Journal Research in Peace, Gender and Development (JRPGD) Vol. 4(4) pp. 55-62, July, 2014
DOI: http:/dx.doi.org/10.14303/jrpgd.2013.113
Available online http://www.interesjournals.org/ JRPGD
Copyright © 2014 International Research Journals
Review
Women and politics of marginalisation in Niger-Delta
area of Nigeria
Samuel Chukwudi Agunyai*, Temitayo Isaac Odeyemi and Kayode Wakili Olawoyin
Department of Political Science, ObafemiAwolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria
*Corresponding Author email: agunyais@oauife.edu.ng; samora20032008@yahoo.com
Tel: +2348060917811
Abstract
There is a common saying that behind every successful man is a woman. Indeed, within the soul of a
nation are women gladiators whose efforts contributed in no small measure to the shaping of the
political system. Niger-Delta remains a largely underdeveloped part of Nigeria, yet, it is the source of the
nation’s wealth. The hazards of oil exploration activities in the area hamper the traditional occupation of
the people in the region. While the womenfolk engage in farming, their male counterparts are largely
anglers. Women face onerous task of coping with the home front as well as providing food as farmers.
In spite of this, women suffer from marginalization in the political schemes. Most often, they are
excluded from the political activities. This paper investigates the extent of women’s marginalisation in
political activities in the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria. It notes the increasing trend of relegating women
in the area to the background in representing their people politically in spite of the decades of struggle
for gender equity and empowerment. Using qualitative interview and document analysis, the paper
discovers that a large portion of Niger-Delta women are farmers, traders, and uneducated majority of
who suffer from the cultural, religious and traditional restraints from politics. The paper concludes that
the need to educate and empower women to know their rights, which are potential sources of
economic, social, and political power, cannot be over emphasized.
Keywords: Women, politics, marginalisation, decision-making, Niger-Delta.
INTRODUCTION
Most research works on gender inequity in politics have
largely been focused on gross under- representation and
sometimes lack of representation of women in Nigerian
politics. Women marginalization in politics has thus
provoked studies aimed at reversing such marginalization
given the immense role that can be played in the
country’s political system by the female gender. Also,
several gender related works and explanations have
been enunciated and interpreted in a bid to correct
certain perceived marginalization of women in politics,
but much of these have mainly focused on the travails,
and protests of women against oil companies
operating in the region, with little academic attention
on marginalization of Niger-Delta women from
representing their people in politics (Federal, State and
Local politics), the basic issue to which, this paper seeks
to address itself, in an explanatory manner, examining
the extent to which women are marginalized in politics in
this region and providing some policy measures that can
help correct gender imbalance in politics in Niger-Delta
area.
Relevant issues in the paper are discussed under
several headings. Conceptual clarifications and
theoretical framework are discussed in the next section.
In the subsequent section historical perspective of
women efforts in politics in Niger-Delta area of Nigeria, as
well as marginalization of women in politics in Niger-Delta
area of Nigeria and finally appropriate policy measures
56 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
for women empowerment that can enhance gender
equity in politics are discussed and lastly conclusion
CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATIONS AND THEORETICAL
FRAMEWORK
The Concept of Politics
From the view of (Oshewolo, 2011) politics can be
understood as an act or practice that involves the skills,
insights and astuteness of a leader or other officials
involved in politics. The concept of politics is ubiquitous in
nature because it is of variant practices. Hence, we can
talk of ‘politics of marginalisation’, ‘exclusionary politics’,
among numerous others. Another concept of politics is
that which views it as the struggle for power. A radical
variant of this is offered by Marxists as derived from the
work of Karl Marx (Murkherjee and Ramaswamy, 2007).
This view holds that politics isa conflict between
antagonistic groups in the society. In essence, politics
connotes group struggle and the state is an oppressive
instrument in the hand of the ruling class. (Natufe, 2001)
points out that ‘politics is about power and influence. It is
a struggle of contending ideological viewpoints on the
allocation and distribution of resources. It determines who
gets what, when and why.’ The oppression of the
disadvantaged groups and the desire to consolidate
power will give birth to the twin concepts of ‘resistance
politics’ and ‘resistance to change’ (Natufe, 2001).
