AN ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION OF
Michelle J. Cox, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Human Development and
Family Studies presented on December 14, 2007.
Title: Does Self-Transcendence Explain Baby Boomers’ Volunteer Hours?
Abstract approved:
Karen Hooker, Ph.D.
Alexis J. Walker, Ph.D.
Abstract:
The goal of this study was to pursue the construct of transcendence from a
psychosocial, developmental perspective to predict who will volunteer and its
influence on the average number of volunteer hours worked per week. The predictor
variable is the self-transcendence subscale score on the Adult Self-Transcendence
Inventory (ASTI) (Levenson et al., 2005). Three demographic variables (age,
education, and retirement status) identified as correlates of transcendence and
volunteerism, and alienation, a second ASTI construct identified were controlled to
determine the effect of transcendence on the outcome variables. A literature review
offers detail about transcendence, generativity, volunteerism, and baby boomers. The
Method, results, and discussion section provide detailed insight into the study.
©Copyright by Michelle J. Cox
December 14, 2007
All Rights Reserved
Does Self-Transcendence Explain Baby Boomers’ Volunteer Hours?
by
Michelle J. Cox
A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Oregon State University
in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the
degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Presented December 14, 2007
Commencement June 2008
Doctor of Philosophy dissertation of Michelle J. Cox
Presented on December 14, 2007.
APPROVED:
Co-Major Professor, representing Human Development and Family Studies
Co-Major Professor, representing Human Development and Family Studies
Chair of the Department of Human Development and Family Sciences
Dean of the Graduate School
I understand that my dissertation will become part of the permanent collection of
Oregon State University libraries. My signature below authorizes release of my
dissertation to any reader upon request.
Michelle J. Cox, Author
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I want express sincere appreciation to Drs. Alexis J. Walker and Karen Hooker
for their consistently encouraging guidance and valuable feedback. I would also like to
thank Dr. Alan Acock for driving my desire to overcome a fear of statistics. Thanks
also to my true friend and mentor, Dr. Stephen R. Bearden. I would not have even
considered this work a possibility without your unwavering confidence,
encouragement, and infamous grace. You inspire my growth and understanding of
self. For his prayerful support I also express appreciation to my friend and colleague,
Dr. David Manock. I wish to honor my mother Rosemary Vanderzanden, who
epitomizes the best of the baby boomers in the world and sets a great example of the
balance between care of self and care for others. I am a person of strength and
integrity because of your example. I acknowledge my father, Michael Tomlinson, as
well, for instilling in me a work ethic that continues to serve me in all my endeavors.
My children, Zachary, Shelby, and Wyatt have been constant reminders that education
without application is wasteful. You three inspire me to give more, to appreciate more,
to love more, and to find joy in simple things. I love each of you for who you are even
when who I am makes it hard for me to see and understand all the great things about
you. Finally, I honor my husband, Paul. Without you, my accomplishments would
seem meaningless. You deserve a doctorate for keeping this family together and
flourishing during this very long and stressful journey. No man could be more patient
or more willing to honor a dream not his own. You are truly a man to love.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Chapter One: Introduction…...…………………………………………………
01
Chapter Two: Literature Review…….…………………………………………
11
Theoretical Literatures……………………………………………………...
11
Erikson’s Stage Theory of Psychosocial Development…………………
11
Generativity……………………………………………………………..
13
Transcendence………………………………………………………….
20
Baby Boomers and the Generative Behavior, Volunteerism……………
28
Transcendence and Volunteerism……………………………………….
32
Mental Health Correlates of Volunteer Behavior……………………….
35
Demographic Correlates of Volunteer Behavior………………………..
36
Chapter Three: Method………………………………………………………..
43
Chapter Overview………………………………………………………….
43
Design……………………………………………………………………...
43
Population and Sample………………………………………………….
43
Procedures……………………………………………………………….
45
Instruments and Measurement…………………………………………..
46
Analytic Plan…………………………………………………………….....
49
Chapter Four: Results………………………………………………………….
52
Explanatory and Control Variables………………………………………..
52
Inferential Statistics………………………………………………………..
52
TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
Constructing the ASTI Subscales……………………………………….
52
Multicollinearity………………………………………………………...
