JOURNAL
OF
MAN
VOL.2 no.2
1970
LAMBDA
.ALPHA
JOURNAL
OF
MAN
Volume 2 n.umber 2 - .s.ummer
197·Q·
.
.
This issue of the Lambda Alpha Journal
of Man is comprised
presented
at Wichita
by Lambda Alpha members
State University
with the relevance
Included
professor
of a series of papers
and faculty
in a seminar concerned
of anthro~ology
today.
is a paper by Dr. Harry Oxley, visiting
from the University
of Sydney, Australia.
word
about
manuscripts
Papers submitted to ths Lambda Alpha Journal 2! ~
for publication should bs typed double-spaced on noncorrasable paper following the pattern established 1n the
American Anthropologist.
All references to literature must be correctly documented with the author's name, date of publication, and
the page number, e.g. (Smith 1969.340).
Editor
Lowell. Holmes
Anthropology
Dept.
Wich ita State Univ.
Wichita, Ks.
The Practical Relevance or Evolutionism
by Harry Oxley
9
The Relevance or Anthropology to International
Conflict by Wayne Parris
18
The Relevance of Anthropology
by Darrell Casteel
20
by Mike Holmes
24
On the Teaching of Anthropology
Anthropology and Conflict
by Peter Kroeker
28
CULTURAL
RELATIVISM
Lowell
D. Holmes
In the month of July, 1970 the mass media carried
the
story of the "tiger cage" prison at Con Son, South Vietnam.
The revelation
to inhumane
that political
treatment
with the economic,
by a political
political
United States shocked
What was perhaps
prison methods
officials
our condemnation
a
inhumane
it was acceptable
procedure
edly "cheap" and brutality
support of the
of American
citizens.
by
in the United States that we
of the Saigon Government's
In other words,
treatment
largely
series of statements
they were dictated
system. and not by ours.
to sanction
regime operating
number
more shocking was
because
were being sUbjected
and military
a substantial
high level governmental
should withhold
prisoners
by its own value
Americans
of political
were asked
prisoners
in a society where
because
life is suppos-
is more common and therefore
more
excusable.
Few anthropologists
not recognize
established
hearing
this line of reasoning
that it was basically
principle
an employment
of anthropology
- cultural
once more being used to soften public
of objectionable
is very different
The dilemma
behavior
operating
reaction
would
of a very well
relativism
to certain
-
kinds
in a culture whose value
from our own.
of determining
what is "right" and what is
"wrong" is, of course, frequently
difficult
within our own
culture, but when such evaluation
must cross cultural
lines it
becomes
even more difficult.
anthropologists
prison
methods
would
have accepted
of the Saigon
and as good objective
was quite
proper
the Vietnamese
perhaps
to consider
would
they would
Today,
dismiss
relativism
were
such behavior
system.
have
for so long near the heart
felt that it
acceptable
Con Son cruelty
and this would
that the
their own business
however,
within
relatively
few
on the grounds
lead one to suspect
it is time for a re-eva1uation
has dwelt
ago most
the principle
government
scientists
value
anthropologists
of cultural
Not too many years
of this concept
of American
that
which
anthropological
theory.
While
the idea of rea1tivism
long time in philosophical
relativism
fashion
as formulated
taining
Folkways
that even
slavery,
settings.
Since
circumstances
acceptable
later,
human
adaptations
Westerners
of our own code of ethics
headhunting,
prostitucultural
to particular
as justified
sense.
relativism,
might
and
A generation
Melville
should be accorded
valid
and morality.
in
by main-
in terms of certain
that all cultures
which we as "civilized"
Sumner,
and religious
scientific
equally
first came into
as infanticide,
of cultural
and be considered
of cultural
Graham
customs must be honored
champion
for a very
his contemporaries
understandable
in an objective,
stressed
scientists
sacrifice
they represented
these
another
Herskovits,
dignity
such practices
completely
the concept
ago when William
(1906), shocked
cannibalism,
tion were
thought,
by social
some fifty years
his book
has been around
J.
equal
in spite of any customs
object
to on the basis
It was under
the
chairmanship
American
of Herskovits
Anthropological
that the Executive
Association
Board of the
drew up the following
1.
The individual realizes his personality through
his culture:
hence respect for individual differences entails a respect for cultural differences.
2.
Respect for differences between cultures is
validated by the scientific fact that no technique
of qualitatively evaluating cultures has been
discovered.
.
3.
Standards and values are relative to the culture
from which they derive, so that any attempt to
formulate postulates that grow out of the beliefs
or moral codes of one culture must to that extent
detract from the applicability of any Declaration
of Human Rights to mankind as a whole.
'
quarrel with the general
have gone much farther
concept
tenets of cultural
in accepting
than others, however.
a warning
relativism.
the implications
of the
For some it has merely
to s~ek local definitions
Some
for and attitudes
represented
toward
and let live", but others have gone the whole route, claiming
that cultur~s
practicing
headhunting,
etc., w~re just as honorable
cannibalism,
infanticide,
as those which didn't and that no
role of the disinterested
his methodology.
"it is a moral
gists,
"If anthropology
science,"
whose
loyalty
is a science,"
insight
writes
Diamond,
into the nature
to take on the responsibility
the survival
is only to
and it is the duty of the anthropolo-
since we lay claim to great
human events,
mote
specialist
and the cultural
of helping
development
of
to pro-
of the human
species.
Anthropologists
tiveness
have often excused
in finding
that anthropology
we haven't
solutions
good questions.
continue
it develops
a basis
base
basis.
criticism
to exhibit
for moral
of those
therein
either
or merely
and ethical
because
because
as unrealistic
the courage
meet the needs
they were
because
created
Valuing
to develop
judge the adequacy
than others
which
or
to claim
they are black)
and all practices
all cUltures
savage"
equally
is
Unless we have
stlck for evaluating
of any given
of its participants.
in sustaining
to
threaten
by the "noble
a yard
until
upon which
who continues
forms of stereotyping.
and aspirations
tures work better
liberal"
science,
on a cross-
physically
to like all cultures
and ingenuity
cultures we cannot
either
(presumably
they exist.
as other
of youth
judgment
a standard
or do him violence
continues
said that
is a young
the immaturity
Like the "phony white
anthropology
We have
forms of human behavior
that he likes all blacks
on the fact
but that we have asked some darn
We must establish
man as a species
mentally.
science.
It is true that anthropology
but it will
cultural
answers
lack of effec-
to human problems
is still a young
found many
their
human
culture
to
Some cullife and
promoting
the human condition.