The oppressed and marginalized groups argue for
systemic changes that will eliminate the causes of their
oppression. They demand for equity and fairness in
politics. This condition is termed ‘resistance politics’. On
the other hand, ‘resistance to change’ is championed by
the men of the ruling class, which include representatives
of the military and civilians in politics (Natufe,
2001).Resistance to change, in the view of the scholar, is
a major obstacle to social progress. The above
juxtaposition captures the relationships between women
and men in Nigerian politics. The women are known as
apostles of resistance politics (for instance, women strive
to resist their marginalisation or non-representation in
politics) while the men are resistant to change.
The Concept
Representation
of
Political
Participation
and
It is important at this point, to distinguish between these
two concepts and illustrate how or when each of the
concept is in play in politics. (Agbalajobi, 2010) in her
view of both concepts, asserted that, “Political
participation here entails various variables of participation
but basically voting in elections, contesting elective
[public] offices. (Okolie, 2004) perceives participation as
“freedom of expression, association, right to free flow of
communication, right to influence decision process and
the right to social justice, health services, better working
condition and opportunity for franchise”. Political
participation is one of the key ingredients of democracy in
its real sense which is quite different from representation.
Representation basically entails elective/public offices
held in relation to other representation”. To alarge extent,
participation and representation have been observed as
the means through which women’s role in politics is
defined, this view is in line with the words of (Agbalajobi,
2010) where she contends that:
The increase of votes cast by women in elections from
10 to 40% of total votes cast in eight years signifies a
form of increase in participation. But when the number of
women holding public offices, when compared to men, is
relatively low there is under-representation. That is, there
may be an increase in participation of women and yet
under-representation of women in politics; or there could
be high- representation of women in politics and yet lowlevel of participation, depending on the standards used to
measure participation, however, the former is rather
common.
In showing the extent to which women are side-lined
from politics, (Agbalajobi, 2010) has this to say:
Men are the major determinants of political actions
and inactions generally concerned with the perpetuation
of power of the state…when women compete with men
for access to political power, they do so on the terms
already established by men for competition among
themselves. The success of women in politics like that of
any group cannot be achieved within a system without
displacing or replacing the existing elite. And a change in
values which cannot occur independently in the socioeconomic as well as political relations, without clear
involvement of women in the political process through
holding of various offices (positions) and make known
their own ambition through consciousness and effective
involvement in the political scene a condition which if
absent allows or facilitates the political elites dominated
by and govern women remain the same.
The above assertion shows that male predominated
political environment preconditions the environment that
their female counterparts compete with them in.
In Nigeria, close observations have shown that NigerDelta women more often than not, participate in voting,
rallies, joining political party of their choice, but they have
been relegated to the background when it comes to
representing the people (that is, the real play of politics).
Politics as a concept does not only include participation
but representation, women in this region have been faced
with series of marginalization and exclusionary policies
when they show interest in contesting in an election for
elective positions. It is either they are excluded from the
political race by their party or the men folk who employ all
forms of illicit means to gain control of Government, and
the women by nature cannot withstand the antics and
dirty politics game of their male counterparts, this in no
Agunyai et al. 57
small way give rise to marginalization of women in politics
in Nigeria (C.T. Uwa, personal interview, July 5, 2013).
Marginalization
In an attempt to reveal the extent to which
marginalization has affected women participation in
politics in Nigeria, scholars have different interpretations
for it, for instance, (Ojukwu, 2005), in his views sees
marginalization as a state of relative deprivation, a
deliberate disempowerment of a people by a group or
groups that, during a relevant time frame, wields political
power and control the allocation of material and other
resources at the center. In the same vein, (Obianyo,
2003) reveals that marginalization depicts neglect, noninvolvement or inequality in the distribution of the socioeconomic and political resources of the state or indices of
development. Borrowing a leaf from this premise,
(Akinbade, 2004) sees marginalization as a denial of
access to political power or social amenities to a group or
region while dispensing favour to the advantage of
others. He went further to say that this is predominant in
Nigeria
where
women
group
complains
of
marginalization. This ultimately reveals that the extent to
which women are sidelined and excluded from the
country’s political activities and that marginalization gives
rise to other contending issues such as oppression,
domination, accusations and allegations of neglect,
exploitation, victimization, discrimination, nepotism, and
bigotry among others. This domineering scheme by the
men folk that is manifested in gender imbalance in
politics at all the levels of governments made the women
to declare in the Summit of all Women Politicians in
Nigeria held in Abuja on 28 June 2002 that:
Women of Nigeria have noticed with utter dismay the
almost complete deterioration of our political and social
values, borne out of more than three decades of
continued male dominated and oriented misrule. The
obvious conclusion is that enough is enough; the time for
positive change has arrived. In mapping out the path to
national rebirth, the systematic entrenchment of practices
aimed at the continued marginalization of women in the
political process must stop.
