Journal of Research in Peace, Gender and Development (ISSN: 2251-0036) Vol. 2(2) pp. 034-043, February 2012 Available online@ http://www.interesjournals.org/JRPGD Copyright ©2012 International Research Journals Review Ethical Basis of African Traditional Religion and Sociocultural Practices in Natural Resources Conservation and Management in Cross River State, Nigeria *1Eneji C.V.O, 2Ntamu G.U, 3Ajor J.O, 4Ben C.B, 5 Bassey John E and 6James J. Williams *1 Department of Geography (Rural Development), Federal University of Technology, Yola, Nigeria 2 Department of Religious and Cultural Studies, University of Calabar, Nigeria 3 Department of History and International Relations, University of Calabar, Nigeria 4 Department of Vocational and Special Education, University of Calabar 5 Adult Education and Community Development, University of Calabar 6 College of Education, Hong, Adamawa state, Nigeria Accepted 09 January, 2012 This paper x-rays the role of African Traditional Religion and socio-cultural practices in the conservation of natural resources management in Cross River State. The authors examined some of these religious and cultural practices ranging from their way of worship, the rites of initiation, and the invocation of the powers of the supreme beings, which they hold as sacred, and how these gods communicate their will to humans through their agents (chief priest) and how the gods are atoned if provoked. The tenets of African religious and cultural practices is premised on the ascription of psychic powers to some or part of the environment as the abodes of the gods of the land and how these abodes are protected. The protection of the abodes of the gods from entrance, utilization and exploitation does latently encourage conservation and management of natural resources. Some of these abodes of the gods are nicknamed sacred pond, evil forest, forbidden forest, sacred stream or river, sacred grove, and burying grounds amongst others. Largely, these forbidden areas contributed immensely in natural resources conservation and management in Cross River State and indeed Nigeria as a whole. But unfortunately, this all important strategies for natural resources conservation and management based on these religious belief systems and socio-cultural practices have almost been completely eroded away by the acculturation and enculturation of almost all African communities by the coming of Christianity with their western type of education. This Christian way of religion, worship system and education saw nothing good in African traditional religious practices we came to belief and held on to. The authors used literature review and personal interview for the study. The authors recommended that there should be an urgent need for a revisitation of the principles of traditional African religion and other socio-cultural practices. It was also recommended that modern conservation programs should integrate traditional /indigenous knowledge systems into their activities in the conservation and management of our natural resources for the wellbeing of Nigerian and indeed the world at large. Keywords: African traditional religion, socio-cultural practices, natural resources conservation, sacred grove, evil forest and Christianity. INTRODUCTION In time past, local people have developed a variety of Corresponding Author E-mail: vcogareneji@yahoo.com; Tel: +23481 6488 4244 resource management practices that continue to exist in tropical Africa, Asia, South America and other parts of the world (Appiah-Opoku, 2007) traditional African societies also follow ethics that often help them regulate interactions with their natural environment (Shastri et al., 2002). Eneji et al. 035 African traditional religion (ATR) is the only religion peculiar to African with its characteristics, features and symbolism common to Africans alone. The coming of western religion and their education system eroded the rich cultural values and religious diversities of African. Rather western education and their religious belief system described as alien religious beliefs and cultural systems dominated ATR, these belief systems are rather inimical to the growth, unity, peace and cohesion of our communities. These belief systems gave man the fiat order of using the environment and its resources the way man likes, encouraging the depletion of our natural resources base which is the only inheritance handed over to us over the years. Traditional African religion (ATR) and cultural practices as done in most part of African communities are environmentally friendly and sustainable, thus contributing so much to natural resources sustainability and conservation (International Institute for Environment and Development, 1992). The coming of western religion and their cultural orientation and acculturation has impacted negatively in the course of man’s existence. From the very first page of this alien religious (Christian) holy book, Genesis 1: 26, in the story of creation, God gave man a fiat order and an unchecked authority to rule over the whole world, the fishes, animals of the earth and the whole plants of the universe, the birds of the sky, livestock, and wild animals on land and in the sea. The command was given to man to subdue the earth and all the creatures of the earth and all it resources and take control of it. Wilson (1998) opined that the implication of this word dominion has both domination and stewardship apparatus. From the domination perspective, humans are said to have domination over the natural environment in ways that empowers us to treat nature