and more specific. Some of the state’s buildings (as the Kota Lama Duyung and the Tukku Paluh residences) have already been identified as historical places, so their compounds, if examined as cultural landscapes, are expected to answer to more culturally stringent criteria than the psychologists experiential variables. . 2.2.2 Landscapes seen through holistic Lenses Another way to consider landscapes is the holistic ecology perspective propounded by Naveh (1995) and his colleagues since a few decades. It may be connected to the terms “primeval” and “over a long time” in Rapoport’s definition of a cultural landscape, in the sense that it places any environment within the frame of the evolution of the planet. Envisioning landscapes as part of the global system, Naveh (1995), referring to “the general systems theory of Bertalanffy” dating back to 1968, brings the significance of landscape onto a cosmic plane. Describing the “ecological hierarchy”, he writes: “Its central holistic concept is the Total Human Ecosystem as the highest level of co-evolutionary complexity in the global ecological hierarchy, with solar energy powered biosphere and fossil energy technosphere landscapes as its concrete system”. (Naveh,1995,16) Scientific disciplines, understood in an ecological sense, are comprised in the study of the “ecology of man and his environment”. ”As the integrative science of the 30 Total Human Ecosystem, landscape ecology acquires a unique position, bridging the bio-ecology disciplines and human ecology” (Naveh 2000,15). The schema of this “hierarchised, trans-disciplinary” concept is reproduced in Appendix A The Total Human Ecosystem-Ecosphere includes the geosphere, the atmosphere, lithosphere and hydrosphere, the biosphere and the technosphere.” We live also”, adds Naveh (2000), “in the conceptual space of the human mind, the sphere of human mind -the “noosphere” (from the Greek noos – mind)”.Each of the “coevolutionist” and “co-existent spheres” is present simultaneously in man’s “multidimensional” cultural ecological reality. In the holistic ecology perspective, Terengganu house compounds landscapes are “ecotopes” -i.e. places with their individual environment-, located within the human ecosystem. They are also “holons” -from the greek :”holos” = whole + “proton” = part” (Naveh 2000). They are “wholes” -as microcosms, through the complex of biological, cultural and historical features that compose their existence, and “parts” -as emanations of larger South East Asian cultural and biological systems. This view highlights the far reaching consequences of landscape changes, as in a system, as all parts are interdependent. What happens in a part has a repercussion in the whole. Material changes, like those occurring in Terengganu village landscapes, are a sign that something is happening as well in other spheres such as at the noosphere, the biosphere and the technosphere. Another concept evoked by Naveh (2000) is the “supersystem” idea. The structure of a “super-system” is constituted by the relation between systems. It is a dynamic, “overarching” encrypted (“implicated”) structure. The “super-system”it refers to is different from a “world view” or a religious belief as these are made explicit from time to time Naveh (2000). A “super-system” is the more effective because, being implicit, unsaid and unwritten, it cannot be challenged. This conceptual construction helps understand the cohesion of traditional societies such as the Terengganu village communities where the fundaments of the 31 customary rules were not taught explicitly, but transmitted together with their material supports, from one generation to the other. These communities are now measured to another implicit, mondial “super-system” which is not mapped, not tangible, but encrypted in the trends of the networks of global development. The holistic ecology system concept helps explain metamorphoses that take place at the level of an “implicate order" (Naveh ,2000 ), behind the scene so to say, when material changes occur in a landscape, such as house orientations or water source relocation for example, affecting the traditional and tacit order of things. A traditional society is replaced not only because its material objects disappear but because they have lost their network of meaning or semiotic correlations. This view is advanced as well by Tor Arnesen (1998) who explains how “landscapes are semiotic resources” and studies “How landscapes are lost”. Already, in 1975, anthropologist-archeologist-medical researcher Dr. F.L. Dunn, studying a group of Temuan rain forest collectors and traders in Malaysia has given a similar holistic view of “a cultural system”, where the “supernatural world” is represented as part of the same cultural schema as “energies, artifacts and social organization".(Dunn(1975).Dunn’s shema is reproduced in Appendix A . Dunn’s study, focusing on the Temuan environment, represent also a model of multidisciplinary approach suitable for landscape studies. It includes flora, fauna and the relationship between the inhabitants and their environment. It includes as well the prehistory, the geological history and evolution of the Temuan forest environment as part of today’s reality. That latter view is shared as well by the tenants of the role of an historical perspective in landscape theory and planning. 2.2.3 The historical Perspective The definition of cultural landscape as the result of “human action on nature over time” (Rapoport 2004) involves a number of common features related to a people over time. With time passing, constant landscape features become the 32 expression of the relation of a community with its environment. They become valuable documents on the people’s history as well as on human process of evolution in general. . The historical perspective in landscaping is at first linked to conservation of monuments and sites such as in the National Park Service of the USA. ”Period research”, studies on changes over time, evaluation, integrity and significance of a landscape, all implied solid historical founding ( McClelland et al. 1990). However, the historical perspective should be furthered in prospective, explains Marcucci (2000) who presents “Landscape history as a planning tool” and historical research as a sine qua non base for planning the future: ”A landscape is a contextual phenomenon, embedded in a world that is both spatial and temporal, or, if you prefer, geographical and temporal. Yet while methods to study the geographical attributes of landscape are increasingly understood, methods to know their temporal contexts are not” (Marcucci, 2000,68) Marcucci re-asserts that: “A landscape existing today results from previous conditions and events in that locale, and it follows that landscapes of the future will be legacies of the elements and processes occurring today” (ibid. ) In Marcucci’s view, studies on the pre-historical, archeological and long run historical evolution of a place will help determine the type of development suitable for an area. Development then is not conceived as mere innovation, continuation or even revival of sometimes obsolete activities of the past, but as a re-appreciation of the natural assets in relation with the use of these by a population through ages. 33 2.3 2.3.1 Cultural Landscape Assessment Methods The Problem of assessing Heritage Value Theoreticians (Taylor 2002) have attracted attention to the present state of landscape “fragmentation” of the major part of the earth surface by global development: Any landscape impacted by man is cultural. Even those left apart may be considered as deliberately (cultural decision) put apart, thus cultural too. “Cultural landscapes can be thought of as any landscape bearing the impact of human activity, historic or prehistoric. It is a concept emerging from increasing recognition that human beings are part of nature” (Taylor, 2002) The word “landscape” even becomes synonym with “cultural” and “cultural landscape” becomes a pleonasm: From the point of view of landscape documentation proper, there may be a problem. If all landscapes are considered as cultural because one way or another they are impacted by human presence, any landscape can be considered as significant in its own right. Then, landscapes that are historical or specifically culturally significant may be by-passed in the plethora. 2.3.2 Heritage Registration Fortunately, in this fragmentation context, national agencies in various countries and world organisations created to preserve world heritage have come out with criteria and methods to identify landscapes worthy of conservation. There are also provisions for landscapes worthy of documentation, for cases when preservation is not an option. 34 The cultural evaluation criteria would deserve a study to themselves which would be beyond the scope of the research. Some criteria, for example those from the psychology school and those from the U.S. National Park Register have been clearly defined. Others have been deducted for the purpose of this study by the author from the relevant theories. The criteria that will be later referred to in Chapter four (Methodology) and six (Evaluation) are introduced briefly below along with a recapitulation of the relevant theories. 2.3.3 Recapitulation of Theoretical Approaches to Landscape and derived Cultural Landscape Criteria Authors from different disciplines have devised various theories on the concept of landscape and on the role of landscape in human life from different points of view summarized in Figure 2.3. 35 Landscapes to be lived in Informational Preference Model (i) Landscape being interpreted Psychology Philosophy Function History of man & nature together (v) Significance Cultural Landscape Man Environment .Experiential Theory (ii) What it is Holistic Landscape Ecology (iv) What it tells Realm of landscape Architecture design Space articulation & use Studies on concepts & design in relation to beliefs & norms Awareness of reference system Focus on human needs, well being Natural assets and survival Multidisciplinary approach Focus on paradigms identification Practice Policies Landscape as an image of a society Sociology Environment – Behaviour Studies (iii) Figure 2.1: “Map” of a number of theories and disciplines concerned with cultural landscape. (Schema by the author) The map shows how varied are the perspectives from which a landscape may be considered. The numbers in brackets in Figure 2.3 refer to the theories that are summarized clockwise below. Ensuing cultural evaluation criteria are proposed. (i). Informational Model for the Prediction of Preference (IPM) Stephen and Rachel Kaplan (1978) have stressed the role of the sensorial perception by inhabitants and observers in the evaluation of a landscape. They have Used the Informational Prediction Preference Model to predict the value attributed to a landscape. The four basic variables (coherence, legibility, mystery, complexity) 36 these authors had identified have long been used as criteria for the cultural value of landscapes (Nor Atiah, 2003). (ii) Experiential Approach Sensorial perception in landscape appreciation and design does not express fully the role of a landscape for the inhabitants, later remarked Taylor et al (1987). They advocated focusing as well on the reciprocal interaction of the inhabitant with his environment, -“his direct experience” of it- as part in the evaluation of the cultural value of a landscape. “Introducing the Prospect/refuge theory” Appleton (1975) stressed the psychological effect of space organization on the human psyche. (iii) Environmental-Behaviour Studies (EBS) EBS studies were developed over more than thirty years since1969 by Amos Rapoport who deciphered “model-systems” of communities reactions to changing context from observation of the environmental evolution in developing countries. This approach connects landscape studies with anthropological and sociological approaches (Rapoport ,2004). Theories (ii) and (iii) relate to the sensorial appreciation and functional interpretation of an environing landscape by individuals as well as by communities. The ensuing criteria are identified by the author as (1) “benefit” (usefulness or function), (2) entertainment and relaxation and (3) socially significant use of space. (iv) Holistic Landscape Ecology Holistic ecology (including the “THE” -Total Human Ecosystem) is related to the system theory. Naveh (2000) summarized the concepts of the holistic constructions as applied to landscapes where the global, semiotic and multi dimensional content of man total environment is taken into account. 37 The approach is translated in this work into criteria for cultural value such as landscape features connected with (1) beliefs, (2) rites and (3) status, which all imply a collective world view (“noosphere”) and (4) activity, which refers to survival (biosphere) and skills (technosphere). (v). The US National Parks Registry On their part, the National Parks of the USA have listed five criteria for the registration of landscapes of historical and or cultural value, particularly in Bulletins 18 and 38 ( McClelland et.al.1990, Birnbaum 2002). These criteria, presented in Appendix A, concern places related to (1) historical events or (2) persons, (3) antiquity, (4) information and (5) art. Answering to one of some of these critereia are, for a monument or a site, the first stage towards eventual conservation. 2.4 Conclusion from the conceptual Approaches Review Whatever are the chosen reference theories, the conceptual background of landscape studies does appear to be multidisciplinary. Therefore, studies of particular landscapes have to be similarly based on a multidisciplinary approach involving a broad knowledge of the vernacular culture. As Birnbaum (2002) explains in the National Parks Bulletin.No36 giving directives for a Cultural Landscape Report: “Landscapes can be read on many levels –landscape as nature, habitat, artifact, system, wealth, ideology, history, place and aesthetic. When developing a strategy to document a cultural landscape, it is important to attempt to read the landscape in its context of place and time”. To read the Terengganu landscape in such a way, it is necessary to have a good measure of familiarity with the culture of the inhabitants and with the geophysical environment of the state. This is expended in the following chapter three dedicated to introduce the Terengganu “context of place and time”. CHAPTER 3 OVERVIEW OF THE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF TERENGGANU 3.0 Introduction The chapter retraces briefly the cultural background of the state of Terengganu. This background is made of closely interrelated material and immaterial components. The components are obtained from multiple sources, from artistic works to architectural material witnesses as well as scholarly documents and previous professional research by the author in the fields of ethnobotany and local history. 3.1 Kampong Nostalgia in the Collective Memory Cultural landscapes have been associated as “memory-banks” with the collective memory of a people, a mental representation of what belongs to them and to their past (Roberts 1994, Arnesen, 1998). There is, in the urban population in Malaysia, just as in the rest of the world, a growing nostalgia for the original village, whether it still exists or not. The country life is idealised by the distance and by the aura of childhood first loves. The formerly “untouched” East Coast states of Terengganu and Kelantan are particularly reputed for such idyllic views. 39 3.1.1 A romantic Archetype Kampongs scenes in water colour like those of painter Ismail Zain (who hailed from Besut) are bought for hotels for guest to enjoy the scenery without the lack of comfort. Banking corporations buy painter Chang Fee Ming’s (who was born in Dungun) village lines of batik to decorate their grey walls. Figure 3.1 shows reproductions of such paintings made in Terengganu by artists the works of whom are nowadays sought after by amateurs, not only because of their artistic value, but also because of their emotional and cultural contents. Keith Miller: untitled, Pulau Duyung (1989) Chang Fee Ming “Sail”, P.Duyung (1987). Figure 3.1: Paintings of Village Landscapes in Terengganu. (Author private collection and in Chang, 2002) In Keth Miller’s painting, the sekuci boat evocates the river and the near-by sea; culture is represented by the shape of the boat, the timber houses with belanda roof and Singhora tiles. In Chang Fee Ming’s work, nature is felt as the cloth is blown away by the monsoon winds, while the batik colours and patterns evocate the hand of the Terengganu crafstmen.. In Malay language, kampung -village- means “home” as well as a particular place. The whole village is the mental habitat of the villager. Perhaps ancient experiences of collective migrations have played a role in forging this strong link. As Dellios (2002) in her study of the Malay village perceptions reports, “and at the base of every man’s and woman’s sense of self is his or her village…In South Asia you are not from a village, you belong to it.” 40 The kampung archetype is more than any original village with rural traditions and family values. It is shaped by closeness with the country luxuriant flora and fauna, the dramatic nature, the monsoons and rivers, padi fields and palms estates, virgin forests, misty highlands and sandy coasts bordered by the waves of the ocean where the Malays used to find their rezeki livelihood even at the risk of their lives 3.1.2 Novels and Short Stories In contemporary Malay novels, the village “background” is part and parcel of the story, almost a character in its own right. In “Hari Hari terakhir Seorang Seniman”, Anwar Ridhwan (1979) describes a well and its surroundings, ablutions in quietness of the morning to prepare for the drama of the brutality of a Japanese occupant. In Angin Timor Laut by Othman Kelantan (1969), a fisherman is sitting on the lambuh verandah of his house, facing the monsoon. The boundaries of his compounds are the waves. In “Empangan” Zakaria Ali (1990) shows how villagers become aware of their personal preferences, amongst feuds that reflect the importance of the change that a dam will bring to the landscape and the life of the inhabitants, and what values are at stake. French “planter-writers” Henri Fauconnier (1930) and Pierre Boulle (1951), who have lived in Malaysia in the first part of the twentieth century have given a good place in their novels the natural landscape surrounding villages, and to “l’ame de la Malaisie” (the “soul of Malaya”) inseparable for them from that landscape. British writings, often made by Government servants, give a more academic view of the places but some, as the short stories written by Hugh Clifford (1897), do 41 reflect the particular atmosphere of the Malay village where nature is omnipresent, particularly on the more secluded Eastern part of the Peninsula. 3.2 Natural Environment in Terengganu The State of Terengganu is described as a coastal state when compared to the other states in Peninsular Malaysia. Yet the land is far from flat or monotonous. A relief map of Malaysia with the location of Terengganu is shown on Figure 3.2 42 Figure 3. 2: Relief Map of Malaysia with details on the State of Terengganu. (Source: Polunin 1988.) 3.2.1 Geography Beginning at about 6 degrees north of the equator, the state of Terengganu stretches for about 600 km along the China Sea. The relief is divided vertically. On 43 the West are the counterforts of the Banjaran Titwangsa, the Main Range, culminating at 1518m (Gunong Lawit) in the North and 1479m (Gunong Gelemat)in the South (Direktorat Pemetaan Malaysia,1988). Further east, on a lower hilly terrain, rubber and palm oil plantations expand down to the coastal low-land Dipterocarps forests, belukar (secondary forest), padi fields, mangrove and long stretches of sand beaches. In turn, rivers divide the land horizontally, flowing from the high hills inland toward the sea. The Kemaman, Dungun, Marang, Terengganu, and Besut rivers give their names to the main districts of the State. The estuary of the last two rivers spread fan-like in a Northern direction towards the Gulf of Siam. The rivers begin as streams that cut their path through limestone rock creating a landscape of boulders and caves, cascading down in water falls and “jeram (rapids) to become the wide and deep waterways that used to be the main roads in the past. For a few days in the year, joining the high tides of the full moon during the rainy season, they flood some of the surrounding lands and villages (Chang, 2000) The climate is humid with precipitations the heaviest in Peninsular Malaysia (Polunin 1988); but winds up to 60 km/h from the monsoon full force and breezes from the sea and from the land ensure that the most populated areas along the corridors of the rivers or around the estuaries are well ventilated. The soils are generally considered as poor, formed of red soil (laterite) and a thin layer of humus, suitable for padi, orchards and vegetable gardens (Yvan Biot, personal communication ). There are fresh water fish and wild animals, deer, wild boars, elephants and tigers. Cattle (buffaloes and cows herds) are seen in Besut and Dungun area. Cows favour the warm roads for the night and goats are still roaming freely in villages The vegetation was once so overpowering, that Crawford (1856) in his dictionary, could write about Terengganu: “of this area nothing certain is known… nearly the whole is continuous jungle in its present state of very little use to man”. 44 3. 2.2 Wild Flora With a relief undisturbed for so long, Malaysian flora is includes species contemporary with the dinosaurs such as the Cycas -common on Terengganu islands, which can be traced back to “150 to 200 million years ago” (Hsuang Keng 1978). The Malaysian Peninsula is also a passage way for winds, birds and boats from the far away shores of the Indian and Pacific Oceans and a cross road for all kinds of migrations from the north down to the warmer lands of the Tropics. The feature that strike visiting botanists (Deverre 1985, Hume, 1984) is the diversity of species. That is especially true of Terengganu. The state is located within the region where most of the 27 endemic genera of Peninsular Malaysia are found. The richest flora of the Malay Peninsula occurs in south Kelantan, Terengganu, north Pahang and eastern Perak (Corner, 1952, Hsuan Keng 1978). Species from Asia, America, Africa, the Middle West and even Australia strive here, auguring well for the resources at the disposal of the inhabitants. With the giants of the Dipterocarps forest reaching heigths above 50 m, there are Rubiaceae, the family of the gambir and coffee, Apocynacea full of alkaloids, spicy smelling Lauracea and Annonacea, herbs like the Gingiberacees including the endemic Geostachys. There are the lotus-like Eltingera elatior, palms and bananas species, giant ferns and mangrove species growing stilts and aerial roots forming the most exuberant and entertaining of the natural landscapes. 3.2.3 Natural landscapes The tropical landscape in Terengganu differs from temperate regions of Europe or of northern America as the “fragmentation” (Taylor 2002) is not evident. Balance between the amount of nature and culture is obviously unplanned. Not all the owners of the land exploit their property. Villages are rich in semi-wild areas that provide a striking backdrop to the house compounds. (Polunin 1988). 45 Habitations are hidden not only among planted fruit trees and coconuts trees but also below the foliage of wild species such as the renggas (Gluta sp.), cengal pasir (Hopea odorata) and meninjau (Gnetum gnemon). On the coastal area, houses are interspaced with mengkuang (Pandanus sp.), Nipah, gelam (Melaleucca leucadendron), putat (Barringtonia sp.), bebaru (Hibiscus sp.), all wild species with attractive fruits or flowers. As one walks around and in the villages, as the author had continual occasions to do, living on the field and during years of ethnobotanical research, the natural landscape of the villages appears grandiose. At the turn of a path, wild floral species gather in gigantic clusters. Coconut trees or nibong (Oncosperma tigilaria) are wrapped in climbers used by other climbers to reach the sun forming visually entertaining compositions. There are the violet flowers of Ipomeas and Aristolochia with a parachute shaped fruit. The background is filled with the arches of bamboos and the strong green of banana leaves. The round fruit of the mangrove gurah, (Euphorbiacea) hang like rustic ornaments over the titian timber planks paths that cross swampy areas. In the perspective, village houses are framed by the dark fronds of Nipah palms contrasting with their brightly coloured walls. Epiphytes bring more visual interest with the red flowers of the dedalu (Loranthus sp.) or the long hair of the rambut puteri (Cassytha filiformis). After a rain fall, the white beads of the pigeon orchids decorate the coconut trunks. The village wild fauna, especially the birds, adds colour, sound and movement to the views: On a sun exposed river bank, blue headed doves rest on a branch under the fragile flowers of a bongor (Lagerstroemia sp.) Metallic green dollar birds perch on dead coconut trees. Yellow orioles dart toward the red flowers of tamarind trees. Sea eagles circle with twirls of warm air .Dozens of butterflies gather around the sweet smelling flowers of a Mengkudu (Morinda sp.) 46 3.3 History, Economy and Society of Terengganu In times in history when travel by sea was frequent, the beaches and sheltered estuaries of the Terengganu coasts had attracted people (Weatley 1966) Limestone caves hidden in the forest hills of the interior offered attractive refuge from wild animals and weather challenges. 3.3.1 Historical Background 3.3.1.1 A Harbour and a Land of Passage One of the first descriptions of Terengganu landscape is -befittingly- seen from the sea. It was recorded by a Chinese traveler, Wang Ta-yuan in around 1330: “Ting-Chia-Lu (Terengganu) is a triangular island separated from neighbouring districts by a creek which acts as an important waterway. The island is high and desolate. The fields are middling to poor, but even the poorest folks have enough food. There are heavy rains in spring and the climate is somewhat warm”.(Wheatley 1966, 80). For an approaching boat, hills emerging along the coast may make Terengganu, (now the area where the capital city is located) look like an island (Wan Ahmad, personal communication). Older folks remember paddling to the market on a small river from the bank of the estuary of the Terengganu River to Tanjung, on the other side of Bukit Puteri Hill (Wan Endut , personal communication). Much of the area was a swamp marked by names of areas in the city such as Istana Kolam, Kampung Paya Keladi, with Bukit Besar and Bukit Kecil hills emerging on another side of the swamp. 47 The Chinese travelers may have ventured further inland perhaps following the Nerus river where one of Admiral Cheng Ho junks is said to have been stranded in Jeram around 1410 (Longuet 1984). Name of places such as Padang Air, Lubuk Kerbau, Padang Hangus, Banggol, Gong Tok Nasek etc. evoke a land often flooded, with holes and emerging monticules. 3.3.1.2 Early Inhabitants Relics have been found in the hills and on the coast, pointing to pre-historical settlements on the coast and in the interior. Manik potteries, bones from prehistoric times, drums with the sun and star patterns of the Dong Son culture (Sorensen 2002), Sailendra or Majapahit burial jars (Mohd Taib 1987). Both coasts and hills have been places of passage or dwelling, showing that Terengganu was frequented from the sea and on land by groups of peoples coming probably from the north and the north east. It seems (Muhammad Salleh1992) that the first organized government was an emporium located up the Terengganu river. The “Terengganu stone” sets the existence of a Muslim ruler (Telanai) in Kuala Berang as early as 1304 AD. That connects Terengganu with the future destiny of the rest of the Peninsula where Islam was going to give a new face to the formerly Hinduised states. 3.3.1.3 Sultanates By 1726 a royal family had been established (Muhammad Salleh 1992; Khoo 1991). In the middle of the eighteen century, Sultan Mansur developed crafts and, then mostly maritime, trade. Later, Baginda Omar (1839-1875) actively favored technology transfers, inviting foreign experts in tembaga metal working from Yunan (Daud Mohamad, personal communication), boat building from France (Gibson- 48 Hill, 1949) and batik from Java (Mohd Taib, 1997). The harbour of Kuala Terengganu was thriving: “For many years, traders from Europe never ceased to call at Kuala Terengganu, which, in the mid-eighteen century was regarded as one of the busiest ports between the Indian Ocean and the China Sea.” (Khoo 1991, 88.) In the first part of the nineteen century, something happened in Pattani that would have much repercussion on Terengganu. The Malay ruler who had the support of the Terengganu court was ousted by the favorite of the Siamese (Abdul Halim Bashah, 1994,). His partisans had to run away. Unable to take refuge for long in Kelantan where the Siamese ruler had much influence, they sought Baginda Omar’s protection Baginda gave them land and they were often trusted with official duties. (Mohd Taib, 1997) According to previous researches by the author in Trengganu family genealogies and interviews of the inhabitants of the villages, it appears that many of the new comers were originally part of the diaspora of the ancient Malay kingdom of Champa (Wan Endut, personal communication, Longuet 1991). Accepted within the Terengganu ruling class, they brought to the state their knowledge in Islamic religion, in administration and their experience in trade. They also brought their traditions in wood working: carving, house and boat building. Many of them were able nakhoda (sea captains) and sea men. Assisted by Haji Ngah (Datuk Amar), Sultan Zainal Abidin II (1881-1918) the descendant of Baginda Omar, continued the tradition of an active maritime international trade with export of songket, batik, dry fish exchanged for ceramic, cotton, silk, rice and opium. Clay bricks, charcoal and salt were carried on coastal routes along the Gulf of Siam (Sheppard 1949, Wan Ahmad, personal communication). 