AN ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION OF Michelle J. Cox, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Human Development and Family Studies presented on December 14, 2007. Title: Does Self-Transcendence Explain Baby Boomers’ Volunteer Hours? Abstract approved: Karen Hooker, Ph.D. Alexis J. Walker, Ph.D. Abstract: The goal of this study was to pursue the construct of transcendence from a psychosocial, developmental perspective to predict who will volunteer and its influence on the average number of volunteer hours worked per week. The predictor variable is the self-transcendence subscale score on the Adult Self-Transcendence Inventory (ASTI) (Levenson et al., 2005). Three demographic variables (age, education, and retirement status) identified as correlates of transcendence and volunteerism, and alienation, a second ASTI construct identified were controlled to determine the effect of transcendence on the outcome variables. A literature review offers detail about transcendence, generativity, volunteerism, and baby boomers. The Method, results, and discussion section provide detailed insight into the study. ©Copyright by Michelle J. Cox December 14, 2007 All Rights Reserved Does Self-Transcendence Explain Baby Boomers’ Volunteer Hours? by Michelle J. Cox A DISSERTATION Submitted to Oregon State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Presented December 14, 2007 Commencement June 2008 Doctor of Philosophy dissertation of Michelle J. Cox Presented on December 14, 2007. APPROVED: Co-Major Professor, representing Human Development and Family Studies Co-Major Professor, representing Human Development and Family Studies Chair of the Department of Human Development and Family Sciences Dean of the Graduate School I understand that my dissertation will become part of the permanent collection of Oregon State University libraries. My signature below authorizes release of my dissertation to any reader upon request. Michelle J. Cox, Author ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I want express sincere appreciation to Drs. Alexis J. Walker and Karen Hooker for their consistently encouraging guidance and valuable feedback. I would also like to thank Dr. Alan Acock for driving my desire to overcome a fear of statistics. Thanks also to my true friend and mentor, Dr. Stephen R. Bearden. I would not have even considered this work a possibility without your unwavering confidence, encouragement, and infamous grace. You inspire my growth and understanding of self. For his prayerful support I also express appreciation to my friend and colleague, Dr. David Manock. I wish to honor my mother Rosemary Vanderzanden, who epitomizes the best of the baby boomers in the world and sets a great example of the balance between care of self and care for others. I am a person of strength and integrity because of your example. I acknowledge my father, Michael Tomlinson, as well, for instilling in me a work ethic that continues to serve me in all my endeavors. My children, Zachary, Shelby, and Wyatt have been constant reminders that education without application is wasteful. You three inspire me to give more, to appreciate more, to love more, and to find joy in simple things. I love each of you for who you are even when who I am makes it hard for me to see and understand all the great things about you. Finally, I honor my husband, Paul. Without you, my accomplishments would seem meaningless. You deserve a doctorate for keeping this family together and flourishing during this very long and stressful journey. No man could be more patient or more willing to honor a dream not his own. You are truly a man to love. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter One: Introduction…...………………………………………………… 01 Chapter Two: Literature Review…….………………………………………… 11 Theoretical Literatures……………………………………………………... 11 Erikson’s Stage Theory of Psychosocial Development………………… 11 Generativity…………………………………………………………….. 13 Transcendence…………………………………………………………. 20 Baby Boomers and the Generative Behavior, Volunteerism…………… 28 Transcendence and Volunteerism………………………………………. 32 Mental Health Correlates of Volunteer Behavior………………………. 35 Demographic Correlates of Volunteer Behavior……………………….. 36 Chapter Three: Method……………………………………………………….. 43 Chapter Overview…………………………………………………………. 43 Design……………………………………………………………………... 43 Population and Sample…………………………………………………. 43 Procedures………………………………………………………………. 45 Instruments and Measurement………………………………………….. 46 Analytic Plan……………………………………………………………..... 49 Chapter Four: Results…………………………………………………………. 52 Explanatory and Control Variables……………………………………….. 52 Inferential Statistics……………………………………………………….. 52 TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page Constructing the ASTI Subscales………………………………………. 52 Multicollinearity………………………………………………………... 54 Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression……………………………. 56 Modeling……………………………………………………………….. 56 Model Fit……………………………………………………………….. 57 Self-Transcendence and Retirement……………………………………. 59 Results Summary…………………………………………………………… 60 Chapter Five: Discussion……………………………………………………… 62 Overview…………………………………………………………………… 62 Education…………………………………………………………………… 63 Retirement………………………………………………………………….. 66 Self-Transcendence………………………………………………………… 68 Self-Report of Volunteerism………………………………………………. 69 Results in Relationship to Theory………………………………………….. 70 Conclusions………………………………………………………………... 71 References…………………………………………………………………. 75 Appendices……………………………………………………………………. 92 Appendix A: Questionnaire...……………………………………………… 93 Appendix B: Informed Consent Document...……………………………… 105 Appendix C: Scatterplot……………...…………………………………… 107 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. McAdams’s & de St. Aubin’s (1992) Process of Generativity…………….. 19 2. Maslow’s Original Hierarchy of Needs Model…………………………..… 24 3. Population Comparison: 2000 to 2050……………………………………... 30 4. Histogram of Responses to “Do You Volunteer in Your Community?”…… 48 5. Plot of Observed and predicted Curves: Number of Volunteer Hours……... 60 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Correlation Matrix of Analysis Variables, All Respondents (N = 487)……. 44 2. ASTI Item Factor Loadings Using Exploratory Factor Analysis With Varimax Rotation (N = 487)…………………………………………...…… 53 3. Correlation Matrix of Analysis Variables, Community Volunteers (N = 306)…………………………………………………………………………. 55 4. Summary of Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression for Variables Explaining Volunteer Behavior (N = 487)…………………………………. 58 Does Self-Transcendence Explain Baby Boomers’ Volunteer Hours? CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Social scientists have long been concerned about “dilemmas” of collective action. Such dilemmas are ubiquitous, and their dynamics are straight- forward. People often might all be better off if they cooperate, with each other doing her share. But each individual benefits more by shirking her responsibility, hoping that others will do the work for her. Moreover, even if she is wrong, and the others shirk, too, she is still better off than if she had been the only sucker. Obviously, if every individual thinks that others will do the work, nobody will end up taking part, and all will be left worse off than if all had contributed. - Robert Putnam in Bowling Alone (2000, p. 288) In his detailed and thorough review about the loss of a sense of community experienced by millions of Americans over the last four decades, Putnam (2000) identified 14 intercorrelated indicators of formal and informal social networks that he developed into a Social Capital Index. These networks, he suggested, serve as conduits for the many ways in which communities, large and small, achieve their collective goals, and hinge on the psychological and biological processes that allow humans to connect with one another. Lack of social capital, he asserted, injures the economy, reduces the ability to efficiently share information, and impacts both mental and physical health (Putnam, 2000). A key factor in Putnam’s Social Capital Index, measures of community volunteerism, evidenced that commitment of individuals to the overall welfare of others in their communities improved economic, educational, and emotional well-being in the states studied. Capitalizing on social capital then, including the identification of strong and committed volunteers, should allow communities of all types to grow and flourish. 2 So, how are people who are most likely to become strong and committed volunteers identified? How can a person’s future volunteer behavior be predicted? Putnam (2000) asserted, “To build bridging social capital requires that we transcend our social and political and professional identities to connect with people unlike ourselves” (p. 411). Putnam’s comment, understood from the context of his monograph, referred to the transcendence of cultural, political, and economic differences. He suggested that civic engagement, without self-transcendence, does not improve individual or community well-being to the extent documented in places with high social capital related to volunteerism. Thus, it is important to investigate the psychosocial and developmental influences on the sociological construct known as social capital, including Erikson’s notion of generativity (Azarow, 2003; Erikson, 1978). The examination of transcendence as a key component of the development of social capital (specifically volunteerism) may help communities all over the world find ways to identify those citizens who will engage in building strong interpersonal relationships through service. Consider the following personal account: Charlie, a 56-year old husband and father of three grown children, presented for counseling at the urging of his concerned wife. Not one to speak much about his emotions, he quickly admitted that he did not understand how the counseling process would help his grief. He felt that given enough time, things would work themselves out. The therapist asked, “What things?” Charlie talked about his wife’s complaints, his children’s distance from him, and about feeling left out of a social circle he once enjoyed. 3 Like his father, Charlie’s self-concept was built on his role as the family breadwinner. He recalled working with his father on the family farm since he was six. When asked about whether this was difficult, Charlie explained, “It never occurred to me to think about it. It was expected.” After his youngest graduated from college, Charlie explained, his wife started urging him to work less and spend more time with her. Though his resistance frustrated her, he just could not slow down. He felt that his work ensured their security in old age. Now, with the unexpected death of his father, Charlie was thoughtful about his wife’s concern, but did not know how to change. The therapist asked if Charlie feared change: “You told me how important work is to you and was to your father. When asked to stop working so much it would be normal to feel confused or fearful about abandoning a role that tied you to your father.” Charlie broke down. He did not know who he would be without work. Over a few more sessions, Charlie processed his feelings about work and his father, and the interesting connections between the two. A month later, the topic of his distance from his children finally came up. Charlie had invested in the counseling process, but little had changed for him externally. The therapist asked how he envisioned his role as a father and grandfather. He said, “I always expected to have kids and grandkids. I love them. I am proud of them. But Kathy really raised them. I just can’t seem to connect with them. I don’t know them.” The therapist asked, “Do they know you?” Again, Charlie was confused. “Charlie, what did you know about your father?” she asked. He was 4 half way through a sentence before he realized the importance of the therapist’s question. “I knew he worked hard because he cared about us. I knew he was tired. I wanted to stay out of his way – avoid causing him stress.” The therapist asked, “Is it possible that your children could feel the same way about you?” Charlie finally understood that to engage with his children he would have to share more than stories about work. A similar discussion about his friends soon followed. He and his wife had participated in years of social activities with many couples they knew from church and their children’s school. The men had become quite busy with their organizational commitments, vacations, and grandchildren over the years, however. “So many times they called us to go out or to join them in one of their church or volunteer activities. Why would I go work after work? Now, I just don’t hear from these guys anymore.” The therapist wondered aloud, “Why is this bothering you now if it has been happening for a couple of years?” Charlie thought for a bit: “I’ve spent a lot of time at my dad’s farm because things got so hard for him. I guess I just didn’t miss these guys until after Dad died.” She asked him, “What would have to do now to rekindle these relationships?” “Join the Lion’s Club,” he quipped. “What do you mean?” she asked. Charlie explained that his old friends spent more time on community projects now than they did at work. “What are your thoughts and feelings about that now?” asked the therapist. “I don’t know,” he said, dejectedly, “I used to wonder why they weren’t taking care of their own.” “And now?” she prompted. “I guess it makes them feel good. From what Kathy says, they seem to really like it. It just never made sense to me before, but now when I 5 think about what we talked about related to the kids, it makes more sense.” The therapist asked what he meant. “Well, if these guys like what they are doing, and they are accomplishing things, doing good, maybe they have more to talk about with their kids – more things to do with their wives.” Charlie had made great progress over just a few months of therapy in regard to self-awareness. He had learned how much he was like his father, how strongly he had internalized his father’s teachings, and how that internalization had impacted his roles as husband, father, and friend. Soon, Charlie’s realizations led to a level of self-reflection he had never experienced before. Charlie struggled to discover who he was, independent of his father, his work, and his family. He often felt guilty for what he thought was his new “self-centered” focus. Charlie also began to brainstorm about the types of activities he might like. He also realized that changing his behavior was not disrespectful, but rather honored his father’s intention of providing opportunity and choice for his children. Treatment ended soon after he began making some of the external changes he had struggled with previously. His individuation process was leading to selfawareness. Soon this would lead to acceptance of self and perhaps even to a transcendence of self. Six months had passed when the therapist bumped into Charlie while working on a Habitat for Humanity house in their small community. Honoring his 6 confidentiality, they worked silently side-by-side with other volunteers to erect the structure. Later, the therapist received a note from Charlie thanking her: I really could not understand why you kept telling me that I needed to find myself. I thought my job was to be selfless and to provide for my wife and kids. When I realized that I didn’t really know my father or myself I was scared. But you provided concrete ways to help me figure this out. A lot has changed. Kathy and I just celebrated our 35th anniversary with a vacation. I’ve made new friends at church while helping out. And, it was an old buddy of mine who hooked me up with Habitat. Helping someone in need is more rewarding than I thought. I’ve even got the kids chipping in. Thanks again for all your help. Charlie’s story demonstrates the value of transcendence of self and its impact on the larger community. His learned ability to focus on self-development led to a greater awareness of his talents, interests, and values. Ultimately this self-focus, his willingness to examine his history, motives, behaviors, and beliefs, led to a desire to be generative or to leave a legacy. As in Charlie’s case, the community is often the recipient of this generative focus. Communities must identify and capitalize on this psychosocial, developmental change or find themselves lacking the volunteers necessary to maintain and grow healthy communities. One way to do so is to investigate transcendence as a predictor of volunteer behavior. From psychosocial and developmental perspectives, transcendence is a complicated construct that includes more than the awareness and acceptance of 7 another’s culture, political beliefs, or financial standing as Putnam suggested (2000). As evident in Charlie’s story, transcendence begins with an understanding and acceptance of self, including, “a decreasing reliance on externals for definition of the self, increasing interiority and spirituality, and a greater sense of direction with past and future generations” (Levenson, Jennings, Aldwin, & Shiraishi, 2005, p. 127). Before people can be expected to lay aside biases about others, they must become conscious of themselves, including their ego-drives, limitations, personas, hidden beliefs, and unconscious motivations (Ardelt, 1997; Cloniger, Svrakic, & Przybeck, 1993; Frankl, 1984; Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Jung, 1969; Maslow, 1968). In her analysis of useful frameworks from which to discuss the construct of self in later-life (1984), Breytspraak noted that, “The Self is the point at which the individual and society join, and thus, it must also be the basis for all action” (p. 14). Recognizing the literature that evidences the continual development and importance of self throughout the life span (Bengtson, 1996; Ebner, Freund, & Baltes, 2006; McKeown, 2006; Schaie, 2006), an active view of the aging self that facilitates the optimization potential of aging adults seems most useful for those desiring to intervene to maximize human potential. A review of transcendence as a key component of psychosocial theories of self (Erikson, 1959; Jung, 1933; Maslow, 1954, 1956, 1968) is framed within the theory of generativity (McAdams, 1985, 1988, 1992) as part of a complex process through which aging adults actively enrich their potential. McAdams and de St. Aubin explained, “From a psychological standpoint, generativity is experienced as 8 both an inner desire and an age-appropriate demand whose successful engagement or resolution may enhance the generative adult’s well-being and adaptation” (1998, p. xx). Specifically, the process by which inner desire, an innate and agentic drive for immortality as well as a sense of responsibility for nurturing others, develops is examined (McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1998). The goal of this study is to pursue the construct of transcendence from a psychosocial, developmental perspective as the means through which generative inner desire develops by investigating both its ability to predict who will volunteer and its influence on the average number of volunteer hours worked per week. This study will attempt to explore which baby boomers’ will volunteer and baby boomers’ weekly volunteer hours using self-transcendence scores. The explanatory variable is a single score from the self-transcendence subscale on the Adult Self-Transcendence Inventory (ASTI) (Levenson et al., 2005). Three demographic variables (age, education, and retirement status) identified in the literature as correlates of both transcendence and volunteerism, and alienation, a second factor identified by the ASTI, will be controlled to determine the effect of transcendence on the outcome variables, over and above these correlates. The importance of this research is evidenced by a report from the Corporation for National and Community Service in 2007 on baby boomers and their volunteer behaviors, which identified the vast potential of service activities on the basis of the sheer size of their cohort and their self-reported investment in volunteer activities. The Executive Summary detailed the value of baby boomers to the 9 nonprofit world, suggesting that their high levels of education, wealth, and health make them excellent recruiting targets. Noting that baby boomers have “the highest volunteer rate of any group,” the report also detailed some concerns (p. 2). The turnover rate of baby boomer volunteers is 31% with a replacement rate of only 83.2%. Authors warned: “We could substantially miss the full volunteer potential of Baby Boomers if we do not focus on how to keep them volunteering. It is possible to be very successful in recruiting new volunteers but have the Baby Boomer volunteer rate remain stable or even decline” (p. 7). Among the report’s suggestions for keeping volunteers was finding those boomers with the highest attachment to volunteering as evidenced by: “1) how many hours are volunteered annually; 2) how many weeks are volunteered annually; and 3) how many organizations individuals volunteer for” (p. 9). Finding a way to identify an individual’s level of service attachment will allow nonprofit organizations a greater ability to recruit and retain those volunteers most likely to commit to long-term generative action. So, why choose transcendence as the possible link between generative inner desire and service attachment? Just as McAdams and his associates (1993; McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1998) proposed subjective processes (including inner desire) that contribute to objective behaviors (generative action), so transcendence describes a type of subjective development that leads to objective outcomes. Everingham (2003) summarized this relationship when writing about Erikson’s influence on sociological and political constructs: 10 The guiding principal is not simply to do unto others as you would have them do unto you, ‘live and let live.’ This moral rule is incomplete and cannot accommodate the need for one generation to consider and meet the needs of the next. The ethical rule of adulthood is ‘to do to others what will help them grow, even as it helps you grow’ (Erikson, 1978, p. 11). Assuming an attitude of care for others is the basis of future personal growth for the adult – which is therefore outward, toward ‘other’ in the broadest possible sense, rather than inward. Erikson’s scheme is therefore inter-generational in its approach to self-actualisation and personal growth. It remains existentialist in its desire for individual authenticity – but authenticity is not finally achieved by an isolated, autonomous self, but rather by a self that realizes its connection with others. (pp. 251 – 252) Based on these concepts, this study investigates whether transcendence scores are positive predictors of volunteerism and volunteer hours, over and above the aforementioned sociodemographic correlates. A literature review provides detailed information about transcendence and will address the research related to generativity, transcendence, volunteerism, and baby boomers. The study’s methods are reviewed, including data collection, participant demographics, instruments, and procedures. Limitations related to the sociodemographic makeup of the sample, the instruments, the methods, and the constructs themselves are discussed. The results section provides detail about 11 participant responses and statistical outcomes. Finally, a discussion section details the value of the results as well as indications for future research. 12 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW This section reviews both theoretical and empirical literature supporting the hypothesis that transcendence can predict volunteer behaviors among baby boomers. Using Erikson’s stage theory of psychosocial development, which provides a broad developmental analysis of the nature of persons, this section highlights the developmental period appropriate to the age of the study sample (baby boomers). Attention to the midlife stage, generativity versus stagnation, leads to the detailed process model of generativity developed by McAdams and his associates. As McAdams, Hart, and Maruna (1998) acknowledged the need for future research regarding key components of this model, literature related to the construct of transcendence provides support for its use in explaining how people develop an inner desire to be generative. Then, using empirical literatures, transcendence is linked to generative behaviors, specifically formal volunteerism. Finally, empirical studies are reviewed to support the inclusion of age, education, and retirement along with transcendence as predictors of volunteer behaviors. Theoretical Literatures Erikson’s Stage Theory of Psychosocial Development Erikson (1950/1963) originally detailed eight age-related stages of human development grounded in Freud’s psychosexual stages of development. Rejecting Freud’s notion of personality as fixed during childhood and influenced by Jung’s conceptualization of the second half of life, Erikson envisioned each stage as a conflict between opposing emotional challenges that with successful negotiation 13 account for a particular personality-related virtue. In his epigenetic theory, Erikson postulated that each stage exists before its critical period arises and that no individual is capable of skipping a stage, but rather negotiates the best possible balance between the opposites given individual, cultural, and historical context. Although regression is possible, Erikson believed that given a long lifespan, individuals could achieve completion of all the stages. Erikson (1950/1963, 1968) labeled the significant midlife stage generativity versus stagnation with the critical virtue being the development of care. Erikson asserted that the tasks of midlife are built upon successful completion of the previous six stages. For example, Erikson indicated that once a solid foundation of intimacy with others has been experienced (stage six) people come to consider the next generation and ways in which they can leave their mark on the world. This stage, usually occurring between mid- and late-life, describes a broad spectrum of growth, that if unachieved leads to self-absorption or stagnation (1950/1963). In managing the conflict between self-desire and other-orientation, Erikson believed people show care for the next generation. Hence, they become generative. In its most narrow sense, generativity describes the care parents show toward their children. As the concept is broadened, generativity relates to the survival of humanity (Slater, 2003). Using this framework, Erikson suggested that it is through midlife productivity, creativity, and care that adults help to establish and guide the next generations (1950). This guidance can apply to family and community relationships, work and career pursuits, spiritual development, charity, activism, and 14 service activities (Erikson, Erikson, & Kivneck, 1986; McAdams, Hart, & Maruna, 1998). As a primary component of his theory, Erikson recognized the growth of spiritual belief and meaning as integral to psychosocial development. The significance he placed on the importance of spirituality as a necessary component of human experience was manifest in his description of it as the light that pervades the darkness of human existence (Erikson, 1979; Erikson, Erikson, & Kivneck, 1986). The first developmental stage, trust versus mistrust, is founded in a basic spirituality, or a connection to a higher power as creator. He extended this foundation through stage three, initiative versus guilt, during which a balance between self-centeredness and conscience is developed. It was the healthy development of conscience that Erikson identified as the cornerstone of morality. Erikson continued to integrate this spiritual component through the seventh stage and detailed its relationship to generativity. Erikson’s explanation of the possible transcendence from the state of self-absorption to that of awareness of and care for the needs of others, involves increasing consideration of the value of life and leads to the weakening of the fears related to living and dying. When mastered, generativity can be evidenced in individual behaviors ranging from investment in family members to philanthropy, to volunteerism grounded in an underlying faith in humankind. Generativity Many researchers have elaborated on Erikson’s theory, taking on both general principles such as identity development (Bradley, 1997; Keniston, 1968; 15 Kotre, 1984; Marcia, Waterman, Matteson, Archer, & Orlofsky, 1993) and specific concerns such as gender discrepancies (Gilligan, 1982; Josselson, 1987, 1996; Matteson 1993; Snarey, 1993) and accuracy of stage descriptions (Bradley, 1997; Bradley & Marcia, 1998; Keniston, 1968; Levinson, 1986; Vaillant & Milofsky, 1980). This section focuses on research related to the process by which an individual becomes generative (McAdams, 1988, 1992, 1995). McAdams and de St. Aubin (1992) added to the understanding of Erikson’s age-related conceptualization by asserting that generativity flows from life circumstances, cultural influences, and psychosocial development. Additionally, they considered generativity a dynamic construct that can change in type or quality depending on those same influences. Further, they suggested that this concern is influenced by an individual’s perceptions of the goodness of human beings and whether those perceptions are fed by the individual’s interaction with others. When this combination of variables leads to generative behaviors, the authors argued, the individual then creates a narrative about the value of providing for the next generation. Thus, understanding generativity requires a thorough understanding of the seven-step process that leads to it and how it repeats itself over time. During his career researching personality psychology, McAdams (1988) recognized the value of the type of psychobiographical analysis of the individual that Erikson (1958, 1969) found so useful in his analysis of human beings, particularly highly generative individuals. McAdams wrote: 16 The person’s life is comprehended on three complementary levels (a) the level of the body and all of the constitutional givens with which the individual is endowed, (b) the level of ego, which refers to the subject’s idiosyncratic ways of synthesizing his or her experience in order to make meaning in the world and to cope with anxiety and conflict, and (c) the level of family and society, which refers both to the individual’s developmental history within his or her family and the particular societal, cultural, and historical ethos which shapes and, in the cases of extraordinary individuals, is shaped by the subject of the study. (, p. 5) As did Erikson’s, McAdams’s work evidences the value he places on the study of personality as based in a “developmentally informed and socially contextualized” story of human nature (1992, p. 347). Indeed, McAdams worked to differentiate concepts of the self and individual differences in a manner that respects the many ways in which a person can be known. He first described Level I, or dispositional traits, which allow humans to identify, describe, and attribute certain types of behaviors as consistent in an individual’s personality across the lifespan. Traits such as extraversion or openness to experience generally demonstrate “longitudinal consistency” in the individual in which they are identified (McAdams, 1995, p. 372). Level II, or personal concerns, describes personal interests, defense and coping behaviors, skills, motivations, and values that can be ascribed uniquely to an individual (McAdams, 1995). Level III focuses on the experiences of the self in adulthood, including the “frameworks and constructs” individuals use to develop an 17 “inner story” of the self as one ages through midlife reflecting on past experiences, current perceptions, and visions of the future (1995, p. 366). Whereas McAdams asserted that an understanding of all three levels is necessary for a rich exploration of personality, he also acknowledged that only in a Level III analysis would an individual begin to reflect on a sense of purpose, hope, or meaningfulness (1995). Thus, it is valuable to assess this level of development in baby boomers, the cohort currently experiencing midlife development. McAdams’s use of this tripartite framework in the study of personality led to his acknowledgement that much of the variation in life stories among people with similar developmental, cultural, and historical experiences likely results from the manner in which individuals recall personal information. Previous research, lacking a valid and reliable taxonomy by which to classify these recollective variations often relied on mythological archetypes to distinguish different types of self-narration (Campbell, 1949; Elsbree, 1982; Frye, 1957; Jung, 1933). Building on these classification systems as well as Hankiss (1981) and Gergen and Gergen (1986), McAdams postulated a classification system grounded in “narrative tones, imagery, thematic lines, ideological settings, nuclear episodes, imagoes, and generativity scripts” (1993, p. 313). According to McAdam’s (1993) narrative tone is the way in which a person comes to view and describe the world on the basis of personal experience of it. Imagery is the individual’s visual representation of life experiences. Thematic line refers to the recurrent themes or content clusters in the stories an individual tells, writes, or contemplates. Ideological setting refers to the content and 18 structure of a person’s story. Nuclear episodes are described by McAdams as key events related to a person’s experience in and with the world. Imagoes are a person’s idealized perceptions of self. Finally, McAdams described generativity scripts as a person’s unwritten, yet perceived future. Using this classification system in a study of the life stories of 70 adults (McAdams, Diamond, de St. Aubin, & Mansfield, 1997) allowed McAdams to identify “a prototypical commitment story that tended to match the narrative constructions of those adults who had distinguished themselves in paid work, volunteer activities, and on psychological measures as strongly promoting the well-being of the next generation” (1996, p. 313). In essence, results evidenced that ease in or successful movement through the psychosocial stages of development was not the key factor in the development of the generative individual, but rather the way in which the adults sequenced the scenes of their lives. McAdams (1996) explained, “In the case of highly generative adults, life stories emphasizing an early family blessing, the suffering of others, redemptive affect sequences, and moral steadfastness function to sustain and reinforce their generative efforts” (p. 314). Interestingly, those who reported negative experiences preceding positive ones tended to score higher on measures of generativity. Identifying narrative styles consistent in those with generative behavior was only part of McAdams’s effort to develop an understanding of how generative care develops. Responding to Bell and Richard’s (2000) assertion that the type of care exhibited toward children via attachment style should be distinguished from more global generative care behavior, for example, McAdams (2000) retorted that the two 19 types of caregiving may be linked via the development of a generativity script. First proposed in his 1993 text entitled The Stories We Live By: Personal Myths and the Making of the Self, McAdams suggested that caregiving learned through positive attachment experience contributes richly to adults’ generative behaviors by repeatedly confirming the belief that reaching out to others is inherently valuable. Indeed, Erikson (1963) suggested that these confirmation experiences demonstrate the individual’s “belief in the species,” which Erikson discussed in terms of faith in humanity (p. 267). McAdams’s and de St. Aubin’s search for the process through which generativity develops led them to propose a seven-component psychosocial process (See Figure 1). Component A, Inner Desire, is described as a need to extend one’s influence on the world; to leave a mark that is positive and uniquely reflective of one’s personality, skills, and behaviors. Component B, which McAdams labeled Cultural Demand, reflects the influence of society and culture during the adult years, focusing on the cultural expectation to contribute positively to current and future generations. Concern, Component C, is the personal recognition of societal need, which may be the result of care learned through attachment experiences. Although the model does not show this relationship, McAdams and de St. Aubin (1998) suggested that concern is significantly influenced by Component D, Belief. As with the faith in humanity Erikson postulated, this concept refers to the “goodness or worthwhileness of the human enterprise” or generative concern (McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1998, p. 8). 