the way it please us. This perspective sees natural environment as having been merely instrumental or having extrinsic value and provides justification for humanity's exploitation of natural resources premised on the fact that it is our right as superior creatures, heirs apparent and controlling God's creation on earth. This is the beginning of our environmental woes and conflict. Again the messiah, Jesus Christ, was an environmental dwarf, he cursed the fig tree himself because the fig tree could not give him fruits when he was hungry (Matt. 21:18-20, NIV). He did not consider what he wrote in the same holy bible (Ecclesiastes 3:1-8), that for everything under the sun, there is time, but Jesus forgot to understand that this may not be the season for the fig tree to bear its fruit, besides, the fundamental question is if this fig tree did not bear fruit at this particular time of the year, does it mean it will not bear fruit again? Aside from this fundamental question, is the importance of trees or vegetation only for food? What about other environmental services offered by this vege- tation? These all point to the skewed position of the alien religion introduced to us by the European to the detriment of our traditional African religion and cultural practices (International Institute for Environment and Development, 1992, McCammon, 2003). In Africa and indeed Nigeria, the traditional belief system holds the ascription of supernatural powers to objects called gods and goddesses. The major tenet of African traditional religion and belief system lies in the belief that the abode of the gods and goddesses is located within the community, they may decide to have their abodes on rock, streams, pond, tress, land or anywhere they so desire to live. The gods choose their followers through the rites of initiation with a core messenger who is the mouth piece of the gods living among human beings. The gods or goddess communicate its will to the people through the juju priest or chief priest. The belief system is that the gods protect the community members from harm, famine, bareness, impotence, drought, epidemics, and war among others. The gods avenge their anger on whoever omits or commits any flaw for which their presence forbids, hence, the cultural system holds to a very high esteem all the precepts of the laws of the gods (Shastri et al., 2002). In most parts of Africa, things like sacred groves like those found in Ghana and other West African countries are very practical systems of indigenous strategies for the management and conservation of our natural environment within the rural communities. In a research on traditional and indigenous methods of conserving biodiversity, Ntiamoa-Baidu (1991) identified three indigenous methods for conserving biodiversity in Ghana and other West African sub region, (Nigeria inclusive). These methods include: • Religious traditions: temple forests, monastery forests, sanctified and deitified trees • Traditional tribal traditions: sacred forests, sacred groves and sacred trees • Royal traditions: royal hunting preserves, elephant forests, royal gardens etc. • Livelihood traditions: forests and groves serving as cultural and social space and source of livelihood products and services (Simberloff, and Abele, 1976). The traditions are also reflected in a variety of practices regarding the use and management of trees, forests and water. These include: • Collection and management of wood and non-wood forest products. • Traditional ethics, norms and practices for restraint use of forests, water and other natural resources • Traditional practices on protection, production and regeneration of forests. • Cultivation of useful trees in cultural landscapes and agroforestry systems. 036 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev. • Creation and maintenance of traditional water harvesting systems such as tanks along with plantation of tree groves in proximity to the water sources. • The Protection of any specific fauna or flora species making it a totem and taboo in such communities e.g., Umuaro in Nigeria, male deer or stag is a totem, while in Nnewi, the pyton is a totem. In Bekwarra, the road runner is also a totem. • Control and regulating the exploitation of environmental / natural resources during different parts of the year e.g. like some parts of Boki, during rainy season; some wood species cannot be cut down. Likewise some animal species cannot be harvested during the dry season for fear of extinction. • The protection of some particular ecological systems or biome or habitats in the name of sacred groves, evil forest, burial grounds, sacred rivers, and rocks. (Silori and Badola, 2000). These beliefs and strategies are passed on to those who become initiated into adulthood in the community during the rites of initiation. Most often, it is the men that are always initiated into these community cults or sects which are often enshrined in religious or cultural beliefs and superstitions and enforced by taboos. The taboos and beliefs have legal backing in the rules and institutions of the communities which are strong enough in the past to make people obey the religious and cultural regulations ((Venkataraman, 2000; Cox, 2000). Ethical Bases for African Traditional Religion and Socio-Cultural Practices Ethics has to do with the body of moral principles or values held by or governing a culture, groups or individual in any society. It can also be seen as a moral precepts or a code of conduct for any society. The issue of Ethical basis and practical support for natural resources