49 3.3.2 Economy : from Success to Obsolescence In “Papers on Terengganu”, Sheppard (1949) has described the industrious atmosphere of the last of the great Sultanates of Terengganu: Crafts, songket, batik, weapons making, weaving, fishing, boat and house building, were shaping a sophisticated landscape of Terengganu, the traces of which are still visible today. After 1945 and the difficult years of World War II with Japanese and Thai occupation and even three weeks of Bintang Tiga communist rule, peace returned and the economic environment evolved. Transport by sea became less profitable (Wan Ahmad “Khoda”, pers.com.). Roads replaced the sea and the rivers as means of communication. The landscape on the water changed with engine motored fishing. On land, industrial rubber and palm oil agriculture replaced part of the forest. Iron ore was exploited in Bukit Besi (Khoo 1991). Yet, the numerous village activities involving working with tembaga brassware, cloth weaving and dying, boat building, carving and painting, musical instruments, mats, hats (terenduk) baskets making and food preparing, all still existed about twenty year ago.(observation by the author). These crafts products found outside markets among amateurs and were still used by the locals in their daily life The handcrafts activities conducted below the houses on stilts contributed to make the villages landscapes lively. Meanwhile, fishing with trawls (pukat harimau) was thriving. Boat builders and Jeragan (trawler skippers) built spacious timber houses and went to perform the Haj. Since about 15 years, there are no more perahu besar (salt trading schooners) entering the estuaries all sails open. A few tigers and elephants in search of lost territories prowl in new gardens. No more licenses are issued for coastal fishing. The new 80ft trawlers have to compete with the cheaper labour of Thai fleets. Padi field are replaced by housing estates that have become a more profitable way to use land. For a long while (1974-2001) Petroleum offshore provided a source of wealth for the state, large roads and a fairy tale illumination on the Kemaman coast. 50 Tourism brought tall hotels on the sea shore and resorts mushroomed on the offshore islands. Today, the Terengganu government is promoting a “new civilisation”. “Tamadun Baru bemula di Sini” was the slogan of the “Terengganu Monsoon Cup” in November 2005, an event which involved world rated sailors. The future is now turned towards international modernity and vast projects that, it is hoped, will accommodate the needs of the inhabitants by bringing a new prosperity. 3.3.3 A hierarchised Society In 1984, Shaharil Taib Robert, studying the society in Terengganu, wrote (that was later confirmed by Gullik (1987) on the West part of Malaysia) : “The ruling class and the subject class formed the main elements in the Malay social system”. However, added Shaharil (1984) “this division of classes was blurred at its borders.” The members of the Terengganu ruling class influenced the image of the present built environment (Shaharil 1988). They had the means to create residences and compounds that reflected their rank and would benefit a few generations after them. Often traveling abroad, they were aware of international styles and techniques. The ruling class carried the “burden” of teaching religion, making the land prosperous and maintaining order. Capital was earned and re-invested in land and maritime trade, agriculture, fruit trees, rice, pepper, rubber, and given to charity in the form of schools, mosques, surau* and wakaf* (Shaharil 1988) Family connections were all important. A group of relatives, orphans, retainers, servants and craftsmen lives on the fringe of an aristocratic family under their protection and on their land. 51 The “subject class”, the commoners, or “rakyat biasa* “, had been further described as divided in threes categories “the fishermen, who dwelt along the coast, the artisans who inhabited the capital and other coastal town as well as the villages in their immediate vicinity, and, finally the agricultural population who occupied the villages scattered over the rest of the country” (Khoo 1991): Life was to work physically, “at times very hard” (Clifford 1961), and bring up the children that will take care of them later. The “rakyat” frequented the surau and saved money for the one time pilgrimage to Mecca. Women baked cakes, wove songket*, mats or hats. Men opened batik* or wood workshops below their house or close by. Crews for sailing and fishing were in demand. Mobility was frequent as men followed employment opportunities. Within the hierarchy, charisma and power (keramat) of the leader ensures the loyalty of the followers. There is permanent interaction between neighbours and members of a same surau chapel. Work stops on days when a villager passes away so that everyone can participate in the funeral rites. Beside hierarchy, stability was the second characteristic of the Terengganu society. At the end of his study, Shaharil (1984) notes that the social structure was not altered by the colonial presence. It has not been drastically altered until today (Khoo, 1991).Villagers’ ancient perception of the social hierarchy persists. However, numerous members of the ruling class have now moved out of Terengganu, towards responsibilities with the Federal government or greener pastures, leaving the ancestral family compounds to the ward of elderly relatives. 52 3.4. The particularity of the Terengganu Village 3.4.1 The kampung in scholarly studies Today, some urban Malaysians discover that they have no more kampung to go back to wonder what will be the meaning of the word for new generations (Karim Raslan, 2002). Furthermore, the word “kampung” carries connotations of lack of civilization. A stigma of poverty remains. In some areas, rural living is still quite rudimentary. . Studies made in the 1970s from a socio-economic point of view in Perak, in Kelantan and in Pahang give villages lay out plans and explain the social fabric of some communities and their livelihood (Wan Hashim, 1978; Kuchiba et al.,1979,). However, the correlation between the traditions of the villagers and the shaping of the landscapes is not particularly considered. In the Encyclopedia of Malaysia, Chen (1998) sums up in a sketch the general features of a Malay village lay out. The represented features can be observed in Terengganu: a river, coconut trees, houses on stilts, a mosque, fields and winding paths; yet the portrayed settlements are not located in Terengganu: There is no apparent unity of orientation of the houses, no rules of village lay out nor a particular architectural identity, when these three elements have become apparent to the few authors who observed the state residential areas. Architect Raja Bahrin (1988), studying the Terengganu timber houses, remarked that mental expectations inherited from western approaches may be inadequate to Malaysian reality such as the Malay villages: … “The kampong is in essence, not a residential ground in the sense the term is defined in sociology text books. The definition of the village as a territorial group is based on the European image of a settlement and is strictly not applicable to the Malay village settlement.” (Raja Bahrin, 1988, 1) 53 Munshi Abdullah, a Malay writer from the West coast, would misunderstand the setting of the habitations Kuala Terengganu which he visited in 1836: “The houses are in all jagged rows, (“congkah mankih”} and different following their fantasy , their fences are in zig - zag (“bengkang bengkok”), the high roofs made of palms, with dirt and rubbish all the way down below where heaps of coconut husks are kept to burn at night to chase mosquitoes.” (in Muhammad Saleh, 1992, translated by the author) 3.4.2 The Terengganu Village Lay out It is usual to see the habitat and the lay out of the Malay village described as “dispersed habitat” (Mohd Taib, 1997).having a “random lay out” (Lim, 1987). These terms evoke a certain disorder or lack of rules in the settlement; but rules are present in the lay out of a Terengganu village. The first thing that an observer would notice, particularly in the morning, is that the houses are all facing the same morning sun direction. The second is that the houses are –mostly- placed in quincunx. A reason for this was explained by the religious requirement of not obstructing the light or the view and not intruding on the privacy of a neighbour (Mohd Yusof, 1997). Raja Bahrin (1988) suggests that one way to identify the boundaries of a village would be to measure the distance to which the call to the prayer carries, (-a distance that, he remarks, moves with the direction of the wind). Neighbourhood is also defined by a circle of forty houses around one’s residence. From the Islamic point of view, the inhabitants within that circle are neighbours and should be invited to share familial festivities. The cadastre was introduced in 1919 (Muhamad Saleh 1991). Yet, it is probable that the study will confirm that the boundaries of a residential compound are similarly marked more by custom (adat) and pragmatism than by law. 54 . One other constant feature is the above mentioned rule of orientation of the roof of a house main structure (rumah ibu,* ) toward North West, the Kiblat or the direction of Mecca, the holy city of Islam. writes “To devout Muslim today, this might be the main consideration in the house orientation: the short side of the house facing Mecca.” (Raja Bahrin, 1988,40) This traditional feature is independent from the style of the buildings. It is mentioned as well by Lim (1987) in his description of the traditional Malay house. It is not recorded as been systematic in other states of Malaysia (except in Kelantan and Kedah, states which share common historical features with Terengganu). 3.4.3 Terengganu House Architecture Following Sheppard (1970), and Raja Bahrin (1988), the Terengganu houses have at first been described in terms of the number of their posts. That was perhaps according to the inhabitants practice of identify a house by its size: one simple building is rumah bujang *, one larger building, rumah tiang dua belas*, or a double (twin ) buildings, rumah kembar*. Some of these houses were decorated by timber roof ends finishings (mempeles), carvings (sobek) and trimmings (kumai). The previously mentioned records of fourteen architecturally significant residences from Terengganu described in the archives of the Pusat Kajian Alam Bina Melayu KALAM (2002), at the Faculty of Built Environment in Universiti Teknologi Malaysia illustrate the variety and the value of the state’s architectural heritage. As new styles have been introduced, new denominations have been adopted by house builders and inhabitants. Like the boats by their sails, houses architectural style in Terengganu are now more defined by their “top sides” -by their roofs 55 features. Recapitulating data made at the occasion of research on the history of a number of houses in Terengganu, the author had distinguished a chronological prevalence of styles (Longuet 1991). - From unknown date to 1900: The “rumah berpeles*” with tunjuk langit* - From 1900 onward the lima bungkus* - From around 1935 onward the atap Belanda* with buah gutong* - Later, after the 2nd world war, came glass windows and the “A” frame roofs structure (@1948). Finishing decorative elements mark the status of the owners and the period of the building. Foreign inspiration is present (Chinese, European, Indian) yet integrated to the vernacular design. The basic tripartite composition or lay out of the house remains constant: luar “outside” which is in fact inside the house but is an area reserved to visitors- dalam “ inside”–dapur –“ kitchen”. It is noted by Lim (1987), Raja Bahrin (1988) and still exists today. The open-end design which allows ulterior modifications of the buildings is integrated in the construction. Another architectural feature is the house basic shape resulting from an adaptation to the climate and natural environment. The practical design confers to the buildings their striking visual identity with high roofs, stilts and the organic look due to the use of materials from the local forests. The later source was abundant because of the sub-tropical location of the state and its geology “relatively stable for over fifty million years” preserving a thriving biodiversity (Hsuan Keng 1978). 3.5 Villagers Beliefs and Relationship with Nature Back in the fifteen century, Wang Ta Yuang (Weatley, 1966) already observed about “Ting Ka Lu” that “The supernatural plays a large part in the life of the people”. At the same time, nature was primordial. 56 3.5.1 A Mystical Interpretation of Nature “Life” for the villager meant constant relationship with a powerful and often fearsome natural environment Later, Western researchers have been puzzled by the juxtaposition of “animism” and staunch Islamic belief within the Malay psyche which could be “shaman, magician and sufi” (Winsted, 1981). The world “animism” does not render well the spiritual link with nature that is experienced by the Malay villager. Furthermore, according to Coatalen (1982) who bases his remarks on Kelantan boat designs and Mohd Ghouse (1995) who bases his on classic Malay dances, Hinduism, in a way, may have prepared the Malay to monotheism. The Malays had once adopted a Brahmanist vision of the universe. Shiva was the giver of life and the giver of death. Various divinities, perhaps assimilated to spirits and fairies, ruled nature. But behind nature, there was one Giver of life. Muslim religious teachers in Terengganu, the Sheik and Syed of Middle East and Patani origin (Mohamad Abu Bakar 1987), eager to fight the Hinduist mythology even in the puppets of the wayang kulit, did not fight so vigourously the native practices and superstitions as long as the fundamental tauhid, belief in one God, was upheld. 3.5.1.1 Unity of man and nature The relationship of the Malays in general and of the Terengganu people in particular, was always one of unity with nature and is quite officially recognized: “Daya tarikan pantai yang menuysur panjang turut mempengaruhi karakter rakyat Terengganu yang tidak di nafikan wujudnya hubungan alam-manusia zaman berzaman”. “The charm of the long stretches of sand by the sea has influenced the 57 character of the Terengganu people for whom, it is a fact, the relation between man and nature has existed since the beginning of time. (State Development Economic Planning Unit (2004,170) Traditional healers or bomoh* explain their knowledge as part of a holistic world view. Nature, for example, has “urat*”, structural lines and energy paths There are urat designs on wood and coconut, and urat of the blood veins. For the Malay bomoh , there is no structural difference between man and his natural environment. (Longuet 1984). This is not an anthropocentric interpretation, but the ontological* perception that man and nature, animals, plants, mountains, are ruled by the same rules of balance of life elements: air, water, earth and fire. 3.5.1.2 Superstition transcended The Muslim ulamak* did not sever the link with the forces of nature. The attitude of fear and respect was not condemned, but Islamised. To sail on the ocean or enter the forest, the villager would still place himself under the protection of the invisible but the original mantera* was completed by a final dua kalimah* or replaced by evocations of the tutelary prophets for the sea and the forest (Wan Khadijah, personal communication). When the people in Terengganu became Muslim, nature became Muslim too. The ancient pattern of relationship with nature was re-interpreted As an elderly village woman ( Hajah Wok, personal communication) confided: “Pohon menjadi tinggi, tinggi adalah doanya kepada Tuhan” –“The growth of the tree is its prayer to God”-. 58 3.5.1.3 Artistic creation On their part, Malays artists and craftsmen such as the Terengganu tukang * seek to interpret the symbolic messages written in nature and translate them in their work. (Abdul Razak, 1999, Ismail Said, 2001). For them, nature itself is a symbol emanating of the ultimate Reality. In this, Malay craftsmen, Islamic scientists and mystics read the world the same way: “Nature in itself is not a divine entity, but a symbolic form which manifests the divine” (Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas, 1989, 3) Furthering the spiritual significance given to the environment by the Muslim Malays, researchers such as Muhammad Affandi (1995) in Kelantan have recorded mystical interpretations of house architecture. The building itself is an esoteric lesson in religious knowledge, just as nature is a veiled revelation for the Muslim scientists to decipher. 3.5.1.4 Cosmic triangulation Sea voyagers as the Malays of the north-east were, they put great importance to the knowledge of their position compared to the sun, the stars, the date in the year and the time of the day. A proper house in the past could not be erected before a full analysis of the proposed site was made in relation to the tangible and intangible forces that may influence the future life of the inhabitants. In the Besut district of Terengganu, traditional healers and foresters (Ariffin, personal communication) refer to the “Tajul Muluk” . This book is a compilation of diagrams and formula to find out auspicious days, and, for choosing the site of a house, interpret the land shape, earth colour and taste. Orientation of the land and buildings, placation of the spirits of the place, wind directions, each is taken in consideration. 59 3.5.2 A Psychological Bond Nature is a companion through life, invited to the celebration of rites of passage, to birth, marriages, illnesses, and burials. Floral species were at hand. Their fragrance pervaded the houses, alternating with the more common smell of the daily spices and signaling familial events (Longuet 1984). In competitions and games, animal champions gave a measure of the owner’s strength or cunning. Wau kites playing with the air masses in movements imitated the soaring of the sea eagles. Men and animals shared permanently an experience of life or death. A poet and fisherman living in Seberang Takir, a village tugged between the sea and the estuary of the Terengganu river, expressed that intimacy in a few words: Sewaktu minyak tumpah di laut Ikan hidupku Dalam kematian. J.M.Aziz “Kembang Selaut” (1988) 3.5.3 Quotidian Use of Nature Resources The role of nature in the Malaysian traditional “pharmacy” has now been well documented (Burkill, 1966; Gimlette, 1971; A.Samad, 1982, Wiart 2000). Nature was -and to some extend still is- a seemingly inexhaustible reserve of resources and knowledge for the villagers in Terengganu. Wood carvings of floral elements contribute to good ventilation and place the house in continuity with its surroundings The repetition of Convolvulacea patterns on door lintels (Ismail 2002) and Trichosanthes wallichii on boats (Coatalen 1982) expresses the close link between nature and man’s daily life. 60 The red flowers of the Erythrina tree marks the end of the monsoon and the beginning of the sailing season for the perahu besar* (Wan Ahmad, personal communication). Plants provide materials for traps, cages, wrappers and household accessories such as the popular penyapu lidi, a multipurpose kind of broom made of coconut rib, the sound of which frighten marauding cats. Some animals such as cats and merpati pigeons, favored by the Prophet are kept as pets. Goats, chicken, enliven the compound life with their intrusions in the houses or gardens. Wild fauna participate to the life of the house compound they have adopted as their territory. Magpie robins sing their early duos, an eagle dines on a sea snake in a particular cengal tree and the biawak giant lizard sneaks under the houses hunting for young chicken. All are part of the rich texture of the compound landscape. 3.6 Conclusion The background overview has shown that society and landscape in Terengganu was rooted in history, culture and religion as well as indigenous ways of using human and natural resources. Having attempted to capture some of the essence of the Terengganu culture will help understand better the features that will be observed during the house compound surveys. It also allows devising a methodology suitable to the multifaceted subject of study. CHAPTER 4 METHODOLOGY House compounds nested in rural or anciently established areas such as the state of Terengganu, are usually considered as traditional. They are automatically seen as loaded with features significant for the community where they are found, and so generally deemed to be culturally valuable. Yet, to prove and substantiate that claim is complex. This chapter explains how this will be done. It presents: 1) The theoretical framework of the study; 2) The investigation procedure; 3) The inventory tools and information supports. 4.1 Theoretical Framework The study research procedure is based on the holistic ecology theoretical approach (Naveh 2000). Cultural components and criteria for cultural value constitute its guidelines. 4.1.1 Cultural Landscape Components: The tri-dimensional perspective of the Total Human Ecology places features observed in the house compounds within the broadest context of a human and natural heritage It covers data in space and time, as well as the permanent dynamic 61 exchange between the present and the past in the various fields of a community life (Naveh 2000).. For the purpose of this study, the concept of spheres central to Naveh’s holistic ecology has been found suitable. A simplified pattern, similar to Naveh’s “construct” was designed to interpret the cultural background of the Terengganu house compound. Three groups, equivalent to Naveh’s spheres, were identified: (i) the “collective psyche” –equivalent to the “noosphere”, (ii) the “group survival”, equivalent to the “biosphere*and (iii) the “state history”, equivalent to the “technosphere*. Figure 4.1 shows the schema of this operative interpretation: STATE HISTORY COLLECTIVE PSYCHE (technosphere) (noosphere) Political & historical events Social organisation Prehistory, first settlements Indianised civilisations Economical activities Beliefs – world view Interpretation of nature A multilayered. interactive roots Terengganu system House Compound Architecture, techniques & principles Ethnic groups Way of life & Accessories Natural environment Challenges & Resources Practical knowledge Experience GROUP SURVIVAL (biosphere) Figure 4.1 : A typical Terengganu house compound interpreted in a holistic ecological landscape perspective (schema by the author). 62 Within the three main groups of cultural components, nine environment factors or more detailed components of Terengganu cultural identity have been further deducted from the overview in Chapter 3 (i) The first group of components, “Collective psyche” comprises of a) Prehistory, first settlements, Indianized civilisation; b) Beliefs, world view and interpretation of nature. (ii) The second group, “Group survival” includes: a) Ethnic groups way of life and accessories; b) Natural environment challenges and resources; c) Practical knowledge and experience. (iii) The third group,”State history” is composed of: a) Political and historical events; b) Social organisation; c) Economic activities; d) Architecture, techniques and principles. The whirl of the pattern aims at illustrating the overlapping dynamic structure of reality behind the landscape. The schema emphasizes the permanence and continued role of the tacit components “below” the “above”-more immediately visual- components. This interpretative schema is used as a guide particularly in the first and last two stages of the research as explained below. 4.1.1 1 Role of the identified cultural Components as Guides in the Study During field surveys, the multilevel components schema helps spotting the significance of features of cultural that could be overlooked or explained only by their function. For instance, the high benches (bangku) found in the villages are not simple benches. They are particular garden furniture of areas where floods were 63 frequent and people sat crossed legged, and lived outdoors (“Group Survival” components). Significant as well are the small “pagar” not only “mini gardens” but fences to protect a few plants species in communities where larger fences were rare or signalled status (“State history” components). In the final stage of the study, the groups of cultural components provide a reference framework when, as a result of the study, a number of house compounds features are presented as material expressions of the culture of the inhabitants, but a specific connection with the cultural roots still has to be shown. Throughout the field surveys, the “trans-disciplinary” (Naveh, 2000) approach allows reading the past alive in the present and to connect what is seen with the unseen. Decorative roof features, such as the tunjuk langit and the buah gutung, may then be connected with the history of the northern Malays' diaspora (“State history” components) as well as with symbolism in architecture, an important trait of the Malay world view (“Collective psyche” components). 4.1.2 Role of the cultural value criteria as guides in the study The second set of guidelines is found in the criteria briefly elicited in Chapter two. These are particularly useful in interviews, to prepare questions to respondents on antiquity and events (National Parks Registry criteria, McClelland et al., 1990) as well as to obtain more subjective data, from inhabitants’ perception and experience of their habitat (Kaplan1975, Appelton1975, Taylor, 2002). Table 4.1 recapitulates the 17 selected criteria: 64 Table 4.1 Cultural landscape Criteria from various theoretical Perspectives No Theories Informational preference model: 1 Criteria Stephen and Coherence, legibility, mystery, complexity Rachel Kaplan (1978) 2 Experiential Approach Taylor et al (1987) & Environment-Behaviour Studies Rapoport (1960, 2004) Benefit, entertainment, relaxation, space social role, . 3 4 Holistic Landscape Ecology Zev Naveh (2000) & Historical perspectives: Daniel J.Marcucci (2000) US National Park Registry (Bull.18 &38) . Religion, rites, status, activity Antiquity, Historical Events, or persons, Information, arts, Perhaps, using one or two series of established assessment criteria (Nor Atiah (2003), could be considered sufficient; but the multi-faceted approach is necessitated by the intrinsic richness of the subject. The house compounds respond to a wide range of criteria which determine ”cultural” from a variety of perspectives may answer to a wide spectrum of criteria. It could be advanced as well that some the criteria have been arbitrarily deducted. However, in this preliminary exploration, the criteria are used in a heuristic manner. They are needed on the field to seek features that may have cultural significance. Finally, the criteria will be used to screen the investigated compounds for cultural value. The screening is a recapitulation of the findings to obtain quantitative data. The frequently responded to criteria will further reveal priorities in the choice of values of the inhabitants as expressed in their built environment. 65 4.2 Dynamics of the Demonstration The above dual theoretical framework –components and criteria- results in two paths of reasoning that leads to two sets of results: one focuses on the building of the identity of the Terengganu cultural landscapes, the other on the demonstration of the cultural value of these landscapes. In the centre of the process, field inventory yields data that are gathered and interpreted on these two paths as shown in Figure 4.2. Reasoning path Observations T’gnu Cultural Components Field inventory Detailed data Types & other characteristics Reasoning Path Criteria for Cultural Value screening Elicitation of principles & priorities Cultural “portrait” of the sample Consequence: Toward a conceptualisation of the Tgnu Cultural landscape Identity Empirical verification: Links Features and T'gnu Cultural Components Illustration Assessment of Cultural value Implication: possible Extrapolation to other Hse compounds in Tgnu Demonstration Figure 4.2: Dynamics of the Demonstration The investigation is represented as an interactive triptych. The columns show respectively (i) the building of an identity, (ii) the observation and description of the subject and (iii) the logics of the demonstration. 66 4. 3 Prerequisites to the investigation The investigation would not start without considering a few aspects which may influence the reliability -understood as “likeliness of consistency of the observations” (Babbie, 1975, 98) and the validity -understood as “accuracy of the deductions” (Babbie, ibid.) of the study. These are: the method of sample acquisition, the objectivity requirements and optimum size of the data collection. 4.3.1 Sample acquisition Finding appropriate series of house compound to serve as research sample is not a straightforward process because of the recent developments occurring in the state of Terengganu. 4.3.1.1 Selection A random selection sampling was at first the objective chosen as a mean to acquire field data. According to Babbie (1975 ), a random selection process is one in which “each element has an equal chance of selection that is independent of any other event in the selection process”. Any house compound located in Terengganu within the frame of a certain quantity of house compounds pre-selected on the base that there is a compound and an habitation, could be surveyed (i) Actual selection process Unfortunately, more and more residences not obviously rooted in the vernacular architecture and cultural context border the roads of the state. To save time, areas known from historical records (Muhammad Saleh 1992) as having been established since at list three generations were used as base for the research. . 67 As most of the population of the state is Malay and follow the same customs (Unit Perancang Economi Negeri Terengganu 2004), the reliability and validity of the results of the study, in case, for example, one would extrapolate from the sample or proceed for future similar studies, is narrowed to “traditional” house compounds in Terengganu.. An initial total of 25 cases of such residences composed of house(s) and grounds, were identified. In some cases, the apparent garden was not structured enough to qualify as ground belonging to the residence. For instance, in one site, in Lorong Haji Jamil, in Kuala Terengganu, a cluster of ancient houses linked to a common ancestor Haji Awang Besar seemed to be organised on both sides of a picturesque timber path. Interviews showed that the path was a gift made by the township authorities to the residents. It was a compensation for the floods caused by road development around their urban kampung. The compound was not included in the 25, but a neighbouring cluster, answering the criteria (house and compound) was retained. From the base of 25 preliminary surveyed, 16 cases were selected on a quasirandom basis determined by ulterior travel and time opportunities. Some house compounds were found in the same village, some were the only unit surveyed in one village. The initial sample size was modified in favour of the more manageable16 units, remarking that Nor Atiah, (2003) was able to work with a survey 9 rural residences. However, the larger number of 16 house compound was retained to accommodate the variety of units as, even during the first surveys, visual differences between the types of house compounds were obvious. (ii) Integrity* “Traditional villages” by name are still a majority in the state, but, in reality traditional features within these villages are rapidly disappearing. As the house compounds are undergoing a process of transformation, there might be a variable degree of cultural “integrity”* of the house compounds on the field. There is a risk that fewer and fewer features worthy of being identified as cultural can be found in the considered residences. 