Why
Native
peoples
beings
and they insist upon being
upon being
are not only objects
accepted
one another
or rejected
in personality
the multiplicity
enough
of cultures
ior; they must be critics
contamination
notion
for years
to promote
we must
who work
It is not
cultural
in our approach
civilization
untouched
zoos" where
and carried
out by AID people
of changing
man should
people.
primitive
hands
position
who openly
of civiliza-
admit they are
The judgment
as anyone)
decided
that the introduction
heating
and modern medicine
would
peoples
in the world except
themselves.
Murdock
that people
of cultural
change has rested
a subjective
with
the com-
seem to have
of air conditioners,
(1965) has pointed
cultures
than those con-
(who are as delighted
of civilization
held
even be happy
should be left alone for their own good is clearly
Many anthropologists
man
be spared
a widely
would
by the tainted
ceived
discipline.
to primitive
has been
This is no more of an objective
forts and security
behav-
rid ours of is that we
in a value-free
tion.
one.
from
of it as well.
the idea of "human
in the business
who differ
and analyze
and some anthropologists
could be isolated,
They insist
Why can't we approach
The idea that primitive
by Western
as such.
as individuals
classify
We have never been objective
and his culture.
treated
to say so?
they are human
on the same basis?
One of the first fallacies
scientists
for study,
and behavior.
that anthropologists
are objective
are we afraid
be degrading
central
to all other
out that the prevailing
on the assumption
theory
that every
culture
mitted
consists
with
It implies
of learned
few modifications
that cultures
elements
persist
suggests
that a better
by their
success
culture
behavior
unless
and thought
that is trans-
from one generation
have a kind of inertia
actively
impeded
to the next.
that makes
or counteracted.
view would be that elements
in meeting
are therefore
human needs.
cultural
or are being
tested
conditions.
One of these
elements
and found to be the best
conditions
are supported
The contents
which
He
of a
have been tested
under
prevailing
is, of course,
the state
of knowledge.
It is naive
are the best
assemblage
only the best
society
to assume
traits
of more
With
normally
formerly
Many inhumane
customs
best possible
solutions
best solutions
which
adequate
of the members
being
of peculiar
to be practiced
a lack of awareness
possible
of the
not because
other peomany of the
but because
to them.
o
they are the
at all but came into
circumstances
out of force of habit
that there are sick cultures,
within
It is even possible
sets of abnormal
of how unproductive
in favor
they are the
of a society
value
to borrow
has been exposed.
to their problems,
have occurred
with
will be dropped
are continued,
have no positive
and continue
represent
knowledge,
a society
that some customs
as a result
contact
in expanded
ones to which
knowledge
They
that the members
increased
results
considered
satisfying
the limited
of traits
up any culture
of or have had the opportunity
from other societies.
ples, which
of traits possible.
combination
have conceived
that the traits making
they are.
and out of
It is even
just as there
are sick
oug belief
standards
systems
of moral
- are objectionable.
judgment
The job of developing
wii1 be a difficult
Diamond, Stanley, 1968.
"Moral Engagement
Science, 159 (March 1) :1049-1051.
one but it
of the Scientist,"
Murdock, George P. 1965.
"Cultural Relativity" in George P.
Murdock, Culture and Society, Pittsburgh, University of
Pittsburgh Press.
Redfield, Robert. 1953.
The Primitive World and its Transformations.
Ithaca, Cornell university Press.
THE
RELEVANCE
PRACTICAL
OF EVOLUTIONISM
Harry
Oxley
.This
because
one.
contribution
it attempts
to the symposium
to combine
The first part-essay
can never be very
includes
some notion
part points
already
until
But first
sequence.
components
and it suggests
some additions
let me preface
both parts with
nature:
he can merely
Applied
science
science
learn better
is an adaptive
best of natural
in general.
laws which
discovers
(more or less) what
science
is called
in to save practical
"bucking
against
which
People
great
the system".
no reasonable
approach
of our romantic
utopias.
"control"
it.
man makes
the
Pure
the laws are, and applied
plan-makers
science
social
from unwit-
rebels.
because
and would
them.
sciences
dreams.
they see
enlist
the
All well
and
that they
For there
to be
there must be natural
facts - including
Future
note on
immutable.
in repairing
give us the utopias
potential
by which
systems,
ask of applied
all social
a brief
anthropology
good: but we' cannot
subordinating
a notion
to them.
man ever knowingly
flaws in our socio-cultural
any kind of anthropological
of such
For this is the one system
call for a "relevant"
aid of the scientific
The second
Man cannot
are themselves
science
tingly
arrnoury
ways of living with
technique
in
anthropology
its theoretical
of evolutionary
of applied
compressed,
of two essays
that applied
out that the essential
exist,
the nature
the outlines
argues
satisfactory
is much
developments
the cultures
in the social
laws
of
sciences
may well
assist
they are quite
in the achievement
likely to condemn
as unfeasible.
practical
"dismal science"
magic of noble
of practically
that anthropologists
it as a
in the
anthropology
fears.
The first
has
fear is
The second
already,
hands;
is that such anthro-
and a potential
a complication
have no objective
danger
should
here is the fact
criteria
for deciding
be no great task to allay the first fear; the
is better
founded.
practical
maker of swords
ideas,
Usefulness
and purity
do not go to-
like good iron, are as useful
or gyves as to the maker
I think my later argument
to the
of ploughshares.
will have something
But
to say On this
in particular.
1.
The Need
It is sometimes
give advice
for Evolutionism
in Choosing
said that anthropologists
on means but not on ends.
tell one group how to further
a peasant
advice on which
On this view we could
revolt or another
side should be supported.
advice based
soundly
Ends.
can properly
how to stop one; but we could not give ourselves
fessional
devel-
are the right ones.
It would
Part
relevant
exclusive
in an ivory tower.
it fall into the wrong
question
dreams
will never be, and that we are doomed
is very present
gether;
but
intentions.
that such anthropology
second
that our discipline
they had kept their beliefs
given rise to two mutually
which hands
dreams;
of other
side may yet come to curse
and wish
The question
pology
a large number
Those who now demand
ops a stronger
'to eternity
of some current
professional
Advice,
in theory, no.
group
yes - pro-
The view is time-honoured.
that social
"ethical"
scientists,
jUdgements
it is said,
notions
while
Its supporting
cultural
during working
can only weigh
rigorous
Anthropologists,
Such
ll
of sounding
•
very objective
prejudices
from any
investigation.
to a compound
the view represents
of blind
and sentimentality.
final analysis,
coming
faith,
guided
by things
from social
responsibility
protected
questions
consequences
lost.
physics
by an atom bomb
and physicist
affairs
delusion
are, in the
Which
or less legitimately
does not qualify
or nuclear
the doctor
self-interest,
surrender
other than reason.
can more
life he saves were better
intellectual
seems
scientists.
for the social
training
mathematics
fears,
It says that human
other professionals
Medical
is
all, cannot make
"human beings
our own pet socio-political
For, in effect,
strange
hours.
ends as moral
have the dual advantage
saving
relativists
argument
a doctor
There
as men; but we cannot
is nothing
the cost.
concern
actions.
to judge whether
to say whether
are worth
should
of their
duck
the
in higher
the institutions
We may s~y th~t
themselves
with
claim that they ought
these
to do so
as specialists.