20 These authors then suggested that both belief and concern contribute to generative Commitment (Component E), which in turn feeds generative Action (Component F). McAdams’s commitment to narration as a useful way in which to study personality influenced the addition of the seventh component (G), Narration. Through an individual’s redemptive narration or sequencing, generative care is strengthened and generative behaviors continued. Thus the process becomes bidirectional. B Cultural Demand C Concern D Belief E Commitment F Action G Narration A Inner Desire Figure 1. McAdams’s & de St. Aubin’s (1992) Process Model of Generativity As this model does not require the individual to be at any particular developmental stage, these authors also reported that generativity could occur at any adult stage given the right context and circumstances (McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1992). McAdams, de St. Aubin, and Logan (1993), however, found support for 21 Erikson’s assertion that mid- to late-life adults experience generativity to a higher degree than younger adults. What remains unclear about this model is the psychosocial means through which inner desire promotes generativity. McAdams, Hart, and Maruna (1998) acknowledged this deficit when making suggestions for future research: “What is the nature of the inner desires that give rise to generative inclinations? Is the inner desire for symbolic immortality as important for motivating generativity as our theory suggests” (p. 37)? Few researchers have attempted or have been able to provide valid and reliable research to explain inner desire. Investigating the nature of inner desire necessarily means evaluating a developmental construct that incorporates concepts related to the key components of the model, including agentic immortality, cultural demand, care, and faith. Proposing self-transcendence as a construct that is both developmental and inclusive of these concepts, the following literature review provides theoretical explanations of transcendence and its relationship to generativity. Transcendence The construct of transcendence used in this study was derived from a combination of ideas from psychoanalytic, humanistic, and transpersonal schools of psychology. Though theorists from each school use different language and terms, many similarities exist. Theorists from each school of thought also offer descriptions so unique that an attempt at understanding transcendence absent of each set of explanations would reduce the depth and richness of the construct and would 22 threaten its usefulness in terms of predicting volunteer behaviors. Therefore, the following descriptions of transcendence necessarily involve discussion of broader concepts related to the understanding of self, motivation, and spirituality. The term transcendence most often arises in relation to the discussion about the self. In fact, Jung engaged a discussion about self in his 1915 tome, A Theory of Psychoanalysis, in which he described a human’s inner being as a higher unconscious and the vessel containing the highest of human tendencies including the awareness of the value of human life, love, and intimacy. Indeed, the most fundamental feature of Jung’s vision of psychosocial development was his understanding of the self (Stein, 1998, p. 151). Significantly different from many theories postulated before or since his initial writings, Jung (1969) envisioned the self as more than one’s subjective sense of personhood, self-perception, or selfawareness. Rather, Jung believed that the self transcended the limitations of subjectivity to include an intense awareness of others, a mixing of egos, that when healthy, primarily functions to allow a sense of community between human beings (1969). The distinction between Jung’s perception of the self and those of other human development theorists remains critical to an accurate understanding of transcendent behavior. Typically, when a person is referred to as self-centered, visions of egocentrism and narcissistic behavior flood the imagination. Yet Jung postulated a certain freedom from ego that allows an individual to maintain an awareness of subjective perceptions without being controlled by them. Because of this 23 transcendent function, humans can develop and sustain the ability to engage thoughtfully in the egocentric worlds of others with some control over judgment or reaction (1971). The process of developing this transcendent center, known as individuation, incorporates human striving for psychic balance and separation from societal pressures for conformity (Jung, 1963). Of all psychoanalysts, Jung wrote the most prolifically about this journey toward the self (1933), a type of personality development that Jung viewed as unique during the second half of life. Around age 40, he asserted, the psyche begins to undergo a transformation, during which time people feel they lose their way, experience depression or anxiety, and often see themselves as fragmented. In Jung’s view, the psyche naturally knows what the soul needs to resolve these concerns, forcing an inward reflection and the examination of the meaning of life toward the end goal of creating intrapsychic balance (Bearden, Cox, & Frielinger, 2007). This psychic transformation, the encounter with wholeness and centeredness, is what Jung called individuation, which naturally forces a separation from mass culture. Through individuation, human beings find their way with a fuller awareness of self while existing as socially and culturally aware beings. Individuation, thus, is the process by which the conscious and unconscious are balanced and integrated in the development of the whole personality. In Jung’s model, the likelihood that humans will seek this development naturally increases with age. From Jung’s perspective, the search for this transcendent center was as much a spiritual journey as 24 a psychological or a development one (1933). According to Hamel, Leclerc, and Lafrancois (2003), Maslow, a humanistic psychologist, agreed. These transpersonal psychologists summarized Maslow’s version of transcendence as an “optimal way to give spiritual meaning to one’s life and to live this meaning in everyday life” (p. 4). Whereas Jung’s emphasis focused on an essential truth available in the collective unconscious, Maslow emphasized the importance of motivation in the pursuit of transcendence. Incorporating many components from various theories of the time, Maslow (1954) synthesized volumes of literature related to human motivation to develop his Hierarchy of Needs Model (see Figure 2). Positing a two-level grouping, labeled deficiency needs and growth needs, he detailed the kinds of information individuals seek during each stage. Deficiency needs, including physiological, safety and security, belongingness and love, and esteem, are met in a hierarchical process during which individuals can move in and out of each stage as deficiency is identified. People pursue coping information, helping information, enlightening information, and empowering information respectively as they move up the hierarchy. Once the deficiencies are met, however, individuals are motivated to act on growth needs including a focus on learning and adaptation (problem-focus), engagement with and appreciation for life and surroundings (aesthetics), learning about the self, intense feelings of happiness and well-being, and a sense of unity with all things and people. Maslow called this later growth need peak experience (Goble, 25 1970; Hamel, Leclerc, & Lefrancois, 2003; Maslow, 1971). Yet, eventually Maslow recognized that some individuals moved even beyond peak experiences and selfactualization, committing themselves to “living in harmony with their Inner Being (the self)” (Hamel, Leclerc, & Lefrancois, 2003, p. 5). As a result, this transcendence, “fundamentally changes their attitude to life: They acquire, as it were, a new appreciation and expanded awareness of the world around them” (p. 5). Maslow would have considered this a motivation toward being rather than toward doing or having (1971). Similar to Jung, Maslow also suggested that this transcendence is a function of age as individuals pass from fulfillment of basic needs to a heightened sense of self (Maslow, 1971). Based on his clinical observations, Maslow consistently identified midlife adults in this transcendent stage as living authentic and courageous lives full of integrity and a willingness to assist others (1971). Unlike the temporal exhibition of these qualities seen in his original understanding of peak experiences, self-transcendence presumed a more permanent, intrinsic, and spiritual or mystic experience (Assagioli, 1991). Maslow and others including Firman (1993) and Pelletier (1996) advanced the ontological notion of transcendence as a universal capacity and a human’s truest spiritual center. In this regard, self-transcendence is a style or way of being in which individuals are able to pursue the full acceptance of self and others because of a clear understanding of the meaning of life: harmonious living through acceptance of the transcendent consciousness of all people. Maintaining a strong understanding of self 26 allows people to empathize with and accept the behaviors of others more easily and allows for flexibility in action toward and with others. It allows people to seek both harmony within the self and harmony in relationships. Self-Actualization Personal growth and fulfillment Esteem Achievement, responsibility, reputation Belongingness and Love Relationship, family, affection Safety Limits, protection, security, stability Biological and Psychological Food, water, shelter, sleep, air Figure 2. Maslow’s Original Hierarchy of Needs Model Existentialists such as Frankl (1959) similarly valued the process of human existence more than a structural analysis of behavior. Frankl’s unique contribution to the concept of transcendence is the way in which he characterized human behavior. His existential theory emphasizes three approaches from which to understand human behavior: being-in-nature (Umwelt), being-for-others (Mitwelt), and perhaps the biggest challenge, being-for-ourselves (Eigenwelt). The theory asserts that only through a painful process of self-reflection can individuals realize any sense of authenticity, or the ability to be truly open with nature, others, and self, despite 27 circumstances. It is in this authenticity that one loses any sense of preoccupation with the trivial aspects of self and is able to develop trusting and harmonious relationships with others. Frankl (1984), the lone survivor of the concentration camp where he was imprisoned, studied the ability of human beings to maintain dignity and a value for humanity in the most humiliating, abusive, and depraved circumstances. He wrote: Ultimately, man should not ask what the meaning of his life is, but rather he must recognize that it is he who is asked. In a word, each man is questioned by life; and he can only answer to life by answering for his own life; to life he can only respond by being responsible. (p. 131) Though he believed that humans can be motivated by a universal spirituality, his description of transcendence differs from Maslow’s in that no deficiency needs must be met to achieve transcendent functioning. As in McAdams’s views on narration, Frankl contended that it is the way in which people assess their circumstances that matter (Seicol, 2005). Rather than relying on right circumstance, Frankl (1984) suggested that conscious living on the basis of accurate assessment both of the self and the social environment, as well as the acceptance of responsibility for life choices can help people live their ideal lives, lives that will naturally enhance society (Leak, 2006). Summarizing transcendence as a united construct rooted in these theories means recognizing the importance of an awareness of self that leads to intrapsychic balance (Jung, 1933), an understanding of an ontological universality motivating the 28 pursuit of psychological maturity (Maslow, 1971), and an acceptance of the importance of nature, culture, and self as an integrated whole possible regardless of circumstance (Frankl, 1966). Accepting transcendence as a construct related to or part of the process of becoming generative, the next challenge presented in this theoretical overview, could be more difficult if not for the work of Tornstam and his theory of aging, Gerotranscendence (1994). Tornstam (1994) defined a stage of development surpassing Erikson’s eighth developmental stage. The theory of gerotranscendence suggests that in mid- to latelife, people become self-aware and adapt their personalities in relation to their perceptions about life and time left to live. Tornstam (1994) reported that the natural aging process provides the potential for cosmic transcendence, which is proposed as the final stage in the development of wisdom. This stage is evidence by a feeling of community with the world, newly defined sense of time and space, a decrease in fear of death, a generalized sense of affection for past and future generations, a decrease in acquaintanceships, loss of interests in the material, an increase in othercenteredness, and an increase in meditation-like practices (Tornstam, 1994). Note that four of the values related to cosmic transcendence, a decreased fear of death, decreased reliance on the material, increased affinity for other generations, and spirituality are related to the construct of transcendence used in this study. The heuristic value of Tornstam’s theory, though lacking some depth in its understanding of the psychological processes leading to cosmic transcendence, is that it attempts to marry two inter-related disciplines, human development and 29 personality psychology (2005). Its specific value in regard to this study is in the link Tornstam asserts between generativity and cosmic transcendence (1994). Tornstam wrote extensively regarding the link between these two constructs. Other researchers have postulated the same connection as well. For example, in their study on the influence of cosmic transcendence on older adults’ relationships with their adult children, Sadler, Braam, Broese van Groenou, Deeg, and van der Geest (2006) wrote: One key aspect of the development of a cosmic transcendent view is an enhanced sense of belongingness to past and future generations. This parallels with Erikson’s notion of generativity (1963), which he defined as “primarily the concern in establishing and guiding the next generation” (p. 267). The cosmic transcendence construct broadly involves a greater connection between the older person and the unity of all humankind and natural life. Elements of the development of cosmic transcendent ideas may fit with Erikson’s notion of generativity, in which older parents nurture a sense of involvement in the prosperity of future generations. (p. 147) Simply stated, cosmic transcendence is related to generativity and to the construct of transcendence described here. Therefore, it is logical to theorize that transcendence is also related to generativity. Baby Boomers and the Generative Behavior, Volunteerism 30 During the 19 years between 1946 and 1964, 78 million Americans were born. As a cohort, they represent the majority of current workers. Indeed, by 2008, baby boomers will represent 40% of the labor force. By 2018, the majority of baby boomers will have reached the current federal age of retirement, potentially reducing the availability of workers in the labor force by great numbers (Dohm, 2000). Additionally, baby boomers will live, on average, 20 to 30 years after retirement and hence, will change the construct of retirement