management and conservation lies within the African traditional religion and Islam and their socio-cultural practices. In the assessment of the effectiveness of the ethical bases of African traditional religion and their socio-cultural practices in natural resources management, Professor Stuart Harrop, a Professor of Wildlife Management Law and Director of the Durrell Institute of Conservation and Ecology (DICE) at the University of Kent, carried out several projects in three of the world's conservation hotspots. According to Henshey (2011) these projects were funded by Darwin Initiative; the study examines the extent of relationship between conservation and the tenets of Islamic religious practices in conservation in Sumatra. The next project was also funded by the Economic and Social Research Council and Natural Environment Research Council Inter- disciplinary Studentship Scheme (Deb and Malhotra, 2001; Cox, 1995). This project investigated the core relationship between socio-cultural practices and belief, sacred and forbidden sites (grooves, ponds, streams, rocks, animals and trees) and bird migration in central and North Africa. While the third research project by Professor Stuart Harrop was financed by the Christensen Fund, this project examined the role of sacred forest sites in southwest Ethiopia in forest and other natural resources conservation (Henshey, 2011; Deb et al., 1997; Cox, 1995). Professor Harrop’s aims on these three projects were to show the interrelationship between these religion and cultural practices and how conservation can benefit from them. Stuart advocated for the integration of key religious and cultural concepts and traditional conservation approaches into conventional management policies for the management, plans and the conservation of community’s natural resource management strategies. While this is so, in Sumatra, there are some key principle elements of Islam in the land use management policies adopted (Henshey, 2011; Singh, 2002; Smith, and Wishnie, 2000). Confirming the position of the Holy Qur'an on conservation, some key chapters and verses supports the conservation of natural resources: Fitrah, Mizan and– Tauhid, Khalifah, these portion identified specifically the role of man in resources conservation. In Sumatra, some management policies support the introduction of religious doctrines into land management policies, these areas are Al-Mawat, land regeneration plan, Harim for water resource protection, Himoar for sustainable resources management (Henshey, 2011, (Johnson et al., 2001). How do African traditional religions (ATR) protect natural resources? Mkenda, (2010) observed that in the contemporary African worldview, there exist a dichotomy between things that are believed to be secular and those that are religious. He noted that the way people view the universe has changed. That science and western education has influenced man’s sense of reasoning and judgment about the world which is no longer viewed in the religious sense but rather it is looked at as something to be totally exploited for the benefit of the human being. Africans in the contemporary time should borrow a leaf from traditional Africa. They should use African cultural heritage in the preservation and rehabilitation of the environment that has been destroyed and degraded by selfish economic motives of few people (Mkenda, 2010; Snoo and Bertels, 2001). A scholar of African Traditional Religion, John S. Mbiti Eneji et al. 037 in his book “African Religions and Philosophy”, (1969), the author started with the statement “Africans are notoriously religious” the implication is that religion permeates and penetrates the whole life of an African. African traditional religion is a religion typically integrated in daily life. For the Africans there is no clear-cut separation between what is secular and what is sacred. Everything and every act are looked upon in a religious and customary perspective. Africans view themselves as part of the environment (Mkenda, 2010, Taylor, 2002). Man is conceivable only in this cosmic interweavement. This web of relationship is what makes Africans view the earth as their mother and themselves as her children. Little wonder, Africans refer to their land as mother earth. Despite the fact that humanity, nature and the gods are distinct concepts, they belong to some ontological categories that are interrelated and interdependent. Therefore plants, animals, rock, water and other nonliving things are part of nature, which is the product of creation deserving to be respected as much as human beings who are also part of nature. This is what makes Africans regard themselves as being in close relationship with the entire cosmos. In the traditional African culture, being was not independent of nature (Taylor, 2002). In traditional African societies, many people believed that trees and forests were the manifestation of the power of the Supreme Being. They saw these things as ideal places to meet their supreme being or the gods. Traditional African societies had many shrines, which were associated with big trees such as mimosop, fig trees and baobabs, iroko, mahogany among others. These trees together with the vegetation around were preserved as sacred places for worship. Africans did not just attach much importance to trees and herbs just for spiritual purposes, but also because trees, herbs and plants in general were useful in enhancing human life. Apart from being symbols of god’s presence among people, trees were seen as medicine to man and animals. Trees, leaves, roots and