68 4.3.2 Objectivity: Observer previous Knowledge and Involvement During field surveys, observation is to be kept objective, avoiding on the field subjective interpretation which may impact on the sites ability to deliver their specific elements. The author, living and working since more than thirty years in the field, has accumulated an experiential image of a Terengganu house compound landscape. In the process of building evidence for this study, the author may unconsciously select the compounds that are still relatively whole (to comply for the US National Parks “integrity” criteria for example) or those that are more easily readable examples (“legibility” criteria) of cultural value. As Babble (1975, 200) wrote “The researcher who undertakes the selection of cases on an intuitive basis might very well select cases that would support his research expectations or hypothesis.” The remedy is random sampling. “This procedure serves as a check on conscious or unconscious bias on the part of the researcher”, further explains the Babbie (1975). With the quasi-random opportunistic selection process of 16 cases from a previous larger number of 25 house compounds chosen here, the observer potential bias may be considered as reasonably kept in check. Further validation of the findings such as verification through “intersubjectivities* (Babbie 1975) -where results from other researchers are used, as well as empirical verification, will be considered in the final stages of this research. On the other hand, the author previous ethnobotanical and historical knowledge, is also an advantage as understanding of feature significance may be enhanced by background knowledge while trust is more easily built with interviews respondents. 69 4.3.3 Range of Data Collection: Profusion and Parsimony The range of features in the four landscape elements, namely plant species ground elements, architecture and fauna, to be surveyed to obtain a holistic view of the house compounds and the profusion of information inherent to cultural reality presage a rich harvest. However, the object of the research is not an exhaustive survey of house compounds or a thorough characterisation, but an elicitation, through investigations, of a number of cultural features to warrant consideration of these rural residences as cultural landscapes. To guide and limit the exploration of data, and for verification of the assumption purpose, it was resorted to “parsimony*”, a method from the social research discipline described by Babbie (1975,44 ): “The social scientist attempts to gain the most explanatory power out of the smallest number of variables” The idea is to consider only enough data -the smallest number of variables- to demonstrate a point. Here, these data will be chosen to prove the existence of cultural features or characteristics in Terengganu from the observation of a series of house compounds. In other terms, identify the landscapes only enough to prove that they are cultural. For this purpose,the inventory needs not to be exhaustive. However, an appropriate amount of data must be collected. “Enough” here will means relating solely to the objectives of the study, i.e.: (i) allowing a simple statistic treatment of the information such as determination of the frequency of occurrences of features, (ii) spot particular features and (iii) express the relationship between the inhabitants and the flora of their compound. Similarly, the findings or priority traits or characteristics elicited from analysis of the inventory lists do not have to be exhaustive. At the present stage, for 70 the purpose of the demonstration, only the verification of the cultural value of a number of frequent features found in the house compounds is necessary. 4.4. Operative Classification To extract the culturally significant features from the mass of documentation gathered, a classification system has been sought. The World Conservation Union has underlined the importance of “classifying, assessing and prioritizing” threatened landscapes(Green and Vos, 2001). Their goal is to help select those of the landscapes that will qualify to be registered for preservation as world heritage. The same approach of classifying systematically and assessing valued landscape is used here for the house compounds in Terengganu. 4.4.1 The heuristic Types of House Compounds Typology is one way of classifying. In this research, operative or heuristic* types were identified from previous experience in the field, corroborated by literature. Shaharil (1984), Khoo (2002), have agreed that the society in Terengganu during the last three centuries was clearly stratified according to status and occupation. Privileges were expressed in the way of living and residences of the “Ruling Class”. Even if society may have changed since, the houses that are seen today were built and the land was organised during these historical times, so a classification based on the historically documented social structures is still relevant. At the beginning of the study, following Clifford (1961), Shaharil (1984) and Khoo (2002), the house compounds were divided in four types, corresponding to 71 socio-economic categories of the Terengganu population, observing that the compounds where they lived were marked by signs of belonging to these categories. The preliminary classification distinguished: (i) Aristocrat; (ii) Fisherman; iii) Farmer; (iv)Town dweller. “Aristocrat” house compound was the vast, brick and stucco or carved timber residences surrounded with an equally vast compound indicating the power and wealth of their owner. “Fisherman” compound was the rudimentary sea side dwellings and “farmer” designed the more upriver agriculture based settlements. Both these two “types” exhibited the tools of their trade in their compounds. Then, corresponding to the twentieth century’s urbanisation with the growth of administration, education and businesses, especially around the capital of Kuala Terengganu, during the twentieth century was the “”town dweller” type of compound. The later, though, was still, until the around 1990, quite rural. The capital of the state was a gathering of villages with only a few urban arteries very similar to the description Munshi Abdullah has made of it in 1836 (Muhammad Saleh,1992). There were a rural looking areas inside town where it was even possible to go “botanizing” (Hume,1984). The first type classification was challenged during the preliminary explorations: Some house compounds could not fit into the proposed categories. Although they were based upon vernacular social archetypes, the categories were not adequate. “Fisherman” (“nelayan”) house compound was not comprehensive enough to include other occupations. “Town dweller”, (“orang Bandar”} was too general to reflect the actual variety of the compounds within the “urban” agglomerations. The proposed types were modified to follow field observations as illustrated in Table 4.2 72 Table 4.2 Adjustment of the Heuristic Types No Literature on“State History” and “Group Survival” Preliminary types 1 2 3 4 Politics, society Architecture, economy Relationship with nature Trial of house compounds Fisherman Town dweller Aristocrat Farmer Field observation during exploratory surveys Final types of house compounds Rakyat Aristocrat Clan heritage Farmer The finally proposed category of “Rakyat” covers a wide range of occupations: school teachers, policemen, craftsmen, small traders who live in town areas as well as in the villages. The Malay word ”rakyat” has been retained as other terms such as ”commoners”, “people” or “citizen”, carry superfluous connotations. Rapoport ( 2004) encountered similar difficulty in defining what is “vernacular” local, people’s architecture etc. the French “populaire” seemed adequate to Rapoport (2004) but it had other meanings as well and so could not be used here. “Clan heritage” could be considered as a sub-category of “Aristocrat”; but it is based on a very distinctive ground and building layout that justifies setting it apart. At this point, it may be advised to limit the study to only one type of house compound. However, the hypothetic “types” are proposed categories in the process of being identified, and cannot be considered as reference before sufficient amount of facts are collected. The historical and socio-economic based typology is not yet confirmed by further anthropological research. Therefore, it was not suitable to select only one of these. 4. 5 Field Inventory Procedure The research follows the sequence recommended for studies in “material culture” or “built form” (Rapoport 2004 ) which involves observation, inventory and interpretation. Similar sequence is recommended in the National Parks Register 73 Bulletins on rural residential sites: (i).field investigation, (ii) analysis and (iii) assessment. Research is qualitative and quantitative. It is conducted through case studies on the field and followed by recapitulative tabulation of data. It refers to practical guidelines for landscape surveys and Cultural Landscape Report from the USA National Park Registry Bulletins (Birnbaum 2000) which have been used as well by the National Heritage Trust of Malaysia, (Badan Warisan 1990 ). “To document existing conditions, intensive field investigation and reconnaissance should be exchanged at the same time as documentary research is being gathered.” (Birnbaum 2000) Then, because of the difference of stage in the heritage preservation process, and following the principle of parsimony evoked earlier, the intensive investigation will be limited to obtainment of some computable (frequency) data, and to a number of characteristics of the vernacular identity. The research may be intensive and extensive but not exhaustive. From the spectrum of data gathered in the field on the plant species, ground features, architectural features and the animals that live there or visit, as well as from the interviews, the research will extract some landscape characteristics. The data will be narrowed and screened to elicit those which answer to criteria for cultural value, obtaining the targeted assessment in five steps shown in bold characters on Figure 4.3. 74 : Data collection: Inventory Flora, Grounds, Architecture and Fauna Analysis: Quantitative approach Frequency of feature occurrence Analysis Qualitative Approach Particular features Ethno-botanical data Findings elicitation: General traits and Characteristics Screening to criteria for Cultural Value Preliminary Assessment Fig. 4.3: Detail of the research sequence from the site inventory to the preliminary cultural assessment To guide the field surveys, a standard check list of landscape features is used referring to previous surveys in Malaysia ( Ismail Said et al.,2000, 20-23 ) together with a short list of questions for interviews; then, on site, sketch plans are made and photographs are taken. The results are collated on individual data sheets. 4.5.1 Check List of Elements and Features (i) The compound in general: neighbourhood, general setting, size, access and boundaries; one house with a garden or a group sharing a ground; enclosed or not; or a house with ancillary buildings in a compound; proportion flora and built elements (ii) The main building, the “house”: style of the building (s), proportions in height, in width, number of roofs, materials, and number of buildings attached and transition areas, veranda and stairs, entrances, and accessories. (iii) The grounds: general aspect and lay out; garden, hardscape, water features and other accessories,; general aspect: symmetry, order, or fantasy, harmony or 75 disorder; trees, shrubs, climbers, creepers, herbs; colours, foliage branching, leaves flowers and fruit. (iv) Plant species: arrangement: systematic, traditional, spontaneous; plants in pots, wild species. Uses of these by the inhabitants: deliberately decorative (gardening and horticulture) or ethnobotanical uses: food, medicine, cosmetic; boundary markers, accent and shade. (v) Fauna domestic: selected species by inhabitants: chicken, turkeys, ducks, geese, cage birds, monkeys, goats and cattle; wild species. 4.5.2 Interviews This part of the field investigation is important as, to be qualified as cultural, a landscape must be connected to the life or the worldview of the inhabitants and express it (Robert1994, Birnbaum, 2002). The statement by the inhabitants of a link between their life and a particular feature, a ground accessory, or a plant species, is a clue of the cultural value of that feature. Interviews were semi-structured. They were conversations guided by non formal questionnaires designed to obtain context data while avoiding intruding on the privacy of the respondents. Amongst the necessary data were: (i) Date (s) of construction of the house, age of the present inhabitants, their main occupation, the one of the founder and his origins as well as the other significant details concerning the family. (ii) Information on features names, origins, uses and particularly on the relationship existing between the inhabitants and the plant species. (iii) Historical and socio-economic data on the significance some “particular features” or potentially idiosyncratic features. 76 4. 5. 3 Site Surveys Procedure The material tools used for gathering field information are: note book for field notes interviews and drafts sketches; a camera, a measuring tape and a compass. The first step is to obtain permission to conduct the survey. It is often accompanied by a first interview. The pictures are taken: front view of the compound, facade of the house, main entrance view, side and back garden. Details prominent at a glance are recorded. Voluminous sketch notes were taken at the beginning. These were later simplified as the data became organised in field data sheets to be filled in. The tape will be used mostly to verify the height of the post of the buildings. As a result, one house compounds generally has an investigation file comprising of photographs, interviews reports, field notes, data sheets and draft sketches plans. Figure 4.4 and Figure 4.5 give an example of filled in data sheet and sketch plan, for one “Clan Heritage” house compound located in Kuala Hiliran. Further examples of house compounds data sheets and investigation files are available in Appendix B. 77 Field survey Data Sheet Proposed category: “Clan Heritage House Compound" Front view, linked houses Location: Kuala Hiliran Kuala Terengganu Main resident(s) usual Name(s): Haji Yusof Kelang and descendants Features The compound - neighbourhood …Kuala Hiliran, 2km from KT, ancient wealthy families. Religion and trade by the Terengganu River. general setting atmosphere orientation…a hamlet around a “surau” chapel under centenarian fruit trees. east west compound orientation - boundaries and circulation…a concrete wall on the south side, tall trees, a bitumed path leads through the compound to the surau and the river side. - size (1 ekar = 7 lots)…@ 2 ekar. - access…Through the river (jetty); main entrance at a small road. - one house with a garden or……………… - group sharing a delimited ground :7 houses around the path and the surau - house with ancillary buildings in a compound,……………………………… - proportion flora and built elements within the compound .. Flora 5, built 5. The buildings: - style of the main building …each of T’gnu traditional styles + indications of Tudor roofs, and even “Art Nouveau” inspired floral motives. - orientation of “rumah ibu”…”Kiblat”. - proportions roofs, walls, stilts…8’/9’/7’. - length, width, ……………………… - number of roofs …at least 2 for each house, + kitchen and extensions. - materials and colours …painted timber, mix colours. - number of buildings attached …variable. Window on house 4 - transition areas, …pelantar corridors, titian passages between houses - verandahs …a few, on top of entrance staircases. - stairs and entrances …protected by roofs… - windows : shutters, glass, shapes and colours…varied incl. foreign inspired patterns. - ancillary buildings …. - movable accessories…. - contents of the space below the house …cars garage, ancient sampan, furniture and jars store. - kitchen drying rack jack roof. - status signals: verandah, balconies, fences and gates, carvings. Fig.4. 4: Example of Field Surveys Data Set: C1, Kuala Hiliran. 78 The grounds - category: courtyard garden, plantation…residential orchard. - lay out, various parts….focal center surau, yet as houses follow standard lay out, gardens around these do too. - hard features…bathroom (see below) - soil…. turf, sand, earth, bitumen. - drains … around the houses. - communal bathroon around a well …, Former outdoor Bathroom (hse 2) elaborated “outdoor bathroom disused.wild gingers grow in the former large kolah .- toilets hut… with well on South side - outdoors indicators of activity…(cloth lines with batiq, baskets, platforms for dry fish, coconut dehusker, pounding devices. - garden furniture: resting beds and benches…Not seen. - special cages for chicken and roosters… Flora (see individual compounds check lists) - plants organisation (systematic or not, harmony, symmetry or not)…………………… - planted species in pot:.. some, conscupious use of Asplenium nidum at the foot of porch post. - on the ground list………………… - wild species……………………… - function of the plants (apparent & inhabitants knowledge) decorative (deliberate gardening and horticulture)…… food. ……mangoustan, mangoes, bananas, jambu, rambutan medicine & cosmetic …………………… boundary marker ………………………… accent: entrance, center piece……………………. shade……………………………………… religion & rites……………………………………… others (game, seat, building and tools material)……… - habit: trees, shrubs, climbers, creepers, herbs, palms… - colours, foliage branching trunks flowers and fruit…… Kitchen with peles & jackroof (hse 4) - seasonal variations…… Fauna - domestic: cats, chicken, peacock, turkey, geese, pigeons and doves or goats, monkeys, moscovi ducks (social markers!) - wild : usually related to the species of trees and foodstuff attraction …………… Interviews - permissions: to take photos, make sketches and measurements …+ guided visits. - date of construction and shifts …@1900-1930-1950. - identity of inhabitants (those who lived the compound)…Haji Yusof and descendants. ethnic/geographic origins, religion …Cham, Indian Muslim. social status/occupation …Sea captain, trader in iron ore, modern corporate businesses .Visits by Sultan Suleiman. - use of the plants as reported by the informant…decoration and medicinal. Results: - grounds and garden design, architecture, history, sociology. Haji Yusof curbing a kongsi revolt received land in Kelang from the British. conclusion: type as deemed? Yes : Genealogy of the Clan written in the group of buildings: link between houses 3 and 4 still exist at the top of the stair cas.e - particular lessons from the considered compound: Clan style aristocratic; reproduces T”gnu village lay out; for Terengganu,villages in general: Ecclectism in architecture. Fig.4.4: Example of Field Surveys data sets, C1, continued. (Pictures by author, 2004) 79 .Records 1. Pictures: Façade elevation Side elevation Details 2 .sketch plan of the general lay out: buildings and flora 3 4 5 2 1 6 Fig.4. 5: Example of Sketch Plan, “Clan Heritage Compound” C1, Kuala Hiliran. 80 4.6.4 Collation of Data on structured Information Supports: Information from the field inventory is recapitulated on sketch plans, tables, and charts which constitute an analytic grid. These are: 4.6.4.1 House Compound Sketch Plans As Raja Bahrin (1988) has found, the compound boundaries were often imprecise, marked on one or two sides and unclear on other sides. The sides that were visually obvious were counted in steps. One step is equivalent to about 50 cm The approximate measurements of distance between ground elements, plant species, main building(s) and ancillary sheds were reported on field sketches. The field sketches were later copied on millimetre paper, and finally reproduced on tracing paper to obtain the sketches plans. The compound sketch plans collate the pictorial inventory of the features of the four elements of the compounds, flora, architectures grounds and fauna. They also provides details of lay out and spatial organisation. These sketches carry information of cultural significance such as constants and patterns which would be difficult to find out without referring to them: location of ground elements, house entrances and compound access orientations etc. They are not to scale as the distances have been only estimated. They also do not follow a regular south-north orientation because the plant species names have been written as seen on the field, viewed from the compound most usual access. 4.6.4.2 Recapitulative Tables of Features Occurrence Four series of recapitulative inventory tables record the data collected from the surveys on the four considered landscape elements: the flora, the grounds, the 81 architecture and the fauna. The total of most frequent features highlighted on the tables provides the general characteristics of the house compounds landscapes. The tables allow as well comparison between house compounds species density at one glance. 4.6.4.3 Ethno-botanical Tables and Charts A series of complementary data based on botanical sources and inhabitants’ interviews provide more information on the observed plant species and on the present relationship of the inhabitants with them. Individual lists of plants species in each house compounds are tabulated. They indicate: habit of the plants species, geographical botanical origin, uses, location on the compound and horticultural data. Charts are used to illustrate the proportional uses of the species in each compound. These findings can then be analysed to derive more specific characteristics. 4.7 Exploration of the surveyed House Compounds 4.7.1 Sample identification The targeted traditional landscapes are expected to have been formed through decades or even centuries of history. Therefore, areas known locally and from literature as ancient settlements had been selected. Exploratory forays led to hills of the Malaysian Main Range in Kampong Pasir Raja where people caught wild birds with glue on the Erythrina trees or to the belacang shrimp paste makers in Kampong Bari on the northern coast. 82 The original total of 25 compounds was down-sized to 16 quasi randomly picked up (following opportunities), mostly the estuary of the Terengganu River. This area is rich in settlements reputed for being the residence of famous religious teachers, traders, sea captains and craftsmen. Such are the connected islands of Pulau Duyung and Pulau Ketam ( 3 compounds), the villages of Kuala Hiliran, Losong, Paluh (3 compounds), Sungei Rengas (1 compound) on the southern bank, and Kampung Batin (1 compound) on the northern bank of the river. The capital city of Kuala Terengganu is bordered by the estuary of the Terengganu River on one side and the China Sea on the other. Some of its interior villages are linked to episodes of Malaysian history such as the selected compound in Lorong Haji Jamil. Until very recently, clusters of timbers houses such as the one surveyed in Jalan Hiliran were frequently seen in the city and surroundings. One compound is located in a fishing villages area on the northern coast in Batu Rakit and one is a farm inland, up the Sungai Gawi river, close to the Kenyir Dam Lake. Other farms are found at Padang Air in the north of Kuala Terenganu, and Kampung Belara and on the south east in what was until a few years ago ”the rice belt” of the city, and in Bukit Cempaka, a village known for its top spinning champions. Figure 4.6 shows a sketch of the locations of the surveyed house compounds on the map of the State of Terengganu. 83 84 4.7. 2 House Compounds Classification and Code Identification The Sixteen house compounds were selected following opportunities, within the total of 25 house compounds gathered previously from villages known to have been settled since more than three generation on the base that there was an apparent compound unit, a residence and grounds. Potential “types” appeared during the first surveys and were adjusted as described above. In the end, the “Aristocrat” category, although conspicuous by the deliberate ordinance of its settings was elusive, probably because wealthy inhabitants have modernised their ancestral home or have moved away and the collection was limited at three samples. The “Rakyat” category was more frequent (5 samples). After having noted significant features relating to the socio-economic status of the inhabitants and occupation, it was possible to classify temporarily the selected compounds according to the proposed types and to give them an identification code as shown in Tables 4.3, 4.4, 4.5 and 4.6. Table 4.3: “Rakyat” House Compounds and Identification Code House Compound Code R1 Village or street District Batu Rakit Batu Rakit Physical area Builder owner Occupant* Activity Coast Pak Su Yusof Mak Su Juruselam, food seller “Goreng pisang” Past Present Passed away** R2 Jalan Kamarudin Kuala Terengganu Town En.Yusof En.Mansur House builder R3 Pulau Ketam Kuala Terengganu Village on island in river Wan Muda Che Da Wan The Fishernan Mengkuang Weaver As in the past R4 Pulau Ketam Kuala Terengganu En.Hamzah Army Entrepreneur R5 Sungai Rengas Kuala Terengganu Village on island in river Village, riverside Pak Su Man “Castro” and Wife Miner, traditional healer Passed away *The more prominent members of the family are named here, with their most commonly known “title” Retired policeman Qoran teacher 85 **Are noted as such only those inhabitants that passed away during the time of the research Table 4. 4: “Aristocrat” House Compounds and Identification code House Compound Code A1 Village or street District Physical area Builder owner Occupant Kampung Batin A2 A3 Activity Kuala Nerus Village riverside Engku haji Long Engku Maimunah Schools inspector Pulau Duyung Kecil Kuala Terengganu Village in island in river Dato Biji Sura Tok Hakim (Judge) Losong Haji Mat Kuala Terengganu Ancient Village Haji Embong Businessman Physical area Builder owner Occupant* Past Present Land owner Land owner House Compound Code C1 Village or street District Activity Kuala Hiliran Kuala Terengganu Village, river side Haji Yusof “Kelang”& descendants Businessmen Iron ore Land owners C2 Pulau Ketam Kuala Terengganu Village in river island Haji Ibrahim & descendants Nakhoda Juragan Academic C3 Kpg Paloh Kuala Terengganu Village riverside Tokku Paloh & descendants Religious teacher & royal advisor Teachers C4 Lorong Haji Jamil Kuala Terengganu Old town Haji Awang Besar & descendants Boat owner Trader & stockist Property owner Architect Past Present Table 4.5: “Clan heritage” House Compounds and Identification Code 86 Table 4.6: “Farmer” house Compounds and Identification Code House Compound Code Village District Physical area Padang Air Kuala Nerus Village F1 Bukit Cempaka Nerus F2 Village, padi & orchards Belara Selat Nerus F3 Pasir Dule Hulu Telemong F4 Builder owner Occupant* Haji Da & spouse Activity Past Present Healer, tops maker Healer (bekam) Haji Yusof Farmer, land owner Passed away Village, padi & orchards Haji Wok & Children Farmer. Land owner Farmer, son entrepreneur Village forest Mek Senik Midwife Forest collector Midwife, plant nursery entrepreneur 4.8. Field Surveys and Informants Response The surveys were conducted between January 2003 and February 2004, complemented by verification visits in 2005 and January 2006. The exploration surveys were made in three visits of two to four hours each. The time chosen were early in the morning around 7 a.m. to 10 a.m., when the inhabitants are back from the surau or the market, and are sweeping the ground or watering plants and in the afternoons around 5 p.m. when they burn the rubbish and take some time to rest. The first met respondents were third or fourth generation inhabitants, encountered by chance during their free time (teachers, and other government employees), entrepreneurs and gardeners just back home or retirees who quasi permanently live on the compound. Some of these, after answering to a few preliminary questions, re-directed the author towards an elder, a grand parent or a parent who “knew about those things from the past”(Hajah Wok’daughter in law in F3) and had the leisure to speak. The dean of the respondents was 85 year-old Haji Da a jovial bomoh bekam traditional practitioner (Farmer house compound F1), then came Haji Yusof, 82, the gasing top spinning specialist and Hajah Wok,80, the duku 87 lady . The young adult generation -around 40 of age, was knowledgeable as well and would help explain a word embedded in local pronunciation of their elders. The children would guide the author all around the compound, mentioning vernacular names of plants species -and birds- which were later confirmed or identified on samples by the elders. In most of the cases (Clan C4 in Lorong Haji Jamil, Aristocrats in Losong and Seberang Kampong Batin), elderly adults above sixty of age, born during or a few years before World War II had knowledge of the origins of the family as well as of the approximate date of the compound settlement, the first building of the house and the provenance of some decorative elements. Concerning the three respondents who passed away during the three years span of the research, the interviews were resumed with their children or their spouse who took at heart to continue the dialogue. During interviews, very rarely, some questions were uncomfortable for some respondents because private aspects of the family history would surface such as matters of rank between wives, or heritage division etc. On the other hand, historical events (such as bombing of Pulau Kambing, Bintang Tiga communist brief episode) family ties, ancestors activities related to the compound are willingly recalled. Function of plants and ground elements, ancient accessories are volunteered as well Measurements of the buildings (with a tape for stilts or posts height) and land, even by simple means such as counting distances in steps, was perceived as slightly infringing on inhabitants privacy by the author; so was taking pictures of personal accessories (fish traps, jars, looms,). However, permissions were given by the inhabitants willing to assist in the collection of information on a passing or past way of life. 88 The interviews were conducted at the leisure of the respondents, letting them reminisce of the past. At the same time, precisions would be obtained on date of construction and modifications of the house and grounds, identity, origins and social status/occupation of the inhabitants. The oral information from the interviewees was compared to the status signals on the house and compound. Usually a good consistency was observed. CHAPTER 5 INVENTORY, ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS 5.0 Introduction The findings presented in this chapter are derived from analysing the data on the house compounds collated on supports introduced in the methodology chapter. These finding are: -the most frequent features in the sample of 16, -particular features of cultural significance, -space articulation and patterns and, finally, -details on the relationship between the inhabitants and the plant species of the compounds. 