In anthropology
in human
toward
values
to what
and needs
collective
perspective
legitimately
ll
and beliefs
betterment
- are us.
"ought
we have no such excuse.
Us.
and morals
- in historical
If there
to be done between
The specialists
and strivings
and comparative
is any rational
answer
as
man and man it is we who can
be called on to give it.
And we cannot
escape
by
saying that there is no rational
we can defend
that view
itself
answer
to such questions
on scientific
grounds
unless
- which
we
(I)
The problem of the means/ends difference would
disappear.
Ends would themselves appear as "means" means of adaptation or of futile opposition to the laws
of change.
Therefore we could say more than "Thus you
build your house": we could (if necessary) add "But
here it will get in the way of future developments and
will have to be demolished before your children can·
inheri tit. " Or:
"We can show you how to keep this
structure going past its time but, if we do, it will
inevitably fallon
the heads of your descendents."
We
would be judging ends not in terms of ethics but in
terms of a broader view of practicalities.
(2) We could forecast future problems and thus make
possible some sort of preparations.
We could sound
warnings before events.
In fact, members
and on their political
evolutionists.
of the "intelligentsia"
platforms
I ask that their
into the light, ruthlessly
form and carried
(including
they are often
assumptions
purified
into the formal workshop
unashamed
be brought
by argument,
pro-
out
cas~ in testable
of social
science.
existence they are of central importance.
(Finnegan, p. 20)
The most common folklore are tales about Kanu, twins, heroes
and animals, mainly spider.
Horals are not an integral feature of
tile stories, but merely o~e of several stylistic devices used to
bring them to a fitting conclusion.
(Finnegan, p. 29)
Stories of people and heroes offer the greatest range for
innovation and variation by individual story-tellers.
most common figures here is that of the hunter.
One of the
He is given special
powers for it takes a long time to train to be proficient.
important, if somewhat mysterious,
stories.
He is an
person in reality as in the
Twins are frequently the central characters, and are
commonly believed
to also possess special powers.
They are always
shown as acting together and helping each other. (Finnegan, p. 33)
Limba tales cannot be classified as myths for they do not form
any systematic theology, philosophy
or mythology.
are not taken seriously when they do appear.
light, not told at prescribed
with a ritual.
Stories of origins
Even Kanu stories are
occasions or are in any way associated
'What is often described in Kanu or origin stories
is a detached generalization
about the relation and purposes of
present human society.
Animal stories are the most popular, marked by humor and sometimes
obsenity.
The most common character is Spider, who is depicted as
stupid, gluttonous, selfish and irresponsible,
by his wife.
consistently
outdone
The relation between him and his wife represent every-
thing that is wrong or opposite in reality.
Occasionally
the cunning trickster who outwits larger animals.
other animals with stock characteristics;
Spider is
There are a few
the antelope, small, shy,
many primitive societies which show incomparable
adaptation to their own particular ecological
niches.
the "pattern
stress
variables",
from ascription
there is a tendency
to achievement,
to change
relative
from particularism
(1) Changes often appear to show cycles rather than
consistent direction.
Civilizations
fall as well as
rise.
(2) Modern society, as other large-scale societies,
has many sub-structures which by any evolutionary
criteria appear "primitive".
Patron-client
ties,
"old boy networks" and so on, exhibit a high degree
of diffuseness and of particularism.
to
we had, most notably
marked
booms
in the pre-Keynesian
and slumps;
of the economic-activity
each slump showed
illustrated
as an upward-tending
have been violently
to be with
the broad
wavy
the evolution
evolutionist
"short-term"
analogy with
investment)
Keynes
getting
quite possible
of societies;
there
could have
So does it seem
- and thus we see that
a "long-term"
explained
rather
suggested
the economic
cycle
to development
than a
similar
that two or more
and ideology)
theory
of evolutionary
approach
may well
of either
objection
between
ideology
trend applies
both to ideologies
it is more noticeable
something, like
offer more
I call in first of all
The evolutionary
and to realities
and more
than the uni-
or idealism.
and reality.
than we pretend
factors
up; a multidimensional
in the former.
society we have more nepotism
in
It seems
independent
materialism
a distinction
largely
tend to get out of phase.
following
process
approach
in the evolution
could be seen as saying
To deal with the second
succession
happens
partially
but, by
(savings and
out of phase with one another.
The idea seems worth
dimensional
is a clearly
that something
cyclical
of kinship
a higher
is still to be attached;
necessary
(such as, say, economy
gest,
lowering
line, but the line would
than straight.
gives
analysis
terms of two factors
model
development
of civilization
scheme
economics,
to its making.
this.
rather
showed
of
analysis.
Our short-term
Pareto's
Thus economic
a series
a relative
level, but each boom
level than the last one.
been
era,
but,
I sug-
Thus in modern
stress
to have.
on the importance
I postulate
a
in. societies
but primarily
to the major
There is a clear biological
The human organism
evolution,
as a whole
analogy
in biological
but some it its organs and many of its cell types do
What can be said about the greater
hold good for all the component
I note that I bring
term/long-term,
in lower life-forms.
system .does not necessarily
sub-systems.
in these three distinctions,
ideology/reality,
the evolutionist
introduce
to this last point.
is a high-point
not differ much from their counterparts
improve
formal structures.
model
them as a "last-ditch
and formal/interstitial)
and make it workable.
to
I do not
stand" to patch up illogical-
ities.
In fact I find them very useful in explaining
details
of the reason why evolution
and mere hole-patching
(short-
the
takes the form it does;
does not make a utensil
better
than new.
about its validity to give it.a second look.
and I am wrong, it is of no use.
built on good theory.
If it is wrong,
Good practice can only be
THE RELEVANCE
TO
OF ANTHROPOLOGY
INTERNATIONAL
CONFLICT
Ps'rr is
Wayne
There
is a widely
of the biological
by recent
heritage
popularized
iality.
These
tionship
of Homo
sapiens
towards
a bio-cultural
primate
relationships
are surely
hostility
"needs",
logical
as adaptive
groups.
social
conditioning,
this.