54
Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression…………………………….
56
Modeling………………………………………………………………..
56
Model Fit………………………………………………………………..
57
Self-Transcendence and Retirement…………………………………….
59
Results Summary……………………………………………………………
60
Chapter Five: Discussion………………………………………………………
62
Overview……………………………………………………………………
62
Education……………………………………………………………………
63
Retirement…………………………………………………………………..
66
Self-Transcendence…………………………………………………………
68
Self-Report of Volunteerism……………………………………………….
69
Results in Relationship to Theory…………………………………………..
70
Conclusions………………………………………………………………...
71
References………………………………………………………………….
75
Appendices…………………………………………………………………….
92
Appendix A: Questionnaire...………………………………………………
93
Appendix B: Informed Consent Document...………………………………
105
Appendix C: Scatterplot……………...……………………………………
107
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
Page
1. McAdams’s & de St. Aubin’s (1992) Process of Generativity……………..
19
2. Maslow’s Original Hierarchy of Needs Model…………………………..…
24
3. Population Comparison: 2000 to 2050……………………………………...
30
4. Histogram of Responses to “Do You Volunteer in Your Community?”……
48
5. Plot of Observed and predicted Curves: Number of Volunteer Hours……...
60
LIST OF TABLES
Table
Page
1. Correlation Matrix of Analysis Variables, All Respondents (N = 487)…….
44
2. ASTI Item Factor Loadings Using Exploratory Factor Analysis With
Varimax Rotation (N = 487)…………………………………………...……
53
3. Correlation Matrix of Analysis Variables, Community Volunteers (N =
306)………………………………………………………………………….
55
4. Summary of Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression for Variables
Explaining Volunteer Behavior (N = 487)………………………………….
58
Does Self-Transcendence Explain Baby Boomers’ Volunteer Hours?
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Social scientists have long been concerned about “dilemmas”
of collective action. Such dilemmas are ubiquitous, and their
dynamics are straight- forward. People often might all be better
off if they cooperate, with each other doing her share. But each
individual benefits more by shirking her responsibility, hoping that
others will do the work for her. Moreover, even if she is wrong, and
the others shirk, too, she is still better off than if she had been the
only sucker. Obviously, if every individual thinks that others will do
the work, nobody will end up taking part, and all will be left worse
off than if all had contributed.
- Robert Putnam in Bowling Alone (2000, p. 288)
In his detailed and thorough review about the loss of a sense of community
experienced by millions of Americans over the last four decades, Putnam (2000)
identified 14 intercorrelated indicators of formal and informal social networks that he
developed into a Social Capital Index. These networks, he suggested, serve as
conduits for the many ways in which communities, large and small, achieve their
collective goals, and hinge on the psychological and biological processes that allow
humans to connect with one another. Lack of social capital, he asserted, injures the
economy, reduces the ability to efficiently share information, and impacts both
mental and physical health (Putnam, 2000). A key factor in Putnam’s Social Capital
Index, measures of community volunteerism, evidenced that commitment of
individuals to the overall welfare of others in their communities improved economic,
educational, and emotional well-being in the states studied. Capitalizing on social
capital then, including the identification of strong and committed volunteers, should
allow communities of all types to grow and flourish.
2
So, how are people who are most likely to become strong and committed
volunteers identified? How can a person’s future volunteer behavior be predicted?
Putnam (2000) asserted, “To build bridging social capital requires that we transcend
our social and political and professional identities to connect with people unlike
ourselves” (p. 411). Putnam’s comment, understood from the context of his
monograph, referred to the transcendence of cultural, political, and economic
differences. He suggested that civic engagement, without self-transcendence, does
not improve individual or community well-being to the extent documented in places
with high social capital related to volunteerism. Thus, it is important to investigate
the psychosocial and developmental influences on the sociological construct known
as social capital, including Erikson’s notion of generativity (Azarow, 2003; Erikson,
1978). The examination of transcendence as a key component of the development of
social capital (specifically volunteerism) may help communities all over the world
find ways to identify those citizens who will engage in building strong interpersonal
relationships through service.
