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THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF TUNA EXPLOITATION IN THE WESTERN INDIAN
OCEAN - GEOPOLITICS AND RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
Dr. Colin T. Barnes, Marine Resources Assessment Group/Cambridge Resource Economics
cambridge_resource_economics@yahoo.co.uk
and
Neil Ansell, Indian Ocean Commission, Mauritius
Neil.ansell@coi-scs.org
ABSTRACT
This paper is based on work that the authors have carried out on EU financed projects in the South Western Indian
Ocean (SWIO) in collaboration with the Indian Ocean Tuna Commission and the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC)1
on a range of fisheries management issue including, stock assessment, tagging and monitoring, control and
surveillance (MCS).
The Indian Ocean Tuna Commission (IOTC) is a non-governmental organization established under Article XIV of
the FAO constitution. Its mandate is to manage tuna stocks and other main tuna-like species of the Indian Ocean
and adjacent waters. It brings together the coastal states of the Indian Ocean and some of the states that fish tuna
and tuna-like species in the WIO. The twenty three member states of the CTOI submit catch data to the CTOI. The
CTOI is the only organisation that actively collects such information. This information is then disaggregated and
through specific Working Parties analysed to form the basis of management decisions and resolutions and
recommendations to its contracting parties.
Large pelagic resources (tuna and tuna like fish) constitute the single largest marine resource at the disposal of the
small island states of the IOC (with the exception of Madagascar). Long-term sustainable management of tuna and
associated resources is without doubt of critical importance both to the coastal states of the Western Indian Ocean
(WIO) and to the dependent markets of the European Union and Asia. Tuna contributes significantly to foreign
exchange generation through receipts from fishing agreements, exports of tuna and tuna products as well as by the
expenditure of foreign fishing fleets in the ports of the region and access/licence fees. The paper considers some of
major issues - is the rent extraction from tuna fisheries optimal from the point of view of the WIO states and what
are the key issues for the future of tuna fisheries?
What are the threats to the regions tuna fisheries? - illegal, unregulated and unreported (IUU) fishing, over
exploitation and what are the options for the WIO states in the future for the better management of the tuna
resources. Fish has become a major world commodity with increased trade, globalisation and increasing demand.
Within marine fisheries, tuna is one of the high value commodities in terms of aggregate value and for certain
species as a product for high income consumers who buy sushi and other tuna based products. The paper also looks
at the geopolitics of the tuna fisheries in terms of resource competition between countries.
Keywords: commodity, EEZ, EU, FAO, geopolitics, globalisation, Indian Ocean, Indian Ocean Commission, Indian
Ocean Tuna Commission, illegal, unregulated and unreported, political economy, precautionary approach, tagging,
tuna, tuna like species, WTO
Introduction
As with other commodities such as agricultural primary commodities, the world demand for fish and marine
products has increased enormously over the last 20 years. According to the FAO (ref), some 30-40% of fish and
other marine species (crustacean, cephalopods etc) are now traded internationally, tuna is no exception to this trend.
Certain species, including tuna and tuna like species, cephalopods, hake, Patagonian toothfish and tilapia have been
increasingly important components of world trade in quantity and value. In broader terms the development of
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international tuna fisheries, including those of the Western Indian Ocean are a manifestation of globalisation2 –
commoditisation, increased trade, the movement of capital and international investment in the tuna sector. These
aspects of globalisation are putting increasing pressure on tuna and tuna like species.
The increasing pressure on marine and inland capture fisheries and the demand for fish has led to a rapid expansion
in mariculture and aquaculture, with new species, including tuna (in the Mediterranean) being farmed in part or in
whole. These trends are likely to continue for the foreseeable future, although the demand for fish by higher and
middle income countries and the expansion of distant water fishing (DWF) fleets is raising questions of food
security and economic and social development in those developing countries whose EEZs are targeted by DWF
fleets because of the wealth of their marine resources3. While the fisheries of some developing countries are
significant because of the presence of large marine ecosystems (LMEs) and associated upwellings, the territorial
waters and EEZs of other development countries, notably in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, are important as they lie
in the passage of high value migratory species, notably tuna and tuna like species. This paper considers some of the
issues – biological, economic, social and political of the tuna fisheries of the Western Indian Ocean.