In most
annihilation
conditioned
are without
is rare,
by ritual
in the modern
bio-
conditioned
subject
to
examples
hostility
and even killing
verif1
to the point
is either
infrequent
of
or
elements.
is a cultural
Since social
simplistically,
is always
of
"drives",
sex, while
ethnographic
societies,
as is all culture.
i.e., changed.
and aggression.
culturally
that must be reached
context,
and similar
similar
sleep,
aggression
and numberless
"primitive"
The conclusion
behavior,
Thus,
to the
characteristics
other
exception
and
evolution
leading
as are hostility
admitted,
rela-
out of the same
cooperation
and the like, such as hunger,
by all human
place
Growing
or "instinctive"
were
living
view of the hominid
and in which
and agression
in origin,
both
are social mechanisms
if the "innate"
and territor-
the biological
to other primates,
organism.
is a part
a view strengthened
on aggression
by stressing
an incomplete
of aggression
Even
of Homo sapiens,
publications
present
reduction
view that conflict
publications
fossil,
actions
accepted
is that war, especiall)
artifact,
If learned,
and cultural
but always within
that it is learnt
it can be unlearned,
changes
the total
never
take
context
of
society,
it would
by studying
affected
might
seem that anthropology
how group
by the total
be directed
to intensify
structure
hostility
In other words,
change
culture
by culture,
aggression
Homo sapiens
and how change
effective,
sapiens
the massive
and which
threaten
it is by culture
be changed.
As a discipline
which
international
conflict
adaptive
claims
of anthropology
is most
obvious.
trait.
as are bipedalism,
of the species,
the relevance
hostility.
direction.
annihilation
material,
Devices
affecting
and other biological
war,
much
and are
of hostility.
in either
has developed
seen in modern
affect
is the most unique
to Homo
dexterity
contribute
be used to reduce
can occur
is as "natural"
digital
of society,
are notoriously
that would
In Homo sapiens
erectness,
of hostility
to lead to reduction
the same mechanisms
Culture
patterns
could
traits.
If
patterns
of
to lead to
that these will
culture
as its subject
to the problems
of
THE R·ELEVANCE
Darrell
Casteel
According
relevance
OF ANTHROPOLOGY
to Webster's
means
"bearing
hand~ pertinent.
connection."
discuss
significance
a traceable
in mind
as the study of human
diversity,
of all problems,
and significant
I feel that I can
of the relevance
anthropologists
lack of understanding,
that of effective
alone have all the answers
values
of interacting
bodies
introduced
acknowledge
place.
by various
The dominant
ride or be permitted
politic,
must be
social priorities,
their strengths
that to do this an impartial
and analysis
an_
that exist must be
to their common problems.
tory of the participants
of knowil
of cultural
and cooperation
into the areas of the greatest
r~solution
of
parties.·
the conflicts
understanding
are all
the necessity
that allow or help each to maintain
seeking
must
Second,
First,
Problel
to the problems
that is being practiced
of the world?
understood.
those
genocide
should be in
This is not to say that
How does the above relate to the practices
biological
or
and the most bas.
communications,
but they at least understand
the cultural
society,
of the 20th century.
the range of anthropology.
our world,
.to, the case in
the proposition
to aid in the problems
of cultural
within
the word
of anthropology.
Anthropology,
a position
implies
this definition
more intelligently
Dictionary
upon, or applying
Relevant
With
New Collegiate
whill
One, however,
cultural
inven-
of the needs must take
set of values must not in this case overto dominate
the investigation
of the wholl
Rarely,
however,
investigation,
does the dominant
for the investigation
tion of the MOST
powers
January
the practice
and many
treated
other
being
"interested
at all.
Brazil.
U.S. and other major
are guilty
does not define
dominance.
complete
with photographs,
used by the Brazilian
persons".
powers?
Government
How was this disclosure
In most
instances,
The real reason
of the West,
it
u.S. protest,
But there was no official
Why not?
powers
the posi-
used by major
There was an official
to this article.
against
allow an unbiased
that position
1970, described,
by the major Western
according
France,
STATE,
of their
of genocide
was not treated
taken
FAVORED
for continuation
Atlas,
power
sanction
is that the
Great Britain
and
of the same types of transgressions.
it would
not have been in the interests
chastise
Brazil,
as they might
Further,
of these powers
to
lose part of the economic
market
they have in Latin America.
Anthropologists
do not, traditionally,
involve
themselves
in "ethical"
or "moral"
because
they are merely
tures?
Do they lack sensitivity,
recorders
take a stand or
issues.
of facts about various
or are they trained
they can take in stride the constant
barrage
ian acts without
eye-brow.
so unimportant
notes
so much
Is this
as a raised
cul-
so that
of antihumanitarAre these
acts
that they do not find their way into the field
of these same observers?
In November,
1968, a copy of the open
letter of protest
that was sent to the president
of Brazil
Anthropology.
to be minimal.
Reaction
seemed
was printed
in Current
The United
States
made
their symbolic
a minor
There
protest,
investigation.
is another
But nothing
have we not heard
further,
from them?
to their
people.
in their own esoteric
to the above situation
Yet this case is not the same.
does not see U.S. involvement
genocide
ally view them as being
around
sider the Native
of no value
rhetoric
opinion
March,
in the
the same cultural
in Brazil.
However,
I person~
one does not have
to find these practices.
considerations
We have enough
to accompany
to them and,
Con-
and the Blacks:
stated without
today.
so
is found in the
Public
as being
the same.
Americans
cultures
in Transaction,
as that occuring
the world
Why
investigations?
1970.
Problems
in recent years?
at My Lai, as described
to look halfway
abo~t the anthropolo-
Or is it that they are more
incident
and biological
made
as a response.
is happening
recent
u.s.
of Brazil
Are their hot-house
see what
"special"
A close parallel
What
in Brazil
that they cannot
interested
happened
point of interest.
gists who have been working
important
and the government
problems,
these problems.
for solutions
are
and an excess
But rhetoric
of
is not
enough.
I frankly
nothing
more
"classroom
because
these
believe
contemporary
than their academic
rhetoric".
of their
Webster's
that is pertinent
"ivory
This allows
lessened
anthropologists
relevant.
most
or their works
or a traceable
towers"
desire
and their
them to be more
involvement.
definition
anthropologists
"objective"
This is not to say that
are less significant
of relevance
was
and significant
or
"something
connection."
So any aspect,
within
regardless
of how remote
or esoteric,
the range or scope of "relevant"
includes
all, from archaeology
falls
anthropology.
to contemporary
This
social
anthro-
pology.