entirely. To a greater degree than any previous generation, during retirement, baby boomers will start new careers or work part time in a new field, some will migrate biannually across the country, own homes in multiple states, and travel both nationally and internationally, all the while tapping services in their home communities and away (Collins, 2003). American’s perceptions about work, family, money, politics, products, purchasing power, retirement, and service will be mediated by the activities of this large group of influential people. The United States (U.S.) will be impacted in two significant ways when baby boomers begin to retire. First, a shortage of workers in all areas will make the provision of services very difficult. Although manufacturers continually automate to mitigate the impact of fewer workers, human service providers cannot be replaced by machines en mass (Carnevale, 2005). Second, the large numbers of retirees between 2008 and 2026 will further burden the same social service institutions that will be without workers (Simon-Rusinowitz, Marks, Krach, & Welch, 1998). In fact, using the Bureau of Labor and Statistics (BLS) Current Population Survey (CPS), Dohm 31 (2000) studied the effects of baby boomer retirement on the labor force, identifying the occupations most likely to feel the impact of boomers’ retirement. Using data on turnover rates by industry during the period 1993 - 1998, Dohm, an economist in the BLS Office of Employment, estimated the overall turnover rate during the period 2003 - 2008 will be about 25% greater than the earlier time period. Among the hardest hit occupations, Dohm estimated an 85% increase in turnover of social welfare clerks, an 80% increase in turnover of police and detective supervisors, a 73% increase in turnover of psychologists, 72% in social workers, and a 60% increase in turnover of public administration officials. Also included in the top 20 occupations estimated to be most affected by baby boomer retirement were education administrators, teachers, and nurses. Population statistics by age used to appear similar to the shape of a triangle, with the oldest citizens making up the smallest portion of the U.S. population (see Figure 3). Slowly, this is changing. By 2050, the pyramid will become top-heavy, with people 85 years and older representing the largest age group in the population. Nearly 33% of Americans will be age 65 or older. With such a significant portion of older adults, the need for care will outgrow the size of the population available to provide social and personal care services (Census, 2000). Strains on federal, state, and local government budgets will create deficiencies of resources and personnel who can serve the ever-growing needs of Americans. 32 Figure 3. Population Comparison: 2000 and 2050 Baby boomers, with a 19-year age spread and such a large population may be the best solution to resolve or supplement the care needs of their oldest members as they age. Unfortunately, as Putnam noted: Americans born in the first third of the twentieth century and (to a lesser extent) their grandchildren in the so-called millennium generation demonstrated higher levels of volunteerism in 1998 than people their age had shown in the 1970s, but volunteerism among late baby boomers (in their thirties and forties in the 1990s) is actually lower now than among people of that age in 1975. (p. 129) Research from the Corporation for National and Community Service (CNCS) supported Putnam’s findings: “Volunteering rates tend to peak for adults in their mid 30s to mid 50s and decline for adults 60 and over” (CNCS, 2007, p. 5). Indeed, in a meta-analysis of existing, published literature, Wheeler, Gorey, and Grennblatt (1998) found that although baby boomers were volunteering a great deal, they tend to peak in their service work between ages 40 – 44 and to maintain those levels only 33 until age 64 (Hendricks & Cutler, 2004). For social service agencies to keep up with the eldest baby boomers’ demands for care, they will have to rely on additional sources of support, such as nonprofit organizations. Yet, as Morris and Caro noted about the resource deficiencies in human service fields, “The public/private distinction matters little, since both rely heavily upon public funding” (1995, p. 3). Thus, finding a way to predict volunteer commitment from the population of younger boomers and to retain commitment from the older boomers seems essential. Even though research on volunteerism has grown in recent decades, evidence for the predictability of volunteer behavior is lacking (Keyes & Haidt, 2003, Omoto & Snyder, 1990; Van Manen, 1990). Yet, communities must efficiently tap baby boomers’ financial and social capital to ensure the health and welfare of this cohort. Establishing a mechanism through which communities can identify those most likely to engage in and sustain social service-related volunteer work will directly reduce the burden late-life boomers will eventually place on social service agencies. This assertion requires what research on volunteerism and psychosocial development definitively lacks: an analysis of whether emotional well-being, specifically identified as transcendence (Ardelt, 1997; Cloniger, Svrakic, & Przybeck, 1993; Curnow, 1999; Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Jennings, Aldwin, Levenson, Spiro III, & Mroczek, 2006; McKee & Barber, 1999), reciprocally predicts and improves volunteer behaviors and to what degree. The baby boomer research related to volunteerism tends to agree (CNCS, 2007). Baby boomers volunteer most when they are young, but are difficult to retain, 34 and often lose interest in their mid-sixties. Research also confirms the impact that the unprecedented size of this cohort will have on social services, health care, and the economy. As boomers may have to rely on their peers and family for care, support, and services in order to maintain healthy development as they age, research that investigates recruitment and retention strategies for boomer volunteers will be useful. The following literature review details one aspect of healthy development that may contribute to research on baby boomers and volunteerism. Transcendence and Volunteerism Whereas transcendence and volunteerism have previously been linked in the literature, most of the research has investigated a broader construct, prosocial behavior, which includes informal volunteer behaviors such as grocery shopping for an elderly neighbor. For example, Piedmont (1999), investigating spirituality as a possible sixth factor of personality, used his Spiritual Transcendence Scale to predict prosocial and compassionate behaviors over and above Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism. Prosocial behaviors, in this study, included spontaneous help of someone in need such as helping a woman pick up the spilled contents of her purse, as well as long-term commitments such as driving a neighbor to the grocery store once per week. Similarly, Janowski (2005), studying the impact of moral reasoning, relaxation, and spirituality as predictors of prosocial behavior, reported, “Compassionate prosocial behaviors were predicted by spiritual transcendence, quiet relaxation time, and selfreflection during relaxation” (p. 110). Though Peidmont and Janowski (Piedmont, 35 1999) both used the Spiritual Transcendence Scale (STS), which includes prayer fulfillment, universality, and connectedness as internally consistent factors, the instrument’s measurement domain is quite similar to the one used for this dissertation project. Janowski (2005) explained: The Spiritual Transcendence Scale (Piedmont, 1999) was developed to measure the capacity of an individual to step outside of everyday life to experience an objective sense of connectedness and unity with others, everything in nature, and a reality beyond one that is seen. (p. 52). Like the Adult Self-Transcendence Inventory (Levenson et al., 2005) the STS focused on objective connection with others based on an underlying belief in the value of all life. One researcher narrowed the concept of prosocial behavior, studying the impact of formal volunteerism on transcendence. Van Deventer (2005) used transpersonal psychology from which to frame her research hypothesizing that service to others would produce transformational experiences and would allow for self-identification and discovery of human potential (Hillman, 1996; Maslow, 1968). Rather than assuming that service to others causes one to become more spiritual or enlightened, she suggested that civic engagement may simply create an opportunity for positive interaction with another, transcendent of differences or circumstances. The results of her small, qualitative study highlighted transcendence as a possible outcome for those who reported personal growth as the result of service coupled with a lack of attachment to an expected outcome (Van Deventer). Work by Lowenthal 36 and Short (1993) supported Van Deventer’s hypothesis that value of authentic engagement with another may lead to transcendence: In following this path, we develop authentic communication, responsibility, humility, and the ability to work with others. When we express our love, our caring, and our dedication, we allow the bonds of friendship to grow and blossom, focusing on improving all of our lives. (pp. 117 – 118) Van Deventer’s (2005) small sample size and qualitative research design, however, prevented her from evidencing transcendence an outcome of volunteer behavior. In terms of participant’s transcendence scores she reported, “There was a distinct difference between highest and lowest scoring participants that could not be fully identified by this researcher” (p. 138). Though a relationship between volunteer behavior and transcendence may exist, literature suggesting that volunteer behavior leads to transcendence does not exist. In the literature, and in reference to the relationships hypothesized in this project, one measure of generative action can be legitimately narrowed to the behavior being measured in this study, volunteerism (Snyder & Clary, 2004). Volunteer behaviors have been positively correlated with self-esteem (Gecas & Burke, 1995), life satisfaction (Burman, 1995), and general mental health (Reitschlin, 1998). The reference to research related to self-esteem, mental health, and life satisfaction is useful for two reasons. First, many researchers discuss specific components of transcendence as part of their discussion of these broader constructs. 37 Second, little research on transcendence exists in the field of human development. Thus, this section details empirical literature providing evidence of the relationship between transcendence and volunteerism using studies related to self-esteem, general mental health, and life satisfaction, as well as the influence of transcendence on volunteering and volunteer hours. Additionally, a large body of research exists demonstrating the link between the development of empathy – a major component of transcendence – and altruistic behavior (Batson et al., 1997; Dass & Gorman, 1985; Hart, 2000; Lerner & Meindal, 1981; McAdams, Diamond, Aubin, & Mansfield, 1997; Neuberg et al., 1997). As is shown, this literature demonstrates the link between transcendence and volunteer behaviors but is lacking evidence of the direction of influence. This lends support for the value of investigating the hypothesis that transcendence will be positively correlated with volunteering and higher numbers of weekly volunteer hours. Literature related both to transcendence and volunteer behavior justifies the inclusion of age, education, retirement status, and alienation as control variables. At the close of this critical review, however, I will be able to conclude that transcendence can explain volunteer behavior over and above the variance explained by these sociodemographic and latent variables. Mental Health Correlates of Volunteer Behavior In a meta-analysis of 37 studies on the effects of volunteering on older adults, Wheeler, Gorey, and Greenblat (1998) found a significant, positive relationship between volunteering and life satisfaction. Similarly, Van Willigen (2000) reported 38 the health and life satisfaction benefits of volunteering. Thoits and Hewitt (2001) also affirmed the volunteering benefits of improved self-esteem and overall psychological well-being. House, Landis, and Umberson (1988) reported that volunteerism allows adults to become involved and invested in their communities, improving mental health through social integration. Krause, Herzog, and Baker (1992) reported that helping others provides for self-validation, which also leads to mental health. Mirowsky and Ross (1989) further suggested that this type of selfvalidation prevents depression. Harlow and Cantor (1996) found results consistent with prior research: Volunteering improved both self-esteem and self-confidence, leading to greater life satisfaction. Demographic Correlates of Volunteer Behavior Education Among the most reliable predictors of volunteer behavior, level of education seems most consistent. Researchers suggest that education increases problem awareness, empathy for others, and confidence in one’s ability to positively contribute to an identified problem (Brady, Verba, & Schlozman, 1995; McPherson & Rotolo, 1996; Rosenthal, Feiring, & Lewis, 1998; Sundeen & Raskoff, 1994; Wilson, 2000). Herzog and Morgan (1993) reported that more highly educated people tend to belong to professional and community organizations that provide outlets for volunteer service to others. Additionally, research confirmed that these types of organizations also provide opportunity for the development of leadership 39 skills, which allow for more access to and influence on volunteer activities, behaviors, and organizations (Brady et al., 1995). Though most research shows a direct relationship between education and volunteer behavior, Thompson (1993) reported that education has a curvilinear relationship to volunteer behaviors depending upon the type of service being provided. Indeed, most similar research confirmed that the more a volunteer task requires literacy skills, the better educated the volunteers. Some of this research such as Thompson’s, however, compares high school graduates to college graduates rather than those who have less than a 12th grade education, potentially skewing results by omitting the volunteer behaviors of those with low education. In the sample used for this study, education is expected to be a significant predictor of volunteer behavior. Work, Income, and Retirement For decades, nonprofits assumed that their target market for soliciting volunteers was nonemployed women who use volunteer activities as a means of social integration (Wilson, 2000). Yet two decades of studies about volunteers and their work, free time, jobs, and income questions the wisdom of this recruitment strategy. For example, Stubbings and Humble (1984) reported that the unemployed and homemakers have among the lowest rates in terms of volunteer behaviors. Thus, though some theories such as role overload (Markham & Bonjean, 1996) suggest a negative relationship between paid work and volunteer hours, the opposite seems to be true. Segal (1993) and Wuthnow (1998) separately determined that as paid work increases, volunteer hours increase slightly as well. Recent data from the Corporation 40 for National and Community Service (2007) further suggested that increasing work hours impacts retention: “Holding employment status constant, decreasing work hours does not lead to higher volunteer retention. Indeed, increasing work hours seems to slightly increase Baby Boomers’ and older volunteers’ propensity to be retained as a volunteer” (p. 12). Research has shown that paid work allows for social integration (which is positively correlated with volunteerism), improves self-esteem, and teaches many skill sets that are transferable to volunteer activities such as timeliness and organization (Brady et al., 1995; Schoenberg, 1980). Work-related time constraints limit volunteer behavior somewhat because part-time workers volunteer more than full-time workers (Wilson, 2000) but additional research is needed to determine how job status might impact a worker’s ability to pursue volunteer behaviors (Smith, 1994, Wilson & Musick, 1997). For example, self-employed people and professionals may have control over their schedules and a greater ability to serve mid-day than those who work nine-to-five jobs. Herzog and Morgan (1993) also postulated that those who love and are attached to their work would have an easier time transitioning to volunteer work in their areas of expertise. Research on income and its relationship with volunteerism is also prolific, but the results vary by demographic. Freeman (1997) found a negative relationship between volunteer behavior and income among current volunteers. Data differed, however, depending on gender and marital status. Segal (1993) reported that single adult males’ volunteer hours were positively associated with income. The study also 41 found, however, volunteer hours were negatively associated with wealth in the same population. In a sample excluding married women, Menchik and Weisbrod (1987) found that although volunteer hours were positively related to income (regardless of income source), the strength of the relationship decreased as income increased. Little research demonstrates reliable agreement about the correlation between income and volunteerism. Retirement may prove to be a more reliable predictor of volunteer behavior than work or