Consider the following personal account: Charlie, a 56-year old husband and
father of three grown children, presented for counseling at the urging of his
concerned wife. Not one to speak much about his emotions, he quickly admitted that
he did not understand how the counseling process would help his grief. He felt that
given enough time, things would work themselves out. The therapist asked, “What
things?” Charlie talked about his wife’s complaints, his children’s distance from him,
and about feeling left out of a social circle he once enjoyed.
3
Like his father, Charlie’s self-concept was built on his role as the family
breadwinner. He recalled working with his father on the family farm since he was
six. When asked about whether this was difficult, Charlie explained, “It never
occurred to me to think about it. It was expected.” After his youngest graduated from
college, Charlie explained, his wife started urging him to work less and spend more
time with her. Though his resistance frustrated her, he just could not slow down. He
felt that his work ensured their security in old age. Now, with the unexpected death
of his father, Charlie was thoughtful about his wife’s concern, but did not know how
to change.
The therapist asked if Charlie feared change: “You told me how important
work is to you and was to your father. When asked to stop working so much it would
be normal to feel confused or fearful about abandoning a role that tied you to your
father.” Charlie broke down. He did not know who he would be without work. Over
a few more sessions, Charlie processed his feelings about work and his father, and
the interesting connections between the two.
A month later, the topic of his distance from his children finally came up.
Charlie had invested in the counseling process, but little had changed for him
externally. The therapist asked how he envisioned his role as a father and
grandfather. He said, “I always expected to have kids and grandkids. I love them. I
am proud of them. But Kathy really raised them. I just can’t seem to connect with
them. I don’t know them.” The therapist asked, “Do they know you?” Again, Charlie
was confused. “Charlie, what did you know about your father?” she asked. He was
4
half way through a sentence before he realized the importance of the therapist’s
question. “I knew he worked hard because he cared about us. I knew he was tired. I
wanted to stay out of his way – avoid causing him stress.” The therapist asked, “Is it
possible that your children could feel the same way about you?” Charlie finally
understood that to engage with his children he would have to share more than stories
about work. A similar discussion about his friends soon followed.
He and his wife had participated in years of social activities with many
couples they knew from church and their children’s school. The men had become
quite busy with their organizational commitments, vacations, and grandchildren over
the years, however. “So many times they called us to go out or to join them in one of
their church or volunteer activities. Why would I go work after work? Now, I just
don’t hear from these guys anymore.” The therapist wondered aloud, “Why is this
bothering you now if it has been happening for a couple of years?” Charlie thought
for a bit: “I’ve spent a lot of time at my dad’s farm because things got so hard for
him. I guess I just didn’t miss these guys until after Dad died.” She asked him,
“What would have to do now to rekindle these relationships?” “Join the Lion’s
Club,” he quipped. “What do you mean?” she asked. Charlie explained that his old
friends spent more time on community projects now than they did at work. “What
are your thoughts and feelings about that now?” asked the therapist. “I don’t know,”
he said, dejectedly, “I used to wonder why they weren’t taking care of their own.”
“And now?” she prompted. “I guess it makes them feel good. From what Kathy says,
they seem to really like it. It just never made sense to me before, but now when I
5
think about what we talked about related to the kids, it makes more sense.” The
therapist asked what he meant. “Well, if these guys like what they are doing, and
they are accomplishing things, doing good, maybe they have more to talk about with
their kids – more things to do with their wives.”
Charlie had made great progress over just a few months of therapy in regard
to self-awareness. He had learned how much he was like his father, how strongly he
had internalized his father’s teachings, and how that internalization had impacted his
roles as husband, father, and friend.
Soon, Charlie’s realizations led to a level of self-reflection he had never
experienced before. Charlie struggled to discover who he was, independent of his
father, his work, and his family. He often felt guilty for what he thought was his new
“self-centered” focus. Charlie also began to brainstorm about the types of activities
he might like. He also realized that changing his behavior was not disrespectful, but
rather honored his father’s intention of providing opportunity and choice for his
children.
Treatment ended soon after he began making some of the external changes he
had struggled with previously. His individuation process was leading to selfawareness. Soon this would lead to acceptance of self and perhaps even to a
transcendence of self.