grasses provided herbal medicines to human beings and to wild animals as well as domestic animals (Thompson and Homewood, 2002, Tilman, 2000). For traditional Africans, land and water were precious gifts from God the Creator. Africans have a strong connection with the land not only as an economic resource, but as a home, a place of sacrifice and offerings. When traditional Africans struggled or fought for land, they were not simply struggling or fighting for it economically but for socio-cultural, moral and religious motives. The African beliefs and taboos helped in enforcing rules and regulations for environmental preservation because people refrained from using resources carelessly, especially as it is related to sacred places. Some Belief System in Cross River State In almost every traditional African setting or community, each community has what they revere or hold sacred either as the presence of their gods or their goddesses, or there is a very important role such objects played in the course of their existence. In Umuaro, the male deer (stag) is a totem because it did something for the community. In Nnewi, pyton is man’s friend, the killing of python is an abominable act, so they are held sacrosanct, In Gakem in Bekwarra of Cross River state, the road runner (anyiribom) is not killed as ancient legendry has it that during war, the bird goes after the people of Gakem and erase their footprint so that enemies would not understand that the Gakem people have passed through that place. In the Islamic tradition and religion, the pig is a forbidden animal (totem) because during the Jihad war, there was very serious water scarcity; it was the pig that those who are followers used to trace the source of water to keep them alive to fight to finish during the war. This account for the reason they don’t harm or eat pork because it helped them during this time. In the whole of Cross River, there is hardly any community that exists without a sacred groove, evil forest, sacred pond, evil stream, or forbidden forest. Where some part of the environment is delineated for the worship of the gods (Eneji et al., 2009; Tiwari et al., 1998). The belief on the ascription of certain part of the environment as the abodes of the gods, with the gods communicating their will/wish through their human agents (messenger) living within the communities, where the gods can be consulted when the need arises. Here, the human agents carry out the prescribed sacrifices for the gods. Most often the gods here are consulted in difficult times during war, famine, drought, barrenness, impotence, crop failure, epidemic outbreak etc. Most often these outbreaks may be as a result of punishment for an offense committed against the god of the land. The part of the environment where the abodes of the gods could be stream, pond, rocks, tree, land etc. In most communities, they have different gods were they hold in reverence. In Etung local government, they have the god of “ogbogoro”; this god is believed to be the god of fruitfulness and the gift of children. When there is poor harvest in the Ejaghamland, (Etung, Akamkpa) they make sacrifices to this god. When a woman after marriage cannot have children, the god of ogbogoro is appeased with a sacrifice, thereby making request for children from such gods. The abode of the god of ogbogoro is located in the forest, this part of the forest if forbidden from trespass. The god of ogbogoro has its rules and regulation that must be strictly followed; omission of these rules is an offense punishable by the 038 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev. law of the land. To appease the gods, to avert the punishment from this offense, some sacrifices need to be done, such atonement or sacrifices for such offense may include sacrifice with chicken, goats, cow, kola nut, or risk being killed in a mysterious way by the gods or goddesses ( Eneji et al., 2009a, b). In Adihe village, Otukpuru ward, Bekwarra, the “ogolobi” pond is a mysterious pond harvested by the entire Bekwarra kingdom once in seven years. The only species of fish harvested, brought together and shared together by everybody present is the mudfish; any other species of fish caught during this day is owned by whoever catches it during the harvesting period. The Ogolobi pond is such that nobody goes there to fish alone within this period of seven years on his or her own. During the community harvesting period, there are two peculiar things that normally happens, the harvesting is done during the dry season, when the spirit wants the harvesting to come to an end on that day the community is harvesting, a big fish with a string of cowry will come through where the people are harvesting the fish, once the mother fish with the cowries is sighted by anybody, the harvesting must stop and everybody inside the cave must be called out of the pond. The next thing that happens is that on the evening or night of the harvesting of fish from the Ogolobi pond, there must be rainfall to show that the spirit of the gods and the living are in tandem. Even if you go fishing alone, the punishment begins by having a bloated stomach and later death no matter the sacrifice made. So entrant into the pond alone is frightening. Within the pond in question there is an iroko tree and a mahogany tree, these trees are well over seventy years. There is also a cobra well over thirty years and more than 3 meters long. These are believed to be mysterious, because the last time a hunter tried killing the snake, the story was indeed a very sad one (Eneji et al., 