income. Though retirement does tend to allow people to commit more time to the informal volunteer work they participated in preretirement, additional free time postretirement is not predictive of informal volunteer activity seeking in those who have not previously volunteered (Caro & Bass, 1995/1997; Gallagher, 1994; Herzog, Kahn, & Morgan, 1989). Mutchler, Burr, and Caro (2003), however, produced results suggesting that a key factor in research design related to retirement and volunteerism is the distinction between formal and informal volunteer work. Writing about this distinction, they explained, “we conclude that especially for individuals not already engaged in formal volunteer work, reduced participation in the paid work force or leaving paid work altogether is associated with an escalation in formal volunteer activity” (p. 9). Their data suggested that retirement increases formal rather than informal volunteer activity. Also, whereas preretirement volunteers may not increase their overall service hours after retirement, literature does evidence some stability in their efforts to maintain their level of service, suggesting that their volunteer rates do not begin to 42 fall until they reach extreme old age or become infirm (Glass, Seeman, Herzog, Kahn, & Berkman, 1995; Kincade, Rabiner, Shulamit, & Woodmert, 1996; Wilson & Musick, 1997). The CNCS research data indicated the opposite, however, suggesting that retirement does not seem to be good for baby boomer volunteer retention. CNCS data indicated, “moving out of the workforce is most likely to reduce volunteer retention among baby boomers” (2007, p. 12). Thus, retirement status along with the knowledge of preretirement volunteer status does not appear to be useful in predicting whether people will volunteer and whether their volunteer hours will increase after retirement. Given the conflicting data it is difficult to predict whether retirement status will be a significant predictor of volunteer behaviors in this sample. Age The relationship between age and volunteer behaviors is also considered. Wilson (2000) reported: As people age, their stock of human capital changes, and thus the likelihood that they will volunteer. Aging also reconfigures social roles, creating fresh opportunities and imposing new constraints. Finally, people of different ages and generations have different outlooks on life, which may change their attitude toward volunteering. (p. 226) Though many adolescents and young adults volunteer (Wilson), other research has demonstrated that volunteer behavior peaks in the middle adult years (CNCS, 2007, Herzog et al., 1989; Menchik & Weisbrod, 1987; Schoenberg, 1980). Although some 43 research (Herzog et al., 1989) suggested that levels of volunteerism are higher in young adulthood than in mid- to late-life, Rotolo (2000) indicated that a lack of control for health make the results spurious at best and warned against assumptions about identifying patterns as true age effects. In research specifically related to baby boomers and volunteerism, CNCS (2007) reported, “Baby Boomers today have the highest rate of any age group. They also, as this report notes, volunteer at higher rates than past generations did when they were the same age.” Unfortunately, the report also noted limitations for the retention of boomer volunteers as they age. The aforementioned statistics only seem to apply through the age of 57, when both volunteer and retention rates drop dramatically. The same report postulated that confounding variables may influence figures related to age and volunteerism. Specifically, the report noted that, “Baby Boomers in their 40s and 50s are more likely to have school-aged children at home than older generations were at the same age” and, “There is also evidence that adults with children under 18 years of age residing with them are more likely to volunteer than adults without school-aged children at home” (CNCS, 2007, p. 2). Again, given the conflicting data, it is difficult to predict whether age will be a significant predictor of volunteer behavior in this sample. Finally, alienation, a latent construct related to self-transcendence, must be addressed. When designing the ASTI for their research on self-transcendence and wisdom, Levenson et al. (2005) relied on Tornstam’s (1994) gero-transcendence construct. Challenging the notion that aging adults disengage from society as a 44 defense mechanism through which they adapt to successive losses (Cummings & Henry, 1961), Tornstam (1994) suggested a natural progression toward a sense of union with the universe, redefinition of the importance of time, a decreased fear of death, an awareness of interconnectedness with other generations, a decreased need for superfluous socialization, a decreased need for the material, a decrease in selfcenteredness, and an increase in meditative-like practice. In his research, however, he also demonstrated the value for assessing potential disengagement or alienation from society and discussed “obstructions” to gero-transcendence (pp. 210 – 211). In addition to instruments measuring life satisfaction, social activity, and both ego and cosmic transcendence, Tornstam (1994) included measures of old-age depression, psychological strain, and coping patterns to identify possible disengagement or alienation. Likewise, Levenson et al., saw the value of including items on the ASTI to measure alienation, which correlated positively with the neuroticism scale on the NEO-FFI Personality Inventory (McCrae & Costa, 1989) and correlated negatively with self-transcendence. Alienation was presented by Tornstam (1994) and Levenson et al. as the antithesis of transcendence, but as no literature has linked alienation to volunteer behavior, even in a negative way, it is difficult to predict its contribution to volunteer behaviors. 45 CHAPTER THREE: METHOD Chapter Overview The purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between transcendence and volunteer behaviors. The first research question asked “Does the score from the Self-Transcendence subscale of the ASTI predict whether baby boomers volunteer?” The second research question asked, “Does the score from the Self-Transcendence subscale of the ASTI predict the average number of baby boomers’ weekly volunteer hours. The measures included one pre-existing questionnaire (ASTI), one forced-choice question about volunteering, and an openended question about volunteering. This chapter details the design and the analytic strategy used to answer the two research questions. Design Population and sample The population consisted of residents of Corvallis, Oregon in the baby boom generation who were registered voters during the summer of 2006. A response rate of 24.35% produced a sample of 487 participants who returned completed surveys. 473 participants reported their gender, including 282 women (58%) and 191 men (40%). The participants’ ages ranged from 41 to 60. The median age was 53. Fewer than 2% of the participants who answered a question related to ethnicity indicated that they were of Hispanic or Latino decent; 92% were White. Over 3% were Asian and just fewer than 3% were American Indian or Alaskan Natives. Black and 46 Hawaiian participants made up another 1%. The Other category, which may have been made up of those with mixed-race heritage, made up the final 1%. Fewer than 20% of participants reported being retired. Participants reported a mean household income of $47,000. The mode for income, however, indicated that 45% of participants reported household incomes between $64,000 and $134,999. Table 1 Correlation Matrix of Analysis Variables, all Respondents (N = 487) Variables 1 1. Volunteer hours - 2 2. Age .03 - 3. Education .05 -.04 4. Retirement statusa .12** .34*** 5. Alienationb -.13** 6. Self-Transcendencec 3 4 5 6 -.12* - -.08 .03 -.09 .30*** .04 .01 .01 -.35*** - M 3.72 52.26 17.09 .19 5.59 5.10 SD 5.64 5.45 2.69 .39 1.18 .83 a 0 = not retired, 1 = retired. bThe M of responses to 3 ASTI items that make up this subscale score. cThe M of responses to 14 ASTI items that make up this subscale score. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. Participants reported 17 mean years of education. Thirty percent reported having 16 years of education and another 21% reported having 18 years of education. In this 47 sample, 75% of respondents also reported that they were married. Table 1 presents the summary statistics for the control and explanatory variables for all respondents. Procedures This cross-sectional study recruited participants using a random sample of the targeted age group drawn from voter registration records by ward. Part of a larger research project sponsored by the City of Corvallis’s Senior Center, it was designed to assess the recreation and leisure interests of baby boomers in order to plan future city-sponsored recreation and leisure activities. The survey also asked participants to predict their recreation and leisure interests and motivations 10 years into the future. Additionally, it asked a question related to the location of participants’ current recreation and leisure behaviors as well as sociodemographic questions (See full survey in Appendix A). This dissertation uses only the survey data related to whether the baby boomers volunteer, the average number of hours volunteered weekly, alienation subscale scores, self-transcendence subscale scores, and demographic variables. Based on research using government-sponsored surveys such as this one, a 25% response rate was predicted (Krosnick, 1999). Thus, the 12-page surveys, along with addressed and stamped return envelopes, were mailed to 2,000 home addresses. Questionnaires and their matching return envelopes were stamped with unique numbers to maintain confidentiality. An informed consent document (see Appendix B) was included in the initial mailing as well. Potential participants were informed about the purpose of the study, 48 the importance of informed consent, the reason they were invited to take part in the study, and the risks and benefits of participating. They were also assured that researchers would maintain their confidentiality by referring to participant responses by number only. Additionally, potential participants were provided with contact information for both the principal and the student researcher. Original completed questionnaires were kept in a locked cabinet at the Corvallis Senior Center. Following Dillman’s (2007) recommended strategies to increase response rates in mailed surveys, a reminder letter was sent within one month of the original mailing. Envelope numbers from returned surveys were matched with household addresses to ensure that participants who had returned their surveys were not sent reminder letters. Because of the random nature of the sampling, it was possible for more than one resident of a household to receive a survey. Only 16 addresses were duplicated on the originally mailing list. Of those 32 potentially related surveys, only 2 pairs were returned. Instruments and Measurement Volunteerism. Volunteerism is represented in current literature as formalized but unpaid work engaged in for the benefit of a group or organization and performed within the context of an organization such as civic, religious, and community-based (Penner, 2002; Van Deventer, 2005; Wilson, 2000). Volunteer behaviors were not limited by type and could include service on behalf of the environment, animals, or people. This study used two questions to measure volunteerism. The first asked, “Do you 49 volunteer in your community – with community organizations, the local library, the parks and recreation department, or other group?” The respondents were offered two response prompts. If they reported negatively, they were prompted to continue to the next section unrelated to volunteering. If they responded affirmatively, they were asked, “please write how many hours (average per week)” and the participants were offered a space in which to write their response. Of the 477 participants who responded to the question about volunteering, 64.15% (306) reported volunteering and 35.85% (171) reported that they do not volunteer in their communities. The average weekly volunteer hours reported by the 306 participants who do volunteer was 5.85 hours per week (σ = 6.08). Table 3 shows the summary statistics for the average number of volunteer hours reported by those who reported volunteering. Figure 4 shows the histogram for the set of respondents who reported volunteering in their community. In the analysis, those respondents who reported that they do not volunteer were assigned the value of zero. Transcendence. Transcendence is a subjective developmental process highlighted by spirituality, peaceful acceptance of self, a strong sense of connection to both past and future generations, and emotional well-being. An established instrument, the Adult Self-Transcendence Inventory (ASTI) (Levenson et al., 2005), used 18 seven-point, ordinal Likert scale questions that identified two constructs, alienation and selftranscendence. “Levenson et al. (2005) confirmed that the ASTI has a two-factor structure, one for self-transcendence and the other for alienation” (Jennings, Aldwin, 50 Levenson, Spiro, Mrockek, 2006, p. 124). In their study, the subscales demonstrated internal reliability including .75 for self-transcendence and .64 for alienation. 0 10 20 % 30 40 50 Jennings et al. (2003) also confirmed the factor structure. The alienation subscale 0 10 20 30 Mean Weekly Volunteer Hours for All Respondents 40 Figure 4. Histogram of Responses to “Do You Volunteer in Your Community?” score is used as a control variable in this project. Four additional items were added by this researcher, but were not included in this analysis. The mean of the items from the self-transcendence subscale (14 items) produced the self-transcendence score. The score included items such as, “I often engage in quiet contemplation,” “I feel part of something greater than myself,” and, “I can learn a lot from others.” Levenson et al. (2005) used the ASTI to measure self-transcendence, asserted to be a “critical component of wisdom,” in a population of university faculty, staff, 51 and students in California (p. 127). Though the mean age was 34, the participants’ ages ranged from 18 to 73, and included people in the baby boomer age range. As in this current research, the majority of respondents in the 2005 study were White women who were well educated. Levenson et al. compared the ASTI subscales to the NEO-FFI Personality Inventory (NEO-FFI) (McCrae & Costa, 1989) to establish both divergent and convergent validity, demonstrating that the self-transcendence subscale was negatively correlated with neuroticism, and was “positively and modestly correlated with the other four personality measures” (Levenson et al., p. 135). Thus, The ASTI was validated in a sample similar to the one in this study. Analytic Plan Before beginning analysis, the issue of missing data was addressed. Missing data can lead to erroneous and biased conclusions. Acock (2005) indicated that missing values are replete among social science fields, including in human development and family studies research. Acock (2005) further indicated that identifying the reason data may be missing and providing an explanation of missing data management procedures are necessary for the researcher and readers’ accurate understanding of the analysis and results. The first step is to distinguish the cause of the missing data. Typically, missing data in family studies research is the result of data that are missing at random (MAR): MAR is a more realistic assumption for family studies. The missing data for a variable are MAR if the likelihood of missing data on the variable is not related to the participant’s score on the variable, after controlling for other 52 variables in the study. (Acock, 2005, p. 1014) Though common mechanisms influencing missing variables in family studies research include age, race, gender, and education, analysis of missing patterns in this data set indicated that gender was the mechanism that best helped to explain whether a respondent answered a question (Acock, 2005). Once it was established that the data met the MAR assumptions, it was important to determine how to impute missing values. The simplest method would have been to impute variables using mean substitution because there were few missing variables (ranging from 1% missing to 13% missing depending on which variable was assessed) compared to most social science data sets (Acock, 2005; Li, Duncan, Duncan, Harmer, & Acock, 1998; Rubin, 1976, 1996). The use of mean substitution, however, even with fewer missing data points than other family studies data, remained problematic because those who typically refuse to answer questions are not those whose responses generally lie around the mean (Acock, 2005). Thus, advanced multivariate imputation using chained equations was performed to ensure that random error was included in the imputed data. This three-step process outlined by Acock (2005) maintains realistic variance. First, 10 additional data sets were created with imputed values based on the distribution of available data. Second, each dataset was independently analyzed and estimates of the parameters of interest were averaged across the copies to give a single estimate. Third, computations of standard errors were then produced and added to the estimates to allow for the between- and within-imputation components of variation in the parameter estimates (Royston, 53 2005). The imputation process used for this analysis incorporated a weight variable as well for gender. Using this process, data were imputed for all missing data in the variables used for this project including the ASTI items used to create the selftranscendence subscale score and the alienation subscale score. Exploratory factor analysis was used to verify the ASTI’s two-factor structure. Using Stata analytical software (Statacorp, 2005), a Pearson product moment correlation matrix was generated to examine the relationships among all variables included in the analysis; that is, demographic variables, ASTI subscale scores, whether baby boomers reported volunteering, and the average number of weekly volunteer hours. Correlations among the explanatory and control variables were reviewed to ensure that multicollinearity was not a concern by regressing each explanatory variable and the control variable on all other variables used in the analysis. Though any explanatory or control variable with a variance-inflation factor (VIF) greater than 2.0 would have been dropped, multicollinearity was not found to be a problem. Then, Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial regression was used to explain the amount of variance in volunteer hours. Using STATA, diagnostics were performed to verify that the data conformed to the underlying assumptions of the regression procedure, including analysis confirming that the data were skewed, nonnegative, and that the variance of scores increased as the mean increased. 