I have no argument
feel personally
with
the fore-stated
and professionally
for a much broader
cipation
culture.
varieties
involvement
their
So we have
have a responsibility
a responsibility
regardless
can we stand in the way of change.
abhorrent
as is programmed
we should
not control
will
or
But I do not want
ameliorating
effects
are as
ceases
Presently
to exist
devoid
With
is extremely
Yes, it is relevant.
of the
the possibilexist.
I feel that it will be in response
that anthropology
and
in this world.
do not, in my opinion,
made by anthropology.
Nor
We must contribute
to live in a world
of anthropology.
ethic
museums
We are not Gods,
lives.
interaction
altogether.
one ever be possible,
of genocide
For human
come even if anthropology
ities of a universal
and inform
of the opPressors.
destruction.
other human
to the state of peaceful
of the world.
or
We must tell the world when we find
abuse of other human beings,
I believe
specialities,
to help orotect,
when we find programs
extermination.
contributions
to a wider
allegiances.
the rest of the world
Tomorrow
and parti-
and all other
than to just their own particular
individual
complete
interpretation
The archaeologist
of anthropologists
but I
that this is just the begin-
ning or the basis
in human
position,
Should
to the
this view of the world
important
to the future
ON THE TEACHING
OF ANTHROPO'LOGY
24
Mike Holmes
The topic,
lends itself
"On the Teaching
to a number
of approaches.
role of the anthropologist
the means
by which
most
of Anthropology"
Teaching
in American
society.
anthropologists
it is
earn their money,
or at
for which
ticular
the anthropologist
hood is generally
Generally,
cational
ignored
methods
and theory,
just exactly
classroom,
except
to somehow
teach
although
and expanded
been
avoided
and constitutes
more
of learning.
classroom
of the discipline
The culture
acutely
model,
is actually
process,
a model which
demonstrates
analyzed
most accurately
research.
anthropologists
of the larger cultural
Anthropologists,
perhaps.
aware of the importance
the major
of the anthropologist,
are
to generation--has
in which
a microcosm
are most
environ-
of the anthropologist--
environment
it is associated.
than any others,
prescrip~
that he is expected
as an area of anthropological
are trained,
with which
habitat
from generation
is the social
framework
The general
the concepts
The classroom
in edu-
what his role should be in the
it is a common
transmitted
training
he is given no systematic
anthropology.
area in which
and his liveli-
the anthropologist'confronts
for the fact that he knows
the culture
seemingly
and when
the par-
publications.
are given no formal
full of students,
tion concerning
they are paid,
in the professional
anthropologists
a classroom
ment,
between
is the primary
Although
any rate, it is the activity
relationship
is one which
a model
conceptual
framework
of the learning
that human behavior
as the result of specific
and
can be
measureable
sUbject
environmental
indicates
able concerning
societies,
factors.
that while
this knowledge
Perhaps
have been
anthropologists
the factors
there have been
few systematic
largely
that the relevance
by anthropologists
of such studies
has been
proposed
is relevance,
The question
is essentially
sYmposinm
has been
commitment
temporary
world,
a continuing
anthropologists
conflicting
universities,
considerable
discussion
groups?"
There
students,
public
constitute
become
increasingly
area within
or not something
The general
is
tone of this
investigation
and personal
of anthropology
attention
of the question,
and students,
this topic
"How does it help us?",
as a tool?"
the relevance
with
firmly estab-
for which
of whether
one of extensive
concerning
lies in the fact
is a relevant
the question,
"What is its significance
in education
and it is my task to determine
or not the topic of teaching
relevant
to apply
has never been
The key issue of the sYmposium
the discipline.
attempts
and methods
lished.
whether
in non-western
it at home.
that theory
ignored
on this
are very knowledge-
of enculturation
or to expand
the reason
The literature
to promote
being
in our confocused
on
"What can we do, as
understanding
between
is little doubt that in many American
teachers,
administrators,
more or less conflicting
aware of the magnitude
we generally
have
found that anthropology
is not equal
to the expectations
groups.
We would
like to believe
gist is qualified
to be a "superman",
We have
of such a task, and
in its present
we associate
these conflicts.
and the general
with
form
the study of
that the anthropolo-
a universal
culture
hero
who, with
his superior
of being
insight
a voice of reason
definitely
require,
the contemporary
world,
despite
cultural
the world,
claim relevance
become
world
it is crucial
to me, most
vance
escalates
it is not feas-
becomes
can save
If Western
begin
perhaps
in need of critical
scrutiny.
we .
This
is
and still
culture
is to
that it may,
extensive
The American
of
powerfully
to ignore,
and there are implications
a place
in the
our own inadequacies.
that anthropologists
in anthropology,
prescrip-
It is in view
is no longer possible
tion into their own cultures.
probably
individuals,
saving.
for our discipline.
culture,
which
If we are not supermen,
to transcend
which
would
of
of anthropologists,
that the topic of education
others
an alternative
generation
effort
crises
to follow
and conflict,
it requires
to anthropology.
can educate
cultural
world
of some truly gifted
if, indeed,
this perspective
relevant
contact
It would
has no systematic
In a shrinking
that the present
the presence
present
of this generation
relations.
ible to assume
presently
is capable
superhuman
and most anthropologists
tion for anthropologists
and intensifies
of crisis.
conceptions,
to alleviate
admit that our discipline
area of human
in a world
by present
by all anthropologists
into human behavior,
investiga-
classroom
seems,
If we desire
rele-
to start would be our own class-
rooms.
In order for anthropologists
methods
more
importance
make-up
relevant
to make
to their students,
that the teacher
of those students.
the~r educational
it is of primary
be aware of the general
This necessity
cultural
has been emphasized
in most
anthropological
publications
on education,
which
ally sound a call for more extensive
investigation
in the
learning
environment
In order to meet
is necessary
the needs
teacher
from the student.
cultures
tent that we should
classrooms
whose
cultural
If anthropologists
make-up
respects.
coercion
is, in my opinion,
of what
education
(as maintained
should be.