In terms of any theoretical approaches to the bio economics of the fisheries there are complications. In the first
place data on migratory stocks such as tuna is difficult to obtain and because of their migratory nature, a regional
approach to stock assessment is necessary. In the case of the Western Indian Ocean it is important that any stock
assessments are made at the level of the Indian Ocean including looking at linkages with the Pacific Ocean –
including inter oceanic migration. A regional approach to fisheries management is promoted by various UN and
FAO laws and conventions as well as by the regional fisheries management organisations (RFMOs), notably the
Indian Ocean Tuna Commission. More recently a Western Indian Ocean Tuna Organisation, partly to better
represent the interests of the island states of the Indian Ocean Commission (Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius,
Réunion and the Seychelles) has been created. This organisation is still in its growth phase.
An important initiative which is being financed by the EU is the €14.5 million tuna tagging programme4 currently
under way is an important initiative which should produce critical data on fishing pressure, migratory patterns,
growth and other interactions between the differt fisheries for tuna in the Western Indian Ocean. Given the current
lack of knowledge of tuna stocks and movements, it is clear that a precautionary approach5 should be adopted. .The
distant water fishing fleets have more complete data on catch and effort and other economic and biological
parameters than the countries. There is a increased need for improved data collection and exchange both at the
national and at the regional level if stocks are to be sustainably managed. In other words in public economics, there
is an asymmetry in data availability and access between the key stakeholders in the fishery i.e. nation states and
fishing vessel owners/associations.
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Figure 2: The Western Indian Ocean countries
Source: UNEP (1999). Western Indian Ocean. Environment Outlook
The Economic Importance of Fisheries in the South Western Indian Ocean
Approximately one million tonnes of oceanic tunas6, with a processed value of €2 billion, are harvested each year
from the WIO. Tropical tuna landings in the WIO are close to triple those of the Eastern Indian Ocean (EIO);
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reflecting the high levels of productivity associated with nutrient rich upwellings adjacent to the Arabian and Somali
coastlines.
Indian Ocean large pelagic tuna and tuna-like fisheries (including billfish, marlin and swordfish are unique for two
main reasons:
•
•
catches taken by the artisanal sector are similar in volume to those of the industrial sector; and,
catches taken by the industrial sector are fairly evenly split between longline and purse seine fleets.
In contrast, tuna fisheries in both the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans are dominated by the industrial sector. Indian
Ocean tuna fisheries are estimated to be the most valuable in the world. This status reflects two important
characteristics:
•
•
the comparatively high value attributed to artisanal catches; and
that half of the industrial fleet’s catches are taken by longliners, for which catch values are five to ten times
greater than for equivalent purse seine catches.
The tuna fisheries of the WIO comprise artisanal, semi-industrial and industrial fleets. The last 50 years have seen a
significant rise in catches from the artisanal sector, to a large extent reflecting the growth of new semi-industrial
fleets.
Distant water fishing nation (DWFNs) began longlining for tuna in the WIO in the early 1950’s. This was initiated
by the Japanese; soon followed by the Taiwanese (1954) and the Koreans (1960). Since then, Asiatic longline
presence in the Indian Ocean has increased significantly. Sri Lanka and Indonesia are also active players in the
fishery with rapidly developing fleets active in almost all areas of the tropical Indian Ocean.
The most significant increase in targeted fishing activity for tuna and tuna like species dates back to the mideighties, reflecting the increase in industrial fishing fleet interest, particularly on the part of the EU purse seine fleet.