Six months had passed when the therapist bumped into Charlie while
working on a Habitat for Humanity house in their small community. Honoring his
6
confidentiality, they worked silently side-by-side with other volunteers to erect the
structure. Later, the therapist received a note from Charlie thanking her:
I really could not understand why you kept telling me that I needed to find
myself. I thought my job was to be selfless and to provide for my wife and
kids. When I realized that I didn’t really know my father or myself I was
scared. But you provided concrete ways to help me figure this out. A lot has
changed. Kathy and I just celebrated our 35th anniversary with a vacation.
I’ve made new friends at church while helping out. And, it was an old buddy
of mine who hooked me up with Habitat. Helping someone in need is more
rewarding than I thought. I’ve even got the kids chipping in. Thanks again for
all your help.
Charlie’s story demonstrates the value of transcendence of self and its impact
on the larger community. His learned ability to focus on self-development led to a
greater awareness of his talents, interests, and values. Ultimately this self-focus, his
willingness to examine his history, motives, behaviors, and beliefs, led to a desire to
be generative or to leave a legacy. As in Charlie’s case, the community is often the
recipient of this generative focus. Communities must identify and capitalize on this
psychosocial, developmental change or find themselves lacking the volunteers
necessary to maintain and grow healthy communities. One way to do so is to
investigate transcendence as a predictor of volunteer behavior.
From psychosocial and developmental perspectives, transcendence is a
complicated construct that includes more than the awareness and acceptance of
7
another’s culture, political beliefs, or financial standing as Putnam suggested (2000).
As evident in Charlie’s story, transcendence begins with an understanding and
acceptance of self, including, “a decreasing reliance on externals for definition of the
self, increasing interiority and spirituality, and a greater sense of direction with past
and future generations” (Levenson, Jennings, Aldwin, & Shiraishi, 2005, p. 127).
Before people can be expected to lay aside biases about others, they must become
conscious of themselves, including their ego-drives, limitations, personas, hidden
beliefs, and unconscious motivations (Ardelt, 1997; Cloniger, Svrakic, & Przybeck,
1993; Frankl, 1984; Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Jung, 1969; Maslow, 1968).
In her analysis of useful frameworks from which to discuss the construct of
self in later-life (1984), Breytspraak noted that, “The Self is the point at which the
individual and society join, and thus, it must also be the basis for all action” (p. 14).
Recognizing the literature that evidences the continual development and importance
of self throughout the life span (Bengtson, 1996; Ebner, Freund, & Baltes, 2006;
McKeown, 2006; Schaie, 2006), an active view of the aging self that facilitates the
optimization potential of aging adults seems most useful for those desiring to
intervene to maximize human potential.
A review of transcendence as a key component of psychosocial theories of
self (Erikson, 1959; Jung, 1933; Maslow, 1954, 1956, 1968) is framed within the
theory of generativity (McAdams, 1985, 1988, 1992) as part of a complex process
through which aging adults actively enrich their potential. McAdams and de St.
Aubin explained, “From a psychological standpoint, generativity is experienced as
8
both an inner desire and an age-appropriate demand whose successful engagement or
resolution may enhance the generative adult’s well-being and adaptation” (1998, p.
xx). Specifically, the process by which inner desire, an innate and agentic drive for
immortality as well as a sense of responsibility for nurturing others, develops is
examined (McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1998).
The goal of this study is to pursue the construct of transcendence from a
psychosocial, developmental perspective as the means through which generative
inner desire develops by investigating both its ability to predict who will volunteer
and its influence on the average number of volunteer hours worked per week. This
study will attempt to explore which baby boomers’ will volunteer and baby boomers’
weekly volunteer hours using self-transcendence scores. The explanatory variable is
a single score from the self-transcendence subscale on the Adult Self-Transcendence
Inventory (ASTI) (Levenson et al., 2005). Three demographic variables (age,
education, and retirement status) identified in the literature as correlates of both
transcendence and volunteerism, and alienation, a second factor identified by the
ASTI, will be controlled to determine the effect of transcendence on the outcome
variables, over and above these correlates.