(which ignores
sub-cultural
differences)
the importance
are practices
illustrating
manifests,
education,
kind of supermen
conformities
and make
we most
teacher
and
to the aims
that monologue
of student
and
need to be re-
varied
implications.
forms that
key role in revitalizing
the development
of the
need, men who are aware of their own
and differences,
this awareness
possible
technique
and ethical
the immensely
can playa
different
of individual
which
change
in our
and comparison
in terms of their educational
human behavior
American
system)
and who are capable
to others.
to
it seernsinconsis-
is contrary
It is my belief
by the lecture
Anthropology,
social
Every educational
between
can
are willing
may be radically
one which
performances
examined
of value
in effecting
and deference
student
cating
that something
as Sol Tax suggests,
as
and discourage
deny this right to the students
from our own in many
promotes
the university,
the classroom
dialogue
the right of self-determinism
in non-western
which
assume
it
area of field inquiry.
for using
to encourage
operate.
in the discipline,
as a legitimate
must
generally
of the classroom,
of this potential
it is necessary
monologue--the
impart
for relevance
community
To take advantage
be learned
anthropologists
to take advantage
and the academic
a field,
in which
gener-
of communi-
ANTHROPOLOGY
Peter
and CONFLICT
Kroeker
Anthropologists
have debated
man is innately
nasty
istic universal
to most,
would
have us believe
although
that a human
animal
fights
Halloway
adaptive
to threats
to accept
development
32) states
belong
Ardrey
speaks of man's
that conflict
killing
of the
aggression
as
of man and suggests
occurred
communities.
can be multiplied
against
that "man
Montagu(1968:16)
the innate nastiness
inhibitions
ritualized
to suit the purpose
to his existence.
that evidence
(1966:242-3)
(1961: 318) states
evolved
to suppose
and necessary,
of phylogenetically
of agricultural-pastoral
that
before
Gorer
the
(1968:
that man as a species
his fellow men who do not
to the same pack."
But despite
including
gress
equivalent
(1967:xii)
useful
Lorenz
or not
character-
Bohannan
is both
Konrad
(1968:35,36)
is no reason
no
that conflict
invention
weapon."
there
if not all men.
is needed.
is a biological
refuses
this is a learned
it must be controlled.
argues
"has
or whether
the idea of whether
theories
anthropologists,
that has been
that threaten
intellectuals,
at the technological
in devising
to engulf
of destruction
methods
the human
the old cliche
about
(1968:393)
of course,
quotes
have written
both Gouldner
proand
to resolve
race.
The
the weather:
talks about it, but no one does anything
Anthropologists,
Berreman
many
for the purpose
progress
topic has come to resemble
everyone
are alarmed
achieved
the lack of concomitant
these conflicts
and rhetoric,
about it.
about the problem.
and Chomsky
to rally
about bigotry
and exploitation.
Not all anthropologists
agree
that as a discipline
we have
"Every time intellectuals have the chance to speak yet
do not speak, they join the forces that train men not
to be able to think and imagine and feel in morally and
politically adequate ways.
When they do not demand that
the secrecy that makes elite decisions absolute and
unchallengeable
be removed, they too are part of the
passive conspiracy to kill off public scrutiny.
When
they do not speak, when they do not demand, when they
do not think and feel and act as intellectuals - and
so as public men - they too contribute to the moral
paralysis, the intellectual rigidity, that now grip
both leaders and led around the world." (1960:151)
Christianity
Christians
event,
has repudiated
for killing
anthropologists
Christian
message
the teachings
rather
than denouncing
as a viable
which will
In my opinion,
reconciliation.
given
solution
we have observed
or when
how conflicts
by many
are designed
tice impartially.
judicial
system
resolution
ing conflict.
tion,
demonstrates
of today's
rioters
the judicial
or resolved,
have been used
process
will
incite more
and to administer
for conflict
When
it deals
Guard,
chances
are that
riots
instead
of resolv-
include
a quest
Are there any methods
for reconciliation,
to the nation?
jus-
of the American
situations.
Does not the study of man
any principles
and
The American
that it is inadequate
stress
is
in many cultures;
from the Eskimos
record
and the National
to this problem?
could propose
disputes
But the current
in many
riots,
the answer
to settle
party be
party be insti-
are perpetuated
peoples,
need
for
the other
song duels to the courts of the Ashanti.
courts
with
conflict
how these methods
diverse
of man.
necessary
to the wronged
has studied
off the
a reconciliation.
forum to air his grievances;
a truce is called;
or disregarded
their
bring
One of these is that the wronged
tuted.Anthropology
In any
there is an urgent
are two ingredients
for restitution
and blesses
to the problems
conflict,
effectively
there
an effective
that a method
them.
have, by and large, written
But in this time of spreading
for a method
of Christ
does not address
itself to these
problems
at home, it can hardly be deemed
of restitu-
that anthropologists
If the anthropological
conflict
for
stress
study of
and conflict
to be a relevant
science
in today's world.
America,
.Conflict
of course,
is generated
both of which
competency
should
does not hold a monopoly
on the basis
of nationalism
other ethnic
groups
diplomatic
distribution
good deal
it involves
The record
many more benefits
usually
ethnocentricism
alleviating
vided
tioning
American
of "primitive"
and their dreams
government
policy
in fathoming
nations,
and private
indicates
amount
abroad.
than is
of
to have pro-
situation.
ruthless
and
Instead
seems often
then I believe
a
a great
of naivete
and interpreting
necessary,
industry
or U. S. private
their economies,
for the future,
and, where
the U. S.
enterprise
spark to a stressful
has expertise
vide guidance
American
to-
by the American
on the surface,
and a surprising
conflict;
'third world'.
resources.
involvement
on the part of Americans
an incendiary
pology
aid program
and
means,
the U. S. Marines,
than appears
to private
acknowledged,
of economic
of American
less altruism
of tribalism
of the
are influenced
corps, the foreign
enterprise.
interests
often by revolutionary
Both of these movements
whether
the realm of
One of these is the rise
in many of the nations
a more equitable
presence,
and· within
theory.
and the conflictual
The other is the movement,
wards
of at least two movements,
be of concern,
of anthropological
on conflict •
If anthrothe func-
their
loyalties
it should pro-
criticism
in their approach
of
to these
situations.
If anthropology
and if some practical
were
to address
solution
itself
to these problems,
to the conflictual
situation
existing
in the nation
a procedural
problem
and in the world" should be developed,
would
still exist.
Should
coyly sit on the sidelines
like wallflowers
should
loud emphatic
they brazenly,
expertise
with
to government
and industry
anthropologists
at the dance,
voices
proclaim
or
their
who may not even recognize
their own needs?
In my opinion,
the moral
right
dance while
quietly
we do not have the time, nor do we have
to sit back
America
classifying
and wait
and the world
burins
burns.
The only excuse
and end scrapers
meter
and not addressing
tions
is that these problems
pology.
to be asked to the next
ourselves
to the nth milli-
to current
are outside
conflict
the realm
is not relevant
in today's world.
situa-
of anthro-
And if this is so, then let us also frankly
anthropology
for
admit that
1968
"Is Anthropology Alive?"; in Current Anthropology,
Vol. 9, No.5,
December, 1968. Chicago.