Large scale industrial purse seine fishing for tuna began in 1983 when the French and Spanish fleets moved into the
Western Indian Ocean from the tropical Atlantic. By 1986 some 6% of the world tuna catch (143,099t out of
2,400,000t) was taken by WIO purse seine fleets; by 1997 this had risen to 14% and currently stands at some 17%.
The majority of the active purse seine fleet is Spanish, Italian and French, fishing under access rights linked to
European Community agreements, private and bilateral agreements and in high seas areas. Other purse seine fleets
active in the WIO are registered in Belize (constituting 10 purse seiners owned by interests in the former USSR),
Panama, Saint Vincent and Grenadine, Dutch Antilles and the Seychelles. In the past the fleet has also included
vessels from Liberia, United Kingdom, Mauritius, the Ivory Coast, India and Japan.
Numbers of active Japanese and Korean vessels have declined in recent years reflecting national policies towards
fleet development. Purse seine fleets on the whole have remained fairly stable, with moderate increases in 1997.
However, a new phase of investment in this fishery appears to be taking place involving countries without a
previous history in the fishery in the region. At the same time IOC states are encouraging the development of their
own national fleets.
The economic and social importance of tuna and similar species is composed of direct and indirect expenditure and
the associated multiplier impacts upstream and downstream in the supply chain. In addition there are the impacts on
government budgetary revenues of income from fisheries agreements (multilateral, bilateral and private), taxation
and other licences revenues.
The European market for fish and associated products is the largest in the world, and the gap between demand and
domestic supply has increased significantly in recent years. Over the period 1983-1990, annual fish consumption
per capita in Europe rose from 15 to 22 kg, in parallel with diminishing marine resources in European waters. This
situation has strengthened Europe’s reliance on distant water fleet (DWF) catches.
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DWF imports are a major source of supply feeding the European market, and imports to Europe from lesser
developed countries (LDC’s) have increased by 900% over the period 1976-1996. Catches from LDCs are integral
to meeting this demand, and at present contribute at least 20% of all EU fish production.
Underpinning EU DWF activity are Fishing Access Agreements. Access agreements with LDC’s for the period
1993-1997 have generated annual revenues, for the EU, averaging €231.9 million (direct value added) and €535.8
million (indirect value added). Additionally, considerable benefits have been generated through downstream
activities, most notably value added and employment (14,182 direct jobs and 20,100 indirect jobs).
The EU budget for Fishing Agreements, and de facto the activity of its DWFs, has increased substantially in recent
years from €5 million in 1981 to €276 million in 2000. European Union Fishing Agreements for tuna and tuna like
species have been negotiated with four IOC member states (Mauritius, Seychelles, Madagascar and Comoros) as
well as neighbouring East African states of Mozambique and Tanzania.
Figure 2: Evolution of tuna catches in the Indian Ocean, 1950 - 2000
Source: FAO/IOTC (2003)
The economic and social impacts of tuna fisheries are summarised in Table 1.
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Table 1: The Economic and Social Impacts of Tuna Fisheries
CATEGORY
Fishing agreements
• Multilateral
• Bilateral
• Private
Licence fees
Fines and Penalties
Expenditure by fishing vessels
at transhipment reefer vessels in
port
Tuna and tuna processing
Ship building and ship repair
Net making and net repair
Specialist vessel repairs
IMPACTS
Contribution to government
budgets; expenditure on
monitoring, control and
surveillance (MCS), training
and technical assistance (EU
fishing agreements).
Contribution to the government
budget
Contribution to the government
budget; dissuasion for IUU
fishing if at a sufficiently high
level.
Contribution to port and harbour
dues and government taxes;
expenditure of fuel, water and
other victuals; expenditure on
ship repairs and maintenance;
crew expenditure on other goods
and services. Payments to
shipping agencies and chandlers
Employment generation in
canning; fresh, frozen and
smoked products including
canned tuna, loins, smoked tuna
marlin etc. Processing of tuna
by products including fish meal
and fish oil. Multiplier impacts
on other parts of the economy
e.g. energy and water supplies,
canning tins, labelling; direct,
indirect and induced
employment impacts.