5.1 Most Frequent features The lists of the house compounds features obtained from the compound surveys are available on the recapitulation tables gathered at the end of this chapter. The most frequent of these features, which give their general character to the compounds have been extracted and are reported in the following paragraphs. 5.1.1 Frequent Flora Features The information on plants species is presented according to botanical habits: trees, shrubs, herbs, climber and epiphytes and palms. Local and scientific names have 89 been recorded on the field using the author previous knowledge and the assistance of the inhabitants, verified in Burkill (1966), Gimlette(1971), Dunn (1975) as well as, occasionally, in Polunin (1988), Chin (1999) and Ismail Saidin (2000) for pictorial comparisons.. i) Tree Species: The total of species of trees in the sample is 54 . 11 Species are most frequent. These are: mempelam (Mangifera indica) (11 occurrences), jambu (Sizygium aquae) (9), betek Carica papaya (8), asam jawa (Tamarindus indicus) (8) duku (Lansium domesticum) (7), durian (Durio zibethinus) (7) semeta or mangis (Garcinia mangostana), kuini Mangifera odorata, rambutan Nephelium lappaceum, nangka Artocarpus heterophyllum, meninjau Gnetum gnemon (6) . Confirming literature on Malaysia and Terengganu landscape , tree species bring an overpowering visual contribution to the landscapes (Nor Atiah 2003, Hume, 1984). Although not particularly grown for aesthetic reasons, trees still bring variety, shade and add interest by their diversity of shapes and size and the colour of their foliage, the texture of their bark, the shapes of their branching to the landscapes. Amongst the 11 most frequent species of trees, towering rambutan (Nephelium lappaceum) and slow growing manggis (Garcinia magoustana) rivals in height with the fertile mangoes. The jambu rose apple carries its wiry, low and yellowish grey branches at the level of the pale green papaya and of the dark waxy leaves of the meninjau (Gnetum gnemon). The latter, a botanical primitive species (Hsuan Keng,1978) bears small bright red fruit. Adding more visual variety in the farmers compounds, are the lanky trunks of silvery old durian (Durio zibethinus) trees. Everywhere the nangka Artocarpus is conspicuous with its enormous fruits wrapped in batik cloth. Trees were planted originally sufficiently apart, but nowadays their crowns have joined and create a canopy roof over the grounds of ancient compounds (C3, C1), littering the ground with dead leaves, and in season, a superabundance of fruit Figure 5.2 shows some of the most frequently encountered tree species. 90 Mangifera indica (Pulau Duyung) Gnetum gnemon (Kuala Terengganu) Artocarpus heterophyllum with fruit wrapped in batik cloth (P.Duyung) Sizygium aquae (Kampung Paloh ) Lansium domesticum (Kampong Paloh) Figure 5.1: Some of the most often encountered tree species: (:pictures by the author, 2005) (ii) Shrubs species A total of 31 species of shrubs is recorded in the whole sample. There are 5 most frequently observed shrubs species: cekur manis (Sauropus androgynus) (8), bunga raya (Hibiscus rosa-sinensis) (7), pecah periuk (Ixora coccinea) (6), limau kasturi (Citrus microcarpa) (6), ubi kayu (Manihot utilissima).(5). 91 Flowering shrubs bring colours to the landscapes at eye level with the red or white of the bunga raya Hibiscus and the sun loving red and yellow pecah periuk Ixora, the dark leaves of the native cekur manis (Sauropus androgynus) vegetable and aromatic green limes. The South American red twigged tapioca plant ubi kayu (Manihot utilissima) which replaced rice in troubled times is successful to the point of running wild in the belukar* .Figure 5.1 b) illustrate some of these species: Sauropus androgynus (PDuyung) Ixora coccinea (Bukit Cempaka) Hibiscus rosa sinensis(P.Duyung) Citrus microcarpa (Pulau Ketam) Figure 5.2: Some most frequent shrubs species (Pictures by author 2005) (iii) Herbs species: 72 species of herbs have been observed. 7 are most frequently encountered: halia and lengkuas (Alpinia spp.) (11 occurences), banana (Musa parasidisa) kadok (Piper sarmentosum) (9) serai (Cymbopogon citratus) (8), kunyit (Curcuma domestica) (6), pandan (Pandanus odoratus) (6), bolai (Zingiber cassumar) (6) 92 Herbs are the realm of ornamental flowers, spices and flavours. Their number heralds flavoured cooking. Feet in the water at the back of the houses, –except for the lemon grass which likes drier soil, they thrive in patches of sun. The bananas Musa parasidica long rectangular leaves provide their fruit as well as wrappers for numerous kinds of dishes. Some of these are illustrated in Figure 5.4 . Piper sarmentosum (P.Ketam) Cymbopogon citrates (P.Duyung) Alpinia languas (Sungai Rengas) Curcuma domestica (P.Duyung) Figure 5.4: Some of the most frequent herb species ( Pictures by author,2005) (iv) Palm species The total number of palm species in the sample is 11.The most frequent palm species is kelapa (Cocos nucifera) (10).followed by pinang (Areca catechu) (3). Palm species are only a small number yet they often define the skyline. The trunks of the coconuts trees draw vertical lines on the village landscapes and the shadow of their 93 fronds is projected on the ground. Here and there, the orange muff of the nuts of a pinang Areca nut tree reminds of former betel chewing traditions. (v) Climbers and epiphytes The number of recorded epiphytes and climbers is 26. The most frequent species of climbers and epiphytes encountered in the sample are: paku langsuyir (Asplenium nidus) ( 9), bunga loceng (Allamanda cathartica (3), pitis pitis (Drymoglossum piteseloides (3), and wild and cultivated Orchid species.(3 ). Climbers and epiphytes confer to the landscapes an air of inextinguishable energy of nature, climbing on other species. The South American poisonous Allamanda is easy to grow. Its yellow colour reminds that the city of Kuala Terengganu is the seat of the royal palace. In the sample, it is seen in fences and in pots in “Aristocrat” and “Clan heritage” compounds as shown in Figure 4.5. Orchid sp. on gate (C4) Allamanda at entrance (A3) Drymoglossum on Eugenia Figure 5.5: Some of the most frequent epiphyte and climber species (pictures by author, 2005) 5.1.1.1 Findings from the Inventory of Plant Species The inventory of plants species evocates a picture of natural abundance and illustrates the variety of a tropical landscape. The list of the most frequent species 94 further indicates constants preferences for some species and entails a level of homogeneity in the landscapes as well as a particular physical character. (i) Tropical Floral Variety A total of 194 species have been inventoried, 54 trees, 31 shrubs, 72 herbs, 11 palms, 26 climbers and epiphytes. The average number of species by house compound is 39, with 28 for the “Rakyat”, 49 for the “Aristocrat”, 40 for the “Clan Heritage” and 39 for the “Farmer’s” categories. The figures confirm botanists (Hsuang Keng 1978, Hume 1984) evaluation of the richness in species of this area of the Malaysian peninsula. Exact comparison with the results from other researches is not readily possible as the parameters chosen by various authors differ from the ones of this study. For instance, only medicinal species are listed, or wild species are not part of the surveyed samples (Ismail et al., 2000), or a whole village is taken as subject study or a community (Dunn 1975) increasing the number of species sighting. With only 16 residential compounds surveyed, the sample total of 194 species is high considering that Nor Atiah (2003) recapitulates total of 31 species for three selected house gardens in one village in Perak and that a total of 101 compound species -42 trees, and 9 shrubs, herbs, ferns and climbers- is a number of species observed in Malaysian villages over the whole of Malaysia (Ismail et al., 2002, 71-73). (ii) Floral Homogeneity among the Compounds In a hierarchic society, with a variety of species to choose from as in Terengganu, one could expect some quantitative or qualitative difference between the house compounds or at least between the socio-economic types, but the inventory shows that this is not the case, as the most common species are found in the majority of the compound. Some differences appear, due to individual preferences in horticulture increasing the number of decorative plants irrespectively of the type such as in R2 and R4, where owners are army and police retirees, and in A1 and C4 where the owners, an aristocratic lady and a retired architect, are devoted amateur gardeners. 95 Charts analysis of the number of species are available in Appendix B .The number of species does not always reflects the number of individual plants, so these chart are only indicative of the variety. (The sketch plans, which indicate the location of the floral features, give an idea of the plants distribution and visual density on the ground.) The number of 24 species occurring repetitively or most frequently (5 to 11 sightings within the sample) evocates a common pool of botanical species affording a degree of qualitative uniformity to the landscape. Taking in account individual variances, land surfaces and number of cases by types, calculation in percentage of average occurrence of the number of species of trees in each type of house compound were made. The obtained average number of tree species in each type of house compounds ranged from 9 to 14 per house compound. This indicates a certain quantitative uniformity in the number of tree species across the sample whatever the type. Further analysis of the recapitulative tables for other plants habits confirmed a measure of floral homogeneity amidst the botanical variety. The quantitative similarity across the types (similar relative density of species) associated to the uniform occurrence of certain species indicates transmitted knowledge concerning nature resources. That socio-cultural consensus based on common knowledge is part of the “survival component” of the Terengganu cultural context. (iii) Verticality The rather large amount of tree species (54 occurrences) compared to the shrubs (31 occurrences) results in a landscape drawn on the vertical plane, even at times covering the sky corresponding to the mystery psychological variable (Kaplan, Stephen, 1975). There is rarely a horizon line, but as Nor Atiah (2003) has observed in the villages in Perak, visually enticing perspectives are framed by large shade-giving trees evocating the Perspective-Refuge theory (Appleton, 1975) 96 5.1.2 Ground Features and Garden Accessories A number of 82 “ground features” have been catalogued on the field. These include hard -scape features, garden furniture and accessories. For convenience, they have been listed in relation to their function: “water”, “daily life”, “rest and entertainment”, “space articulation markers” and “trade and work structures”. These features are closely related to the “survival component” of the common cultural background. Information were gathered from the inhabitants and from the author observations, as much as from the literature. (i) Water Features: The most frequently observed water related features are: Slabs at the foot of the main stairs (14 occurrences), wells (11) and accessories (11), bucket stands (7), kolah basin (7), running water pipe (7). Water related features introduce some hardscape elements on the grounds in the form of step stones and masonry around the wells. Bottom of stairs slabs (made of concrete12, of timber 2) were used to keep feet clean while pouring water over them. A minor accessory, together with their former inseparable water jars, they are significant remains of a society were people used to wear open sandals or walked barefoot, and where visitors and inhabitants remain barefoot in the houses. Wells (11) and accessories such as a round concrete base around the walls of the well (11,) a table, a pail on a support (7), were an essential feature in the compound. The well was a place of meeting, used by various groups of family members at different times of the day. The sound of the timba pail and the splashing of the water on bathing people are still part of the auditory landscape, although less regularly heard nowadays. “Kolah” basins made of brick and concrete of prescribed size (@ 75cm x 1m) had replaced in the nineteen fifties the clay jar collecting rain water on the side of the 97 stairs. A tap would often be fixed over it. Taps and pipes are now as frequent as jars were in the past, but the water is used to water the flowers pots and the garden. (ii) Daily life features Besides water features, the most frequent features of the inhabitant’s daily routine are related to fire, they are rubbish disposal fires (9 occurrences) and the outdoor cooking tripods (8 occurrences). The burning rubbish fire is omnipresent on the grounds. In the wet climate, with rains and floods, rubbish never seems to be fully consumed. Vegetal and household wastes are burned in small heaps. With them come rakes and short lidi brooms made of coconut palm ribs (8 occurrences). Iron cooking tripods of different size have also been sighted on the grounds of even in the more aristocratic compound in Losong (A3). The smaller tripods are for an occasional “ikan golek” fish in coconut sauce cooked over a slow fire of coconut husks (R3), the larger ones for kenduri familial feasts. (iii) Rest and enjoyment elements The most frequent features in that category are the flower pots (15 occurrences) and the “gerai” multipurpose platforms (7) which are called “pangkin” in standard Malay. The total of 7 occurrences includes various styles, some high and table-like, some with a back rest, other like low beds or round planking circling a tree. Flower stands and pots are in every compound. The fashion today in potted plants goes to strangely shaped cactus, Heliconia, Aloe vera, Portulacca and other ornamentals. The plants are hanged below the bendul *at the foot of the façade of the house in the “rakyat” compound in Kuala Terengganu (R1) and the “aristocrat” in Kampong Batin (A1), or simply disposed on the stairs steps. In some areas as in Pulau Ketam (R4), they are displayed on planks nailed on posts high above the ground out of reach of floods and passing-by goats. 98 (v) Space articulation markers The only frequent space markers in the sample are the fences -and these are rather flimsy structures confirming. Except for the deliberately planned space organisation of the aristocrat and clan compounds that include a wall (Kota Lama in Pulau Duyung, A2) or some vegetal and chain-linked fence (A1 in Losong), the compounds limits are marked only by trees or a few shrubs. At first sight, this gives an impression of disorder as Munshi Abdullah remarked (Muhamad Saleh 1992). The boundaries are immaterial or unobtrusive, with loose, interrupted fences (15 occurrences) made from various materials: branches, shrubs, metallic wire and, in two occasions only, made of brick and stucco walls (A2, C1) as well as planks. There are –however, definite zones around the house, as Nor Atiah (2003) has found in Perak, but no material indication of these.Tthere appear to be a tacit agreement on the “zones” respective uses, which are in continuation with the function of the part of the house they are close to, a fact that will be further examined during the space organisation analysis. (v) Trade and work structures Various types of cages (12 occurrences) serve as lodgings for the animals inhabitants of the compound, which in the sample are mostly gallinaceans. These shelters are individual ground cages made of wire mesh on a trapezoidal (for stability) frame, “condos” on stilts, or compartments under the house. A monkey in the “farmer” compound in Bukit Cempaka (F2) had well organized “apartments” arranged up in a fruit tree and underneath its shade. There are also workshops, shelters and baluh rice granaries looking like the houses in reduction (11 occurrences). Accessories are found in the storage area under the house. The most frequently occurring are sampan small boats (5) and jars (5). Figure 5. 6 illustrates some of the frequent ground features found in the sample. 99 Well (A1) Water Jar with Zingiber cassumar (A3) Bench (with roof and flower pots in R1) Resting platform with lidi broom (F3) Figure 5. 5 : Most Frequent ground features (Pictures by author 2004 & 2005) 5.1.2.1 Findings from the Inventory of the most Frequent Ground Features The inventory of the grounds most frequent features evocate landscapes made for living in them as well as for living outdoors. They are full of ancillary buildings for work and animals and many types of resting furniture. 100 (i) Life outdoors The numerous resting platforms are found under or around trees or underneath the houses where elders particularly like to rest. The senior inhabitants’ “outdoor couch” is so placed that they benefit from the coolness of the shade and enjoy a good view of the activities around the compound (Hajah Wok in F3 , Haji Da in F1). . The garden furniture reflects behaviour inside the house. Family communal platforms illustrate a permanence of traditional seating cross legged on the floor and half laying reclining postures. Some “garden furniture” is high as if on stilts like the houses, (benches for example) because of the muddy ground, and because, sitting on these, the feet are not meant to reach the floor. “Tables” (no chairs in front of these) for outdoor washing and cooking preparation, can be occasionally sat upon as experienced during an interview in Pulau Ketam (R4). However, in three compounds (F3, C3 and R3) while the platforms were still in use, a set of concrete tables and chairs have been introduced, reflecting outdoors the frequent adoption of western or modern ways of seating inside the houses especially in the visitors areas. (ii) Religious compliance Daily accessories show a preoccupation of following religious requirements. Cleanliness, staying away from najis (religious impurities such as blood and others) from animal or human origin is part of Islamic duties. .The preoccupation of cleanliness is obvious in the omnipresence of water features, brooms, rakes and rubbish fires. Noticing the author approach, some inhabitants would come down and sweep the floor of some dry leaves in (C3, C4); (perhaps was it as well a polite way to enquire of the author’s purpose)); some inhabitants would even apologize for not having yet cleared the path (A1, A3). Wells remain an omnipresent feature, still used, for a cool shower, for watering plants (A1), or washing feet after work in the kebun vegetable garden . The kolah basin of proper size for wuduh ritual cleanliness in brick and concrete, collecting rain water was built to replaced the small jars at the foot of the main entrance stairs. Today a pipe 101 is placed over it (F 1, F3); but shoe-wearing has diminished the use of it the jars as well as of the kolah. The clan compound in Paluh (C 3) has three wells corresponding each to a group of users. For the women the well is at the back of the row of houses, while for the men of Tukku’s household or close disciples, it is on the left side in the front part in the middle of the orchard part of the compound (it still has water but is not in use) and for the public, a larger well is in front of the large kolah (ablutions basin) of the surau on the eastern entrance. (iii) Differences between types Some differences appear between the types of house compounds in the ground features compound element. For example, gates are present in Aristocrats and Clan heritage types; pangkin and workshops are not seen in the Aristocrat compounds, when they are essential feature in Rakyat compounds and the granaries are present in the Farmer house compounds. 5.1.3. Frequent Architectural Features and related Findings 54 Architectural features have been selected from the visual (landscape) point of view. They are divided in: (i) house components, (ii) decorative elements and (iii) materials. The most frequent and conspicuous architectural feature are the stilts, or posts (16 occurrences) and the multiple or additional roofs (16 occurrences). The findings related to the cultural significance of the architectural landscape components, are indicated after mention of the most frequently occurring features. 102 (i) Stilts Stilts contribute much to the visual character of the Terengganu house. The main stilts or posts are part of the structure of the buildings (tiang). Some posts are added timber supports below the houses (tongkat). The feature is seen from the hills of Vietnam (Dalat) to the Malgaches highland dwellings of Madagascar (Longuet 1984). It is reported (Sheppard 1959) that the posts were previously planted in the ground (nineteen Century). Today, the posts are resting on from 100 mm to 300 mm high concrete blocks (pelapik) which are buried 25 mm or 50 mm in the ground as described in Killman et al. (1990). The method allows the insertion of wedges between the posts and the concrete blocks, in case of shift of the ground, or if strong winds have weakened the timber structure causing the house to tilt. Moving houses without dismantling them as often done in the past and, as late as 1991 for the Kota Lama Duyung, is facilitated as the houses can be lifted from their ground base. (ii) Roofs The abandon of the “planting method” of anchoring the house is an important detail for the general appearance of the landscape from the point of view of the architecture. It shifts the role of the actual support of the house from the posts to the roof whose strength and weight holds the building. Culturally, the primacy of the roof is known as a Chinese concept, perhaps related in Terengganu to the north eastern origin of some of the influential Malay families in the state (Longuet 1991). The tukang or carpenters have also developed great skills in roofs structures especially at the delicate points of slopes junction and proper slope angle so as to avoid rain water leaking, a feature essential during the monsoon. “Balek angin” was the term used by traditional house builder Ibrahim Yusof (personal communication) referring to the lowest limit of slope steepness beyond which the former Nipah palm roofing would be lifted by the wind, showing how natural material could influence visual architectural features such as the slope of the roofs. 103 The Terengganu multiple roofs over sprawling habitations such as those of the aristocrats (A2, A3) seen in the sample are related to the organic character of the habitations (open end concept), conceived to grow or diminish with the need of families living in them (Wan Fadhilah, 2003). The orientation of the roof ridge of the main building (rumah ibu), constant in all the sample (toward the kiblat and the sunset, @ 285 degree north west) heralding the Muslim faith of the inhabitants (Raja Bahrin,1988) may also serve as a compass reference for travellers to find their way in the village landscape. (iii) Decorative house finishing elements The most frequent finishing features are the “buah gutong*”, the roof ridge skittle finials (10 occurrences). These skittles are also called “buah buton” in other parts of Malaysia. In Pattani, they are called “wak mutong” (spelling given by Puetai et al., 2002). In Java, the diamond shaped fruit of the Barringtonia is called “buah buton” (Burkill,1966) . However, in Terengganu, the Barringtonia is common in riverside mangroves and is called the “putat” tree. There are variations on the top part of the buah gutong, the pointed ones apparently copied from Kedah, the flat square type being found on a few buildings. In the sample, most are of the small round knob type. They are not only decorative but functional as they hold the roof ridge and the barge boards of the roofs in an atap Belanda* styled roof . The buah gutong, a feature found in classic residences in China, may be related to Hindu or Buddhism by its levels symbolising ascension from the underworld towards the divinity or steps for the divinity to descend to the earth. Since, the feature has probably been endowed of the same Islamic interpretation as the tunjuk langit, (Muhamad Affendi, 1995), then, the symbolic significance has been hidden under the common tree species name. The buah gutong, a major feature of the traditional compound landscape is aesthetic, functional and symbolic. The other important feature is the presence of the “bendul”, (16 occurrences) a timber member that run at the bottom of a wall on the exterior, covering the joint of the planks with the naga trussle. The bendul is straight (“lurus bendul” is proverbial for an 104 exceedingly honest person) is decorated with kumai carvings along the ridge. Both elements are related to the craftsmen tradition of covering joints. It indicates the importance of “propriety” in building (Ibrahim Yusof, personal communication) and the concept of respectability in a residence. Vertical planking is the most often observed (12 occurrences). It has a cultural significance behind the elegance of the building method. It is a sign of financial means as longer planks are more expensive. A favourite with the orang bandar (town people) as it is less easily open than the vertical style type by marauders (Daud Mohamad, personal communication). (iv) Integrated dish dryers Frequent too are the prosaic dish dryers, integrated in the kitchen house wall and overhanging (l3 occurrences), a functional feature made possible by the height of the house. Dripping water runs with the waste waters streamlet among the gingers and pandanus species at the back of the house. (v) Materials: Glass windows (12 occurrences) became frequent right after World War II (building or renovation dates of some houses in A1, C1, R1, and F2). There are thick and/or tinted .for reasons of strength and privacy, as these more “modern” houses were built lower on the ground. Singhora tiles (11 occurrences) used for the roofs of the houses indicate links with the Malay province of Pattani, Chinese and Malay clay makers and the boats that carried the tiles (Wan Ahmad, personal communication). The tiles are both cool and historical as they are extremely difficult to find nowadays. They are presently been replaced by thicker, larger, glazed mechanical tiles as has been done in a few houses in Kuala Hiliran (C1) during the time of the research.. 105 Cengal (Neo-balanocarpus heimii) (10 occurrences) is used as construction material in most of the houses, demonstrating a society that was had a sense of quality and financial means. Figure 5. 6 shows some examples of the architectural features the most often encountered in the sample: a) Buah Gutong, “Singhora” tiles (C4) c) Buah Gutong and multiple roofs (A1) b) Sprawling habitation (R5) d) Stilts (+ tiered and berpeles roof) in C3 Figure 5.7: Most frequent Architectural Features encountered in the Sample (Pictures by the author, 2005) 106 5.1.4. Fauna Features Inventory and Findings . The most frequently observed or heard animals in the sample are, for the domestic species the chicken (8) and the cats (3). Animals appear to be invested of status signal. No chicken (except trespassers) nor Moscovy ducks are seen on the clean grounds of the aristocrat or clan compounds. Noisy and aggressive geese are acceptable (observed in A2) because they act as gardians. Goats poach on everyone garden around and in the Rakyat house compounds. Probably due to timing, wild animals (they move early and out of human reach) have not been especially noticed during the surveys except one flying fox in Kampong Paloh. The fauna features were represented mostly by familiar birds that flew by, such as the orioles, wood peckers and sterlings, contributing to the acoustic as much as to the visual landscape such as a magpie robin perching on a buah gutong, bulbuls on a Lansium domesticum tree and the loud and big Malkohas whisling in every corner of the compounds (Glenister 1971). 5.2. Particular features of Cultural Significance Features less frequent than the ones catalogued above may hold a wealth of meaning for the inhabitants as well as valuable anthropological or historical information for the researcher. They may be the only remaining witnesses of a by- gone era. 5.2.1 Particular botanical features True endemic species to Terengganu have not been identified in the house compounds and were not expected as these are found more in the unihabited forest hills (Hsuan Keng 1978); but, evocative of ancient times where the forest was close and its 107 resources essential, are trees such as the jering (Pithecellium jiringi) and rambutan (Nephelium Lappaceum). Culturally significant botanicals too are the Lansium domesticum of the duku variety that is found in Vietnam as well (Burkill 1966) (perhaps pointing to the Champa connections) and the bone setting, frothing, terajang (Lepisanthes rubiginosum) (“Survival” cultural component). The medicinal sweetener tebu gajah (Albizia myriophylla) (Longuet 1987) is found planted in the farmer’s compound F2 but has been collected ‘from the now erased hills” said Haji Da, the farmer cum traditional practitioner. The Durian trees in the half wild farmer compound F4 by the forest edge in Pasir Dulang are said to be two hundred year old. Noticeable too is the persistence of in the gardens the native mango species such as the kuini (Mangifera odorata) and the pau (Mangifera pentandra). Usually, wild areas around or sometimes penetrating in the villages compounds are called “belukar”. The term is translated as “secondary growth”, evoking images of bushes reclaiming the land, with small Malvacees, Mallotus, Ficus or even lalang Imperata cylindrica. The belukar observed in the sample includes native species characteristic of the area such as the Barringtonia racemosa (in R4), Justicia gandarussa and the majestic Hopea odorata (in C3, and R3). This means that the primary vegetation is present in its original habitat, on the villagers’ house compounds, or introduced from the forest as the medicinal Ficus deltoidea in Figure 5.7. a) Hopea odorata b) Ficus deltoidea Cengal kampong P. ketam Mas cotet, P.Ketam c) Barringtonia racemosa Putat ayam Figure 5.7: Examples of Wild native Species favoured (a) and (c), or planted (b) (Pictures by author, 2006) 108 Further information on the plants with a particular link with the life of the villagers in the surveyed houses compounds is expended in the ethno-botanical analysis further below in this chapter. 