2009; International Institute for Environment and Development, 1992). In Beten also in Bekwarra, there is another rock called ‘’Uka Ochi’ifu” the rock here is believed to be the tomb of those killed during the first Bekwarra intertribal war with the Tivs of Benue state, this rock also is believed to be the place where the Nigerian and Biafran soldiers that were killed during the war were buried., nobody does anything within the rock zone. In Bewo another community in Bekwarra, there is a forest and a stream where there is human hand print. Ancestral legend has it that when Odama Ashide had a problem with his brother, he migrated away from Obanliku and as they got to this small stream in Bekwarra, Odama being full of age had to put his hands on the rock by the shore of the stream to enable him cross the stream, his hand remained imprinted there till today. In the forest and the stream, fishing and other activities are not allowed within this place. In Etung, there is a sacred pond called salt lake (Ejagham Lake). Harvesting of fish here is strictly prohibited, but when fish leaves this lake to another stream, harvesting can be done there in the stream. There is also the traditional Ekpe cult in most Ejagham and Efik communities, while in Obudu the Ekwong traditional institutions guide the conduct of men in the community. These sector groups as approved by custom and tradition of the land also confer the powers to protect and also monitor the use of some community resources. Usually membership into this group is on strict qualification with terms and condition of membership strictly spelt out and passed down to community members for onward transmission to their children while growing up. Most often the process of initiation is a transitive one, from adolescent to adulthood and done in the night deep inside the forest. This transition is saddled with a lot of responsibilities (Eneji et al., 2009, Eneji et al., 2009, Bakanja, 2010; Appiah-Opoku, 2007; Kimmerer, 2002). In Boki, there is an evil forest at Iruan and Arangha, these evil forests is where bad people in the community are sent to go and die. If you are a witch or a wizard and have caused havoc in the community, or one dies in an accident such as auto crash or from a tree or palm tree, such people or corpse are taken to this forest. While this is so, the number of wild beast that lives within this area is awesome. No human activity of any kind is carried out here as it is belief that the spirit from there will not take it kindly with anybody disturbing the peace of the dead or the spirits themselves. Some of these evil forests are the burial ground for the royals of the community. In Biase, there is also a burial ground for slaves, nobody wants to be associated with slaves, so the area remain a very thick forest since it is believed that the last slave buried there was before the stopping of slave trade in Nigeria. In Yache, there is also a sacred grove where the remains of the ancestral fathers of the Wonye people were buried hundreds of years before now, no farming, felling of trees or harvesting of vegetables is done here. In Aliforkpa, also in Yache in Yala LGA, there is also a pond which nobody goes near there, here crocodile, iguana and some wild sea animals are found here. Anyone one that strays to this pond is eaten by the wild beast there, but the community believes that the person would be killed by the spirit. In most communities in Cross River State, some children given birth to are said to animals. The belief system is that such children behave like animals, in this situation, the juju priest carries the child and all the properties that has been given to the child to the forest, does some incantation and the child changes to whatever animals the child is and leaps into the forest. This is also forbidden from entrance except on such occasions. In Bateriko, some part of the forest is strictly reserve as the home of the gods, here no entrance is allowed into this forest, even when crops are cultivated close to the Eneji et al. 039 area, it does not give any good yield. For example, villages in Boki, Obudu, Ikom, Akamkpa and Etung local Government areas, authority was collectively vested in the hands of a group of male elders and chiefs of the communities whose words and actions were laws in community matters and were very much respected and obeyed. Thus, socio-cultural governance could be described as been gerontocratic. However, words and actions or relationships were in the direction of conservation, respect, good husbandry and efficient use of natural resources. There were rules to protect trees, streams and rivers as well as governing council who are charged with the responsibilities of managing natural resources. For example in Obudu, the following rules and practices were used in villages well over 60 years ago to conserve, manage, preserve and protect sources of drinking water: * Felling of trees or fuel wood collection within thirty meters radius from streams and rivers was prohibited. This principles though unknown was meant to preserve the watershed and vegetation, this consequently checks the amount of evapotranspiration and allows some amount of tolerable water temperature for both micro and aquatic organisms to continue their ecosystem services for the enrichment of the soil, continuous supply of water and the healthy growth of the forest. The vegetation cover also helped to keep the water cool and fresh for drinking. This system protects the watershed from destruction. * Location of residential settlements close to upper course of