Major and minor repairs to
purse seine and tuna long liners.
Dry docking facilities exist in
Mauritius and Antsiranana in
Northern Madagascar. Smaller
repair facilities in Victoria with
proposals for the installation of
a floating dry dock.
Some large purse seine net
manufacturers such as Casamar
have operations in Seychelles.
Electronics and navigational
equipment.
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Table 1: The Economic and Social Impacts of Tuna Fisheries
CATEGORY
Salt production for tuna vessels
Employment
IMPACTS
Significant in Madegascar
Direct, indirect and induced
employment generated by tuna
fisheries, tuna processing, port
activities are particularly
significant in the Seychelles and
increasingly in Mauritius with
the development of the seafood
hub. Tuna related employment
is localised in the Antsiranana
sub – region in Northern
Madagascar which is a port of
call for EU purse seine vessels
and occasionally reefers. In
addition there is other
employment for fisheries
officers, veterinary inspectors
and VMS/MCS staff.
Kasprzyk et al (1996) attempted to measure the economic impacts of the tuna sector on the IOC member states. His
estimates of the economic impact of tuna fisheries are summarised in Table 1. As part of our work on evaluation
the economic value of tuna fisheries against the costs of introducing comprehensive MCS, we are in the process of
updating the economic impact of tuna fisheries in the IOC states. It is clear that since Kasprzyk’s study in 1996,
there have been considerable changes in the tuna sector. These include:
•
•
•
The development of Victoria in the Seychelles as a base for tuna landings, transhipment and processing,
primarily from EU purse seiners.
The expansion of Port Louis in Mauritius as a base of Asian longliner fleets, transhipment, storage and
processing, backed heavily by the Mauritian government which is seeking to develop a regional seafood
hub.
The relative decline of Madagascar as a country with tuna based activities.
Our analysis attempts to widen the economic impacts of tuna based activities by including all directly and indirectly
activities related to tuna, including tuna processing, input supplies, ship repairs, port activities, storage. Kasprzyk et
al’s analysis underestimates direct and indirect employment creation and value added. For example with
employment creation, port workers, processing workers and other unskilled and semi skilled staff are excluded from
their estimates of employment. Initial analysis shows that while in order of magnitude, Mauritius, Seychelles and
Madagascar are dependent of tuna based activities, the relative absolute importance of tuna and tuna related
activities in Mauritius has increased.
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Table 1: Summary of the Economic Impacts of the tuna sector on IOC Member States in 1994
Comores
Foreign
exchange
receipts
(USD mn)
Net foreign
exchange
benefits
(USD mn)
Gross value
added (USD
mn)
Employment
Local cadres
Expatriates
Madagascar
Mauritius
Réunion
Seychelles
Total
0
39.87
46.80
0
41.83
128.51
0
10.14
19.39
0
14.86
44.39
0
9.88
14.85
3.04
8.14
35.91
0
0
144
9
87
38
31
1
44
9
306
57
Source: Kasprzyk et al (1996)
Based on recent estimates, in the case of the Seychelles, tuna fisheries and associated activities account for over
12% of GDP and therefore the sector is on a par with the tourism sector as one of the vital components of the
economy and main contributors to foreign exchange earnings. Tuna fisheries and associated activities probably
account for between 1% and 2% of GDP in Mauritius and around 0.5% of GDP in Madagascar. Currently the
contribution of fisheries to the other member states of the IOC – Réunion (France) and Comoros are marginal.
There are some semi – industrial long liners from Réunion targeting tuna in the French and Madagascan EEZs. In
the Comoros islands, the local fleets are predominantly artisanal and therefore have low tuna catches, while
Comoros has a fishing agreement with the EU thus offering access to EU fishing vessels in its waters – but with no
local landings and value added7.