5.2.2 Particular architectural Features Some house compound features, although rare nowadays, are part of the architectural image of the state. They have been mentioned earlier in the literature review (Raja Bahrin, 1988, Killman et al., 1994, Pusat Kajian Alam Bina Melayu, 2000) like the pemeles* roof end boards, the tunjuk langit* and the intricate carving of the janda berhias ( or jendela hias) literally “decorative windows” (Abdul Razak, 1999) that have become “decorated widows”. There are also the “wave stairs”, which have curved forms in harmony with the pemeles, so befitting to former sea traders communities and reminders of a still little documented history. 5.2.3 Particular Ground Accessories Humble daily accessories do not lack in significance: One interesting type of gerai observed in the sample (A1, F3) are low (around 50cm above ground) 2 meter in length, 60cm wide resting and working platforms. These are originally gerai bersalin or confinement beds made of spaced planking letting heat from a brasero placed underneath go through in order to warm up the mother during the traditional post delivery treatment. Later, covered with a mengkuang Pandanus mat, they serve as an outdoor day bed. The custom of “roasting the mother “(Gimlette, 1971) is apparently not recorded anywhere else. Similar post-partum practices have been described in Kelantan and in Cambodia, but after travels in remote areas of South East Asia, the particular “gerai bersalin” has been noted by the author only in Terengganu. . 109 The clothes lines used to be almost diagnostic views of the east coast of the Peninsula. A few batik -the bright, light coloured, Medan or Cirebon inspired (Wan Azahar, personal communicaiion), made locally, rectangular pieces of cloth almost blown away by the monsoon winds were enough to evoke a coastal village in Terengganu. As shown in chapter three, these views have even become a hallmark of the state in artist’s paintings. Today, the hand-made charm of true batik is rare, so are becoming the “kain” sarong as everyday clothing. Another, rather private but characteristic feature of the clothes lines are the mother and child similar post-partum garments in two sizes, (observed in Pulau Ketam, C2): batik for the mother and white cotton for the child, with ribbons, related to the forty days after delivery confinement (Longuet, 1984). Jars (A3, R5, R1) of particular designs, now collectors objects, have been seen often in the sample. The larger ones, made of unglazed clay, recall the times when the perahu besar (the Terengganu schooners) carried them from Pattani. They had been made there in Malay or Chinese cottage industry (Wan Ahmad personal communication) and are particularly elegant in shape. According to one neighbour on site in kampong Losong, some were filled on the way sailing down “from Siam” with “tabelok” talcum made from rice powder. Once emptied, they were used as water reservoirs. Having one of these marked a connection with the sea trade, schooner captains and the Terengganu merchants community active during the 19th and early part of the 20th centuries (Khoo, 1991, Mohd Taib, 1997) . The others jars, each with the shape and the diameter of the opening related to the contents were told to be used to keep mostly jeruk pinang (preserved areca nut), or budu fish sauce (R1). They are found in the sample in the more rustic households. One particular internal “boundary” feature is functional small fences (pagar) that create gardens within the compound. This feature is not related to a deliberate space organisation. Small (@1400mm x 2000mm) fences are erected to protect one or a few young trees from animals. One compound, (C2 in Pulau Ketam) where the owner breeds fighting cocks and other chicken, has even four of these protective fences. 110 Some particular, perhaps potentially idiosyncratic features are illustrated in Figure 5.8. a) “Jenda berhias” (C3) b) Water Jar from Pattani (A3) c) “Wave stairs”on surau (C3) Figure 5.8 a),b), and c): Particular ground and architectural features (Pictures taken by the author 2005) 5.2.4 Particular Fauna features The inventory of fauna features lists a working pig-tailed monkey that had been seen in a farmer compound (F2 in Bukit Cempaka). Later, his owner being sick, the coconut and petai (Parkia speciosa) plucking beruk had been adopted for a while by someone else. Its lodgings were still in place. In the clan house compound C2 in pulau Ketam, Pak Majid explained how he treated his fighting cocks, showing the massaging oils and the vitamins that he kept in his “clinic” below his house. He confided his sadness at having to send some of his wards for combats “Anyway, they are fighters” he said. He carefully separate them in siblings groups putting them by turns in cages and coops on stilts so that his grounds do not become a battle field. Figure 5. 9 shows some of the features of that compound. 111 a) Pagar fishing net fence b) Medicines in the “clinic” c)Young Fighting cocks Figure 5. 9 a), b) and c) Particular fauna and accessories in compound C2 ( Pictures taken by author,2006) 5.3. Measurements, Space Articulation and Patterns The landscape inventory includes a brief study of the space organisation in the surveyed house compounds. (i) Measurements and compounds boundaries As mentioned earlier, from observations and from literature (Raja Bahrin 1975), the compounds did not have precise continuous boundaries. Like the villages, they appear to be delimited by the influence of the owners and their energy in claiming their property as they plant trees, install a cloth line, or simply clean and sweep the area. 112 . The Rakyat compounds tended to have boundaries made of neighbours’ fences and building or communal paths. The boundaries of the farmer compounds were blurred by informal orchards (F4, F3,) or meadows (F1) laid in continuity with the residential grounds . The aristocrats had evident boundaries with bricks, chain kink fences or hedges framing the gates on the front of the compound but the back garden was bordered by a mangrove and a stream (A3) while a belukar cum fruit tree area on the third side was shared with a relative. Even the brick and stucco wall in the compound A2 was not built all around and only the continuity of the some masonry work (colonnade, kolah basin and brick bathroom) indicated the compound limits. Still, measuring internal distances between the most conspicuous ground features trees and building(s), as well as measuring the lengths of the most clearly delimited sides, it was possible to estimate the sizes of the compounds enough to draw them on millimetre paper. The final sketches are not to exact scale, yet they represent as faithfully as possible the sites proportions.. The smallest “Clan heritage” house compound with a length of 48 steps – approximately 24 m- in Lorong Haji Jamil, in the heart of Kuala Terengganu is smaller than the largest of the “Rakyat” in Sungei Rengas which has a length of 100 steps approximately 50 meters-. However, on average, the “Rakyat” were smaller than the other types, with the “Clan heritage ” types such as Tokku Paluh’s compound (@ 123 meters long ) being normally the larger, as expected .from the number of houses on their compounds. (i) Location of the main building In all the cases, except in the particular circumstances of the “Clan heritage compound”, the main building was located approximately in the middle of the grounds. –a feature observed in other villages in Terengganu. In Kampung Jeram, Manir, Wan Fadhilah Wan Hitam (2003) has found out that this was deliberate and related to the modular or open end organic concept of the habitation as additional buildings can be built following the family growth without intruding on neighbour’s land. 113 (ii) The double Orientation of the House Compounds Observations from field survey with a compass confirmed by the site sketches and by photographs showed that the compounds and the buildings are not similarly oriented. The orientation of the roof ridge of the main building ( tulang rabung rumah ibu) is, in all the samples, except for a variation of a few degree in Lorong Haji Jamil, toward approximately 285.degree west which, in Terengganu is the direction of kiblat. However, the compounds may be seen as oriented differently from the house. If one considers the main or gated entrance, it happens that the direction of the ground area varies at right angle from the direction of the house main roof (s). The move may be determined by individual preferences, mostly the facility of communication with a neighbouring relative or by the proximity of a road. The shift is frequently towards the southern side as in R1, R3 and in the farm house compound in Belara Selat (F 3) that has turned towards the main road, situated in the south of the compound for transport of harvest. In two other instances, the compound access is from the north. The aristocrat house compound in Pulau Duyung (A2) has an official access from the sea (north) where the owner’s boats were moored. Access to one rakyat compound (R4) is from the north because a road has been newly built along the river on what was before the northern side of the house compound as shown on Figure 5.11. a) Compound entrance from the south (F3) b) Compound entrance from the north (R4) Figure 5.10: Difference of orientation house/compound The plan sketch in Figure 5.14 illustrates the shift. 114 Back garden North Left side garden Right side garden access entrance frontyard Figure 5.11: Access to compound R4 from the road (north), entrance of the house, on the south east side The above pictured compound, wedged between a road and a stream, has numerous domestic activities (chicken coops, food species, coconuts heaps) gathered on the left part of the front of the house; yet a row of hanging plants in pots, sitting platform and benches still evoke a welcoming front yard area. Further observation of the houses entrances indicate a predilection for the south location of the stairs of the house (climbing towards north) in the sample, confirming Raja Bahrin (1988)’s sketches. Stairs inside the ground floor of the Kota Lama, (A2) follow that orientation as well, opposing or turning at angle from three closest 115 compound gates. From the sample, it appears that the most preferred direction for a house entrance as well as a compound access, when possible, is from the south. 5.5. 3 Zoning Even with unclear boundaries, the “core” of the compound is overall readable. There are definite zones around the house, as Nor Atiah (2003) has found in Perak.. The zones are not marked by any material indication, yet there appear to be a tacit agreement on their respective function. The front yard is a well swept delimited area, preserving from animals droppings the paths of the visitors and inhabitants. Perhaps one or two trees mark the entrance, giving a welcoming shade some flowering species by the staircase. The two side gardens are busy areas, especially the southern side where clothes are dried, filled with animal cages, a path, perhaps some useful shrubs and small trees such as limes, henna, tapioca and papaya. In the back garden, Gingers and Pandanus surround waste water streamlet. Wild Alocasia grow at the limit of the Nipah on the side of the well. The well is often located at the back of a few steps away from the main building kitchen area, which is, when there is no shift, at the end of the left side southern garden. Toilets huts mostly in disuse nowadays are still visible on the back of the right side (northern) of the house, in the least busy area of the grounds. A fifth zone would be the “kolong” in standard Malay. The term is not used but the space it designs below the house (14 occurrences) is a busy area, part of the ground, and part of the house. Vehicles, sampan, motorcycle and cars are put there. Animals -chicken, roosters and ducks, share an area next to coconut husks and antique timber screens. In Pulau Ketam, a table and chair, in Jalan Kamarudin, a small library were installed. Also found below the houses are workshops, the “Fighting cocks clinic” in C 4 and various accessories for household repairs or other activities. 116 The overall pattern of spatial organisation is constant throughout the sample. Generally, even when there is a shift compound access/ house orientation, plants species are located in the area assigned by their cultural role and value in the life of the inhabitants as much as by their growth requirement. The different parts of the ground are similar to those observed by other researchers in the village houses, in their relation with each other, -especially the side transition zones found by Nor Atiah (2003, p.83) and their relationship with the functional design of the house as illustrated in Figure 5.12. 117 Private area, mystery , Complexity waste water, rubbish fire, toilets, small orchard mangifera and Lansium sp.,Nephelium, gingers, Pandanus North Entrance Back garden Utilitarian area, well,washing, drying clothes Tamarindus indicus, Papaya, Lawsonia inermis, Musa paradisica Left side Garden Entrance Dapur House Right side Garden Dalam Luar Utilitarian area, domestic animals, sheds Working or resting platform Under fruit tree Sysyphus sp Manihot utilissima Front courtyard Entrance Public and welcome area, legibility, coherence, fragrant , shade giving and decorative species, empty space allotted for visitors Trees: Ground feature (shed, platform): Well: Fig. 5.12: Analysis of a typical compound zones and main function in relation with the use of neighbouring part of the house. Typical well location is shown on the left side of the back garden (South west corner of the typical compound. Much less frequently, it is on the front yard where it had its use in the past for guests and returning worker to wash their feet. 118 Observation of the spatial organisation and distribution of plants and ground accessories showed differences between the types: The above typical figure may then be nuanced according to the different types. 5.5.3 (i) Differences in Space organisation according to Type The “rakyat” compound, although still “readable” (legibility) as it follows the four zones pattern, gives an impression of being crowded: Plants species distribution reflect individual fantasy of the inhabitants. Accessories and “garden furniture” demonstrating life and work outside the house cover a good part of the space. ii) The “farmer’s” compound is filled with utilitarian sheds, granaries and plant nurseries. Trees are pushed back on the edge of the compound, except perhaps, for shade, a lone tamarind close to the lambur of the house, or a jambu to provide shade to monkey’s quarters and another tree close to the open air bathroom (iii) Particular space markers and ground features have been noticed in “aristocrat”:and “clan” compound: a) One tree in front of the house entrance or porch. b) Gate, and rules of circulation within the compound especially around the porch (“Serong”or “anjung”) for the vehicles. c) Focal point in Clan: Surau, cluster of small trees, path. d) Fences or wall. e) Drains from the water points to outside the compound and around the house(s) The diagrams in Fig.5.16 indicates the different spatial organisations found in the four types of compound 119 House House Rakyat Aristocrat H H House H H H H House House Farmer’s Clan heritage Legend: Tree: Well: Palm: Circulation : Ground accessories, sheds: House: Figure 5. 13: Spatial organisation according to the type of house compound Four examples of sketch plans are gathered for reference in Figure 5.14 a) “Rakyat, b) Aristocrat , c) Clan heritage and d) Farmer’. Remaining sketches are available in Appendix B. 120 121 122 123 124 5.4. Ethno-botanical Compounds Analysis The architectural element in a house compounds survey based on visual features. delivers a number of significant information on direct observation. However, the ethno-botanic approach helps substantiating the relationship between plants species and inhabitants. Plain lists of plants do not yield the plants cultural significance in a place, unless inhabitants express, through their explanations, an inherited knowledge and a cultural link. Interviews supported by literature references, have led to record individual ethno-botanical documentation for each of the 16 house compounds. The compilations showed the habits, the uses, the husbandry, the location and the origins of the observed species. They constitute a store of reference to elicit better the characteristics of the landscapes as well as a complementary base for the assessment of cultural value. Examples of theses tables and charts, are available in Appendix B, except for the following example where one example of individual ethno-botanical study with explanations and analysis of the selected variables, followed by brief interpretation of the collated data is illustrated in Table 5.5 and charts in Figure 5.15 125 Table 5.3: Ethnobotanical Analysis of Plant Species in a “Rakyat” House Compound (R4 in Pulau Ketam) No Botanical Name 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 Acalipha siamensis Artocarpus integer Alpinia sp. Asplenum nidum Bambusa Barringtonia asiatica Bougainvillea Breynia reclinata Cactus sp. Capsicum minimum Cicca acida Citrus microcarpa Citrus sp. Cocos nucifera Cymbopogon citrates Cynometra cauliflora Diffenbachia sp. Durio zibethinus Eugenia aqua Euphorbia antiquarum Flacourtia jangomas Gnetum gnemon Hibiscus tilliaceus Jatropha curcas Luffa cylindrical Mangifera indica Manihot utilissima Morinda citrifolia Musa paradisica Portulacca grandiflora Psophocarpus tetraglobulus Sacharum officinale Sagittaria sagitaefolia Sauropus androginus Tamarindus indicus Tiphonium sp. Vitex negundo Zebrina pendulata Vernacular name Ekur kucing Nangka Halia Paku langsyuir Buloh Putat Bunga kertas Hujan panas Lada api Cermai Limau nipis Limau Kelapa Serai Nam nam Keladi Durian Jambu Sesudu Kerekup Meninjau Bebaru Jarak pagar Peria manis (?) Mempelam Ubi kayu Mengkudu Pisang Kacang botol Pokok tebu Cekur manis Asam Jawa Leban Habit H T H C P T S S H S T S S P H T H T T H T T T H C T S T P H S P H S T H T P Origin I I E I I I I E I I E Location Uses Husbandry 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 3 1 2 1,2 1,2,3,4 1 2 3 1 1,2 3 1 1 1 3 4 2 2 1 3 3 1 1 3 1 1 3 1 3 D F F D D,T F,D,S D M D F F F, R F F, S,T F M D F F D F F S D F,D F, S F M F,T D F F D F F,S D S, M D P P P P W F P F P P P P P P, F P P P P P P P P W P P P P F P P P P P P P P P P Legend: Habits: T: tree, S : shrub, H: herb, P: palm C: Climbers and epiphytes Botanical origins: “I “: introduced; “E”: exotic. Husbandry: “W: wild; “F”: favoured; “P”: planted Uses: F: food, R: rituals, D: decors, M: medicine, S: shade, T: technique 126 a) Chart of plant habits in R4 15 10 5 0 Trees Shrubs Herbs Palms Climbers b) Chart of Plant uses in R4 25 20 15 10 5 0 Food Ritual Décor Medicine Shade Technique c) Location of plant species in R4 25 20 15 10 5 0 2 leftside 3rightside 4 1 backyard Frontyard Figure 5.15: a) Plant Habits , b) Plant Uses and c) Plant Location in R4. Vertical numbers in example in Figure 5.15 indicate the species occurrence or sightings.(The sketch plan of this compound appeared in Figure 5.1.) 127 5.4.1 Plant species habits Plant habits give clues on the visual arrangement on the vertical and horizontal planes as well as volumes distribution of the vegetal landscape in the house compound: They also indicate the height of the floral background, evocating the ambiance of the compound, a shaded overgrown orchard or a sunny nursery. The numbers in the example chart in the above figure show, as in the rest of the compounds, the predominance of the trees species (13 species on a total of 38). This feature evokes ensuing shade in the house compounds (“Refuge” criteria) and fruiting season enjoyment, sharing and exchanges between the inhabitants (“social use of space”). 5.4.2 Geographical Origins of the plants species Villagers have long ago transplanted or simply kept native species from the formerly nearby forest and swamps for daily use. Native gingers and other herbs such as the Clerodendrons, shrubs and trees Mangifera (other than M.indica) Garcinia and Nephelium contribute today to the floral wealth of the compounds. The native species are valuable witnesses of ancient times when survival depended on knowledge of the natural environment. They represent an early stage of the vernacular culture (Historical criteria) and an original closeness with environing nature.(“survival component”) “Introduced” plants species are from foreign but rather similarly warm climates that have been settled in Terengganu since long ago. These introduced plants evocate ancient travels and widespread civilisations and influences, surprisingly, from all over the globe, from South America to Africa, the Middle East, India, China, the Pacific islands Villagers are not aware that very familiar plants have been long ago introduced by their ancestor or by traders such as papaya and tapioca species from South America, tamarind from Africa through India and Mangifera indica from India (Burkill, 1966). They know that cultural influences expressed in religious rites have brought the cotton, 128 the jujube and the henna trees from the Middle East (“Collective psyche” and beliefs cultural components) . Mostly decorative, “Exotic” species are foreign species from dryer or colder climates. Their presence in the sample demonstrates a willingness to experiment and beautify the compound. Exotic species have been acclimatised during the last fifty years together with an increased taste for horticulture. Successful species from other tropical countries are grown as ornamentals and have even acquired vernacular names. For example, the Allamanda is bunga loceng the bell flower, Heliconias (both from South America) are kepek udang or shrimps pincers. Referring further to botanical information on plant geographical origin given in Burkill (1966) and Polunin (1992 ), a percentage of around 1/4 (54 species out of the total of 194) of the usual “traditional” species in the sample, come from elsewhere. They have come to the Terengganu compounds by way natural dispersion by winds, birds, bats and other animals or trade and human travels. Foreign species, such as the delima ( Punica granatum) inai (Lawsonia inermis) or lidah buaya Aloe vera, suited to transport and often with valorising attached connotations (religion, glamour or wealth) have been well received by the villagers, demonstrating versatility within the traditional structures due to cultural acquisitions. These species particularly are connected to each of the components of the cultural landscape, the collective psyche (beliefs, links to other civilisations), “group survival” (medicinal and practical uses of these species) and the “state history”. 5.4. 3 Husbandry “Husbandry”, refers to the amount of care given to the plants species, an indication of the value attributed to a species (irrespective of its origin). The same type of information is also found significant by anthropologist Dunn (1975) in his study on an aborigines Temuan community in Selangor. It is abbreviated as follows: 129 “P” (planted) means a species deliberately introduced in the compound and grown for a purpose. For instance, taking the trouble to plant bidara Zizyphus jujuba for funeral washing rites instead of the native and readily available Lepisanthes, the leaves of which froth as well, reveals a culturally influenced choice. “W” (wild), means a weed or a wild tree present in the compound not destroyed because it is useful such as the teja (Cinnamonum sp.) or is harmless like the Hibiscus tilliaceus . The welcome settlement or growth of species from the indigenous belukar is indicated as “F” (favoured), for instance Zingiber cassumar, Justicia gandarussa or Sauropus androgynus and Lepisanthes kunstleri are welcome squatters inside the compounds.(“Survival” component) It has been found as well that inhabitants would also plant medicinal species , because they find them interesting to look at such as the jarak Euporbiace (F2) and lidah buaya (Aloe vera,) or the attractive white flowered Hibiscus species (C1) and setawar (Briophyllum).or they just enjoy their reputed beneficiary presence (Ficus deltoides in 4), although they do not use them. This behaviour, due to the availability of manufactured pharmaceutical products, demonstrates a loss of traditional phytotherapeutic practice parallel to a persisting attachment to its memory. 5.4.4 Function of the plants species The functions of the species in the sample, collected from the individual ethnobotanical tables are abreviated in the charts as “D” (decoration) “F” (food) “M”(medicine) “R” (rituals) “S” (shade and space markers) “T” Technical (tools and, construction materials). The species functions priority in the sample at the time of the study and as reported by respondents inhabitants is summarized in the chart in Figure 5.16 130 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Food Ritual Medicinal Decors Shade Technical Figure 5.16: Functions of plants species in the sample The vertical figures indicate the frequency of occurrence of the species. The charts reports the present inhabitants expressed knowledge. The number of functions attributed to plants species recorded from the inhabitants in the sample appears lower than the ones previously listed in the literature on Malaysian ethnobotanical knowledge. This is especially noticeable for medicinal uses compared to results from Nor Atiah (2003), Gimlette (1971) , A.Samad (1982). The medicinal species are still present, but their uses less readily remembered. The number of culinary adjuvants (classed as “Food”) remains important, a sign of the selective taste of the inhabitants; of their inventiveness in assorting their staple food with many additions for taste, colour, and flavour, but, mostly as reported in interviews, of knowledge transmitted through generations.. However, the link between the vegetal kingdom and the life of the inhabitant is still quite intimate. For instance, the fruit baskets seen under the house of the “ Haji Wok” farmer house (F 4, Appendix B) signals the harvest of duku (Lansium domesticum) which allowed the elderly lady to perform the haj six times, (sekali duku sekali Haji, “once the duku season, once the Haj” were her words). In Pulau Ketam, the pandanus weaver told how poultices made with the bark of the terajang tree (Lepisanthes rubiginosum) have cured her of a handicapping wrist sprain. The centenarian cengal pasir (Hopea odorata) at the far end of the clan compound in Pulau Ketam (C3) was said by the grand son of the clan founder to have 131 been left to grow there by his grand father the sea captain Haji Ibrahim. Tall, branching high, the cengal pasir trees were used as masts for the perahu besar –the sailing cargoes for which Terengganu is famous. Their winged fruit that whirl in the air like miniature badminton shuttlecocks still entertain children today. A Barringtonia racemosa, growing in pulau Ketam (R 4) was in flower and fruit during a visit. Although the fruit were small compared to those of the Barringtonia asiatica , it made sense that the buah gutong roof finials would get their name after the genus as mentioned earlier: They are knob lozenges from which emerges a long persistant style, exactly like the baton of the finials skittles emerges from the lozenge knob located below the junction of the roof fascia boards of an atap belanda* styled house. 5.4.5 Location of Plant species on the grounds Data on the location of plants species confirms the visual observation of the compounds. However, except for tree species where individual are more easily determined, the number of individuals is only indicated (sketched) in this general description. The division in four zones observed by Nor Atiah (2003) was retained in tracing a location matrix. A diagonal division of space was made to record the locations of the species in the four zones as shown in Figure 5.17. 132 4 3 2 1 1::Front garden 2: Left side garden 3: Right side garden 4. Back garden Figure 5.17: Example of matrix applied to house compounds (F2, Bukit Cempaka).The corresponding ethnobotanical table is given in Appendix B. The location of a plant is usually closely related to the function attributed to that species. Still, confirming the overall lay out differences noted earlier there are some differences between the four proposed types of house compounds particularly in the tree distribution around the grounds. The Rakyat has trees all over the compound in the four areas, with an open space in front of the entrance of the house and another around the well, which are however often planted with one or two a shade giving fruit trees. The Aristocrat compound, on the contrary, has very few trees close to the house, but the entrance is marked by an alley (A1), decorated with plants or an obviously 133 planned planting composition around the entrance (A3). Visual perspectives “prospect” and “status”are a priority there. The Clan compound, usually the most ancient settlement among the types has tall trees gathered in an orchard, or various species gathered in available areas around the compound. habitations, or confined to a side garden as in the Lorong Haji Jamil rather crowded compound (C4) of old Kuala Terengganu city. The Farmer house compound such as in the prosperous farmer house of Belara Selat (F4) has an area devoted to a Lansium domesticum orchard while the rest of the compound has few trees. The farmer house compound has relatively less variety in trees species (average 9 found earlier) on its ground compared to the size of the land as the inhabitants own orchards and other plantations in land further away. 5. 