Theoretically, the feminist theories on gender and the
state further the idea that the formulation of state
structures must incorporate women as participatory and
influential political agents of the state in order for the
state to successfully establish a strong, representative
and cohesive structure. However, (Amadiume, 1987a),
takes a historic look at women in Nigeria. Building on the
theories of patriarchy and matriarchy, she explains that
these systems are “social and political ideologies, which
directly decide the role and status of women”. According
to (Amadiume, 1987a) patriarchy is imperialistic; it seeks
to control and bring everyone under the domination of
male (exclusion of female); and celebrates conquest and
power. Matriarchy is based on a general principle of
humanism as it seeks social, economic and political
justice for all (Abdullah, 1993).
According to (Amadiume, 1987b) women held
substantial power in pre-colonial ‘Nigeria’ because of the
matriarchal
system
that
implemented
a
functional dualsex, (…) political system. Further support
of women’s political power in pre-colonial society can be
found in the works of (Mercier and GierViskovatoff, 2002)
where he contends that although African forms of
patriarchy existed where men formally controlled most of
the land tenure systems and political institutions, women
held considerable political, economic and social influence
and status throughout society. The difference, Gordon
argues, is capitalism imposed European forms of
patriarchy that sought to silence women from any
decision making within the community. Colonial
structures significantly altered the existent political
systems excluding women to the margins of society.
Historical
Perspective
of
Women
participation in Niger-Delta area of Nigeria
political
It is important to note that, few women had participated in
politics in Niger-Delta area and have left a commendable
mark in politics after independence. Thus, in the first
republic, precisely in 1961, the Late Chief (Mrs.) Margaret
Ekpo contested elections into Aba Urban North
constituency under the National Council of Nigerian
Citizens (NCNC) platform and won, thus, becoming a
member of the Eastern Nigeria House of Assembly until
1966. Mrs. Janet N. Mokelu and Miss. Ekpo A. Young
also contested elections, won and became members of
the Eastern House of Assembly. In the second republic
just few women played active role in politics in NigerDelta region, Mrs. V.U. Nnaji, of the NPP who
represented Isu Constituency in Imo State and Mrs.
Cecilia Ekpenyong of Cross River State, who served as
the Deputy Governor of the state (Irabor, 2011).
Also, in the third republic, the senatorial election held
in 1992, Chief (Mrs.) Florence Ita-Giwa won the
senatorial election in the Calabar Constituency, Cross
River State under the banner of the National Republican
Convention (NRC) whileMrs. Emily Aiklmhokuede from
Edo State was appointed as members of the Transitional
Council appointed by President Babangida in January
1993.General Abacha had a number of female Ministers
at various times in his cabinet, including Ambassador
Judith Attah from Cross-River State.
In the fourth republic (1999 to 2007) women have
successfully played major roles within the family,
community, public office and the society at large, and
they achieved a remarkable success in the public offices
they occupied. This view was corroborated by (Irabor,
2011) when he contends that: Women like Mrs. Abigail
Ukpabi who championed the constituent assembly in the
58 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
outlawing of discriminating provisions to include
protection from sex discrimination, the likes of Prof. (Mrs).
OkonjoIweala, Prof. Dora Akunyili, former (NAFDAC)
boss, Dr. NgoziEzekwesli (madam due process) have
demonstrated the ability of women as catalyst for total
change from the unacceptable. These women earlier
mentioned are embodiment of probity, in own body polity.