Rent extraction from the Tuna Fisheries of the Western Indian Ocean
Rent extraction from natural resources by the island states has been compromised with the increased presence in the
Western Indian Ocean of distant water fishing fleets from Europe and Asia. In most of the island and coastal states
of the Western Indian Ocean there is very little exploitation of tuna fisheries by domestic fishing fleets - capital,
gear, equipment and technology are limiting factors. Most fishers in these states are inshore fishers with limited
access to capital and finance and there has been very limited development of local industrial and semi – industrial
fishing fleets.
However these are small beginnings and one issue will be to how to introduce local stakeholders into tuna fisheries –
development of local semi – industrial fleets, signing up of joint ventures or other models. The issues of those of
access to capital, ability to take risk and eventually possible resource competition between local fleets and the
existing DWF vessels.
It is evident that given the value of tuna catches in the region, resource capture is disproportionately taken by the
distant water fishing fleets and the processors in countries such as Spain, France, Japan, Korea and Taiwan. The
value added derived from tuna fisheries by the island and regional coastal states is limited to the income received
through the port operations of DWF fleets (fuel, supplies, taxes, landing fees and port dues, some local crew and
observers) and some processing activities – tuna loin production in Mombasa, Kenya and Victoria, Seychelles, tuna
canning in Mauritius and the Seychelles.
While the Seychelles value added activities centre on tuna processing at Victoria, there are plans by some companies
to produce other tuna products, including specialist products in cans and sachets. In Mauritius considerable effort is
going into investment in tuna canning, tuna loins and other higher value products as well as storage and handling
facilities to serve the Asian longliner fleet.
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Threats and Challenges for the Tuna Fisheries of the Western Indian Ocean
There are a number of threats and challenges to the tuna fisheries of the WIO. Given the lack of knowledge about
the state of tuna stocks and the dynamics of exploitation in relation to maximum sustainable yield, there remains the
danger of over exploitation.. One of the major threats to the tuna fisheries of the Western Indian Ocean is illegal,
unregulated and unrecorded (IUU) fishing.
Increasing pressure on stocks in other fishing zones e.g. the Pacific Ocean may raise the pressure on tuna fishing in
the Indian Ocean in general and the Western Indian Ocean in particular. Without a greater knowledge of tuna stocks
and dynamics, the adoption of specific quotas as a part of applying the precautionary principle may be soon be
necessary. There is already evidence from fishers and canning factories of a decline in fish size. External threats to
the tuna fisheries of the WIO include the lower cost tuna processing facilities for canned tuna in Thailand8 which is
a low cost producer, in spite of the preferential tariff treatment which ACP countries have until recently enjoyed in
European Union markets.
The Geopolitics of Tuna Fisheries in the Western Indian Ocean
The geopolitics of tuna fisheries operate at different levels and between different stakeholders. At the level of the
nation states of the WIO there is some competition to maintain a base of DWF fleets which bring in foreign
exchange for the economies. One such competition at the moment is essentially between Victoria in the Seychelles
and Port Louis in Mauritius. However licensed fishing vessels fishing in the EEZs of IOC member states will also
sell their catches in those ports which offer higher prices for tuna landings and have lower port costs. Secondly
there is the competition to maximise revenues from DWF exploitation of the EEZs. That means that WIO states will
seek to sign deals providing access to their EEZs. While fishing agreements with the EU and bilateral commercial
deals may be transparent, there may be other agreements which are less so. In some cases, DWF vessels may be
subsidised by their home states which will potentially lead to an overexploitation of tuna resources. The EU has
within its mandate a requirement to guarantee food security in Europe, and its tuna fishing vessels are based on
vulnerable fisheries dependent regions – Euskadi (Basque Country) and Galicia in Spain and Brittany in France.