5 Summary of Findings In preparation for the next chapter which intend to establish a first characterisation of the landscape as well as to proceed to a preliminary cultural assessment, the diagram in Figure 5.18 summarizes the findings at this point. 134 : Data Collection Reference Recapitulative Tables by element of landscape Most frequent features Findings Flora Tropical variety, homogeneity, richness in density, shapes .Trees abundance. Verticality. Grounds Landscape for living in it, compliance to religious requirements, differences between socio-economic categories or “types” Architecture Organic: in materials, modular concept and climate adaptation; symbolic and heritage witness Fauna animals: domestic -free and caged-. wild and tamed Map . . Field Observation Particular features (some potentially idiosyncratic) Peles barge end gable, tunjuk langit, wave stairs Siamese jars, gerai bersalin confinement platforms. Communal worshipping places (surau) within the compound grounds Social and religious significance of animals.. Ethnobotanical data Relationship habitants/ Nature Search for relative darkness and coolness (trees) Long established and new cultural influences in implantation of foreign species. Patterns in location and arrangement of species Uses wide ranging:: food, rites, decoration. Shade etc. Integration of wild species. Field Observation Compounds Lay Out and Space Articulation Symbolic orientation, shifts residence/grounds Zoning in four areas Social role of space Variations according to socio economic categories or types. House compounds list, types and code Sketch plans Figure 5.17: Summary of Findings 135 5. 6 Recapitulative Tables of the Features Inventory For reference, the inventory lists of features covering the four landscape elements of the 16 house compounds are given below in Tables 5. 2 to 5. 4 . The most frequent features are highlighted in grey. Comparative charts are available in Appendix B. As the number of units is small and varies in each type, statistic analysis is not attempted in this preliminary study. CHAPTER 6 EVALUATION Introduction This chapter presents an evaluation of the cultural significance of the selected 16 house compound landscapes in Terengganu. It is made through a in a preliminary characterisation of the landscapes based on the findings reported in the precedent chapter. The sample is then screened to the criteria for cultural value briefly established from literature. The results are a preliminary positive assessment of cultural value and an outline of the compounds inhabitant’s cultural priorities. These results are submitted to empirical verification. 6.1 Characterisation Recapitulating the findings in chapter five, some main characteristics or attributes of the surveyed house compounds, tangible as well as intangible, may be identified. They include the existence of (i) types, (ii) variety, (iii) symbiosis, (iv) homogeneity and (v) ethical norms. 152 i) Existence of Types The validity of the heuristic typology found adequate for survey purposes materialised on the field as differences between the proposed types emerged progressively during the surveys. a) Clues for Types identification Borders between “types” may seem not strict. The inhabitants may share activities and tastes beyond the social barriers. However, during interviews, respondents explained variations or referred to family history and social rank so that the heuristic landscape classification was still found appropriate. Some compounds could appear almost to fit in two categories, such as the prosperous farm in Belara Selat that boasts of a gate and carvings which are Aristocrat or Clan features, yet the baluh padi granary, the handle barrels and the harvest baskets point definitively to a farmer’s compound. In fact, during the survey, some features have emerged as “clue” features for each type. Figures 6.1 illustrate some of the features that have surfaced on site as clues helping classify the house compounds. 153 Resting/working platforms and benches (R3), (R2) a) b) Accessories for crafts (former songket weaving)(R5) and activities: Fried banana shop (R2) c) Figure 6.1 Clues for “Rakyat house compounds” d) 154 Spacious front yard and grand entrance (A3) or alley (A1) Wall (A2),.Tall & large structure, Serong (anjung) porch and tree in front of entrance (A2) a) b) Elaborated decorative elements capitals, colonnade, verandah with wood carvings (A3) c) d) Figure 6.2: Clues for “Aristocrat house compounds” Note : Ground accessories such as lesong pounding devices for kerupuk or padi have been found stored below the house of an aristocratic compound, but, as explained one owner (Haji Ghani Mohamad in Losong , A3), in the past, these were 155 used by hired servants The weaving made by ladies in the Kota Lama was mainly for family members (Hajah Khatijah Nik, personal communication, 1991). Gate (urban) or entrance framed by vegetation (rural). a) Linked buildings and common wells c) b) Center pieces: surau in C1 d) Figure 6.1: Clues for Types Identification: “Clan” House Compounds 156 Baluh padi (F1) Baluh padi (F3) a) Bakul for duku harvest (F3) c) b) Domestic animal in orchard (F3) Large veranda (F1) d) e) Figure 6.4 : Clues for “Farmer house compound” b) “Portraits” of the four types of house compound landscape With the data gathered (from features observed on site, individual compounds sketch plans and tables of frequency,), it is possible to draft a visual and conceptual “portrait-robot” or recapitulative model of each type of house compound, with priorities, prominent feature(s) and particular lay out for each of them: These models are presented in the Figures 6.5 to 6.8. 157 Type: “Rakyat” Priority: Household activities (5 examples) • No “garden”, but grounds in prolongation of the house, then boundaries loosely indicated by plant species. • Lay out: Plants (trees, shrubs) in a circle around the house, by the entrance, on side spaces, interspaced with ground furniture signalling activities. • Main Feature: pangkin platforms (“gerai”). Figure .6.5; Recapitulative portrait. Type: Rakyat house compound Type: “Aristocrat” Priority; Status symbols (3 examples) Lay out: A group of roofs or one large residence on well swept ground surrounded by a semi circle of tall trees. There is usually a gate and a path leading to the entrance of the residence. Features: artistic decorative elements Ex.: sobek carving Figure 6.6: Recapitulative portrait. Type: Aristocrat house compound 158 Type: “Clan heritage” Priority: Family Ties (3 examples) Lay out: a group of houses around a centre piece, a path, a cluster of trees or a surau . Some houses are connected An “enclosure feeling” (visible or intangible boundaries) Tall –old trees around the compound, at entrance and exit. Feature: “titian” passage between habitations Figure 6.7: recapitulative “portrait”. Type: Clan heritage house compound. Type: “farmer” Priority: harvest, storage (4 examples) Lay out: a thin circle of trees around a house standing on clean floor with a rustic fence. . Inside the compound, sheds of various sizes for tools and harvest storage and animals lodgings Features: large veranda “lambur” and baluh padi granary. Figure 6.8: Recapitulative Portrait. Type: Farmer house compound 159 (ii) Variety in Features The abundance of natural features especially the flora, was expected. With a total of 194 plant species recorded in the inventory tables for 16 compounds, the sample amply confirms the reputation of botanical richness of the Terengganu region Besides nature, culture has largely contributed to the variety in number of plant species. The individual charts, illustrated in one example in Table 5.3, Chapter five, have indicated under “geographical origins” of the plants species 54 foreign species (introduced and exotic are found) on a total of 194 in the sample of 16 surveyed house compounds. The species were acclimatised in the past for religious and ritual purposes. They indicated inter ethnic knowledge transfers. For example, the bidara jujube found in A1 belonging to Indian and Chinese Materia medica are planted in the Terengganu compounds (A1) as well as ornamentals like Allamanda, cactus and roses for decoration of the front garden. The lists of ground features, based as usual in traditional rural settlements, on supporting livelihood (“Survival component”), demonstrate eclectic resourcefulness on the part of the inhabitants, especially in accessories such as ancient looms, jars, pounding devices, floats, traps and ground structures like resting platforms, animal lodgings and workshops. Architectural variety is obvious also in the different styles of houses encountered in the sample. Variety in materials, from brick walls with stucco decoration to panels of jungle tree bark; in the range of expression of socio economical status, from the juruselam (traditional diver) shelter by the sea side to the row of carved palaces in the orchard cum fiefdom of Tukku Paloh upriver. The variety in types of buildings reflects the history of the people. In the sample, the main styles of Terengganu architecture berpeles (A2, C2), atap belanda (C2) and lima bungkus (A2), have been seen, plus some variations such as the cross roof version of the classic twin roof (R1), and the European influenced box window (A1). Long decades of peace in the state had bred a race of dedicated craftsmen, able 160 to interpret the wishes of the often well-travelled and wealthy house owners within the traditional frame of their skills in wood working. The variety of features within one compound or between the house compounds is surprising for a traditional community. It reflects the importance of the historical and technical components in the Terengganu culture. “Cosmopolitan” is not mentioned as one of the 123 attributes of traditionality listed by anthropologists (Rapoport, 2004). The formation of the Terengganu house compound landscape has been constantly influenced by local economic developments and historical events, such as the settlements of the last waves of the diaspora of the kingdom of Champa and the arrival of British administrators and other foreigners bringing ideas and techniques (Technosphere components). Meeting these circumstances was the creativity and the current of energy that permeated the people of Terengganu at the time the house were built and the gardens were planted. (iii) Linkage or symbiotic relationships: The fact, reported in numerous studies (Windsted, 1961, Mohd Taib, 1997), that the Malay villager lives in symbiosis with his social and natural environment is confirmed by the survey. The dynamic circle of organic closeness (“Biosphere” components) that is “nature-inhabitants-houses-neighbours-community” is verified in the lay out, cyclic paths of circulation and exchanges inside the surveyed compounds, and between these and their environment. The uniformity of main building orientation (16 occurrences) previously mentioned means that the houses receive the sun light at the same hour of the day. Life inside the houses and around the houses will be influenced by a similar rhythm animated by a similar pattern of exposure to light and heat from the sun. Permanence of communication between the inhabitants of a village is expressed by a general openness of the space and the flimsiness or inexistence of fences. Links with neighbours are illustrated by in the side entrances to the compound, family relationships by connected houses. Even the “wall” of the Kota 161 Lama (A2) is fitted with no less than six entrances. In the past, one titian bridge used to cross over the wall (kota) from the kitchen area of the “Kota Lama” to the back of a relative’s house Another factor contributes to the lack of apparent boundaries: The cadastre was introduced in 1919 (Muhamad Saleh, 1992). However, to prevent dispersion of the family heritage, many lots remained undivided (no tarikah division) until today. Interviews of the compounds inhabitants have confirmed that orally transmitted wasiat wills are well respected and that erecting a fence on a land collectively owned would be improper. Social consensus is expressed as well in the thoughtful distinction of private and public zones within the residential compound. Space is allotted for proper welcome of relatives and neighbours in prevision of kenduri festivities or tahlil communal prayer reciting. Community physical ties are materialised by exchanges of “buah tangan”, presents of fruit from the compounds trees, home made cakes and dishes. The habitations are in continuity nature. During investigations, when the inhabitants were in their house, or around, entrance doors of house were not closed, as if letting the outdoors in. (The height of the stilts or a veranda at the top of the stair providing ventilation and privacy). If they were gates, these were open. Plant species from the compound or a neighbour’s or from the belukar are brought inside the kitchen and the bathroom. During a survey in a house in Pulau Ketam, herbs just collected from the surrounding bushes were spicing up a porridge bubor lambak cooked on a wood fire. The fragrance of herbs, spices, medicinal and cosmetic plants species often permeates the interior of a house. A permanent movement is created in and out of the house. Curcuma leaves taken from the back of the house flavour a coconut based gulai, the remains of which are thrown away to the chicken together with tamarind seeds that will grow to be a large tree providing shadow and attracting yellow orioles. Children dye their finger 162 with a paste of henna leaves. The next day, orange stained bed sheets are bleached in the sun. The water from the sink and the overhanging dish dryer flow in a rivulet at the back of the house, irrigating a cortege of gingers, kesum (Poligonus hydropiper) and pandan that will in turn be found in the plates of the inhabitants for their biting taste or sweet smell... . Inversely, accessories move from the house to the ground. Food may be cooked on the ground on tripods (A3, R2). Furniture, when not in use, particularly the confinement beds, is placed on the ground, illustrating of a spatial continuity, the garden being a prolongation of the house. The green of the garden is visible from one side to the other of the “open ground floor” of the houses on stilts. Compound and house merge in the well ventilated areas below the house where residents rest or work. From afar, the house may be seen as floating over the vegetation Another expression of the relationship with nature is the family history written as it were on the landscape on a vertical plane. As Nor Atiah observed in Perak, the village house landscape can be read “in time”. Trees heights tell of the successive generations that planted them. In the sample, ancient trees in house compounds in Losong (A3) and Paloh (C3) show the various strata of vegetation, with the trees planted by the ancestors composing an overpowering background. It is the visually impressive presence of the past. For the visitor, the aging landscapes in untouched villages make for a grandiose scenery evocating the ancientness of the places. In the sample, the buildings are always lower than surrounding floral background, a trait that is essential to the “cocoon atmosphere” of the house compound, part of its psychological appeal. This was also noted as a characteristic by Nor Attiah in Perak. The prevalent “nature-smart” and symbiotic way of living in one’s environment that is central to the vernacular architecture has been previously enlightened as the features were found. These symbiotic features contribute to another characteristic of the Terengganu landscape which is its homogeneity within the diversity in each of the four elements of landscape. 163 (iv) Homogeneity With a pool of 24 frequently encountered plant species and a total of 54 trees of which 11 species are very frequent, the floral element contributes because the repetition of many of its features, to a general impression of similarity. The constant lay out of the garden, the main roofs orientation, reinforce the image. Apart from the similarity of floral features, the conceptual and structural constants of the architectural element provide an enhanced feeling of harmony. The structural basic concepts present throughout the sample reflect a culturally transmitted skill to adapt to the climate, the material at hand, and the land physical features. That skill puts the house compound landscapes in harmony with the environment as well as it creates and impression of internal unity throughout the various styles of buildings and beyond the socio-economic and period differences. Uniform adaptation to the climatic environment is reflected in the high slopes and large overhangs of the roofs, narrowness of windows and doors. Comfort preoccupation integrated in the house design has however progressively and generally been reduced with the introduction of new architectural styles after the Second World War. The slope of the roofs is dictated by the balek angin or “wind lift” limit. The words comes probably from the time when the roofs were mostly covered with nipah leaves that, if the roof inclination was too mild, would be pulled back by the wind, exposing the interior of the building. The design of the thin Singhora tiles seems to be copied after the leaves these tiles replaced. It imposes the same slope constraint of inclination limit after which the roof will leak under the tropical rainfalls. The houses are all built on stilts (16 occurrences), a characteristic that has been shown functional from many aspects (safety, ventilation, protection from the floods etc.) It is seen in quite a few countries inhabited by Malay peoples from the hills of Madagascar and to the mountains of Vietnam, in area where floods are not to be 164 feared. Apart from the visual uniformity, this links the Terengganu houses found in the sample with the Malay world at large. Another and essential source of harmony throughout the vernacular Terengganu architecture is, whatever the style adopted, the traditional use of the human body as measurement for buildings elements. The often respected rule was confirmed through personal communication by house owners. This internal anthropomorphic feature has positive effect even on foreign visitors who have expressed a sense of connection with the (otherwise exotic for them) buildings. (v) Ethical principles and tacit Rules A review of the findings from the field investigation indicates that the compounds landscape itself provides guidance for proper social behaviour to the inhabitants and visitors as well as they express the community religious beliefs. This was observed in the function of the flora elements recorded in the ethnobotanical charts: Some trees would remind (didactic role) the inhabitants of the stages of life: Bamboo (sembilu blade) and banana are associated with birth and circumcision. A fruit tree is planted above the place where the placenta of a new born child is buried. Henna is synonym with betrothal, is planted. The bidara (Zyzyphus jujube) and the cotton tree accompany funerary rituals. Villagers would asks for the seeds from a religious teacher’s garden (Dato’Purba from the Kota lama A2) to plant them in their own garden to benefit from the pious aura (berkat). It was reported that the “Syed” residences had always a jambu or a rambutan tree planted in front of the façade or of the entrance of their house. Wealthy traders houses like the one in the sample (A3) has the same feature, a jambu planted in front of the porch from where the stairs climb to the house. The location suggests that it was probably a protective feature, practical or symbolic. 165 Similarly, a slab of stone or concrete at the foot of the stairs of the timber houses has a double role as a stand to wash the feet and a precaution against buried charms. The deliberate absence of some normally easily grown particular trees is significant of cultural taboo. The kerekup Flacourtia is banned from the proximity of the house (the sprawling low branches obstruct “rezeki”earnings), or the fragrant kemboja (Plumeria) associated with the flora of cemeteries are not seen inside the compounds. As observed, the omnipresence of water sources and rubbish fires on the grounds correspond to the religious requirement of cleanliness. Ensure cleanliness of the paths especially is considered as a good deed. Rakes and brooms are useful in the gardens where domestic animals run freely around. The earth in the main areas of the compound is devoid of turf or grasses to ensure efficient sweeping. The lay out of the ground space, if not always its orientation, is similar to the one of the house, and in continuity with it, confirming Raja Bahrin’s (1988) descriptions and Nor Atiah’s (2003) in Perak . The ground space is marked with a functional gender separation, the back garden with its dapur area entrance, for cooking and other household private activities is the women domain, the front being more for men .Occupations having changed, the gender separation is less functional nowadays, however when a kenduri gathers crowds, the women would walk through the side garden to head for the back entrance, so as to avoid crossing the assembly of male visitors gathering in the front part of the house. The gender separation is not absolute. Close relatives qualified as murhim may move and mix independently of their gender, so that the gender-based separation rules of circulation are blurred to the casual visitor. The location of the entrances is not in alignment with the house entrance door or stairs in any of the compounds. This has a double culturally significant role. First it refers to the ancient Asian belief that ghosts, or bad spirit, follow a straight path and 166 can’t take turns. Second, as seen particularly in A 1 (Seberang Takir) it reflects the Muslim preoccupation of privacy particularly for the women inhabitants. In the sample larger compounds (A1, A3), the residence main entrance is even located at a distance from the compound main access or gate, restricting the view of the interior. The “grand approach” perspective preserves privacy, adding to the effect of the height of the buildings and the village houses lay out in quincunx. The “proper” use of ground features and space organisation is further illustrated for instance by the location of wells in three separate area according to the group of users in Tukku Paloh’s compound. Spatial organisation is designed to guide the inhabitants in their life and daily routine, and visitors in their demeanour; so are ground accessories and plants species which follow a general pattern of compliance to the tacit rules of the prevalent culture. Space is vested with values. In holistic terms, the surveyed house compounds are examples of spatial hierarchy. To summarize, there are plant species linked to ceremonies or beliefs, religionconscious patterns of ground lay out and circulation and even some “protective” devices. Parallel to the mystical and esoteric reading of the architecture of the house, it is possible to say that an ethical or spiritual garden is hidden beyond the appearance of a spontaneous and unsophisticated compound. 6.1.1 Characterisation Limits and Bearing Identifying Terengganu landscape attributes or actual idiosyncratic features or markers would be premature at this stage of research and is beyond the scope of the study. An increase in sample numbers and comparisons would be necessary. Perhaps at the present stage, clusters of features from a combination of landscape elements are more “signaletic” of Terengganu than isolated individual features. 167 Such examples of characteristic landscape obtainable at the present stage would be: a gerai bersalin platform with sampan under a house on high stilts; a cengal (Hopea odorata) towering in the background of a bujang berpeles roof, a jambu tree over a high bench, by a well or offering its shade to monkey lodgings with, in the background, a buah gutong decorating a Singhora tiled roof. However, with the number of features and characteristics linked with the inhabitants cultural background identified in the sample it is possible to assess the cultural value of the house compounds that contains these features using the criteria previously derived from the literature. 6.2 Cultural Value Assessment through Screening to Criteria The criteria are understood in a straightforward manner. The quotations in inverted coma below refer to the preferential parameters, taken from Nor Atiah’s (2003) explanations of the Informational processing Model (Kaplan and Kaplan, 1982) (i) “Coherence” means that the sites are not chaotic. They “represent a degree of order”. (ii) “Legibility” means that a visitor understands them. There is a “perceived ability to find one’s way in the environment” (iii) “Complexity” means that a certain degree of organisation exist but may not be grasped at once. “It refers to the number of visual elements in a scene” (iv) “Mystery” invites explorations; it is obvious in the dark ancient “clan heritage” atmosphere and the elderly Tok Bidan house by the forest edge. The other criteria, extracted from the theories reviewed in the literature are self explanatory: “Relaxation” is considered as signalled on site by resting platforms, “entertainment” by flower arrangement, swings, even children “tree- 168 houses”, “benefit” means food, cosmetics, tools material etc. “Art” refers to actual creative artistic work –not the usual good craftsmanship of house builders, “antiquity” to at least three generations. “Events” and “persons” refer to those which are indirectly or indirectly linked to the local or national history. The four “historical” criteria refer to the US National Parks Registry criteria for conservation. They are reproduced in Appendix A. To be considered qualifying under a criteria, in this preliminary evaluation, a house compound is only required to present one feature corresponding specifically to the criteria. For example, the aristocratic compound in Kampung Batin has one bidara or Zyziphus tree, and the Kota Lama one kapas or Gossipum tree, both used for funeral rites, so the compounds receive each one mark in the “rite” category. The preliminary cultural assessment of the sample series of 16 compounds, with the priorities enlightened in grey, is shown in Table 6.1. Table 6.1 Screening of the Sample of House Compounds to Criteria for Cultural Value "Types" Rakyat House Compounds 1 2 3 4 Criteria Perceptual &Experiential Coherance legibiliy / / Complexity / / / / Mystery Benefit / / / / Entertainment / / / Relaxation / / Holistic & Behavioural Space social role / / / / Beliefs / / / / Rites Status / / Activity / / Historical Antiquity / / / / Events Persons Art Information / / 5 / / / / / / / T Aristocrat T Clan T Farmer T T spleComponent 5 1 2 3 3 1 2 3 4 4 1 2 3 4 4 16 / / / / / / / / / / / / 1 5/ 0/ 2/ 3 / / / / / / / 2/ 3/ 2 3/ 5/ 0 0 0 3/ / / / / / / / / / / 3 2 2 2 3 0 3 4 0 5 3 2 / 2 3 1 0 3 3 1 / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / 2 3 4 2 4 2 1 / / / / / / / / / / / / / 1 3 3 1 4 3 1 5 12 12 3 16 11 5 2 4 1 3 4 8 16 Noosphere 3 Symbolism 13 7 16 Techno3 sphere 8 State history 7 14 / / / / / 3/ 4/ 0 4 1/ / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / 3 / / / / 2 2 4 5 2 4 3 4 / / / / Noosphere Psyche Biosphere Function 169 6.3. Results from the screening The screening provides results on the general cultural value of the surveyed compounds as well as it expresses the cultural priorities of the inhabitants. 6.3.1 Sample Cultural value and priorities The landscapes may be considered as cultural. They answer to 17 criteria corresponding to various approaches to the cultural landscape phenomenon. According to the above table, the cultural values of most importance for the inhabitants are: “beliefs”: 16, “benefit”: 16, “status”: 13 and “entertainment”: 11. Other values are present, but are more important for national heritage supporters, scholars from various disciplines or conservation professionals. These are: “antiquity”: 16, “information”: 14, “complexity”: 12 and legibility: 12. Three main cultural accents (highest figures in the landscapes emergent from the range of fulfilled criteria: The landscapes are religious, functional and documentary: • The landscapes are “religious” (Beliefs: 16), meaning that they are educative and normative. • The inhabitants privilege “function” (Benefit: 16). Food is an apparent priority. In reality, fruit trees and spices are not a permanent nor essential (staple) source of alimentation. They correspond to a degree of diet sophistication on the part of the inhabitants and to the custom of offering buah tangan literally “fruit of the hand” to visitors on the compounds or while visiting other villagers. Companionship of plants and animals maybe another reason for the presence of food, providing floral or animal features (“Entertainment” criteria) . 170 • The landscape are “documents”: (Antiquity: 16. information: 14) Some of the surveyed house compounds warrant a cultural report or an action to preserve and/or document them because of their historical or architectural value. The US National Park Registry criteria apply to C3, C4 and A3. One should also note the botanical value of species density, instant records or time capsule, the vertical landscape or all enveloping vegetation not being something that can be captured “at a glance”. 6.3.2 Summary of the results Before further examination, Figure 6.9 summarizes the acquired results: Synthesis identity Characteristics: 1. Types 2. Variety 3. Symbiosis 4. Homogeneity 5. Ethical Norms Screening to Cultural value criteria based on identification & characteristics Result: Cultural value of the sample Priorities: 1.Religion 2.Function 3.Document Figure 6.9 : Research Results 171 The following section present a discussion of the results, and to confirm them, submit them to an empirical verification. 6. 3. 3 Discussion Progress was achieved as a systematic approach of a dynamic and multifaceted cultural phenomenon was made. However, to be valid, the obtained results should be examined. 