any stream, pond or river was not approved. This law was to check and control deforestation and farming around the neighborhood thereby protecting the watershed along the banks of the streams and rivers. This also was to prevent (domestic) sewage waste from being washed down into the streams and rivers. * Bathing and Washing of clothes around, near or inside ponds, streams/river where drinking water is fetched was not allowed. * Fishing or harvesting any aquatic animals within drinking streams, pond and rivers is not allowed. * Cleaning up of drinking streams was the responsibility of every member of the community and was carried out within a specified length of time by community members, failure to attend such clean ups and sanitation attracts a fine of either a goat, chicken or a specified amount of money. Sometimes this clean ups and sanitation are done by different age grades in the community and in turns too. * Silence was observed within drinking streams. Reasons abound for this law, spanning from the respect for the gods of the streams who protect the stream and the organisms helping to purifying the streams and keeping the stream alive and also control the spread of diseases. It is believed that while speaking, an infected person may spill or splash saliva, so an infected person with tuberculosis or whooping cough for example may spill infected saliva containing the bacteria into the water. In addition this rule ensured the gods were not provoked to anger. Their anger could result in streams or rivers drying up. * Fishing or catching of crabs in drinking water sources was strictly prohibited. Fishing was only done at designated rivers or ponds and only during the dry season. * Streams apart from wells and springs that either flowed on a level land or were shallow were deepened at the upper source to form a natural pond or reservoir that would withstand the dry season and ensure water availability all year round. The above rules and regulations are pointers to the imminent fact that the rural communities were aware of their environment and their collective responsibility in the management of the watershed and water quality. The decision to locate any village was based on the availability of water. However, individual residential houses were built far away from the source of drinking water. Thus, settlement was kept at a reasonable distance from the source of a river/stream. In time past, some patches of grassland and forest were set aside, normally close to settlements, as sacred lands that could not be touched. These lands so delineated are authorized and covered strictly by traditional /cultural laws. In most communities and countries in Africa, such areas still exist. The collective appellations for these areas are commonly referred to as sacred or fetish groves, evil forest and sacred pond. A number of sacred groves have been destroyed as a result of Christianity infiltration and urban and infrastructural development into rural hinterlands, but many still survive. According to GyamfiFenteng and Abbiw (1992), EPC, (1976), Dwomoh (1990) several categories of groves exist many are small (less than one hectare), often housing object like trees, pond, stone, or rock ascribed as the abodes of the god (DormAdzobu et al., 1991; Ntiamoa-Baidu et al., 1992). Such small areas may be very significant in terms of biodiversity conservation and management. More commonly, the patch of forest in which the royals of a particular village were buried was protected because of respect for the dead and the belief that the ancestral spirits lived there. Entry into such forests was prohibited, and only a limited class of people (such as members of the royal family, village elders, and clan heads and the chief priests) were allowed access for the burial and other sacrificial purposes. Often, patches of forests were protected because they supported sacred objects, totem or tabooed species that were believed to have special spiritual or cultural values and associations. Many clans in Cross River State in Nigeria have a wild animal or plant species as their symbol. Traditionally, such species were 040 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev. strictly protected. In some cases, even touching the species was forbidden (Fargey, 1991; Mkenda, 2010). Sacred groves are controlled by chief priest appointed by traditional authority who is in charge of the abode of such gods and who also is the messenger of the gods in human form. The responsibility for protecting the grove is vested in the entire community, but a selected group of people or family normally takes the duty to enforce the rules. The conservation strategy, which is one of preservation, is enshrined in taboos, totems and sacrileges and other numerous cultural and religious rites and is maintained through reverence for the gods and ancestral spirits. The responsibility of ensuring that the regulations governing the grove are strictly adhered to is rested in the descendants of the chosen chief priest with the support of the community traditional institution. These traditional guards regularly patrol the periphery of the grove and arrest intruders, who are reported to the chief priest for the necessary customary sanctions. The sanctions, which are done for the purpose of pacifying and purifying the gods and spirits, vary depending on the gravity of the offense. However, they usually consist of a cash fine, bottles of hot drinks, goats, sheep, chicken, kola nuts and alligator pepper as sacrifice to the gods. These sacred groves survived all these while purely