1967
"Law and Warfare"; The Natural
Garden City, New York.
1968
"Man has no 'Killer' Instinct"; in Man and Aggression, M. F. Ashley Montagu, ed.; Oxford University
Press, New York.
1961
"African.Genesis:
A Personal
the Animal Origins and Nature
1967. Dell; New York.
1968
"Human Aggression in t'1ar";The Anthropology of
Human Conflict and Aggression, Morton Fried;
Marvin Harris and Robert Murphy, eds.; The Natural
History Press, Garden City, New York.
1960
"The Causes
Inc.; N.Y.
1968
"Man and Aggression";
Ne,.,York.
History
Press,
Investigation into
of Man"i Reprinted
of World War III"; Ballantine
Oxford
university
Books
Press,
THE RELEVANCE
,RonaLd
OF RELATIVISM
D. Dorsey
Characteristically,
concerned
with
maintainance
tation
the scientist
the description
of a neutral
of his data is required.
in the discipline
requirement
for those
clarify
introduced
tivism.
Other
definition,
should be examined,
descriptive
promote
the relevance
Of the many
Cultural
and elaborating
Rela-
appraised
of cultural
until
relativism
to the
it has done little
and the pertinance
and
upon Sumner's
it has contributed
our profession,
definitions
to support
adopted which was
in 1906:
the doctrine
for though
approach,of
as a major
had not been seriously
Therefore,
interpre-
goal is similarly
Thus,
has been
by W. G. Sumner
and the
an evaluative
This sterile
a concept
the concept
phenomena,
of anthropology
than reaffirming
recently.
when
of the profession.
this position,
formally
quite
of observed
position
represented
has been primarily
to
of the discipline.
for cultural
relativism,
Herskovits
has given us one of the most detailed
and qualified
In summary,
are found to be attribut-
he states
that judgements
able to the experiences
which
experiences
each culture
differ
Therefore,
the evaluations
only within
relative
derived.
physical
with
the context
and influence
and its participants.
are perceived
society
are valid
of its culture;
background
this relativity
world which
have, and these
of a particular
only to the cultural
Further,
individuals
accounts.
from which
includes
through
and are
they are
the facts of the
the same
Thus,
from this definition,
be of an absolute
are conditioned
Among
through
a cultural
looking
is, in itself,
some rather unsatisfactory
one finds that the thesis,
the culture within
it was formulated.
of one particular
democratic
established
well
thought
of Western
by the physical
as, the facts which
ethnographic
relative
assing
study)
sciences
are derived
are invalid
however,
that a definitional
to the production
of the confines
(The thesis
Further,
structure
of
is the
the
the facts
of our Western
world
(as
from a cross-cultural
simply because
cultural
though
such data is
context~
are methodological
the focal point of this paper,
situations.
frame of reference:
society.)
only to its respective
situations,
outside
cultural
quite
by its own description,
as valid
which
claim to
glass.
should not be considered
product
would
for all experiences
the above definition
and may produce
these,
which
nature would be invalid,
Upon appraisal,
limiting
any statement
Such embar-
problems
and not
it should be obvious
of this nature
of a sound theory which
cannot
lend itself
may be readily
used
by anthropologists.
As for the intent of the cultural
surface
presents
with which
bespeaks
beliefs
itself
as being
the anthropologist
of tolera~ce
sion is given
and cultures.
accepted
the
situations
for the concept
for the values
As a result,
of tolerance
phenomena,
doctrine,
to modern
may be confronted,
that the values
are an universally
applicable
and understanding
of other peoples
relativism
and
an impres-
and understanding
and are the answer
to
"the ills of mankind."
very significant
In promoting
situations
frame of reference
are ignored.
of some cultures
there may be no prior basis
or the need
for respect.
cept of cUltural
unfeasible
asking
for tolerance,
outside
atrocities
as those of Nazi Germany
of the laboratory.
gist may rely on his "citizen"
which
them.
When
be highly
Secondly,
inapplicable
faced with
or Brazil,
culture,
if his study
his disci-
are valid, he should not find it necessary
as nothing
more
As a final point
than a myth
of criticism,
in
the anthropolo-
and denounce
to which
of man."
to
to abandon
he adheres must be
and purely
cultural
irrelevant.
relativism
tends
to do little more than promote
the status quo.
a simple
of its position
may read as
To be objective,
and delete
statement,
follows:
statement's
"What is, is good."
tolerant
"What is, is."
moved
will
the intent
forward
implications,
in the least.
In holding
to deal with
situations.
merely
other than change
illustrates
in a variety
the
has not
one
of change
in
this very
statement. about cultural
occurs
to
state:
such a position,
the phenomena
(Herskovits
well when he can give no general
dynamics,
When deduced
If this be the case, then our science
find it difficult
cross-cultural
it would
in
such
and its facts in reference
If he does, the discipline
classified
would
claims to be the "study and understanding
Unquestionably,
relativism
of such a con-
for them.
the concept may become
for
value of variety
and its proposals
unacceptable
two
the historical
is not recognized,
Thus, the acceptance
relativism
and virtually
First,
for the inferred
situations
pline,
this view, however,
of ways.)
Thus, what
the position
sentimentalistic,
in relation
naively
to cultural
for the preservation
zoos which
young
ists.
Therefore,
change.
above,
the concept
and limited
is merely
and prejudiced
(Bidney 1962:443)
of nothing
more
than a number
for the interests
anthropologists
with
promotes,
optimistic,
may be cultivated
inquisitive
vance;
of relativism
concept
It calls
of human
of a few
and curiosity-seeking
such inadequacies
a
tour-
as those mentioned
of cultural
relativism
must be reappraised
in its application
to acquire
some degree
and another
concept
apply to the existing
should
situations
be instituted
of change
of rele-
which will
and "crises"
in the
world.
In order
to establish
as the discipline
for cultural
as a whole,
invariants.
a set of absolute
the relevance
anthropology
This, however,
values,
but rather
The pursuit
neutral
of anthropology
position.
encounter
with
able to promote
respect
Only by presenting
science
for
norms,
the goal of relativism:
of
The assump-
and, in turn,
must be discarded.
one, and cannot hold
the various
will
cultures
the discipline
a
we
be
the tolerance
of and
of relativism
is com-
for other cultures.
This does not mean that the concept
pletely
is not a proposal
judgements
is a humane
a set of feasible
must begirt a search
universally.
tion that we should be or are a natural
in the case of value
as well
one for the initiation
a group of norms which may be accepted
remain neutral
of relativism,
irrelevant,
its relevance
for it cannot be wholly
has mostly
a methodological
discounted.
significance
However,
for the
Bidney, David, "The Concept of Value in Modern Anthropology",
in Anthropologx
Today, Sol Tax editor, University of
Chicago Press, Chicago, 1962.