They worked as a team to remove Nigeria from her
pariah status. Their God endowed wisdom has directed
the course of economy, legislation and good governance
of this country.
Niger-Delta region comprises of nine states namely
Abia, AkwaIbom,Bayelsa, Cross-River, Delta, Edo, Imo,
Ondo and River State. It is important to note that women
from this region had a slight rise in participation in politics
in the fourth republic compared to the past republics, for
instance, in the National Assembly, there are only few
women from the Niger-Delta region in the Senate,
namely: Chief
(Mrs)
Florence
ItaGiwa
(ANPP)
representing Cross River State, South Senatorial District;
Mrs Stella Omu (PDP) from Delta State and Senator
Daisy Danjuma from Edo State. While in the Federal
House of representative, there are only three Niger-Delta
women namely: Mercy Almonalsei (PDP); represented
Ndokwa/Ukwani
Federal
Constituency of
Delta
State;Temi Harriman (ANPP) represented Warri Federal
Constituency of Delta State and Barrister IquoMinimah,
who representedikono/ini (PDP) Federal Constituency of
AkwaIbom State. In the same vein, at the State Houses
of Assembly from the Niger-Delta region, very few
women emerged as members. While in some of the
states in Niger-Delta area, one or two women emerged in
the Houses, some states in the region do not have
females in their legislatures such states like Cross River,
AkwaIbom State, and Rivers, do not have female
members in their State Legislatures, (Wikipedia, 4th July,
2013).
From the foregoing, it is evident that only very few
Niger-Delta women have participated and emerged in
Nigeria's political landscape, in spite of the pioneering
efforts of
Margaret Ekpo since the 1950s. Today, the number of
Niger-Delta women in top jobs is still very poor and highly
insignificant.
The Extent of Women Marginalization in Political
participation in Niger-Delta area of Nigeria
The 1999 constitution guaranteed the rights of women to
participate in active politics. Consequently, there has
been a remarkable increase in women participation in
politics in Nigeria although with a pronounced level of
under representation in comparison to the men. The
1999 Nigerian constitution by the virtue of Section 42(1)
of the same constitution states that:
A citizen of Nigeria of a particular community, ethnic
group, place of origin, sex,religion or political opinion
shall not, by reason only that he is such a person be
subjected to any form of discrimination. This further
confirms that you can go to seek redress if as a woman
your franchise is violated and that the constitution as a
whole prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex.
Looking at this statement, the constitution has been
very fair and just, towards women participation in politics,
but in practice, men who had dominated the country’s
political process have deceitfully deviated from complying
with the constitution and to worsen the situation, most
Nigerian political parties lack internal democracy.
Observations of parties in Nigeria have shown that
impositions of candidates rather than democratic means
of selection in primary elections are common practice
among political parties in Nigeria, it is no more a new
story that the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the
People Democratic Party (PDP) often impose candidates
on other aspirants during primary election within the party
and this to a larger extent, further aggravates the
tendencies of exclusion of women in the political process.
Governments in Nigeria have declared in Article 13 of
the Convention on the elimination of all forms of
discrimination against women and that the states in the
country shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate
discrimination against women in other areas of economic,
political and social life in order to ensure, on a basis of
equality of men and women, the same right; this still
remains as lip service, especially in Niger-Delta area. In
his view, (Ololade, 2009) captured the situation of women
in the Niger Delta as thus: Niger Delta women perform
certain economic responsibilities within the family as
wives, mothers, farmers and breadwinners. They are the
principal care giver of the children and the aged. Even
though they are food producers, harvesters and cook,
they are also expected to function as wage earners. This
is because the intra housing income distribution pattern
and the rise of matriarchal household in the country,
coupled with poverty, force them to take active financial
role in their families. Since most of them are uneducated
and therefore unemployed outside the home, their major
source of livelihood is subsistence farming as they
comprise 60 to 80% of the agricultural labour force and
account for 90% of family food supply.