54 CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS Explanatory and Control Variables The analysis focused on four control variables, respondents’ age, respondents’ years of education, whether a respondent was retired, and the alienation subscale score from the ASTI, and one explanatory variable, the self-transcendence subscale score calculated from the ASTI (Levenson et al., 2005).The summary statistics for these variables for the overall sample are presented in Table 1. On average, respondents were in the middle of the baby boomer age range (m = 52.18 years, σ = 5.28), highly educated (m = 17.07 years, σ = 7.27), and still working for pay at the time of the survey in 2006 (retired = 18.75% and working = 81.25%). Inferential Statistics Constructing the ASTI Subscales The instrument included 18 items based on the ASTI scale described in Levenson et al., 2005. The 2005 results scaled factors into two dimensions described as self-transcendence and alienation and were based on the theoretical reasoning provided by the ASTI’s authors. The current set of 18 ASTI items were drawn by Levenson from a pool of 36 items on the ASTI-Revised (Personal Communication, 2006). Attempts to replicate the two dimensions identified in the Levenson et al. (2005) study using exploratory factor analysis with varimax rotation were successful, though one item did not load as predicted. Table 2 describes the ASTI item factor 55 Table 2 ASTI Item Factor Loadings Using Exploratory Factor Analysis With Varimax Rotation (N = 487) Self-transcendence Item Alienation Factor loadings 1. I often engage in quiet contemplation. .53 -.06 2. I feel that my individual life is part of a greater whole. .83 -.01 3. I feel a sense of belonging with both earlier and future generations. .63 -.16 4. My peace of mind is not easily upset. .66 .27 5. I feel isolated and lonely. -.04 .49 6. My sense of wellbeing does not depend on a busy social life. .32 .15 7. I feel part of something greater than myself. .80 .09 8. My happiness is not dependent on other people and things. .35 .24 9. I have a good sense of humor about myself. .48 .19 .53 .28 11. Material possessions don’t mean much to me. .32 .19 12. I feel compassionate even to people who have been unkind to me. .49 .15 13. I am not often fearful. .45 .10 16. I often have a sense of oneness with nature. .49 -.01 17. I feel cut off from other generations. .39 .39 19. Different parts of me are often at cross-purposes. -.07 .58 20. I feel scattered and distracted much of the time. -.09 .62 21. I can accept the impermanence of things. .32 .29 10. I find much joy in life. Note. Item 17, which loaded onto both factors, was omitted from the subscale scores. 56 loadings. Item 17, predicted to load onto the alienation factor in the previous study (Levenson et al., 2005) loaded equally onto both factors and was removed from the analysis. Additionally, items 6, 8, 11, and 21 loaded below the .40 threshold, bringing their validity into question in terms whether the items accurately measure the self-transcendence construct. They were included in the analysis however, because they loaded as predicted on the basis of theory supporting the construct of self-transcendence, because the results were reliable when compared to the previous Levenson et al. (2005) study, and because the likelihood ratio x2(231) = 2,732.69 was statistically significant (p < .001) (Brown, 2006). One factor consisted of 14 items forming the self-transcendence subscale. The second factor consisted of three items forming the alienation scale. The formulation of these two factors generated moderate Cronbach’s alphas (.69 for the self-transcendence factor and .54 for the alienation factor). These coefficients compare with the Levenson et al. (2005) results showing Cronbach’s Alphas of .75 and .64 for the self-transcendence and alienation subscales, respectively. The two subscale scores from this current study correlated negatively (r = -.32). When the current data are limited to respondents who said they volunteered in their communities, the correlation between the scales was -.28. Assessing Multicollinearity of the Explanatory and Control Variables Multicollinearity Given the interrelationships of volunteerism predictors identified in the literature review, multicollinearity of explanatory and control variables must be 57 assessed to ensure that each explanatory or control variable contributes uniquely to the variance of the outcome variable. “Multicollinearity happens when a combination of variables makes one or more of the variables largely or completely redundant” (Acock, 2006, p. 227). Table 2 shows the Pearson Product Moment correlations among the continuous variables reported by all respondents. Regarding the outcome variable, positive significant correlations exist with the retirement and selftranscendence variables. A significant negative correlation exists between volunteer hours and alienation. Table 3 shows the Pearson Product Moment correlations among the continuous variables to be tested in the model for the set of respondents reporting that they volunteered in their community. These results show moderate correlations among the variables in the model. No correlation in Table 2 or Table 3 has an absolute value greater than .40. These results together suggested that multicollinearity would not be an issue in the model. A scatterplot supporting this assertion can be found in Appendix C. A more formal test, the computation of a variance inflation factor (VIF) for each explanatory and control variable, provides additional assurance that multicollinearity is not an issue for the predictors in this study. Acock (2006) indicated that a VIF over 10 indicates multicollinearity. The mean VIF for these predictors is 1.14. No single predictor has a VIF over 1.26 (self-transcendence). The eigenvalues for the explanatory variables are all lower than .50. The largest condition indices are related to the two ASTI subscales, self-transcendence (5.57) and 58 Table 3 Correlation Matrix of Analysis Variables, Community Volunteers (N = 306) Variables 1 1. Volunteer hours - 2 2. Age .07 - 3. Education -.01 -.02 4. Retirement statusa .12* 5. Alienationb -.11 6. Self-Transcendencec .33*** 3 4 5 - 6 -.08 - -.13* .01 -.09 .38*** .08 .01 .01 -.28*** - M 5.85 52.10 17.31 .20 5.62 5.14 SD 6.09 5.54 2.49 .40 1.19 1.73 a 0 = not retired, 1 = retired. bThe M of responses to 3 ASTI items that make up this subscale score. cThe M of responses to 14 ASTI items that make up this subscale score. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. alienation (.77), which is used as a control variable. These results additionally suggested that there are no problematic linear relations among the explanatory and control variables. Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression Model Modeling The task of modeling the relationship between the number of volunteer hours and the self-transcendence subscale score captured by the ASTI required a departure 59 from a traditional linear regression model. The outcome variable, number of volunteer hours, is a count. Though 64.15% reported volunteering, the fact that 35.85% of the respondents self-reported a zero value required the use of a ZeroInflated Negative Binomial regression model for estimation (Long, 1997). The Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial regression model is a combination of a count model estimating the probability of observed counts and an inflation model estimating the likelihood that a respondent will have a value of zero on the outcome variable. The effects of the inflation model adjust the count model to account for the likelihood that a respondent will have a value of zero on the outcome variable. This model controls for respondent age, respondent years of education, whether a respondent reported being retired at the time of the questionnaire, and alienation. The explanatory variable is the factor from the ASTI subscales, selftranscendence. The results of the model are presented in Table 4. The results demonstrated that respondents with higher self-transcendence scores and retired respondents are more likely to report more volunteer hours than those with lower self-transcendence scores and those who are not retired. The inflation portion of the results shows a negative relationship between years of education and the likelihood that a respondent will not volunteer; that is respondents with more education are less likely to report volunteering zero hours. Put more simply, there is an indirect, positive relationship between years of education and the number of volunteer hours reported. Model fit 60 The model fit statistics reported in Table 4 suggested that the Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial regression model is of the proper form and that the current formulation is a significant improvement over the null model. The results of the Table 4 Summary of Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression for Variables Explaining Volunteer Behavior (N = 487). M Weekly Volunteer Hours Likelihood of Volunteering __________________________________________________ Count Inflation __________________________________________________ B SE B Z B SE B Z Age -.01 .01 -.85 .03 .04 .90 Education .01 .03 .18 -.28 .10 -2.81** Retirement status .63 .20 3.15** -.06 .43 -.13 Alienation .06 .06 .96 .03 .15 .20 Transcendence .50 .08 .04 .19 .23 Variables Likelihood Ratio x2(5) Vuong (z)a a 6.16*** 44.51*** 2.75** Vuong test of the Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial model versus a standard negative binomial model. **p < .01. ***p < .001. 61 Vuong test are significantly different from zero, suggesting that the Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial regression model is also an improvement over the Poisson regression model. The log-likelihood statistics (-1,065.71) indicated that the full model is an improvement over the null model containing no predictors. An additional perspective on model fit is presented in Figure 5, which plotted the observed distribution of hours of volunteering against the predicted curve derived from the model. This curve shows that the predicted model replicates the observed distribution very well. The predicted curve slightly overestimated the proportion of respondents reporting between 5 and 9 volunteer hours and underestimated the percentage of respondents reporting 10, 15, and 20 hours of volunteering. Self-Transcendence and retirement Because the Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial regression model is nonlinear, interpreting the marginal effect of differences in the outcome variable on the basis of the differences in the explanatory and control variables required transformation of the model coefficients. The discussion below relies on the formulas from Long (1997). The two significant variables in the model, the continuous self-transcendence subscale score and the binary variable indicating whether a respondent is retired, used different calculations to gauge the effect of each variable. The standardized effect of differences in the number of volunteer hours reported given a standard deviation change in the self-transcendence subscale score is supported by equation 8.4 from Long (1997). This effect is calculated by adding 62 the coefficient of the variable to the estimate’s standard error. Based on this calculation, each standard deviation increase in a respondent’s self-transcendence subscale score increases that respondent’s hours of volunteering by 58%, holding all other variables constant. The amount of change because of a respondent being retired is calculated using the coefficients from Table 4 and the mean values of the explanatory and control variables from Table 3 (Long, 1997; equation 8.5). Based on this calculation, being retired increases a respondent’s volunteer time by an average 0 .1 Probability .2 .3 .4 of .83 hours per week. 0 5 10 15 20 25 M Volunteer Hours per Week 30 35 40 Observed Proportion Predicted Value from Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression Figure 5. Plot of Observed and Predicted Curves: Number of Volunteer Hours Results Summary The results highlighted some important factors that contribute to baby boomers’ decisions to volunteer and to the average number of hours baby boomers 63 volunteer per week. A general finding was that baby boomers with higher levels of education were more likely to report volunteering. This indirect positive relationship controlled for age, being retired, and alienation. Being older, reporting being retired, lower alienation scores, and higher self-transcendence scores did not explain the choice to volunteer. In terms of the variables studied that were related to increased numbers of volunteer hours, being retired increased a baby boomer’s volunteering by 49.8 minutes per week or an average of 43.16 hours per year in additional volunteer service. Finally, baby boomers’ self-transcendence scores were positively related to increased numbers of volunteer hours reported. For every standard deviation increase in their self-transcendence scores, baby boomers volunteer hours increased by 58%, holding all other variables constant. This finding suggests that increasing the mean self-transcendence score from 5.10 to 5.93 would result in an increase of mean volunteer hours by 3.39 hours per week. These results support the hypothesis that self-transcendence can help to explain baby boomers’ volunteer hours. 64 CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION Overview The size of the baby boomer cohort makes the study of this unique group salient. As they have aged, they have experienced systems that have either been forced to accommodate them or have recognized the wisdom of catering to them as a group. From the building of new schools in the 1950s, to politicians basing their agendas on values common among cohort members, to businesses marketing products specifically for them, baby boomers have become aware of the power they yield in influencing American cultural, political, economic, educational, and social macrosystems (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Whereas a great deal of social discussion and research focuses on the power of this cohort to make macrosystemic changes, even in terms of civic engagement (Putnam, 2000), little work focuses on how to identify those boomers most likely to engage in civic activities such as volunteerism. Thus, the goal of this research project was to hypothesize a means through which those more civically involved and civically committed baby boomers could be identified. The construct of self-transcendence provided a useful framework from which to investigate volunteer behaviors among this population because it is based on theories from interrelated fields: human development and personality psychology. Personality theories of Jung, Maslow, and Frankl were examined along with the developmental theories of Erikson, McAdams, and Tornstam to evidence a connection between self-transcendence and generative behaviors such as volunteerism. The ASTI, a measurement instrument designed on the basis of these 65 and similar theories, was evaluated as an appropriate instrument to use for measuring self-transcendence in the baby boomer population. The instrument used for this project included the ASTI along with questions related to volunteer behaviors and sociodemographic information. The data were used to explore which baby boomers will volunteer and baby boomers’ weekly volunteer hours among those who do so using self-transcendence scores. Three demographic variables (age, education, and retirement status) identified in the literature as correlates of both transcendence and volunteerism, and alienation, a second factor identified by the ASTI, were used as control variables to determine the relationship between self-transcendence and volunteer behaviors. This chapter discusses the results of the analyses. Variables that were evidenced to explain some variance in volunteer behavior are explored in detail. In addition, this chapter discusses the limitations of the study, offers suggestions for future research, and