because of the strong religious / cultural beliefs held by the local people and the spiritual, religious and cultural attachments to the groves. The major virtue of this strong culture-based practice is that it encourages community participation in natural resource conservation and sustains positive awareness of nature and the linkages between man and nature (Tunon and Bruhn, 1994; Tupper, 2002; Udgaonkar, 2002; Utkarsh et al., 1999). Modern Religious Practices that is Inimical to Environmental Resources Management With the coming of western religion and education, man has devised all form of weapons and means to improve his style of life. A traditional African life on whatever is available and he is contented with his life, but this is never the case with the modern man as created by man’s design and construct. With this modern man, he has the acculturation of the western world and believes that he is in-charge of the earth and everything so created by God. His relationship with his environment is watered down to depend on the environment and all that was held sacred in time past. One may bother to ask what are the factors that push modern man to behave the way he behaves? Six main factors can be identified as motivating modern man to behave the way he does, these factors: • Ignorance and lack of comprehension of the limited rate of renewability of natural resources, coupled with the fact that populations of most wild species are so low that the current rate of exploitation is unsustainable. • Alienation of local communities in the management of protected areas and the resources they contain, which the traditional communities their ancestral inheritance handed down to them by their ancestors. • Poverty (the lack of basic necessities of life and the struggle for survival) • Low public awareness of general conservation issues and regulations • Misunderstanding of the policies and functions of the government conservation agencies • Poor public relations on the part of the conservation officers • Population pressure and man’s quest to improve his livelihoods. These basic issues must be addressed in evolving a sustainable protected area system acceptable to the people. Through the revisitation of socio-cultural and traditional religious practices and belief systems in our rural communities. Increase pressure on reduced fertile land area for agriculture, this has been the main source of communal conflicts (e.g. various clans who knew their boundaries and land cannot do this). Thus, new policies have disempowered communities, causing a breakdown of traditional resource management system, phenomena which have all contributed to the degradation of watersheds and resources depletion (Tupper, 2002; Udgaonkar, 2002; Utkarsh et al., 1999) One key environmental problem facing Cross River state and indeed, Nigeria is deforestation. Which multinationals have posed on traditional protected areas in the forest zones as a result of increasing pressure from the demands of agricultural land and forest products? Illegal farming is a problem that forest has to constantly contend with. While illegal logging of trees and harvesting of non timber forest products (NTFPs) continues to be a major problem in forest reserves. Wildlife populations in all reserves are under constant threat from illegal hunting. Illegal collection of other forest products, like chewing sticks, poles, afang (Gnetum Africana), bitter kola, (Garcinia kola), bush mango (Irvingia gabonensis), hot leaves, cane, camwood (Ptheracarpus soyauxii), kola nut, (Kola nitida or Kola accuminata) snails (Archachatina spp) (Eneji et al., 2009a; Eneji et al., 2009b; Eneji et al., 2009c) is also a source of regular conflict for current forest management and local people. The sacred groves survival is threatened by the erosion of the traditional beliefs that have sustained the system. A number of sacred groves have been gradually shrunken by surrounding farms and many more have already been lost to development projects (Environmental Protection Council, 1976; Mkenda, 2010). The breakdown of beliefs can be attributed to western-type education and religion, immigration of people who may have no respect for local traditions, and the lack of modern legislation to reinforce Eneji et al. 041 traditional rules (Eneji et al., 2009a; Eneji et al., 2009b; Eneji et al., 2009c) Changes in land use policy have taken control of land and other natural resources management from the hands of local authorities. This control gave the ancestral right and authority of caring, protecting and managing forest resources, land, water and other such resources located within such lands to the state. Corrupt elements of society have abused the main tenet of this land use act of 1979. Furthermore, the creation of forest reserves and the Cross River National Park – to protect land for future generations - has also removed control from traditional authorities leaving less forests land for a growing population. This is also noticed on the pressure put on natural resources by the growing population in terms of the provision of housing the population, clothing and feeding them and providing an aesthetic environment for the populace. The importance of forests and wildlife to West Africans is well documented. Forest products and wild animals provide valuable sources of income, food, building materials, many household tools and some therapeutic medicine (Falconer, 1992; Wilson, 1998). The question that emerges is: Why do people continue to destroy forests and overexploit forest resources that are so vital