6.3.3.1 Validity and argumentative Scope of the Sample Referring to premises mentioned in Chapter four (Methodology), the following remarks are made, after the survey has been conducted: (i) Traditional house compounds The scope of validity of the study is applied to compounds that are “traditional” in the sense that they were (i) established in a time where vernacular traditions ruled and (ii) they still present a degree of “integrity*” reflecting the vernacular traditions. (ii) Participant researcher It had been mentioned that, in matter of landscape appreciation by inhabitants or researchers, especially from the cultural point of view, previous knowledge, underlying philosophical or other interests may influence the conclusions. The opportunistic quasi random sampling selection method was followed to keep in check the subjectivity of the author as a “participant observer” who refrained to interfere with the selection. Only travel and time opportunities determined the choice of house compound. 172 Features previously known by the author to be cultural features of the vernacular landscape such as twin roofs (bumbung kembar) with a saluran air water gutter in the middle or the medicinal patarwali (Tinospora crispa) were not deliberately searched for and were not met in the field. The sample of 16 units is small compared to the great variety of features in Terengganu. If the sample was less random or larger, some of the “missing” features would probably be found. (iii) Typology Although the typology classification had proved useful and reflected the reality, it is feasible to consider other descriptive approaches where there would be other types based for example on the dates of first occupation or construction or, to simplify only one type –with variations, of Terengganu village landscape. There are two ways to correct and consolidate the findings (Babbie 1975) These are: (i) To resort to “inter-subjectivity” corroboration. It is hoped that other researchers as well decide to continue the study in Terengganu. Their findings will be essential especially if a good measure of consensus is obtained. ii) To proceed to an empirical verification by returning to the field and further comparing photographs of features from the sites to the grid of components and criteria previously established in the study. 6.4 Empirical verification The “on site” empirical verification is based on the culture components as deducted from the literature previously summarized in Figure1of Chapter 4 (Methodology). It is divided in two parts. First, Table 6.2 recapitulates the link between the theoretical cultural components and the features observed in the house compounds. 173 Table 6.2: From cultural components to examples in surveyed house compound Group of components or realm of reality Collective Psyche Number & identification of component Contribution to house compounds landscapes Expression in the landscapes Some examples in the surveyed House compounds 1. First settlements & Indianised civilisations Cosmic awareness Land perception and interpretation Roofs and entrances orientation colours significance 14/16 hse cpnds main orientation// sun &-->Islamic kiblat 2. World view and beliefs Nature “inhabited” Symbols significance in art Religion & Revealed knowledge 16 cpds: zoning obvious, even if shifted. Bidara, Kapas in A1 and A2 3. Ethnic groups ways of life & accessories Food & material processing tools Daily life accessories Taboos Zoning for Islamic privacy Plant species preferences Pounding devices (lesong), granaries Stilts, titian walkways, pointed roofs, padi fields, orchards Plant material for building, tools, food, medicine, etc.. Particular shape of carved barge boards (mempeles) Sheds and platforms for work, rest and trade Walls, “sorong” gates. Innovative architectural details & decoration 16 house on stilts, fruits trees preeminence “ & observation Tebu gajah in front of F1 Bark in F4 “ & observation Group survival State history 4. Natural environment Challenges & resources Floods, monsoon, luxuriance and variety of vegetation and wild life 5. Practical knowledge & experience Uses of the environment resources 6. Construction techniques & Principles, timber architecture 7. Economic activities Style of buildings, villages, and towns layout 8. Social organisation Status symbols, level of compound complexity Settlement existence & location Foreign influence, new trends 9. Political & historical events Crafts, trading, agriculture and fishing Baluh padi in F1,F2, F3. Sampan under houses. confinement beds Sources Weatley Raja Bahrin Tajul Muluk Nor Affendi Yahya “ Massart, Cheng, Endicott, Lye Dunn, Burkill, Gimlette Unpublished thesis & Interviews 2 full examples of rumah berpeles, 16 bendul, 14 buah gutong Mohamad Yusof Halim, Lim, KALAM “Clinics” in F1 and R5, mat making in R3 Clifford, Khoo Kay Kim Kota wall in A2, gates in C4 and A2. Complex & wealthy residences in A and C “ & Shaharil Sheppard, Muhamad Salleh 174 For the second part of the verification, the following Figures 6.9 to 6.12 show photographs of features taken from the surveyed house compounds and refers these to the corresponding particular cultural component (s). Figure 6.9: In C3, components: 4 “natural environment challenges & resources “: orchard of rambutan and jambu; 9 “political & historical events”: described by British visitor in 1896. Figure 6.11: A1, components 6 “construction and principles”: buah gutong and 9 “Political & historical events & techniques”: Foreign influence: box windows. Figure 6.10: F1, components: 5 “practical knowledge & experience”: medicinal Albizia (tebu gajah); 7 “economic activities”: bench for “clinic bekam*”. Figure 6.12: C1, components 6: buah gutong and 9: “Art nouveau” on posts and windows. (Figures 6. 9 to 6.12 : Pictures taken by author, 2004) 175 Figure 6.13: C1, components 1& 2: “cosmic orientation” & “Islamic culture”: morning façade receiving sun from the east. Figure 6.14: F2, components 3 “nature challenges”: granary and 4 “way of life”: Tamarindus with decorative Platiceps. Figure 6. 15: A3, components 2 “beliefs”: Eugenia in front of entrance and 8 “status” marked by elaborated porch and buildings. Figure 6.16: F4, components 5 “Practical knowledge & experience”: bark for walls and 6, “construction principles”: buah gutong. (Figures 6. 15 to 6. 16, pictures taken by author) The objective of the research is obtained: The assumption that the studied landscapes can be considered as cultural landscapes appears verified. 176 This verification has practical and theoretical results and implications. Practical results are those can be used directly in various disciplines such as landscape architecture, architecture, conservation or history. The theoretical results are discussed in chapter 7. 6. 5. Practical use of the Results 6.5.1 Conservation First and foremost, a progress has been achieved in the study of these house compounds: As the cultural significance of the sample was demonstrated, the first stage in the Burra Charter “understand significance” of the landscapes has been obtained. The second stage, “technical assessment” of some of the individual house compounds, may begin. The data gathered for the preliminary assessment of the sample may be used for further classification as to the merits of individual compounds. Measures to be taken toward the registration for preservation or documentation of some of the sites, particularly those with historical and architectural value can be undertaken. Second, a beginning of characterisation and identification of the Terengganu house compound landscapes has been obtained. As landscape architecture professionals have indicated previously, this could help provide a source of inspiration for material features for modern Malaysian landscapes. 177 6.5.2 Modern use of traditional accessories and plants species Observation in new housing, magazines and literature (Ismail Said et al., 2000) shows that modern uses of traditional features is now part of landscaping in modern habitat building. Of the listed 82 ground features, jars, wooden walkways, “pangkin” platforms and other features present in the sample have been seen used as “garden furniture” from Kuala Lumpur to Kampong Batin in Terengganu. Perhaps the interesting bangku (high benches) have not been re-used yet. The most decorative plant species found in the sample have been used already such as Asplenium nidus ferns, gingers and Jasminun.. Further inspiration may still be found in the modest but useful belukar trees such as the medicinal and cosmetic Lepisanthes, Glycosmis, Neo-litsea zeylanica , Justicia gandarussa, and the pretty vegetable Sauropus androgynus. In the first bare years of the new modern gardens of terrace housing, fast growing screening species such as the Morinda spp., Hibiscus tilliaceus and Premna could be useful in the rather exposed (to public view) grounds of the recent housing estates. Landscape design may be inspired by the tri-dimensional or spheric landscape obtained in the ancient compounds where the sky is framed by tree crowns. To animate space, “sets” of function-related features can be reproduced even if their functionality is no longer essential. One set would comprise of a ground feature together with plants species and related accessories. For instance, • “Well set”: well or water source, timba bucket on its stand, table, tree, streamlet with titi timber walkway. • “Gerai set”: resting platform, shade tree, pandanus or sedge mats, lidi broom.. • “Stairs set”: jar, with ceduk, or kolah, fragrant shrubs, flower pots, water source. 178 To confer a regional identity to a garden, “signature clusters” may be, after some research, carefully composed. From the sample, Terengganu could be represented by a cluster including wood carvings or wave stairs, cengal planks footwalk, Lansium domesticum, Zizyphus jujuba or Gnetom gnemon trees with brown pinang jeruk or budu preserves jar or orange coloured water jar from Pattani and perhaps a few wild species such as Clerodendron or a climbing Tetracera, some batik cloth and fishing nets hammocks. The problem in the reconstitution is that space may be lacking, forcing new arrangement and disrupting the spatial hierarchy of the features observed in the study. 6.5.3 Re-use of ancient lay out and space organisation Because of economic and spatial constraints, lay out and space organisation features from the past are less reproduced. Yet some of them deserve continued attention, especially those reflecting an adaptation to the climate, such as the stilts and the orientation of the houses with less surface exposure to the sun. Construction on stilts not only provides ventilation but also allows the house to be set above the level of the circulation. Nowadays, the flood of motor vehicles replaces the water of ancient times. With the stilts come the elevated walkways, a feature seen in modern public buildings where the importance of communication between departments is recognised. It could be more used in private clusters of housings projects where -as Terengganu inhabitants sometimes do- members of a family would buy in the same housing estate to facilitate the continuation of their close relationship, food exchange (especially during Ramadan), reciprocal assistance and safety. The house compounds design with trees, water features, ventilation, high roofs produces a cooling habitat/environment, a “microclimate” that create a sense of privacy and protection as well as results in economy of expenses on energy. It is a model often referred to for second (holiday) residences. 179 6.5.4 Contribution to and collaboration with other disciplines Through the wide spectrum of data collection necessary for their completion, cultural landscape studies contribute as a source of information for other fields of research in the context of interdisciplinary researches. Much of the history of Terengganu is still to be documented and “provides excellent scope for research” (Khoo 2002, 160). It is still possible to read it through its material remains contained in the house compounds. During this study, interviews have yield witness memories bringing new information and precisions on events sporadically reported in literature or local traditions but the brink of being forgotten as expended below. 6.5.4.1 Historical value Three of the house compounds answer in full to the National Park Registry criteria D for historical preservation referring to “Places related to events, or persons in history”. It also transpired through the interviews that quite a few of the compound sites are connected to each other one way or another, illustrating the closeness of the Terengganu society and the intercommunication between households. The “Clan house compound” (C4) located in Lorong Haji Jamil – an area earmarked for modern development of “kampong Tiong”- is often noted by visitors in the capital for its gate with a roof decorated by two buah gutong, its carving on the sorong porch balustrades and its rich garden with orchids climbing on an picturesque Syzyphus aquae. It is part of the former clusters of bujang berpeles houses belonging to Haji Awang Besar and his family: They still own a row of six shops in Jalan Kampung Cina. Because of his close business ties with the Japanese, Haji Awang was arrested and executed during Bintang Tiga short lived rule in Terengganu (Yusof, 1995). Haji Awang beautiful “Nadja” was the last of the perahu pinis gober traditional schooners with a carved prow. One of the successive nakhoda of the same 180 boat was Haji Ibrahim, founder of the compound (C2) in Pulau Ketam. A present inhabitant, Pak Majid, son of Haji Ibrahim, told how “Nadja” sank by accident in Singapore in the fifties. The Tokku Paluh “Clan house compound” (C3) is mentionned by Hugh Cifford who visited the place during an expedition on the east Coast of Malaysia in1895 in the pursuit of Dato’Bahaman and Tok Jangut. “The saint lives secluded in the retirement of a shady-steeped village. He is rich in flocks and herds, loves his fruit groves and his flowers...”. (Clifford,1961) Pak Man “Castro”, the owner of the house compound in Sungei Rengas (R5) is the grand son of a trusted guard of Tukku Paluh and told stories of training with a sword in Tokku’s compound. In Pulau Duyung, the historical and architectural value of Dato’Biji Sura walled compound has been officially recognised. After first researches on the place by this author and Badan Warisan of Malaysia, it was partially reconstructed, based on speculative drawings commissioned to the Department of Architecture of the Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. One of the Dato’s grand-daughter married a grand-son of Haji Yusof Kelang, founder of the “clan house compound” in Kuala Hiliran (C1). 6.5.4.2 Architectural Value The style and building methods of the houses in the Terengganu compounds (as well in Kelantan and in Kedah) are an example of a particular South East Asian style of building with some affinities with Chinese timber architecture. However, they have their particular interpretation of the decorative common elements (upward-lifted 181 eaves, high roofs, rectangular buildings on high stilt etc.) and follow a Muslim way of life whereas the other traditional buildings of the same type in the region (Laos, Cambodia, Thailand Vietnam) are built mostly for Buddhist inhabitants, except in Champa Muslim enclaves. Besides the Hiliran clan, the Aristocrat house in A3 belonging to descendants of the wealthy patron of music and architecture that was Haji Mat “Kaya “of Losong, is also potentially worthy of preservation under the criteria of the National Park Registry. 6.5.4.3 Anthropology and Ethnobotanics Traditional medicine is no longer commonly practiced, yet three compounds houses belonged to traditional healers, (i) a bekam practioner still in activity in Padang Air, (ii) a midwife in Pasir Dule , and (iii) a masseur- herbalist in Sungei Rengas. Knowledge and uses of plants species still leaves a mark on the landscape that can be interpreted. Plants species presence and cooking recipes may be useful as markers, for instance to trace the paths of the Cham diaspora. It is said that the builder of the Kota Lama compound was the first entrepreneur to plant commercially Lansium domesticum orchards in the state. This may be related to the Datuk Biji Sura family origins in Champa in present day Vietnam, which is the northern limit of the species much prized by the Chinese (Burkill, 1958) The ulam greens seen in the sample (also recorded by Laderman (1978) in Marang, Terengganu) enter into salad dishes prepared in the North eastern regions of Pattani and Vietnam. 182 6.5.4.4 Botanical documentation and history The “aging” landscapes of Terengganu are a living record of the growth and vigour of some traditional centenarian species: The Syzygiun aquea (jambu) normally known as small tree, reaches surprising heights and covers the floor of a large area with its fluffy white flowers while the fruit remain delectable. Family members recall how and why their ancestor planted the species and sometimes even from where they collected them. They explain as well how relatives gave them the plant, thus spreading the species. The ethno-botanical value of these house compounds “cosmopolitan” landscapes may be exploited for better knowledge of the plant species and of their propagation. 6.5.4.5 Sociology: The study confirmed that social status and beliefs were “written” in the fabric of the residences. Further studies and interviews on material features of ancient habitat may help understand better a society based on hierarchy, community, pride and religion. Sociologists may observe that for socio-economical reasons, the same society could now be redirected towards individualism, hedonism and secularism through a new habitat ruled by these principles. . These considerations bring to the chapter seven where the more theoretical results and implications of the findings are further considered. CHAPTER 7 PERSPECTIVES AND CONCLUSION “We shape ourselves by decisions which shape our environment” Rene Dubos (1969) The positive assessment of cultural value deducted in the preceding chapters has theoretical implications and consequences. This chapter proposes the generalisation of the results to other house compounds in Terengganu, points out the contributions of the study in methodological approach and conceptualisation of the studied landscape and finally suggests directions for future use of these results. 7.1 Generalisation: One of the most beneficial results of this study for Terengganu is that an extrapolation of the findings of this study to other house compounds in Terengganu is possible. House compounds presenting the same features in similar quality and quantity may be considered worthy of the same assessment of potential cultural value. Further case studies would be justified. Some examples are shown in the pictures in Figures 7.1 to 7.8. 184 Figure 7.1: component 9 “History”: Jar from Pattani, sailingTrade. (P.Ketam) Figure 7.3: component 3: jar & bottom of stairs slab. (Merang). Figure 7.2: component 3 “Way of life”: open“fence”. (P.Ketam), Figure 7.4: components1&2: cosmic orientation & Islamic culture; Component 6 : architecture (mempeles); Component 3: gerai bersalin on the right. (Kuala Terengganu). Figures 7.1 to7.4 : (pictures by author, 2005) 185 Figure 7.5: component 3, way of life: gerai platform under a kapok tree curtain of palms (P.Duyung) Figure 7.7: Component 3, Way of life: gerai (Kpg Batin) Figure 7.6: component 4, nature challenges: and component 3, way of life: batik& pelikat clothes line (Kampung Bahri) Figure 7. 8: component 6, architecture: “wave stairs” (Kuala Hiliran) Figures 7. 5 to 7.8: (Pictures taken by author 2005) 7. 2 Contribution of the Study Progress was achieved as a systematic approach of a dynamic and multifaceted cultural phenomenon was made. The study contributes to cultural landscape theorisation in two directions, methodology and landscape conceptualisation. 186 7.2.1 Investigation Method and further Research As an investigative approach, the research procedure has been tailored on the subject studied as it was evolving with the findings. It may be of use in similar circumstances where vernacular environments have to be assessed for cultural value while their particular identity still needs to be substantiated and conceptualised. The study of cultural significance was based on multidisciplinary information.. Because of this holistic approach, large amounts of data were gathered and check lists, tables and charts were designed to enable the extraction of the culturally significant features. The selection of types of house compound and the identification of characteristics (types, variety, symbiosis, homogeneity and ethical norms.) sprang on the field from the features themselves as they were catalogued in relation to the cultural significance they were found to encapsulate (from literature and interviews). The process remained based on the research sequence: (i) Acquisition of knowledge on the vernacular cultural background (ii) Field inventory of features and qualitative and quantitative Analysis and (iii) Screening to scientific/academic criteria. When data from qualitative or observation surveys were conclusive enough, further elicitation from collected quantitative data was not sought. Ideally, a multidisciplinary study should be conducted through the collaboration of a team of researchers with various backgrounds. The trend, broadening the effectiveness of the specialisation of the past decades, is now growing. The research remained preliminary. In the case of Terengganu, further in depth investigation on the individual compounds in view of a registration for their historical or architectural value can begin from there. More inventories and cultural 187 investigation of each of the landscape elements, -flora, architecture, ground accessories and fauna in specific geographical areas would help substantiate the vernacular paradigms of man-nature cohabitation in the state. It is agreed with Nor Atiah (2003) that the case study method is not the only one that should be pursued in the future. From the base of field inventories, it is possible to conduct more general or thematic studies using the newly found parameters in Terengganu, focusing on the different elements of the landscapes or on function of the plants, or their origin, on the architectural characters, on space hierarchy and others. 7.2.2 Brief Reference to other Studies .. Comparative studies could be done as well between the various regions of Malaysia. Field differences would be significant of various cultural identities. For instance, “Coherence” was leading the experiential factors in Nor Atiah (2003)’s analysis in Perak whereas “complexity” and “legibility” were found more frequently in the Terengganu sample. The difference in complexity between the rural Perak agricultural communities and the Terengganu eclectic society is due probably in part to the fact that in the agriculture based villages of the western state, inhabitants go to work in the field outside of their house compound. This results in uncluttered grounds, decorated with plants in pots. Nor Atiah (2003) was also considering only the floral element of the landscapes In the sample from Terengganu, the ground and the kolong space under the house are filled with signs of present or past activity, transforming a visit in the compound into an exploration of an active way of life. The functions of the grounds are different, so is their appearance. 188 One common finding that has been obtained in Perak and in Terengganu is the cosmopolitan aspect surprising for traditional communities, of the landscapes. It is due to the interest of the inhabitants for experimenting in gardening (Nor Atiah, 2003) denoting an open-mindedness as well to the location of the Malay peninsula at a cross road between oceans and continents. Another feature that appears to be common to ancient Malaysian villages landscapes is the possibility to “decipher” them beyond the appearances, a fact that denotes places with cultural background. Researchers in Malaysia today in the process of identifying the features of the Malay villages landscape, record cultural meaning of plants species and ground accessories in villages over the country (Abdullah Sani, personal communication). They find out that, although neither Balinese Hinduism nor Fen Shui designed, the features found in Malay gardens do demonstrate a spiritual as well as a functional role. There may be differences of interpretations between the inhabitants and a relative outsider such as the author. Haji Mohamad Yusof Abdullah, director of the Terengganu State Museum is from Pulau Duyung/Pulau Ketam (where 3 compounds are surveyed). His thesis on the Terengganu house shows how the houses and their gardens are functional (Mohamad Yusof 1990). Mohamad Yusof warned the author of the risk of over-emphasising cultural significance over straightforward functional value. However, for him, “functional” applied to a Malay residence includes “adapted to the requirements of Islam”. Furthermore, cultivating a sense of beauty is part of the Islamic way of living. He concluded by saying: “the traditional Terengganu house compounds are equally useful and beautiful”, which for him, means quite Islamic and functional (Mohamad Yusof, personal communication). That renders the compounds normative and cultural as much as functional for the author. 189 7.2.3 Theoretical Aspects of the traditional Terengganu Landscapes The field investigations in the house compounds in Terengganu and the following interpretation, although not exhaustive, has already allowed to elicit a few of the principles and concepts underlying the landscapes toward their more esoteric or tacit aspects. 7.2.3.1 Beginning of a Conceptualisation The five cultural characteristics that have been identified are connected to concepts and ideas. (i) ‘types” refers to the concept of social organisation, (ii) “variety” refers to material features, but includes individual psychological versatility and antiquity which involve to a notion of time; (iii) “homogeneity” refers to the concept of cultural consensus - “architectural harmony” in homogeneity refers partly to material features and partly to the concept of structural principles-; (iv)“symbiosis” refers to a way of living concept and to a long nurtured world view, and (v) “ethical norms” refers to beliefs. All of this point towards an underlying philosophy. Perhaps the most original finding made in the Terengganu sample is the emphasis on the normative and didactic character of the considered landscapes. According to Rapoport (2004), religious and or normative contents are a characteristic associated with traditional cultures. However, in the case of Terengganu house compounds, the inbuilt didactic features had not been previously specifically pointed out. The fact that space in the compounds is vested with significance and value is experienced in daily life, even taken for granted by the inhabitants, but not often recorded. The positioning of the well on the left side of the back garden explained in chapter five, is an excellent example. Through the centuries, features -often functional, symbolic and aesthetic at the same time- have accumulated overlapping semantic layers. A number of these features are noted in the sample of sixteen house compounds such as: the omnipresent 190 and enigmatic buah gutong, rites-associated species like the henna tree, “travelling” fruit and spices, Asplenium nidus (now loosing its magic connotations), the uniform zoning as well as the location of house stairs and compound access and the practice of sweeping carefully paths, entrances and halaman front courtyard. These features refer to various realms of reality as well as to layers of individual and collective levels of consciousness of a people. In terms of holistic ecology or Total Human Ecology analysis, the interpreted features signal an allencompassing “supersystem” (Naveh 2000) within which move the lives of the villagers. To the eyes of the villagers, the layers of significance embedded in the features are little noticed while the normative aspect is not felt. They are merely tales of sometimes past ways of life (albeit fondly remembered as noted during the interviews). To the historian, anthropologist and sociologist, the meanings embodied in the compound landscapes are an irreplaceable source of knowledge. To the author, the cultural values found there do not only indicate a sense of “place and time” but also, literally, a sense of moral direction. 7. 2.3.2 Role of Cultural Conceptualisation in planning built Environments (i) Biodiversity Beyond the re-use of traditional accessories and species, the surveyed house compound point to a different option in design: Native species from the area were left to grow and were used in the villages. Today, when planning a landscape, it would be beneficial to the ecology to include the preoccupation of restoring original species, to, for example, the pre-palm oil natural floral composition.. Wherever original botanical patches remain, newly planned estates could connect their environment to local nature features by planting or preserving the native species. The fauna too, would thrive again, contributing to the survival of wildlife species. 191 (ii) Global Trends Awareness Today, reproduction and introduction in modern settings of traditional landscape features for their decorative and entertainment value is a fashionable trend (so, perhaps ephemeral). It is also, for the inhabitants, a symbol of fidelity towards their heritage (Ismail et al, 2000). However, understanding the heritage at the conceptual level of the landscape is less frequent although it is essential in addressing modern paradigms in man’s habitat and natural environment management in a co-evolutionary perspective (Marcucci 2000). By recognising the ancient patterns and principles as has been attempted in this work, more awareness of the principles behind the new material global features which are similarly didactic and carry rules and implicit values such as, for example, secularity, a notion previously alien to the Malay villagers- may be created. Once awareness of the dynamic multilevel pattern of a vernacular Malay ecologic system is created, it will easier to identify the multiple levels of interventions from other super-systems. That ethnic diversity re-surfaces in terrace housing (Ismail et al. 2000) is a sign that culture is not obliterated by globalisation. Yet, will the study find the same results in the second or third generation? 7. 3 Recommendation: Urgency of Documentation Built environments were a most stable form of material support for a culture. Now these material supports like the Terengganu house compounds are considered as obsolete. They are erased even before they are recorded. 