At the international level the increasing competition for marine resources and the globalisation of tuna production
and marketing in Europe, the Indian Ocean states, including lower cost production countries such as India,
Indonesia, Thailand and other Asian countries is presenting as major challenge for traditional tuna processors in
countries such as France, Spain, the UK and USA. While the member states of the Western Indian Ocean gain
economic benefits from selling access rights they much balance that against (a) maintaining stocks which in the case
of migratory species such as tuna means trying to adopt a regional approach to resource management supported by
regional fisheries management organisations such as the Indian Ocean Tuna Commission. (b) new players are
coming onto the scene in respect to the exploitation of tuna resources including China and Indonesia.
9
Another issue associated with geopolitics in the Western Indian Ocean are the areas of contested sovereignty
between states which affects the EEZ delimitation and hence resource management in those areas. While these
largely concern EEZ boundaries at the moment, this situation may change in the future should new mineral
resources be found, including exploitable oil and gas deposits10. (Countries have until 2009 to lodge their seabed
claim with the United Nations)
Options for Regional States in the Western Indian Ocean to maximise rent extraction from Tuna
In terms of the value of resource extraction, although the Western Indian states derive economic benefits from the
sale of access rights to DWF fleets, it is incontrovertible that in terms of value added and rent extraction they may
not be capturing the optimal level of resource rent from the tuna and tuna like fisheries. To optimise rent extraction
for the tuna fisheries within their EEZs, the member states of the IOC will have to consider policies to attract tuna
vessels to land in their ports, assess the current levels of payment for fishing agreements, licence fees for access to
their EEZs as well as the levels of fines paid by infractions and budgets used for surveillance.
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Conclusions
In common with other commodities, globalisation has accelerated the demand for tuna and tuna products, a trend
that is likely to continue, with increasing demand for fish.
While South Western Indian Ocean tuna fisheries have had rapid development over the last 25 years, has made a
major contribution to the economies of Seychelles and to a lesser extent Mauritius and Madagascar. Within the
region, tuna fisheries are relatively under developed in Kenya, Tanzania and Northern Mozambique. The presence
of transhipment at sea, IUU fishing and landing and processing outside the region mean that the IOC member states
are not extracting the rent/value added from their fisheries which they might with better MCS and fisheries
management. Small island states are particularly vulnerable, particularly where they depend on the export and
processing of a few commodities and other services (minerals, agricultural commodities and prawns in the case of
Madagascar; ylang ylang and vanilla in the case of the Comoros Islands; tuna fisheries processing and tourism in the
case of the Seychelles and tuna and other fish processing, transfer and storage, tourism, sugar cane and sugar cane
products and textiles in the case of Mauritius).
Apart from the national interests of the IOC states including France, which also has a naval presence in the region,
other countries, notably Asian fishing nations are interested in resource extraction from the tuna fisheries and to an
increasing extent they may compete for these resources. France and Spain maintain significant fleets of purse
seiners as well as the French semi industrial fleet operating out of Réunion. Increasingly other countries – Iran,
India, China/Taiwan, Indonesia and Sri Lanka are seeking to exploit the resources of the WIO as the demand for
tuna increases, particularly for high quality tuna.
The analysis by Kasprzyk (1996) and more recently by the authors of this paper suggests that the value of tuna
fisheries to the IOC member states varies considerably. While Mauritius, the Seychelles and Madagascar benefit
directly and indirectly from tuna fisheries, there is a considerable difference in the degree to which these countries
benefit. All three countries gain considerable more from expenditure in port, than from fishing and licence
revenues.
A regional approach to managing and the monitoring, control and surveillance of fisheries will give the main chance
of developing a sustainable tuna fishery. In addition as more is known about the migratory characteristics of tuna, it
may become apparent that an Indian Ocean wide approach to managing and monitoring stocks is necessary. This
function is already led by the Indian Ocean Commission. This will require greater co-operation and openness by the
WIO member states. At the moment there is continued pressure to sign fishing agreements which bring foreign
exchange in the form of financial compensation and licence payments. Other support may be given by countries
with significant fishing interests – the EU (on behalf of France and Spain) and Asian countries such as China and
Japan. Such support may be in the form of finance for fisheries research or for other development projects in the
fisheries and other sectors.