identifies the value of the information for baby boomers, public and private community agencies that use volunteers, human development and family studies researchers, and society in general. Education Zero-inflated negative binomial regression was used to explain volunteer behavior in a sample of baby boomers. The unique value of the Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial regression for this research project data rests in its ability to simultaneously predict nonvolunteers as well as to predict a count of volunteer hours among expected volunteers. Different results emerged in terms of statistical 66 prediction of those expected to be in the nonvolunteers category versus predicted volunteers. The results demonstrated that among those baby boomers in the nonvolunteer category, education was the only significant variable explaining volunteer behavior. Education, as hypothesized, may indeed be associated with formal volunteering. A few limitations may have influenced this result. Some research has evidenced that education is among the most significant predictors of voting behavior, another type of civic engagement, including voter registration (Sigelman, Roeder, Jewell, and Baer, 2001). Why might this be the case? Researchers have postulated several theories. Herzog and Morgan (1993) reported that more highly educated people tend to belong to professional and community organizations that encourage civic responsibility. McPherson and Rotolo (1996) explained that those with higher levels of education tend to have more control over their schedules, and hence more time to engage politically and civically. Because research has likewise linked higher levels of education with volunteerism (Wilson, 2000), the fact that the sample of baby boomers used in this study was drawn from voter registration records potentially creates a confounding variable. If well-educated baby boomers are more likely to register to vote and also more likely to volunteer, it is logical to conclude that volunteers may be overrepresented in the sample. In fact, 49% of this study’s sample had completed at least four years of college as compared with only 28.1% of other urban-living Oregonians, and only 24.4% of U.S. citizens (U.S. Census, 2007), making it seem difficult to generalize the results of the study. An accurate review of 67 the literature related to highly educated baby boomers and the sample’s demographic make-up, however, may help allay this concern. Research related to baby boomers, education, and civic behaviors such as voting and volunteerism challenges the notion that more volunteers can be found in a sample drawn from voter registration records. Thompson’s (1993) study did not include those who have less than a twelfth-grade education and Wilson’s (2000) meta-analysis only mentioned studies that included high school students and above. Excluding those with lower levels of education can potentially skew results. How can one assert that education level causes one to vote or volunteer more when only participants with high school educations and above were studied? The level of education respondents reported in this study ranged from seven to 26 years; 19.74% of the respondents in this study reported fewer than 16 years of education. The difference in the mean number of volunteer hours per week between those without a four-year college education and those without a four-year college education was only 1.71 hours per week. Overall, baby boomers assessed in the sample reported 17.07 average years of education. Although this level of education is higher than the state average for those over the age of 25, census data for the city of Corvallis indicated that 53.1% of the population reported earning a bachelors degree or higher (U.S. Census, 2000). The sample appears to accurately reflect the city from which it was drawn. Thus, generalization may be possible for communities with similar demographic characteristics. 68 Additionally, research by Brady, Verba, and Schlozman (1995) challenged the assumption that voting is as substantially impacted by education as once believed: “Political interest has by far the most substantial impact, with free time and citizenship also significant” (p. 283). Their data, produced from a large, two-stage voluntary, public, telephone survey assessed political and nonpolitical activity as well as demographics. During a 6-month period in 1989, 15,000 respondents were surveyed. In 1990, 2,517 of the original respondents were included in longer, inperson interviews. The authors reported, “When we regress political interest on formal educational experiences and language abilities, we find that the impact of education on voting is funneled entirely through political interest” (p. 283). If voting is not as dependent on educational attainment, it is also likely that registering to vote is not either. Hence, arguing that volunteers (such as those civically engaged voters) are likely overestimated in a sample of highly educated respondents drawn from voter registration rolls may also be inaccurate. Future research related to civic engagement such as voting and volunteerism should include those with less than a 12th grade education in order to assess whether those with more education truly are overrepresented in voter registration records. Additionally, research related to volunteerism might benefit from a qualitative assessment of the influence of education on civic engagement. Allowing respondents to consider if and how their education influences their volunteer behaviors may provide insight into the mechanism through which education may influence civic engagement. 69 Retirement For those who reported volunteering, retirement status was one variable that predicted an increased number of volunteer hours. In the literature, retirement status was linked to formal volunteer behavior. Retirement status was not hypothesized to explain volunteer behavior in this study, however, because it was unclear whether the question used to assess volunteer status was worded in such a way as to ensure the assessment of formal versus informal volunteer behavior. Results from previous studies suggested that the type of volunteer behavior (formal vs. informal) is differentially related to retirement (Herzog, Kahn, & Morgan, 1989; Mutchler, Burr, & Caro, 2003). The results of this study show the validity of the question used to assess participants’ formalized volunteer behaviors and may support continued research that separates informal volunteer behavior from formal volunteer behavior. Had the question related to volunteerism been asked in a less specific way, inferring the assessment of informal volunteer behaviors, such as mowing the neighbor’s lawn, along with more formal volunteer behaviors, results may have varied as hypothesized. A limitation may exist, however, in terms of how the question about retirement was asked. For example, three female respondents noted qualitatively on the instrument that they had worked at home, raising children and caring for their spouses and property. These three women indicated that they had no way to gauge retirement status other than whether their spouses were retired. Additionally, though the questionnaire asked retired respondents whether they continued to work for pay 70 after retirement, that variable was not included in the analysis. If the mechanism through which retirement is related to volunteerism is perception of increased free time, knowing whether a retired respondent still works for pay might provide more insight into the actual relationship between retirement and volunteer behavior. Future work investigating the link between volunteer hours and retirement may do well to assess perceived free time after retirement. Self-Transcendence Finally, self-transcendence, as hypothesized, did explain increased average volunteer hours per week. One standard deviation increase in a respondent’s selftranscendence score explained a 58% increase in average volunteer hours per week. Limitations also exist in terms of this finding specifically related to instrument validity and reliability. The original ASTI used in the Levenson et al. (2005) study was an 18-item instrument. When providing the ASTI for this study, the original author provided a revised scale. Though several of the same items remained, some of the weaker items had been discarded and new items, predicted to be more valid and reliable, were added. Thus, the Cronbach’s alphas reported by Levenson et al., for the two subscales, self-transcendence and alienation, although substantiating the original research, could not necessarily guide this project. Factor loadings were also impacted by the revision of items from the original instrument. Whereas similar patterns emerged when compared to Levenson et al. (2005), at least one item had to be omitted from the analysis because of loading on both factors. 71 Additionally, the Levenson et al. (2005) study relied on cumulative subscale scores for self-transcendence and alienation. This project’s analysis relied on the means for the self-transcendence and alienation subscale scores, potentially altering the results in a way that limits their usefulness in terms of additional evidence of reliability and validity. A review of the analysis used for the study, however, resolves these concerns. First, it is important to note that the revised scale came directly from the authors of the previous instrument and was based on a careful theoretical understanding of the constructs of self-transcendence and alienation. Choosing a self-transcendence factor made up of the majority of items proposed to be related to self-transcendence and a three-item factor made up of items proposed to be related to alienation, resulted in similar factor loadings. The negative correlation between these two subscales confirmed the two-factor solution. In terms of measurement differences relating to how the self-transcendence and alienation subscale scores were determined, taking the mean of items forced the scale to be within the range of the original variables and allows for accurate comparison of variables regardless of how many items contributed to each variable. For example, the self-transcendence subscale consisted of 14 items and the alienation scale consisted of 3 items. Thus the range of responses contributing to a cumulative self-transcendence score is 7 to 98. For the alienation subscale score, the range is 3 to 21. Because the item responses were ordinal, the precise differences between rankings cannot be expressed. Thus, it is more useful to describe subscale scores that 72 are within the range of the scale itself rather than different from the scale and from each other. Analyzing data from this framework provides reliable and valid statistics. Suggestions for future work incorporating the ASTI include use of the revised scale to confirm reliability and validity of both the factors associated with the scale and in terms of its usefulness for explaining volunteer behaviors. Self-Report of Volunteerism Limitations may also exist because the way in which the data were collected. Volunteerism is a socially desirable behavior (Wilson, 2000). Self-reported responses to questions related to socially desirable behaviors can be skewed in favor of the participant (Okun & Eisenberg, 2006). Further, time-use studies offer reliable evidence that this type of methodology can lead to inaccurate reporting because “the accuracy of the data depends on the diligence, understanding, and honesty of the participant.” (Donahue et al., 2001, p. 2). It must be noted, however, that although 62.8% of participants self-reported volunteering in this study, 37.2% reported that they did not volunteer. These rates accurately correspond with national data related to baby boomers and their volunteer behaviors (CNCS, 2007). Thus, it is appropriate to conclude that social desirability and problematic time-use study methodology may not have impacted these results. Results in Relation to Theory Theoretical constructs contributed to this research by providing insight into a process of developmental, age-appropriate emotional growth proposed to be a critical component of generativity (McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1998). Drawing on the 73 theories of Jung, Erikson, Frankl, Maslow, and Tornstam to inform the constructs of self-transcendence and generative behavior in midlife, analysis required the use of an instrument that was designed on the basis of fundamentally similar concepts. That instrument, the ASTI, was shown to accurately measure both self-transcendence and alienation as suggested. Though this project did not propose to assess whether self-transcendence is the inner desire component of McAdams’s and de St. Aubin’s (1998) Process Model of Generativity, future research investigating this component and its relationship to generative action should consider the use of an instrument battery that contains both the ASTI and the Loyola Generativity Scale (McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1992). Correlation of these two instruments along with their prediction of generative behaviors, such as volunteerism, could confirm that self-transcendence and inner desire are one-in-the same. Finally, in consideration of future work related to self-transcendence and its usefulness in predicting volunteering hours in general, careful attention should be paid to analysis of the direction of the relationship. This author is aware of only one study using the ASTI that attempted to predict the impact of volunteer behavior on transcendence (Van Deventer, 2005). This small, qualitative project determined that too little evidence existed to suggest that volunteerism leads to transcendence-related growth. Future studies should assess volunteer history across the lifespan to more accurately assess the direction of the relationship. Conclusion 74 The last three decades of research have evidenced the value social science researchers place on volunteerism. Sociologists have attempted to discern the effects of volunteerism and nonvolunteerism on civic engagement. Political scientists and economists have investigated the costs and benefits of volunteerism on public and private enterprise. Psychologists have evidenced the positive and negative effects of volunteer behaviors on well-being. Human development and family studies researchers have identified some aspects of how volunteering influences development. This study drew upon this abundance of research to identify those who are most likely to volunteer and to volunteer more average hours per week. Growing concern among both public and private social agencies make this next step in research vital and salient. As the baby boomers age, the makeup of the population will shift to the point at which the oldest old will make up the majority of citizens in need of care. Cohorts younger than the baby boomers will not, by profession or by voluntary civic engagement, be able to manage the care needs of these oldest boomers alone. Thus, identifying committed volunteers in the youngest population of boomers will be a necessity, rather than a luxury. One key criterion for the identification of volunteers as discussed in Wilson (2000) was the importance of segregating volunteer behaviors into formal and informal types because evidence for commitment levels of each of these types of volunteers is mixed. By carefully crafting the questions in this study asking about formal volunteer behaviors, data were narrowed to the assessment of formal types of 75 volunteer behavior. Future studies could and should attempt to replicate these results among populations of informal volunteers. Additionally, once replicated, this type of work should inspire researchers to engage in longitudinal studies to evidence the impact of volunteer behavior over time and to investigate whether baby boomers who report current commitment to volunteerism maintain their commitments as they age and progress through additional developmental stages. The literature review for this study suggested that some boomers who have successfully navigated Erikson’s sixth stage of development, generativity versus stagnation, exhibit their generative inclinations through volunteerism. If that is so, it will be important to determine how their development through each successive stage will impact their generative commitment and ability. McAdams and de St. Aubin’s (1992) continued work on the process of generativity may also have been informed by the results of this study. Their research has yet to evidence a key component of his process model, inner desire. For the model to be valid and relevant for those studying generativity, work must establish the mechanism through which inner desire is developed and evidence its link to generative behaviors, such as volunteerism. Though this work did not attempt to do so, future work connecting both the ASTI and the Loyola Generativity Scale to volunteerism may shed light on how inner desire forms. Self-transcendence may be one way in which inner desire develops. 