192 It has been found that some of the residences described technical records such as those kept for example at the Faculty of Built Environment of the Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (KALAM) have disappeared: Dato’Biji Sura’s stately house in Tanjung in Kuala Terengganu and half of Tukku Paloh’s have been demolished. “Wan Su’s house” in Pulau Duyung has been half sold away and half modernised. Just recently in May 2006), wishing to confirm the identity of some species of trees in the ancient orchard of Tukku Paloh, the author found only the freshly cut stumps and the compound divided. This evolution makes documentation of what remains the more urgent. Recording of the philosophy of life behind these landscapes can be undertaken from surveys conducted in villages still preserving some significant features. Whatever happens to the actual “traditional house compounds” in Terengganu and Malaysia, with suitable documentation, a people’s life experience and the principles embodied in the vernacular landscapes can be remembered and be used in designing environments relevant to the places and to the people. As mentioned at the beginning of this thesis, the evolution towards disappearance is fast and global; however Rapoport (2004) declares:: “Traditional environments, considered globally,[…] provide a “laboratory “ as it were, a repository of a great deal of knowledge from which one could learn very important, possibly essential lessons. It is, therefore, essential not to loose this “cultural gene pool” and lessons it can provide through research. […]“In this way, it may be well possible to reconcile globalization with the variability of local cultural landscapes, with all the advantages this implies”. . Rapoport (2004, 11) Conclusion The study was started out of regret for the increasing disappearance of the architectural and botanical features of the Terengganu village landscapes. It was 193 found during the study that the surveyed landscapes were the results of a singular historical context, including the fact that the State of Terengganu had enjoyed a long period of prosperity and artistic creativity. A field inventory has elicited a wealth of features in the four elements of the house compounds landscapes. Five characteristics have been identified in this preliminary survey: existence of types, variety, symbiosis, homogeneity and ethical norms. The sixteen surveyed compounds were found to be “cultural” as they answered to 17 criteria for cultural value derived from numerous academic perspectives. They are, in priority, functional and religiously compliant for the inhabitants and of documentary value for scholars. Perhaps, because of their strong and cohesive cultural roots, the village residential units have been able to outlast the context that gave birth to them. Today the house compounds are confronted in abstract with the forces of globalisation and in practice with the rarity and the costs of timber and land. They face a “disorganisation” (Naveh 2000) brought about by the energetic omnipresence of combustible fuel-powered present day “technosphere”. Despite the nostalgia, many of the features from the past vernacular landscape found in the study may not be reproduced as such in the modern world context. However, in a holistic ecology perspective, the principles embodied in the disappearing landscapes such as those elicited from this study in Terengganu are far from obsolete. On the contrary, symbiosis with nature and neighbours, appreciation of species diversity, breeding of wild and domestic animals and understanding their personality, advantages of visual harmony in a region, pooling of traditional knowledge, space organisation conducive to desired behaviour, are all part of ecological global survival. Learning from the past as has been done in this work may help imagining designs that take into account the tacit principles behind the vernacular landscapes at least as much as they re-cycle their material features. What is now mostly academic 194 record, symbolic decoration in modern houses or promises of convivial social life in gated communities, may then become part of truly landscaping the future. There were two sets of objectives for this thesis; one, scientific, was to demonstrate the cultural value of the traditional Terengganu house compounds and at the same time, showing the relationship between a landscape and a cultural background. 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APPENDICES APPENDIX A APPENDIX B Field survey check list Proposed category: “Rakyat house compound” (R3) Pulau Ketam, Kuala Terengganu South view with pandanus weaving shed Location Main resident usual Name: “Che Da Wan Teh” Features The compound - neighbourhood … next to Pulau Duyung, tucked between a “clan compound “,other houses close by and an overgrown Lansium domesticum orchard. - general setting atmosphere orientation…an attractive sight from the south side access, a few buildings in a clearing. - boundaries & gates …none but the paths, in front & on the northern sidesome wooden posts and a chainlinked fence from neighbours. - size (1 ekar = 7 lots) @ ¼ ekar. - access……from three sides by footpaths. - proportion flora and built elements within the compound ………………………… - one house with a garden … a house with utilitarian area around………………… - group sharing a delimited ground or a……………………………………………… - house with ancillary buildings in a compound,……………………………………… The buildings: - style of the main building… former twin roofs, original tile replaced by asbestos cover, with additions and concrete bathroom; vertical planking. - orientation of “rumah ibu”main roof…”kiblat”. - proportions roofs, walls, stilts……4’/8’/5’. - length, width…… 35 x 17steps. - number of roofs…2 + extentions. - materials and colours …painted timber, mix colours asbestos and grey and white plastered concrete. - number of buildings attached: 1, the kichen area. - transition areas …1, pelantar corridor. - verandahs …1 “lambur, at the top of main entrance stairs. - stairs and entrances…2, main and kitchen area. - kitchen overhanging drying rack, double roof. - windows : shutters, glass, shapes and colours… - status signals: verandah, balconies, fences and gates, carvings and kumai……… - ancillary buildings …simple wooden working shed for pandanus weaving, rows of chicken huts on stilts - contents of the space below the house: chicken compartment and storage Field Survey check list and sketches, R3 Pulau Ketam The grounds - category: courtyard garden, plantation …open compound. - lay out, various parts…. south and west gardens are more in use than the two other zones. (recent changes in availability of space). - well, drains, , kolah concrete basin… - soil & floor …turf and earth. - communal bathroon around a well …………………………… - toilets hut………… - outdoors indicators of activity…low sitting stool, fire places wire Well, “timba” pail, firewood mesh tempora y cages cloth lines with batiq, baskets, flat baskets for dry fish, coconut dehusker pounding devices for rice and fish. - garden furniture: resting bed, bench, swing, hammok - movable accessories cooking tripod, wheel barrel, brooms , traps etc. Flora (see individual compound ethnobotanical check list) - plants organisation (systematic or not, harmony, symmetry or not) little. - planted species in pot:…………………………………… - on the ground list………………………………………… - wild species quite a few and weeds. - function of the plants (apparent & inhabitants knowledge) decorative (deliberate gardening and horticulture)………… food. ………………………………………………………… medicine & cosmetic ……………………………… boundary marker ……………………………… . accent: entrance, center……………………… shade.. not deliberate, yet appreciated. religion & rites…………………………………………………… others (game, seat, building and tools material). - habit: trees, shrubs, climbers, creepers, herbs, palms…………… - colours, foliage branching trunks flowers and fruit……………… - seasonal variations fruiting seasons Mangifera indica first in the year. kitchen herbs Preparing a lidi broom Fauna - domestic: peacock, turkey, geese, pigeons and doves or (social markers!) goats, monkeys, moscovi ducks, chicken, roosters, cats. - wild animals: birds, foxes, mice, otters, monitor lizard; related to the species of trees and foodstuff attraction. Interviews - permissions: to take photos, make sketches and measurements .given. - date of construction and shifts ..parts of the house date back to @1900. - identity of inhabitants (those who lived the compound). ethnic/geographic origins, religion… Pattani & Champa,Muslim. social status/occupation ..grand father coconut climber, specialist of “nira”palm drink, allowed to reside on the orchard probably in exchange of looking after the trees. The owner’s husband, a fisherman, part owner of a trawler died a few years ago. Wan Teh, 61, now a diabetic widow, continues her trade of weaving pandanus bags for the market in Kuala Terengganu. Her children visit her quite often. - use of the plants as reported by the respondant…”When I broke my wrist and could not work, I used “pokok terajang” ( Lepisantes rubiginosus) the one you see here” She collects the herbs noticed in the firewood kitchen for “sayur air” -a vegetable dish. Results - documentation for grounds and garden design, architecture, history, sociology, ethnobotanics, culture. - conclusion: type as deemed? Yes.. - particular lessons from the consaiidered compound; characteristics and attributes for that type? For Terengganu, in general? Field Survey check list and sketches, R3, continued Notes: The absence of fence, besides symbiotoc openness, may also be due to the lack of formal rights on the land, as here, it has been put long ago to the disposal of the occupant by the owners family in exchange for labour .Because of lack of space, the usual lay out is disturbed. Yet the remnant parts are in accordance with the attributed type. The grounds and the house may seem a bit derelict; still, the house is large and play its role; so does the “garden”:(“empty space for the grand children to play”) The family comes back to it. The ancient roots of the compound help. About the combat cocks: “not so many now as people don’t buy them during the fasting month.” Characteristics: “rakyat”: some vertical planking, boundaries informal, activities on the grounds immediately around the house.“ Terengganu” : Kiblat, stilts, roosters breeding (tradition related to sailing “/perahu besar” the animals were coming from from Thailand and Kelantan) Lansium domesticum, high bench, pandanus (mengkuang) craft. Records - 1 Pictures: Façade elevation ; Side elevation; Details - 2 sketch plan of the general lay out: buildings and flora Sketch Plan:“Rakyat House Compound” R3 Sketch Plan:“Rakyat House Compound” R3 Field survey check list Proposed category: “Aristocrat house compound” Pulau Duyung Kecil, Kuala Terengganu North view Location: Pulau Duyung Kecil Kuala Terengganu Main resident(s) usual Name: Dato’Biji Sura & Dato Purba. : Features The compound - neighbourhood … Island of Duyung, in the estuary of the Terengganu River. Formerly religious teachers, gbovernment officials, sailors and boat builders residential area. - general setting atmosphere orientation; now a museum lone witness to obsolescent past. - boundaries ..on 3/5 of the perimeter, marked by brick and stucco wall. - size (1 ekar = 7 lots) @ 6 lots. - access…2 main gates , 2 secondary arched doors, and 3 more entrances on the southern side. - one house with a garden or……………………………… - group sharing a delimited ground or a…………………………… - house with ancillary buildings in a compound. - proportion flora and built elements within the compound on 10…flora:2, built : 8. The buildings: - style of the main building 2 “lima bungkus”, 1 “bujang berpeles” with a columnade and a porch. - orientation of “rumah ibu”: kiblat - proportions roofs, walls, stilts…@ 8’/9’/7’. - length, width, …………………………………………………………… - number of roofs,……nine + extensions. - materials and colours, …timber cengal, tiles Sighora, cly bricks, stucco plaster, blue, yellow, orange and black pigments (porch arches). - number of buildings linked .. formerly two within the compounds + one over the south wall. - transition areas… pelantar corridors, colonnades. - verandahs …running around most of the buildings. Columns capitals under verandah - stairs and entrances,…1 main stair case (internal), 2 in domestic areas, 2 on south building. - windows : shutters movable timber louvers, glass, shapes and colours. - ancillary buildings bathroom with well up to first floor. - movable accessories…………………… - contents of the space below the house .. rice and other storage. - kitchen drying rack double roof…not recorded. - status signals: verandah, balconies, fences and gates, carvings and others “kumai” and “sobek”……… The grounds - category: courtyard garden, plantation…courtyard with gardens at the back. - lay out, various parts…. shift in orientation of the ground/house, yet clear zones: men officials/ women common visitors. - hard features…kolah ablutions basins(2) visitors bathroom. - soil….swept sand and grass., - well (2), drains ..2 one for waste waters, one for rain/floods around the wall. - communal bathroon around a well… visitors facilities on eastern side. - toilets hut . - outdoors indicators of activity…. (cloth lines with batiq, lesong,,baskets, platforms for dry fish, coconut dehusker, pounding devices.) - garden furniture: resting beds and benches… - special cages for chicken and roosters… Flora (see individual compounds check lists) - plants organisation (systematic or not, harmony, symetry or not)… - planted species in pots … in wooden boxes : Jasminum and Gardenia. - on the ground list…… - wild species… none reported. - function of the plants (apparent & inhabitants knowledge)… vegetable and spices. decorative (deliberate gardening and horticulture)…entrance porch ornament. food… small fruit trees medicine & cosmetic … boundary marker … accent: entrance, center…Baringtonia in front of “sorong” porch. shade……………………………………………………………… religion & rites…gossipum braziliensis. Bathroom and Datura sp others (game, seat, building and tools material)……… - habit: trees, shrubs, climbers, creepers, herbs, palms…… - colours, foliage branching trunks flowers and fruit…… - seasonal variations…………………………………………………… Fauna - domestic: peacock, turkey, geese, pigeons and doves or goats, monkeys, Moscovi ducks (social markers!) - wild : more related to the species of trees and foodstuff attraction …………… Interviews - respondants ….(1991) formers residents of the “Kota” relatives & neightbours(2005).. - permissions: to take photos, make sketches and measurements …free entrance, warden. - date of construction and shifts …first house @ 1850, others @ 1910, wall 1919-1920 - identity of inhabitants (those who lived the compound)…Dato’Biji Sura, Toh Puan Aisha & Dato’ Purba ethnic/geographic origins, religion …Champa & Pattani, Muslims. social status/occupation ..judge & daughter, ulama, nakhoda (sons in law) - use of the plants as reported by the informant…vegetables & medicine………………………… - use of accessories…………………………………………… Results: - grounds and garden design, architecture, history, sociology, family history… - conclusion: type as deemed? Could be a clan as other buildings were linked to it; a few generations lived sometimes in it. Yet altogether, one vast structure, the work and the inspiration of one man – helped by Chinese brick and stucco artists and Malay wood carvers. Characteristics: status marked by balconies, decoration and rules of circulation on the ground as well as in the house according to rank, gender and fonction. - particular lessons from the considered compound;What can we deduce as attributes for that type? For Terengganu, in general? Records 1 Pictures: Façade elevation, Side elevation Details. 2 sketch plan of the general lay out: buildings and flora Sketch Plan, Aristocrat House compound A2 Field Surveys Check Lists and Sketch Plans, A2, end. Field survey check list and Plan Sketch Proposed category: “Farmer house Compound”F2. South view Main resident usual Name: Location Haji Yusof Bukit Cempaka Features The compound - neighbourhood low density village of country compounds with old/tall fruit trees - general setting atmosphere orientation…compound faces north but official entrance on the east side. - boundaries …corners marked by coconut trees, vegetal fences with wooden or solid branch “gates”. - size (1 ekar = 7 lots)…1 ekar. - access…(2) by a bitumen small road(east) or through a relative land by the south entrance. - one house with a garden or…………………………………………………………… - group sharing a delimited ground or a……………………………………………… - house with ancillary buildings in a compound,…and a relative house on the north side. - proportion flora and built elements within the compound on 10: 5 and 5. The buildings: - style of the main building …twin cantilevered roofs … - orientation of “rumah ibu”…”Kiblat”………… - proportions roofs, walls, stilts………………… - length, width, ……………………………… - number of roofs,……… - materials and colours, ……………………… - number of buildings attached …………………………………… - transition areas, ……………………………………………… - verandahs a large one (lambur)on the south side - stairs and entrances,……………………………………………… - windows : shutters, glass, shapes and colours…………………… - contents of the space below the house …Fertiliser bags - kitchen drying rack jack roof……… - status signals: verandah, balconies, fences and gates, carvings The grounds - category: courtyard garden, plantation…farmer homestead - hard features…. Well. - soil clean grey sand. Buying tamarind seeds - lay out, various parts .,well delimited compound coconuts and edges Field Surveys Check Lists and Sketch Plans, Farmer, F2 - fire places for fallen leavess. - drains ..slab and water jar for feet washing at the bottom of the stairs. - communal bathroon around a well…still in use, with table. - toilets hut… a zinc enclosure in near the well. - ancillary buildings …numerous sheds, for tools, animals and storage, two granaries. - outdoors indicators of activity………………………………………… (cloth lines with batiq, baskets, platform for drying food, coconut dehusker, pounding devices. - garden furniture: resting beds and benches. - special floor cages for chicken and roosters. - movable structures… climbing vegetable supports, monkeys and chicken“appartments”, Flora (see individual compounds check lists) - plants organisation (systematic or not, harmony, symetry or not)…………………… - planted species in pot:list… 3 plant “nurseries”…vegetables and ornamental.s - on the ground list…decorative and medicinal species (ixora, jatropha) - wild species… - function of the plants (apparent & inhabitants knowledge) decorative (deliberate gardening and horticulture)……… food. ……………………………………………………… medicine & cosmetic ………………………………… boundary marker …………………………………………. accent: entrance, center…………………………………… shade…………………………………………………… religion & rites……………………………………… others (games, seat, building and tools material)………… - habit: trees, shrubs, climbers, creepers, herbs, palms……… - colours, foliage branching trunks flowers and fruit……… - seasonal variations… Fauna - domestic:, ch icken, roosters, cats, geese, pigeons and doves or (social Well, table, in use markers!) goats, monkey, moscovi ducks, peacock, turkey. - wild animals: birds, foxes, mice, otters, monitor lizards; related to the species of trees and food attraction. .Interviews - permissions: to take photos, make sketches and measurements .given. - date of construction and shifts ..parts of the house date back to @1900. - identity of inhabitants (those who lived the compound). ethnic/geographic origins, religion… Malay Muslim., social status/occupation …aged 85, Haji Yusof is a land owner and wealthy farmer. - use of the plants as reported by the informant just supplementary to main activity. Results: - documentation for grounds and garden design, architecture, history, sociology, ethnobotanics, culture. - conclusion: type as deemed? Yes, revenue source is the orchards, rice fields and vegetable gardens located in the country and the hills in the area. The owne’sr children look after the gardens and the fields ,the monkey ,the old tools shed and the grand father’s bicycle. For the Festival of “Raya Enam”.a bamboo with wicks is alighted at the entrance of the compound. Two of the former three granaries are still standing. Haji Yusof used to be a “bomoh gasing”a top spinning specialist. People gathered for the night before the contests in his house and a white cock was slaughtered… - particular lessons from the considered compound; characteristics and attributes for that type? The large veranda, with two levels, is for harvests, transactions and games. For Terengganu in general? This compound –and the other one in Belara (F3) confirm the reputation of the farmers in Terengganu of being well off compared to those in Kelantan The compound is also kept very clean and decorated by the children of the ailing patriarch. Respect for the elders, role of the residence and its surroundings in the extended family life and traditions.. Field Surveys Check Lists and Sketch Plans, Farmer F2, continued. Records - 1 Pictures: Façade elevation ; Side elevation; Details - 2 sketch plan of the general lay out: buildings and flora Sketch Plan of F2 “Farmer House compound” Features in R5, Pak Su Man Sugai Rengas 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 Botanical Name Alpinia officinale Brassica Briophyllum pinnatum Cana orientalis Carica papaya Curcuma longa Dioscorea sp. Durio zibethinus Elaeis guinensis Eugenia aqua Garcinia mangostana Ipomea Ixora javanica Lansium domesticum Licuala sp. Mangifera odorata Manihot utilississimum Musa parasidica Premna cordifolia Quisqualis indica Raphanus caudatus Sacharum officinale Sonneratia acida Tetracera indica Malay Name Halia Sawi Setawar Bunga tasbeh Betek Kunyit Ubi gadong Durian Kelapa sawit Jambu air Semeta, mangis kangkong B.Pecah periuk Duku Pala Kuini Ubi kayu Pisang Bebuas Akar dani Lobak puteh Tebu Berembang Mempelas habit H H H H T H H T P T T H S T H T T P T S H P T C Origin I I I I I I I I Location 3 2 3 3 4 3 2 2 4 4 1,4 4 4 3,4 4 3,4 2 2,3,4 4 3 2 2 4 4 Uses F F D D F F F F T F T F T F D F F F F D F F D T,D Husbandry P P P P P P P P(?) W P P P W P W P P P W W P P W W Plant species habit in R5 15 10 5 0 Trees Shrubs Herbs Palms Climbers Geographic Origins of the Species: Introduced: 8; Exotic:0Æ foreign: 8; native: 7 The number of “foreign species” is increased because of a vegetable garden patch on the left side of the house (zone 2) Plant species uses in R5 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 Food Ritual Décor Medicine Shade Technique Location of the species Access to the compound and main perspective on the house is from the Northern side, probably because a road along a field drain passes by. However the main building faces the kiblat. Stairs on its façade climb to a lambur verandah and to the main entrance. Rooms are built on the right side. The kitchen is at the back, and a well too, on the right side of the compound (zone 4) Zone 1, Front garden : 1 sp. Zone 2, left side garden : 7 sp. Zone 3, right side garden : 7 sp. Zone 4, Backyard garden: 15 sp. Compound lay out Again, there was a shift in the location of the front halaman or area empty of plants for guests and life activities. Perhaps because of the access on the right side, the compound lay out is then modified just as in other “rakyat” cases. The habitation still faces north west. . Analysis of Plant Species in A1, Kampong Batin, Engku Zahima 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 Botanical Name Acalypha siamensis Allamanda carthartica Allocasia sp. Alpinia purpurea Anarcadiun Asplenum nidum Begonia sp. Bouea macrophylla Bougainvillea spp. Caladium hortulanum Canna sp. Capsicum piper Centella asiatica Chrysanthenum sp. Citrus macrophyllum Clitorea ternate Cocos nucifera Cosmos caudatus Cymbopogon citratus Duranta repens Euphorbia neriifolia Euphorbia tirucalli Gnetum gnemon Gossypium brasiliense Heliconia sp. Hemigraphis colorata Hibiscus rosa sinensis Hopea odorata Imperata cilyndrica Ixora coccinea Kajanus Lansium domesticum Lantana camara Mangifera foetida Mangifera indica Manihot utilissima Melastoma malabathrica Mussaenda philippica Morinda citrifolia Neo-litsea zeylanica Nephellium Lappaceum Portulaca grandiflora Punica granatum Psidium guajava Rhapis excelsa Rheo discolour Rosa sp. Sacharum officinarium Sesbania grandiflora Solanum torvum Malay Name Ekur kucing Bunga loceng Keladi Halia merah Jambu golok Paku langsuyir Gemia Bunga kertas Ubi sp. Bunga tasbeh Lada Pegaga Pokok mata hari Limau nipis Bunga biru Kelapa Ulam raja Serai Habit H C H H T C H T S H H S H H Origin I I I I I I I I E Location 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 3 1 1,4 1 4 3 1 Uses D D D D F D D F D D D F F, M D Husbandry P P P P P P P P P P P P W P 4 1 4 3 3 1 1 1 2 3 F, M F, T F, T F F D D D F R P P P P P P P P P 1,3 1 1 4 2 1 1 4 1 2 2 3 2 D D D, M T M D F D F F F D P P P P W P h P P F P P W Se sudu Tulang tulang meninjau Kapas S C P H H S S S T T Kepek Hudang Ekur kucing Bunga raya Cengal pasir lalang Peca periok Kacang Duku Tahi ayam Macsm Mempelam Ubi kayu Kedudok H H S T H S C T S T T S S Balek adap sp. Mengkudu Teja Rambutan H T S T E 2 3 4 2 D M M,R F, S P W W P Getang Delima Jambu batu Rotan I I Mawar Tebu H S T S H S H 1 2 1 1 1 1 1,3 D F,D F D D D F P P P P P P P Turi Terun pipit T S 2 3 F F P W I I E I I I I I I I I E I 50 Vinca rosea Kemunting Cina 51 52 53 Zebrina pendula Zingiber cassumar Zizyphus jujube Bonglai Bidara H H H T 3 D, M F I 1 3 3 D M R P F P Shade Technique E Chart of plants species habit 20 15 10 5 0 Trees Shrubs Palms Herbs Climbers Chart of the uses of plant species 25 20 15 10 5 0 Food Ritual Décor Medicine Origins of the plants: Introduced: 22 Exotic: 5, Æ foreign: 27 native: 26 Note on lay out: The alley leading to the house, however welcoming, does not lead directly to the stairs and the entrance, but to a location on the right of the stairs, where visitors will traditionally wait for an answer to their salam and for an invitation to “naik” to climb up the stairs to the verandah on which opens the actual entrance door.. Analysis of plant species in C4, Lorong Haji Jamil, “Haji Awang Besar” Malay name Habit Halia H H H S H, H H T H H H C C T T H S H S S H T P H H H T T H S P H T C Origin Use(s) Location Husbandry F D D D D D, M F, M F D F D D D F. S F 1 1 1 2 4 1,2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 4` P P P P P P F P P P P W P P P D D D D D F F F F D F D D D F D F,T D 2 2 2 2 2,1 2,1,3 2,1 2 2 2 2 2 1 2,1 2 2,1 1 1 P P P P P P P P W P P P P P P P F P Botanical name 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 Alpinia sp Adiantum cuneatum Aglaomena griffithii Allamanda Begonia Briophylum sp. Centella asiatica Cicca acida Cordyline Cosmos caudatus Diffenbackia picta. .Dryoglossimum Dydymocarpus Eugenia malaccensis Flacourtia jangomas Ficus sp. Hibiscus rosa sinensis Heliconia Ixora coccinea Ixora javanica Jasminum sambac Mangifera indica Musa paradisica Pandanus odoratus Piper sarmentosum Portulaca grandiflora Muraya koenigii Podocarpus polystachys Cactus sp. Rhapis exelcia Salacca Sanseveria trifasciata Tamarindus indicus Vanda sp. Bunga loceng Setawar pegaga Cermai Jenjuang Ulam raia Keladi Pitis pitis angerik Jambu air Kerekup Siam Ara burong Bunga Raya Kepek udang Pecah periuk Jejarun Melor Mempelam Pisang Pandan Kaduk Kari Buluh Siam Salak Lidah buaya Asam Jawa Angerik E I I I E E I I E I E E E E I Plant species origins: introduced: 7, exotic: 8 Æ foreign: 15, Native: 19. Chart of plant species habits in C4 20 15 10 5 0 Trees Shrubs Palms Herbs Climbers Chart of plant species uses in C4 20 15 10 5 0 Food Rites Medicine Décor Shade technique The present occupant, an architect, is responsible for having created (only two wild species conscupicuous) the garden pleasant atmosphere with a cohort of decorative plants encasing a path leading to the exit and downstairs entrances. A modern interpretation of the compound, with a number of exotic species. (8sp.) Location of species: Species density by area on the grounds Zone 1 front garden: 15 species Zone 2, left side garden : 21 sp. Zone 3, left side garden ; 2 sp. Zone 4, backyard garden : 2 sp. Ground features: Ref. Table of ground features occurrence. Drains, Fence Gate with roof decorated by two buah gutong. Passage way between houses. Shared open air well, octagonal concrete jar and traditional jar. High and low flower pots stands. Slab path. Details charts from the inventory table lists Average number of plant species in each house by type of house compound 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Farmer Number of plant species, by habit, for each type of house compound Trees Shrubs 25 40 20 30 15 20 10 10 5 0 0 Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Rakyat Farmer Herbs Aristocrat Clan Farmer Climbers and epiphytes 40 14 35 12 30 10 25 8 20 6 15 4 10 2 5 0 0 Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Farmer Palms 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Farmer Rakyat Aristocrat Clan Farmer APPENDIX C GLOSSARY Atap Belanda: “Dutch roof”, in a Malay house, a hipped, gabled, cantilevered roof. Atap lima bungkus: in a Malay house, a five ridge roof. Bekam: a traditional therapeutic procedure involving blood letting on the head. Belukar: flora secondary growth, wild area around villages. Bendul: in a Malay house, a horizontal piece covering the bottom plank of a wall. Biosphere: realm of the life processes. Bomoh: a traditional medicinal practioneer. Buah gutong: a prolonged skittle finial on an atap Belanda roof in a Malay house, holding the fascia boards. Dua Kalimah: the Muslim profession of Faith. Holarchic: of a system of a hierarchised holons. Holon: a part to a whole, a whole to its parts in a holistic system. Integrity: in conservation, level of closeness to the original conditions. Inter-subjectivities: in sociology, multiple researchers’ involvement in a cross control study. Involution: an inward evolution. Kiblat: the direction of Mecca Mantera: a magic formula or summon. Mempeles or pemeles and peles,: in a Malay house, the barge boards of the roof, with up-turned ends. Noossphere: realm of the Mind and consciousness. Rakyat biasa: a commoner without particular title. Ontological: participating of the essence of a being. Rumah bujang: a Malay house composed of a single building. Rumah ibu: the main or first constructed building in a Malay residence. Rumah kembar: A Malay house with twin roofs. Rumah tiang dua belas: A Malay house on twelve posts, a measure of its size. Sorong: in standard Malay “anjung”, a porch or building element usually protruding from the facade Surau: a minor communal Muslim praying building. Technosphere: Realm of the technical developments. Titian: plank connection, small bridge. Tukang: Malay krafstman. Tunjuk langit: Litteraly “showing the sky”: in a Malay house, carved roof ridge truss. Urat: Channels, lines. Wakaf : roofed communal resting platform, usually donated.