Another issue is the extent to which IOC member states will be able to set up and development their own tuna
fishing activities based on joint venture development or through the development of semi – industrial private sector
fishing fleets. Mauritius, Réunion and the Seychelles already have small semi – industrial long liner fleets which are
targeting tuna and tuna like species. The Réunion fleet is fishing in Madagascan waters and is seeking to expand its
activities elsewhere in the region.
It is clear that of all the IOC states, Mauritius benefits the most the activities of tuna fisheries. The development of
Port Louis as a seafood hub proceeds apace, with private sector investment in tuna processing, cold storage, ship
repair and improved port facilities. While Mauritius lies geographically outside the main fishing zones for tropical
tuna, it has with its laissez faire attitude to vessel entry promoted itself as a tuna fishing hub in the region, at least for
long liners.
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Williamson, J. G (2002). Winners and Losers over Two Centuries of Globalization. WIDER Annual Lecture,
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Also see other papers which cover globalisation on http://post.economics.harvard.edu.faculty/jwilliam/papers.html
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ENDNOTES
1
The Indian Ocean Commission states include the Comoros, France (on behalf of La Réunion), Madagascar,
Mauritius and the Seychelles.
2
There are many references which look at the phenomenon of globalisation, including both negative and positive
impacts.. They include Agenor, P.R (2004). Does Globalization Hurt the Poor? World Bank Research Paper;
Dehesa de la G. (2006). Winners and Losers in Globalization. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing; Kofman, E and
Youngs, G. eds (1996). Globalization Theory and Practice. London: Pinter; Maddison, A. (2001). The World
Economy: A Millennial Perspective. OECD. Martin I Sala, X. (2002). The ‘Disturbing Rise in Global Income
Equality’. NBER Working Paper No. 8904. Cambridge, Mass: NBER; OECD (2005). Handbook on Economic
Globalisation Indicators. Paris: OECD; Stiglitz, J. (2003). Globalization and its Discontents. London: Penguin
Books Ltd; The Economist (2004). Globalisation;Williamson, J. G (2002). Winners and Losers over Two
Centuries of Globalization. WIDER Annual Lecture, Copenhagen; Also see other papers which cover globalisation
on http://post.economics.harvard.edu.faculty/jwilliam/papers.html
World Bank (2002). Globalization, growth and poverty. World Bank Policy Research Document
www.guardian.co.uk/globalisation (a number of Web articles on different aspects of globalisation.
3
There are a number of authors who have made negative projections for the future of world fisheries, including
Garcia and Grainger (2005).
4
Regional Tuna Tagging Project (RTTP-IO). The project is funded by the EU, contractually hosted by the Indian
Ocean Commission based in Mauritius and implemented by the Indian Ocean Tuna Commission which is based in
the Seychelles.
5
The legal framework for the application of the precautionary principle or precautionary approach was laid down in
the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), 1995.
6
The oceanic tunas include skipjack (Katsuwonis pelamis), yellowfin (Thunnus albacares) and bigeye (T. obesus)
which are caught by purse seine fisheries, with Albacore (T. alalunga) and southern bluefin (T .maccoyii) which,
together with yellowfin and bigeye tuna are caught by long lines.
7
Port facilities are limited on the 3 islands of the Comoros.
8
There is already evidence that canned tuna from Thailand is sold at lower prices on certain markets of the Western
Indian Ocean, for example in Madagascar.
9
The increasing competition is on several fronts – vessel capacity, fishing effort and technology, competition for
tuna fishing licences, economic development expenditure linked to obtaining tuna fishing access and the
development of tuna canning and processing facilities. In addition there is competition between those countries
having EEZs with tuna resources in relation to the development of port and other infrastructure to attract the tuna
fishing vessels of distant water industrial fishing fleets.
10
An example of the impact of oil and gas resources in the contested areas is to be found with the Spratly islands in
the South China Sea and between Gabon and Equatorial Guinea in West Africa.
12