76 This study investigated the role of self-transcendence in explaining volunteer behaviors. Age, education, retirement, and alienation were used as control variables. The model identified how volunteers may be predicted from a group of nonvolunteers. Education was the only variable able to predict potential volunteers from a pool of those not expected to volunteer. The model also demonstrated that some of the variables used in the study could explain a portion of the variance in the average number of volunteer hours per week. Though the literature did not allow for the development of a confident hypothesis about the connection between retirement and volunteer behavior, retirement was shown to increase average weekly volunteer hours. Self-transcendence was hypothesized to explain increased average weekly hours of volunteering among a population of baby boomers. Results indicated that when all other variables were controlled, self-transcendence could indeed explain a portion of the variance in average weekly volunteer hours. To a greater degree than retirement, self-transcendence was useful in explaining an increase in the volunteer behaviors studied. 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Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 94 APPENDICES 95 Appendix A: Questionnaire A Collaborative Research Project: Planning City-Sponsored Recreation and Leisure Activities for Baby Boomers and Their Families 2006 96 Do you currently spend more time, about the same amount of time, or less time in outdoor recreation activities than you did 5 years ago? (Please check one) _____ More time – please write why you spend more time: _________________________________________________________ ____________________ _____ About the same _____ Less time – please write why you spend less time: _________________________________________________________________________ ____ Next, please tell us more about the outdoor recreation activities you have engaged in during the past year. For each of the following activities please write: Column A: How many days you engaged in the activity in the past year (12 months). Include parts of days – so a 2 hour hike counts for 1 day. Column B: The average number of hours spent per day engaged in the activity (not including travel time). Column C: The number of days per year you expect to engage in the activity 10 years from now. Column D: If you expect the number of days engaged in the activity to increase or decrease over the next 10 years, please explain why. Column E: The name of the county or nearest city where you most often engage in this activity. If you did not engage in a particular activity during the past year, but expect to do so 10 years from now, please complete columns C & D. If you did not engage in the activity in the past year and do not expect to 10 years from now, please leave the row blank. Example: Let’s say you went hiking 3 days in the past year. One of the hikes lasted 3 hours, one 4 hours, and one 5 hours, so the average number of hours is 4. Assume you will retire in the next four years, will have more time to go hiking, and expect to hike 12 days per year 10 years from now. This would be due to retirement. 97 Activity B A Days in past year Walking Jogging or running for exercise Day hiking on trails Overnight hiking (backpacking) Roller blading (in-line skating) Horseback riding All-terrain vehicle riding Off-road 4-wheel driving Off-road motorcycling Snowmobiling Downhill/Alpine skiing, snowboarding Cross-country/nordic skiing Snowshoeing Picnicking Sightseeing/driving for pleasure Visiting historic sites (museums, outdoor displays, etc.) Golf Rock climbing Outdoor court games (volleyball, badminton, etc.) Tennis (played outdoors) Taking children or grandchildren to the playground Bird watching Whale watching Hours per day C Days 10 years from now D E Why the increase or decrease? Most common location 98 A B Activity Viewing tidal pools Other nature/wildlife observation Outdoor photography, painting, drawing Collecting (rocks, plants, mushrooms, berries, etc.) Community gardening Visiting nature centers Mountain biking RV/trailer camping Tent camping (not including backpacking) Yurts or camper cabins Fishing from a boat Fishing from a bank/shore Crabbing Clamming Big game hunting - rifle Big game hunting - bow Waterfowl hunting Upland bird or small game hunting Target or skeet shooting Fly Fishing White-water canoeing, kayaking, or rafting Sea kayaking Flat-water canoeing, kayaking, or rowing Windsurfing, surfing, or kiteboarding Sailing Days in past year Hours per day C Days 10 years from now D E Why the increase or decrease? Most common location 99 Activity Power boating (cruising or water skiing) or jet skiing Beach Activities (ocean or fresh water) Swimming in outdoor pools SCUBA diving or snorkeling Aerobics Aqua aerobics Bowling Dancing Pilates Tai Chi Weight training Yoga Art Cooking Indoor gardening Outdoor gardening Model building Painting Photography Woodworking Writing Book clubs Computer/internet Drama club/theater Genealogy Investment/financial club Movies (DVD/VCR) Cinema Music Health Education Language Courses Sporting Event A B Days in past year Hours per day C Days 10 years from now D E Why the increase or decrease? Most common location 100 A Activity B Days in past year Hours per day C Days 10 years from now D E Why the increase or decrease? Most common location Hobbies Billiards Bingo Card Games Lawn Games Parties Pet Gatherings Social evening with friends Volunteering Bus trips Train trips Plane trips Cruise Organized tours International vacations Civic meetings Library Shopping trips Restaurant dining Q3 PLEASE LIST ANY ACTIVITIES YOU REGULARLY ENGAGE IN THAT WERE NOT LISTED ABOVE: _____________________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________ Q4 PLEASE LIST ANY ACTIVITIES YOU WOULD LIKELY ENGAGE IN MORE IF ORGANIZED THROUGH THE CITY OF CORVALLIS PARKS AND RECREATION DEPARTMENT. _____________________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________ 101 Q5 PEOPLE ENGAGE IN RECREATION AND LEISURE ACTIVITIES FOR VARIOUS REASONS – AND REASONS DIFFER DEPENDING ON THE ACTIVITY. THINKING OF RECREATION AND LEISURE IN GENERAL, HOW IMPORTANT ARE EACH OF THE FOLLOWING MOTIVATORS TO YOU? Importance to you 10 years from now Importance to you currently Motivation Not at all Very Not At all Very To relax 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To keep fit and healthy 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To feel challenged and excited 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To have fun 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To meet new people 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To be with family and friends 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To do what your child / grandchildren enjoy 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To reduce tension 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To learn new things 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 So children or grandchildren can learn new things 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To escape the daily routine 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To get away from crowded situations 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To be in the outdoors 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To feel harmony with nature 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To achieve spiritual fulfillment 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 To feel safe and secure 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 102 Q6. Now we’d like to ask you some questions about volunteering. Do you volunteer in your community – with community organizations, the local library, the parks and recreation department, or other group? (Please choose one) _____ No – please skip the rest of page 8 & page 9 and begin again with the Self-Perception Scale on Page 10 _____ Yes – please write how many hours (average per week) _________ Q7. What type of organization do you spend the most time volunteering for? (Please choose one) _____ Library or literacy program _____ Non-profit community organization, such as United Way, Salvation Army, or Humane Society _____ Recreation or natural resource agency/organization, such as community parks and recreation, watershed council, or Oregon state parks, school or youth organizations, such as high school sports/activities, Little League, or Boys & Girls Clubs _____ Church or religious organizations _____ Other, please describe _____________________________________ Q8. What type of volunteer activity do you mostly engage in? (Please check the box that best describes your situation) _____ Professional – decision-making, managing, supervising _____ Leadership – including leading groups _____ Teaching / program oversight _____ Clerical – photocopy, filing, mailing _____ Participating – special events, fundraising, work projects _____ Transport – driving vans or trucks _____ Labor – construction, maintenance, clean-up _____ Other, please describe: _____________________________________ Q9. Looking to the future, do you expect your participation in volunteer activities to change (time spent, type of organization, or type of activity?) _____ No _____ Yes – please describe the future changes you expect: _________________________________________________________ 103 Volunteer Functions Inventory Indicate how important/accurate each of the following reasons for volunteering are for you as a volunteer. 1 = Not important or Inaccurate 7 = Extremely Important or Accurate My friends volunteer. People I know share an interest in community service. I am genuinely concerned about the particular group I am serving. By volunteering I feel less lonely. I can make new contacts that might help my business or career. Volunteering allows me to explore different career Volunteering lets me learn things through direct, experiences. options. the hands-on I feel it is important to help others. Volunteering helps me work through my own personal problems. I can do something for a cause that is important to me. Volunteering is an important activity to the people I know best. Volunteering is a good escape from my own troubles. I can learn how to deal with a variety of people. Volunteering makes me feel needed. Volunteering makes me feel better about myself. Volunteering experiences will look good on my resume. Volunteering is a way to make new friends. I can explore my own strengths. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 104 Self-Perception Scale Please rate your responses to the following statements. 1 = Strongly disagree/Inaccurate 7= Strongly agree/accurate I often engage in quiet contemplation. I feel that my individual life is a part of a greater whole. I feel a sense of belonging with both earlier and future generations. My peace of mind is not easily upset. I feel isolated and lonely. My sense of well-being does not depend on a busy social life. I feel part of something greater than myself. My happiness is not dependent on other people and things. I have a good sense of humor about myself. I find much joy in life. Material possessions don't mean much to me. I feel compassionate even toward people who have been unkind to me. I am not often fearful. I can learn a lot from others. Life is mainly filled with disappointment. I often have a sense of oneness with nature. I feel cut off from other generations. I am able to accept my mortality. Different parts of me are often at cross-purposes. I feel scattered and distracted much of the time. I can accept the impermanence of things. I have grown as a result of losses I have suffered. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 105 What is your age? Regardless of your age, how old do you feel? What is your sex? (Please choose one) Male Female What is your yearly household income? $9,999 or less $10,000 - $24,999 $25,000 - $39,999 $40,000 - $63,999 $64,000 - $134,999 $135,000 or more How many years have you lived in Corvallis? Your main residence is located in which of the following settings? Rural Suburban How many years of education have you completed? Are you of Hispanic or Latino descent? Yes No Please circle all categories that describe your race? American Indian or Alaskan Native Asian Black or African American White Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander Other 106 Are you currently retired? Yes No If not, at what age do you expect to retire? If retired, do you currently do any work for pay? Yes No If not currently retired, do you think you will work for pay during your retirement? Yes No Have you been or do you think you will be the MAIN caregiver for your parents during retirement? Yes No Do you think you will be the MAIN caregiver for your grandchildren during your retirement? Yes No What is your current marital status? (Choose one) Married Widowed Divorced Never Married Separated Living with partner How many adults live in your household? How many children under 18 live in your household? Do you have a diagnosed disability? Yes No If so, please circle the type(s): Mental Physical Yes If so, does your disability interfere with your recreation, leisure, or volunteer interests? No 107 Appendix B: Informed Consent Document INFORMED CONSENT DOCUMENT Project Title: Recreation and A Collaborative Research Project: Planning City-Sponsored Leisure Activities for Baby Boomers and Their Families Principal Investigator: Karen Hooker, Ph.D. / HDFS Co-Investigator(s): Michelle J. Cox, M.A. / HDFS WHAT IS THE PURPOSE OF THIS STUDY? You are being invited to take part in a research study designed to understand the current types and quantity of recreation, leisure, and volunteer activities of individuals aged 41 – 60 as well as the activities these individuals anticipate in retirement. The survey will also ask demographic questions as well as questions related to your perceptions about yourself. We will use this information to help the city of Corvallis design city-sponsored recreation programs and to inform the general body of knowledge about baby boomers. WHAT IS THE PURPOSE OF THIS FORM? This consent form gives you the information you will need to help you decide whether to be in the study or not. Please read the form carefully. You may contact us to ask any questions about the research, the possible risks and benefits, your rights as a volunteer, and anything else that is not clear. When all of your questions have been answered, you can then decide if you want to be in this study. WHY AM I BEING INVITED TO TAKE PART IN THIS STUDY? You are being invited to take part in this study because you live in the city of Corvallis and were born between 1946 and 1964. WHAT WILL HAPPEN DURING THIS STUDY AND HOW LONG WILL IT TAKE? After deciding to take part in this study, we ask that you complete the written questions related to current and future recreation, leisure, and volunteer activities and interest as well as a scale related to your perceptions about yourself and some basic demographic questions. If you agree to take part in this study, your involvement will last for approximately one-half hour. WHAT ARE THE RISKS OF THIS STUDY? There are few foreseeable risks for participating in this project. The possible risks and/or discomforts associated with the procedures described in this study include the potential that discussing your current life or future perceptions may cause some emotional distress, concern, or embarrassment. 108 WHAT ARE THE BENEFITS OF THIS STUDY? We do not know if you will personally benefit from being in this study. However, we hope that, in the future, other people might benefit from this study because results from the study may prompt changes in city-sponsored recreation and leisure programming. WILL I BE PAID FOR PARTICIPATING? You will not be paid for being in this research study. WHO WILL SEE THE INFORMATION I GIVE? The information you provide during this research study will be kept confidential to the extent permitted by law. Each questionnaire will be assigned a code number, which will be used throughout the study to identify your responses. The code number will be matched to your name and address on the original mailing list. To help protect your confidentiality, the original mailing list for participants in the study and the corresponding code numbers will be kept in a secure location, accessible only to members of the research team. If the results of this project are published your identity will not be made public. DO I HAVE A CHOICE TO BE IN THE STUDY? If you decide to take part in the study, it should be because you really want to volunteer. You will not lose any benefits or rights you would normally have if you choose not to volunteer. You can stop at any time during the study and still keep the benefits and rights you had before volunteering. You may skip any questions on the survey that you would prefer not to answer. You will not be treated differently if you decide to stop taking part in the study; however, you may receive reminder letters and a second copy of the questionnaire if we have not received a response. You may recycle these documents if you choose not to participate. WHAT IF I HAVE QUESTIONS? If you have any questions about this research project, please contact: Michelle J. Cox, MA at pmcox3130@msn.com or by telephone at 503-949-3727 or Karen Hooker, Ph.D. at hookerk@oregonstate.edu or by telephone at 541-737-4336 If you have questions about your rights as a participant, please contact the Oregon State University Institutional Review Board (IRB) Human Protections Administrator, at (541) 7374933 or by email at IRB@oregonstate.edu. As this is a mail survey, your returned response indicates willingness to participate. You do not need to sign or return the document. Rather, please keep the Informed Consent document for your records and in case you need to contact us for information. 109 Appendix C: Scatterplot M Volunteer Hours per Week 60 what is your age 50 40 how many years of education completed 20 0 8 6 transcendence 4 2 10 alienation 5 0 0 20 4040 50 600 20 2 4 6 8 110 111