The importance of this research is evidenced by a report from the
Corporation for National and Community Service in 2007 on baby boomers and their
volunteer behaviors, which identified the vast potential of service activities on the
basis of the sheer size of their cohort and their self-reported investment in volunteer
activities. The Executive Summary detailed the value of baby boomers to the
9
nonprofit world, suggesting that their high levels of education, wealth, and health
make them excellent recruiting targets. Noting that baby boomers have “the highest
volunteer rate of any group,” the report also detailed some concerns (p. 2). The
turnover rate of baby boomer volunteers is 31% with a replacement rate of only
83.2%. Authors warned: “We could substantially miss the full volunteer potential of
Baby Boomers if we do not focus on how to keep them volunteering. It is possible to
be very successful in recruiting new volunteers but have the Baby Boomer volunteer
rate remain stable or even decline” (p. 7). Among the report’s suggestions for
keeping volunteers was finding those boomers with the highest attachment to
volunteering as evidenced by: “1) how many hours are volunteered annually; 2) how
many weeks are volunteered annually; and 3) how many organizations individuals
volunteer for” (p. 9). Finding a way to identify an individual’s level of service
attachment will allow nonprofit organizations a greater ability to recruit and retain
those volunteers most likely to commit to long-term generative action.
So, why choose transcendence as the possible link between generative inner
desire and service attachment? Just as McAdams and his associates (1993; McAdams
& de St. Aubin, 1998) proposed subjective processes (including inner desire) that
contribute to objective behaviors (generative action), so transcendence describes a
type of subjective development that leads to objective outcomes. Everingham (2003)
summarized this relationship when writing about Erikson’s influence on sociological
and political constructs:
10
The guiding principal is not simply to do unto others as you would have them
do unto you, ‘live and let live.’ This moral rule is incomplete and cannot
accommodate the need for one generation to consider and meet the needs of
the next. The ethical rule of adulthood is ‘to do to others what will help them
grow, even as it helps you grow’ (Erikson, 1978, p. 11). Assuming an attitude
of care for others is the basis of future personal growth for the adult – which
is therefore outward, toward ‘other’ in the broadest possible sense, rather than
inward. Erikson’s scheme is therefore inter-generational in its approach to
self-actualisation and personal growth. It remains existentialist in its desire
for individual authenticity – but authenticity is not finally achieved by an
isolated, autonomous self, but rather by a self that realizes its connection with
others. (pp. 251 – 252)
Based on these concepts, this study investigates whether transcendence scores are
positive predictors of volunteerism and volunteer hours, over and above the
aforementioned sociodemographic correlates.
A literature review provides detailed information about transcendence and
will address the research related to generativity, transcendence, volunteerism, and
baby boomers. The study’s methods are reviewed, including data collection,
participant demographics, instruments, and procedures. Limitations related to the
sociodemographic makeup of the sample, the instruments, the methods, and the
constructs themselves are discussed. The results section provides detail about
11
participant responses and statistical outcomes. Finally, a discussion section details
the value of the results as well as indications for future research.
12
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This section reviews both theoretical and empirical literature supporting the
hypothesis that transcendence can predict volunteer behaviors among baby boomers.
Using Erikson’s stage theory of psychosocial development, which provides a broad
developmental analysis of the nature of persons, this section highlights the
developmental period appropriate to the age of the study sample (baby boomers).
Attention to the midlife stage, generativity versus stagnation, leads to the detailed
process model of generativity developed by McAdams and his associates. As
McAdams, Hart, and Maruna (1998) acknowledged the need for future research
regarding key components of this model, literature related to the construct of
transcendence provides support for its use in explaining how people develop an inner
desire to be generative. Then, using empirical literatures, transcendence is linked to
generative behaviors, specifically formal volunteerism. Finally, empirical studies are
reviewed to support the inclusion of age, education, and retirement along with
transcendence as predictors of volunteer behaviors.
Theoretical Literatures
Erikson’s Stage Theory of Psychosocial Development
Erikson (1950/1963) originally detailed eight age-related stages of human
development grounded in Freud’s psychosexual stages of development. Rejecting
Freud’s notion of personality as fixed during childhood and influenced by Jung’s
conceptualization of the second half of life, Erikson envisioned each stage as a
conflict between opposing emotional challenges that with successful negotiation
13
account for a particular personality-related virtue. In his epigenetic theory, Erikson
postulated that each stage exists before its critical period arises and that no individual
is capable of skipping a stage, but rather negotiates the best possible balance between
the opposites given individual, cultural, and historical context. Although regression
is possible, Erikson believed that given a long lifespan, individuals could achieve
completion of all the stages.