to their own survival, yet remain antagonistic to a system that seeks to conserve those resources? These reasons have contributed immensely to the causes of fresh water pollution, seasonal shortage of water and seasonal floods in the rural communities of northern Cross River State. These reasons have also contributed to the prevalence of diseases and deaths in the area (Evidence from health centres of waterborne diseases i.e. diarrhea, cholera and typhoid (Eneji et al., 2009a). Most streams and smaller rivers like the Aya in Bekwarra and Obudu, Abeb in Obudu, Uduo and Ulu all in Bekwarra among others are being dam today by young men and women, where they pour Gamalin 20 or DDT into the water at the upper course of the stream or river, this chemicals kill the fish by suffocating them and bringing the dead fish to the surface of the water. This chemical so used is harmful to man, the aquatic lives and the water body itself. Local health and law enforcement officials explained health and legal implications of fishing with a poison to the villagers. But the attitude has refused to change. This singular system alone has striped most of the streams and river bodies bare of fishes and other aquatic lives. METHODOLOGY The method of data collection and fact used in this research is personal interview, literature review, group discussion, and site visitation. A total of 30 communities were purposefully selected and visited for the study. The choice of purposeful selection is because these communities have established religious and cultural practices already which some literature and the tourism initiative of the Cross River State Government have little documentary and fairy stories told about them already, hence the need for purposeful selection of the thirty communities under study. The communities are located within the following local government areas: Ikom, Etung, Boki, Bekwarra, Obudu, Obanliku, Yala, Akamkpa and Biase. Some traditional and cultural practices are similar, with the same name in some communities, so there was no need repeating the same story, so such traditions were recorded for only one community. The findings from the field were documented and their implication discussed with our interviewees in the various communities in Cross River State. CONCLUSION From the very on-set, the paper aims at looking at the roles African traditional religion and socio-cultural practices can play in the management of natural resources. Without much complication, traditional religion and cultural practices have contributed in the conservation of resources through the ascription of psychic powers to object, rock, stream, tree, forest land etc, these ascriptions of the supreme powers and the belief and respect for the gods of the land holds the string to reverence and respect for these objects. This belief in the existence of a supreme being responsible for the protection of the communities has also enabled the traditional African communities to voluntarily take management of natural resources very seriously. Though this was done without proper understanding of the role they were playing at that material time. To them, they needed a god to worship and for the god to protect them and foretell them things in the future, so they were able to consult their gods on matters affecting the communities. With all these respects and reverence ascribed to the gods and their abodes, exclusion from entrance into their abode was the key concept to conservation. But modern man has change all the perception and belief about the environment from the beginning f creation where he was given a fiat order to increase and multiply and subdue the earth. Man in modern times sees the environment as his rightful property where he decides how it should be used, whether the process of exploitation is sustainable or not. Like in most villages today, people use Gamalin 20 and DDT for fishing. In time past, traditional priests and elders in the villages invoked indigenous beliefs in spirits of water bodies to declare this method of fishing a taboo. The indigenous beliefs and taboo contributed immensely and effectively 042 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev. in the reduction in the incidence of fishing with chemical in the area under study, but today, this is never the case again as things that were held as totem and taboo are not seen as every other thing (Appiah-Opoku, 2005; World Conservation Union, 1994; Wilson E.O, 2002). It will be necessary to conclude that traditional African religion and other socio-cultural practices belief in nature, and holds nature as a partner in this struggle for existence. The traditional African man sees man and nature as inseparable and closely knit together, hence the religious and cultural practices belief on the tenet of nature earthsmanship as propounded by Carl Ritters. RECOMMENDATION There should be a revisitation of some of the traditional religious belief system and cultural practices that encourage the conservation of natural resources for sustainable development in Cross River State and Nigeria as a whole. Religious leaders (pastors, priest, imams, chief priest etc) should preach and encourage more on the sections of the bible that sees man existence as closely knit to the environment and the provision of other environmental services which man needs for his survival on earth. Communities should be engaged in the management of their community resources, this can be done through community based natural resource management approach. 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