From the foregoing, it can be reasonably deduced that
majority of women in Niger-Delta area are house wives
who are capable of fending for their family, and as a
result of this, may not be able to cope with the challenges
of politics in the region. However, the extent to which,
women are marginalized in Niger-Delta area are
explained thus:
Parties’ Internal ploy against women folks
The use of zoning, Godfather backing, impositions and
huge financial cost of securing nomination form, as well
Agunyai et al. 59
Table 1.
S/N
Elected Women in Niger-Delta area of Nigeria in 2011 General Election
Niger-Delta
No of Seats Available
Total No of
Seats
Total No of
Elected & %
Total of
Women
State
Senate
seats
Elected
Women
House of
Rep. Seats
Elected
Women
Both
Houses
Both Houses
1.
Abia
3
1
9
2
12
3(25%)
2.
Akwa-Ibom
3
1
10
0
13
1(7.6%)
3.
Bayelsa
3
0
5
1
8
1(12.5%)
4.
Cross-river
3
0
8
2
11
2(18.18%)
5.
Delta
3
0
10
1
13
1(7.69%)
6.
Edo
3
0
9
0
12
0(0)
7.
Imo
3
1
10
0
13
1(7.69%)
8.
Ondo
3
0
9
0
12
0(0)
9.
Rivers
3
0
13
2
16
2(12.5%)
TOTAL
27
3
83
8
110
11(10%)
Adapted from the National Assembly Website, August 7, 2013.
as the crude use of thugs and bribery of party’s members
for support during primary election, undermines
involvement of women in politics, because they are less
likely to have the financial resources and access to male
networks to either combat these practices or to “play the
game”, and women by nature are too weak and fearful to
withstand the tricks men play, all in an attempt to win
their party’ s flag bearer, for instance, much of the
parties do not have women as their executives (Ako-Nai,
2005).
Cultural Restraints
In some of the Igbo states in Niger-Delta area (Abia, Imo
and some parts of Delta and River state) women were
confronted with a retrogressive cultural campaign that
claimed women could not be leaders because they were
not allowed to “break kola nuts” – a revered rite in Igbo
society. OnyekaOnwenu and LoretaAniagolu (Abia State)
were both affected by this obnoxious cultural practice in
their Local Government area. In a similar vein, the former
Deputy Governor ofAnambra State, (Irabor, 2011)
attributed the rising number of politically involved women
to a form of political reawakening and awareness.
However, she contended that women are still affected by
factors from cultural/traditional perspectives which viewed
women often as inferior to men, as second class citizens,
weak and incapable of real strength, (Irabor, 2011).
Volatile and Sporadic nature of Niger-Delta area
Niger-Delta area of Nigeria known for its violent militancy;
kidnapping and other social vices tend to give women
sleepless nights and make them fearful (Akubor, 2011).
Women in this region are either displaced or under the
threat of gun shots and fear of being kidnapped, all these
put together, affects their participation in politics as they
lack the political will to compete for political positions in a
region characterized by frequent killings, abduction for
ransom, displacement and massive discrimination
against women(Fubara, 2002). This view was
corroborated with that of a women leader who was
interviewed in the course of this paper in Warri, where
she contends that “we women are afraid of being
kidnapped for ransom because we don’t have it, and also
we cannot withstand the terrors of gun shots and criminal
activities of men in game of politics” (M.H. Osadolo,
personal interview, July 5, 2013).
Indegeneity Restrains
The concept of Indegeneity was enshrined in Nigerian
public law as an equity principle to guarantee fair regional
distribution of power in the 1979 constitution. But studies
(Thomas, 2003) have shown that women who are
married to men of other indigene are excluded from
playing politics in their constituency, and they are also
marginalized from politics participation in their husband’s
domain. In their own constituencies, they are told that by
marrying “out”, they have lost theirindegeneity. In their
husband's constituency, they are told they do not really
belong
becauseindegeneity
is
based
on
the
consanguinity (blood relation) principle. For instance,
Onyeka Owenu from Abia State lost her chance of
60 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
becoming the chairman of Local Government because
she was married to a Yoruba man (Thomas, 2003).