Erikson (1950/1963, 1968) labeled the significant midlife stage generativity
versus stagnation with the critical virtue being the development of care. Erikson
asserted that the tasks of midlife are built upon successful completion of the previous
six stages. For example, Erikson indicated that once a solid foundation of intimacy
with others has been experienced (stage six) people come to consider the next
generation and ways in which they can leave their mark on the world. This stage,
usually occurring between mid- and late-life, describes a broad spectrum of growth,
that if unachieved leads to self-absorption or stagnation (1950/1963). In managing
the conflict between self-desire and other-orientation, Erikson believed people show
care for the next generation. Hence, they become generative.
In its most narrow sense, generativity describes the care parents show toward
their children. As the concept is broadened, generativity relates to the survival of
humanity (Slater, 2003). Using this framework, Erikson suggested that it is through
midlife productivity, creativity, and care that adults help to establish and guide the
next generations (1950). This guidance can apply to family and community
relationships, work and career pursuits, spiritual development, charity, activism, and
14
service activities (Erikson, Erikson, & Kivneck, 1986; McAdams, Hart, & Maruna,
1998).
As a primary component of his theory, Erikson recognized the growth of
spiritual belief and meaning as integral to psychosocial development. The
significance he placed on the importance of spirituality as a necessary component of
human experience was manifest in his description of it as the light that pervades the
darkness of human existence (Erikson, 1979; Erikson, Erikson, & Kivneck, 1986).
The first developmental stage, trust versus mistrust, is founded in a basic spirituality,
or a connection to a higher power as creator. He extended this foundation through
stage three, initiative versus guilt, during which a balance between self-centeredness
and conscience is developed. It was the healthy development of conscience that
Erikson identified as the cornerstone of morality. Erikson continued to integrate this
spiritual component through the seventh stage and detailed its relationship to
generativity. Erikson’s explanation of the possible transcendence from the state of
self-absorption to that of awareness of and care for the needs of others, involves
increasing consideration of the value of life and leads to the weakening of the fears
related to living and dying. When mastered, generativity can be evidenced in
individual behaviors ranging from investment in family members to philanthropy, to
volunteerism grounded in an underlying faith in humankind.
Generativity
Many researchers have elaborated on Erikson’s theory, taking on both
general principles such as identity development (Bradley, 1997; Keniston, 1968;
15
Kotre, 1984; Marcia, Waterman, Matteson, Archer, & Orlofsky, 1993) and specific
concerns such as gender discrepancies (Gilligan, 1982; Josselson, 1987, 1996;
Matteson 1993; Snarey, 1993) and accuracy of stage descriptions (Bradley, 1997;
Bradley & Marcia, 1998; Keniston, 1968; Levinson, 1986; Vaillant & Milofsky,
1980). This section focuses on research related to the process by which an individual
becomes generative (McAdams, 1988, 1992, 1995).
McAdams and de St. Aubin (1992) added to the understanding of Erikson’s
age-related conceptualization by asserting that generativity flows from life
circumstances, cultural influences, and psychosocial development. Additionally, they
considered generativity a dynamic construct that can change in type or quality
depending on those same influences. Further, they suggested that this concern is
influenced by an individual’s perceptions of the goodness of human beings and
whether those perceptions are fed by the individual’s interaction with others. When
this combination of variables leads to generative behaviors, the authors argued, the
individual then creates a narrative about the value of providing for the next
generation. Thus, understanding generativity requires a thorough understanding of
the seven-step process that leads to it and how it repeats itself over time.