Eggan, Fred, "Some Reflections on Comparative Method in
Anthropology",
in Context and Meaning in Cultural
Anthropology,
M. E. Spiro editor, The Free Press,
New York, 1965.
Herskovits, Melville,
New York, 1967.
Cultural
Dynamics,
Alfred
Murdock, George Peter, Culture and Society,
Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, 1965.
A. Knopf,
University
of
Schmidt, Paul F., Some Criticisms of Cultural Relativism,
in Journal of philosophy, vol. 52, no. 25,
December 8, 1955.
ACTION
ANTHROPOLOGY
R. C. Mitche
Applied
years.
II
anthropology
has been expanding
In the field of applied
anthropology
rapidly
in recent
the problem
There is a bridge to be built between the savage
and the civiliz~tion that is fnrc~d upon him; and
the anthropologist
can play his part in this social
engineering.
(Firth 1950:
399)
con-
The philosophical
simply
applied
basis
of action
anthropology
in the sense of being
"pure" research.
On the contrary,
derived
research,
must
from pure
compliment
priority
constructive
application.
which
is in accordance
people
involved.
is
Neither
that
is given
Increasing
and apply it in a
the value
structure
of the
It is his job to show facts - facts rooted
in the scientific
personal-moral
with
from
The job of the action
is to take this knowledge
manner
apart
research
compatible.
action.
is not
anthropology
and it is this pure
its practical
yields
anthropologist
improve
action
and both must be mutually
knowledge
anthropology
method,
judgment,
the conditions
not facts arising
and to explain
in which
a given
out of his own
how these facts might
"primitive"
people
find
themselves.
As opposed
to being predictive,
clinical.
No attempt
principles
directly
is made
Rather
be accomplished,
it is more
people
their
a design
make
data existing
at
of what must
of "if : then"
Nothing
is
anthropological
than a fixed "blueprint"
by the anthropologist.
themselves
anthropology
to apply general
to the body of observed
any fixed time.
derived
action
statements
is force fed; the
all the decisions
which
might
influence
future.
Action
political
anthropology
independence
researcher;
it depends
for support
rather
(Tax 1964:
25~)
requires
the "intellectual
that one associates
on university
the pure
and foundation
than those of a client
It also requires
with
and the
connections
or government."
the anthropologist
to take
anthropologists
deal with human
gist must be equipped
lives.
to face unusual
The action
demands
anthropolo-
and risks.
He
It is no wonder that this method of research has
not become common, or indeed fully accepted as
legitimate.
The stakes are high and the game
dangerous; but action anthropology is nevertheless,
quite ~n the tradition and spirit of general
anthropology, and promises to provide the best
demonstration of its meaning and its use.
(Tax 1964:2S:;t)
is perhaps
the most popular
in the United
States
manifestation
to date.
of action
anthropology
In 1948 this field-training
The effects of this contrast are great.
White
individuals, if psychologically
healthy and not
self-consciously
marginal, can engage in a sustained effort in a single direction over a long
period of time, and-here-is the crux - they can
do so more or less independent of their group.
In contrast, a Fox is guided almost exclusively
by his moment-to-moment
relations to others; he
bridles under long-term rigid work schedules; he
becomes listless in situations requiring isolated
self-direction.
(Gearing 1960:
295-29~)
Two major
break
attempts
this destructive
were made by action
cycle.
anthropologists
The first attempt
was via
to
This adumbrates the most significant distinction
between action anthropology and applied anthropology as ordinarily conceived.
It emphasizes the
right of Fox self-determination,
or as Sol Tax
bluntly puts it, the freedom to make mistakes.
The
Fox are faced with the need of making decisions
relevant to their future.
The function of the
anthropologist
is not to impose his awn decisions,
much less those of administrators
and other whites.
His function is to act as a catalyst, to help
clarify issues for the Fox and to make available to
them possibilities of choice which may not have
occurred to them, or which might not have been available to them apart from the programme of action
anthropology.
(Piddington 1960:205)
fact pure
action
research
is the starting
anthropologist
found undesireable
qther
unless
one sticks
The government,
funds,
must be prepared
by the people
examples
of action
others who
control.
be little
question
with
definition.
to obtain
to action
Sol Tax and
not always be the case.
anthropologists
cannot become
and be the controlling
mechanism
If action
in the Peace Corps,
regarding
and varied;
funds must mean government
of these funds are regulated.
influence
foreign
I disagree
feel that government
are many
means by which
I should hope that this will
had more
any concepts
non-governmental
which has excellent
of the government,
ment
anthropology
In this sense,
(2) that the
in question.
to a completely
I see no reason why action
and
to abandon
I feel, should not be completely
anthropology.
much
point,
part
by which
anthropologists
for example,
the effectiveness
there would
of this govern-
agency.
In the case of the hurricane
RaYmond
Firth,
food supplies
the Tikopia
stricken
in 1952, was successful
and regulating
made the final decisions,
for example,
government
Here again,
the government
handed
control
over to this
anthropologist.
The study of any such community
of a given
community
to firstly
to try and help them in their
be competing
cannot
in obtaining
their distribution.
that Tax speaks of, was unquestionably
action
Tikopia,
goals and wants
be solved by simply
requires
discover
achievement.
helping
the people
their goals and then
There will
and forces in the society,
educating
the people.
always
this
Here the
46
It is possible
for a people
and at the same time retain their
to live in a civilized
cultural
heritage,
society
if these
The results are proving themselves in an understanding of the problems of new nations, of North
American cities, even of the organization of
universities.
Indeed, the unique community of
anthropologists
of the world that I mentioned as
being now in existence was helped into being
directly by what was learned from American Indians.
The same understanding may some day help the peoples
of the world to achieve the common goal of peace.
(Tax 1964, 257)
Firth, Raymond:
1950, Human Types,
Ltd., London.
Thomas
Nelson
and Sons,
Gearing, Frederick; Netting, Robert McC.; Peattie, Lisa R.:
Documentary History of the Fox Project, 1948-1959,
University of Chicago, 1960, Chicago.
Keesing, Felix M.:
Cultural Anthropology,
The Science of
Custom; 1964, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York.
Tax, Sol:
Horizons of Anthropology;
Company, Chicago.
1964, A1dine
Publishing
Piddington, Ralph:
1960, Action Anthropology; Polynesian
Society Journal, Vol. 69, Wellington, New Zealand.