Non-implementation of Affirmative Action
The meeting of United Nation General Assembly in 1979
holds the view that Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) be
adopted, since then this convention has always been
referred or resorted to, by the women folk when they feel
cheated or seek for gender equity in political life. It is
expected that every member state (Nigeria inclusive)
adopt and implement this agreed action or policy to
resolve the issue of women marginalization in all sphere
of life. This action is therefore perceived by women as a
tool that guarantees and protects them from harsh
discriminative schemes or ploys of the men folk. Over the
years this,has remained as good idea and tentative
statement
or
recommendation
begging
for
implementation in Nigeria. Governments dominated by
the men folk at various levels in Niger-Delta region only
pay lip service to this policy, as they are neither keen nor
interested in enforcing the action on issues that bothers
on fairness and equity in politics, (Irabor, 2011).
A close study of positions in Nigeria, both upper and
lower houses (elective positions) shows gross gender
inequity to the disadvantage of women (Table I). Male
complete dominance characterised Nigeria’s forth
republic.
The table above shows that women participation in
politics in Niger-Delta area is still very insignificant. In
Edo and Ondo states women have no representatives in
both Houses, while in the remaining six states, women
representativesin both houses is low compared to their
male counterparts who occupy Ninety-nine (99) seats out
of one hundred and ten (110), leaving just
eleven (11) seats for the women in both houses. This
is not good for the country’s democracy; it is a sign of
complete disobedience of the United Nations Convention
on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against
Women (CEDAW) that recommended 30% of the seats
for women, (Women’s Institute for Leadership and
Human Rights, 1999). It is only Abia State that seems to
be closer to the UN recommendation with 25% of Women
elected in both houses, while all other states in the region
still have low entrance of women in politics. However, the
overall representation of women in Niger-Delta area is
still very low as 10% of the seats for elective positions
(Senate and Federal Representatives) in 2011 general
election were reserved for the women, this account for a
short fall of 20% from the recommended 30% of the
United Nation. It is therefore expected that Governors
from this region show more interest in reserving more
seats to the women in subsequent election; because it is
only through this means that democracy can be
consolidated in this region, because women constituted
almost half of the population (15,456,542) of the region
(National Population Commission, 2006) it will be unfair,
an act of selfishness and total disregard of the UN’s
recommendation to exclude them from politics and
decision making process of a region where they share
similar population strength with the men folk (15,860,359)
(NPC, 2006).
The composition of state cabinets and Houses of
Assemblies further betrays gender inequity in Niger-Delta
as the nine governors are men while women hold no
position of deputy governors. The State Assemblies are
overwhelmingly dominated by men. In addition only few
women are serving as state commissioners. This
necessitated the call by women and women groups for
increased representation of women in cabinet as shown
in Table 1 above.
Policy Measures for Women Empowerment in Politics
in Niger-Delta area of Nigeria
Studies such as that of (Luka, 2011) and (Fapohunda,
2012), suggested that women need to be empowered
and be aware of their rights to participate in politics in
Niger-Delta region. This is because a woman, who does
not know how to read and write cannot represent the
people and as such women need to be educated,
equipped with political skills. Also, there should be the
inclusion of gender sensitive provisions in parties’
constitution and manifestoes as this will serve the
purpose of streamlining gender into its activities. It is in
this light, that (Agbalajobi, 2010) said that:
Women empowerment is a multi-dimensional process
involving the transformation of the economic, political,
social, psychological and legal circumstances of the
powerless with its aim of dismantling the cultural,
traditional and social norms, which disvalue, disempower
and dispossess women with its central objectives tied to
the needs of women to opportunities, facilities, skill
acquisition and position of authority, especially within the
political sphere.
This statement shows that women are empowered
when they are transformed from their powerless situation
of cultural, religious and social restraints to skills
acquisition and position of authority. Women can be
empowered to participate more in politics in Niger-Delta
region when the following policy suggestions are duly
implemented.
Giving priority to Girl or Women Education
Women who have appetite for politics need to be
educated (politically and socially) and be exposed to their
rights to participate in politics. The only means through
which they can compete in an election with their male
counterparts is when they are well informed and possess
Agunyai et al. 61
the necessary skills for the political positions they seek.