During his career researching personality psychology, McAdams (1988)
recognized the value of the type of psychobiographical analysis of the individual that
Erikson (1958, 1969) found so useful in his analysis of human beings, particularly
highly generative individuals. McAdams wrote:
16
The person’s life is comprehended on three complementary levels (a) the
level of the body and all of the constitutional givens with which the
individual is endowed, (b) the level of ego, which refers to the subject’s
idiosyncratic ways of synthesizing his or her experience in order to make
meaning in the world and to cope with anxiety and conflict, and (c) the level
of family and society, which refers both to the individual’s developmental
history within his or her family and the particular societal, cultural, and
historical ethos which shapes and, in the cases of extraordinary individuals, is
shaped by the subject of the study. (, p. 5)
As did Erikson’s, McAdams’s work evidences the value he places on the study of
personality as based in a “developmentally informed and socially contextualized”
story of human nature (1992, p. 347). Indeed, McAdams worked to differentiate
concepts of the self and individual differences in a manner that respects the many
ways in which a person can be known. He first described Level I, or dispositional
traits, which allow humans to identify, describe, and attribute certain types of
behaviors as consistent in an individual’s personality across the lifespan. Traits such
as extraversion or openness to experience generally demonstrate “longitudinal
consistency” in the individual in which they are identified (McAdams, 1995, p. 372).
Level II, or personal concerns, describes personal interests, defense and coping
behaviors, skills, motivations, and values that can be ascribed uniquely to an
individual (McAdams, 1995). Level III focuses on the experiences of the self in
adulthood, including the “frameworks and constructs” individuals use to develop an
17
“inner story” of the self as one ages through midlife reflecting on past experiences,
current perceptions, and visions of the future (1995, p. 366). Whereas McAdams
asserted that an understanding of all three levels is necessary for a rich exploration of
personality, he also acknowledged that only in a Level III analysis would an
individual begin to reflect on a sense of purpose, hope, or meaningfulness (1995).
Thus, it is valuable to assess this level of development in baby boomers, the cohort
currently experiencing midlife development.
McAdams’s use of this tripartite framework in the study of personality led to
his acknowledgement that much of the variation in life stories among people with
similar developmental, cultural, and historical experiences likely results from the
manner in which individuals recall personal information. Previous research, lacking
a valid and reliable taxonomy by which to classify these recollective variations often
relied on mythological archetypes to distinguish different types of self-narration
(Campbell, 1949; Elsbree, 1982; Frye, 1957; Jung, 1933). Building on these
classification systems as well as Hankiss (1981) and Gergen and Gergen (1986),
McAdams postulated a classification system grounded in “narrative tones, imagery,
thematic lines, ideological settings, nuclear episodes, imagoes, and generativity
scripts” (1993, p. 313). According to McAdam’s (1993) narrative tone is the way in
which a person comes to view and describe the world on the basis of personal
experience of it. Imagery is the individual’s visual representation of life experiences.
Thematic line refers to the recurrent themes or content clusters in the stories an
individual tells, writes, or contemplates. Ideological setting refers to the content and
18
structure of a person’s story. Nuclear episodes are described by McAdams as key
events related to a person’s experience in and with the world. Imagoes are a person’s
idealized perceptions of self. Finally, McAdams described generativity scripts as a
person’s unwritten, yet perceived future. Using this classification system in a study
of the life stories of 70 adults (McAdams, Diamond, de St. Aubin, & Mansfield,
1997) allowed McAdams to identify “a prototypical commitment story that tended to
match the narrative constructions of those adults who had distinguished themselves
in paid work, volunteer activities, and on psychological measures as strongly
promoting the well-being of the next generation” (1996, p. 313). In essence, results
evidenced that ease in or successful movement through the psychosocial stages of
development was not the key factor in the development of the generative individual,
but rather the way in which the adults sequenced the scenes of their lives. McAdams
(1996) explained, “In the case of highly generative adults, life stories emphasizing an
early family blessing, the suffering of others, redemptive affect sequences, and moral
steadfastness function to sustain and reinforce their generative efforts” (p. 314).
Interestingly, those who reported negative experiences preceding positive ones
tended to score higher on measures of generativity.
Identifying narrative styles consistent in those with generative behavior was
only part of McAdams’s effort to develop an understanding of how generative care
develops. Responding to Bell and Richard’s (2000) assertion that the type of care
exhibited toward children via attachment style should be distinguished from more
global generative care behavior, for example, McAdams (2000) retorted that the two
19
types of caregiving may be linked via the development of a generativity script. First
proposed in his 1993 text entitled The Stories We Live By: Personal Myths and the
Making of the Self, McAdams suggested that caregiving learned through positive
attachment experience contributes richly to adults’ generative behaviors by
repeatedly confirming the belief that reaching out to others is inherently valuable.