They should be enlightened on their rights and political
process of Niger Delta area. This will certainly require the
government setting up Civic Education Programs
especially for girls and women in this crisis-prone region
in order to build up awareness for the equal rights, and
responsibilities of women. Niger-Delta women are largely
farmers, traders and highly uneducated, such that they
have lost focus on their fundamental human rights to be
involved in politics, therefore education is a potential
source that can empower women’s economic, social and
political power in the region.
Effective use of the office of the First lady
Given the context of women marginalization in politics in
Niger-Delta region, First Ladies of the states within this
region, should encourage the promotion of women into
positions of power, and providing access to political skills
and resources that will enable the pool of women
politicians to become more competitive in the cut-andthrust of campaigning through establishment of women
organizations such as Women Trafficking and Child
Labour Eradication Foundation (WOTCLEF) and
Women's Rights Advancement and Protection Alternative
(WRAPA) established by the wives of Gen
AbudulsalamAbubarkar. These beautiful ideas should be
emulated by the wives of the state Governors in NigerDelta area. They should use their office to promote or
launch women forum or organizations such as Centre for
Democracy and Development (CDD), Gender and
Development Action (GADA), Community Partners for
Development (CPD), which will serve as a platform
through which women can represent the people.
The Activities of Mass Media
The women can be empowered by what they hear, see
and discuss with the pressmen, also, the media should
intensify efforts on discussions of issues of women
discrimination in politics in this region. They should help
to bring to the notice of the public; the need to implement
the UN recommendation of 30% of elective and
appointive seats to be reserved for women should be
aired, published and massively circulated to all nooks and
cranny of the Niger-Delta region. Also television and
Continuous radio programs that will create awareness of
women’s rights in political participation, at the grassroots
level for rural women should be intensified.
The Influence of United Nations Convention and
Declaration
A slight rise in women political participation in recent
times was largely due to continuous campaigns,
declarations and conventions of the UN (United
Nations).Women all over the world have had meetings
and conferences in places like Copenhagen, Nairobi,
Vienna, Cairo and Beijing, where they are exposed to
knowing their rights in public life and discuss the way out
of discrimination meted against them in public life, and
since then, the fight against women exclusion in politics
has been a recurrent thing, and this has helped to
reawaken the interests and spirit of the women in politics
all over the world. The point being made here, is that,
Governments at all levels in Nigeria especially in NigerDelta area should pay
attention to the UN
recommendation of 30% seats for women, this will help
consolidate democracy in Niger-Delta and Nigeria as a
whole.
Quota System
From Table 1 above, Edo and Ondo States do not have
women representative in both Houses (Senate and
Representatives).This cannot happen if the (quota)
system is in practice in those states. Women in NigerDelta area can be empowered to be actively involved in
politics with the quota system. The system is generally
seen as a positive action of laws allocating quotas for
women to assist in the promotion of gender balance in
politics or public life. It is generally agreed that this
system will help to reduce the low-level of women
participation in politics, a veritable solution to harsh
discrimination against women folk.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
Nigerian state, before and after colonialism was devoid of
gender equity in politics. The degree of women
marginalization in public life, however, varied from one
state to another. The discriminatory gender practices
have had considerable impact on gender imbalance in
the political sphere tilting the pendulum in outrageous
disfavour to women. Against this background, the paper
examines women and politics of marginalization in NigerDelta area of Nigeria with a view to suggesting policy
measures that can enhance gender equity in politics in
the region. It is the contentions of this paper that women
empowerment via education, the quota system, office of
the first lady and affirmative action can be helpful in this
direction. Nevertheless, the paper observed some
caveats and proffered solutions to them. Finally, the
paper holds the view that effective and quick move
towards gender equity in politics in the Niger-Delta area
is a multi-pronged approach requiring a combination of
factors. To this end, emphasis should be laid on, inter
alia, creating in people’s mind a favourable attitude to
female leadership and discouraging practices that are
62 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
gender bias against women, particularly those that are
antithetical to women participation in public affairs and
political process. The paper brings to notice, that
reducing the gender gap in politics in this region requires
concerted and sustained effort. Considerable success
within shortest possible time may be impossible and very
slow
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