Indeed, Erikson (1963) suggested that these confirmation experiences demonstrate
the individual’s “belief in the species,” which Erikson discussed in terms of faith in
humanity (p. 267).
McAdams’s and de St. Aubin’s search for the process through which
generativity develops led them to propose a seven-component psychosocial process
(See Figure 1). Component A, Inner Desire, is described as a need to extend one’s
influence on the world; to leave a mark that is positive and uniquely reflective of
one’s personality, skills, and behaviors. Component B, which McAdams labeled
Cultural Demand, reflects the influence of society and culture during the adult years,
focusing on the cultural expectation to contribute positively to current and future
generations. Concern, Component C, is the personal recognition of societal need,
which may be the result of care learned through attachment experiences. Although
the model does not show this relationship, McAdams and de St. Aubin (1998)
suggested that concern is significantly influenced by Component D, Belief. As with
the faith in humanity Erikson postulated, this concept refers to the “goodness or
worthwhileness of the human enterprise” or generative concern (McAdams & de St.
Aubin, 1998, p. 8).
20
These authors then suggested that both belief and concern contribute to
generative Commitment (Component E), which in turn feeds generative Action
(Component F). McAdams’s commitment to narration as a useful way in which to
study personality influenced the addition of the seventh component (G), Narration.
Through an individual’s redemptive narration or sequencing, generative care is
strengthened and generative behaviors continued. Thus the process becomes
bidirectional.
B
Cultural
Demand
C
Concern
D
Belief
E
Commitment
F
Action
G
Narration
A
Inner
Desire
Figure 1. McAdams’s & de St. Aubin’s (1992) Process Model of Generativity
As this model does not require the individual to be at any particular
developmental stage, these authors also reported that generativity could occur at any
adult stage given the right context and circumstances (McAdams & de St. Aubin,
1992). McAdams, de St. Aubin, and Logan (1993), however, found support for
21
Erikson’s assertion that mid- to late-life adults experience generativity to a higher
degree than younger adults.
What remains unclear about this model is the psychosocial means through
which inner desire promotes generativity. McAdams, Hart, and Maruna (1998)
acknowledged this deficit when making suggestions for future research: “What is the
nature of the inner desires that give rise to generative inclinations? Is the inner desire
for symbolic immortality as important for motivating generativity as our theory
suggests” (p. 37)? Few researchers have attempted or have been able to provide valid
and reliable research to explain inner desire.
Investigating the nature of inner desire necessarily means evaluating a
developmental construct that incorporates concepts related to the key components of
the model, including agentic immortality, cultural demand, care, and faith. Proposing
self-transcendence as a construct that is both developmental and inclusive of these
concepts, the following literature review provides theoretical explanations of
transcendence and its relationship to generativity.
Transcendence
The construct of transcendence used in this study was derived from a
combination of ideas from psychoanalytic, humanistic, and transpersonal schools of
psychology. Though theorists from each school use different language and terms,
many similarities exist. Theorists from each school of thought also offer descriptions
so unique that an attempt at understanding transcendence absent of each set of
explanations would reduce the depth and richness of the construct and would
22
threaten its usefulness in terms of predicting volunteer behaviors. Therefore, the
following descriptions of transcendence necessarily involve discussion of broader
concepts related to the understanding of self, motivation, and spirituality.
The term transcendence most often arises in relation to the discussion about
the self. In fact, Jung engaged a discussion about self in his 1915 tome, A Theory of
Psychoanalysis, in which he described a human’s inner being as a higher
unconscious and the vessel containing the highest of human tendencies including the
awareness of the value of human life, love, and intimacy. Indeed, the most
fundamental feature of Jung’s vision of psychosocial development was his
understanding of the self (Stein, 1998, p. 151). Significantly different from many
theories postulated before or since his initial writings, Jung (1969) envisioned the
self as more than one’s subjective sense of personhood, self-perception, or selfawareness. Rather, Jung believed that the self transcended the limitations of
subjectivity to include an intense awareness of others, a mixing of egos, that when
healthy, primarily functions to allow a sense of community between human beings
(1969). The distinction between Jung’s perception of the self and those of other
human development theorists remains critical to an accurate understanding of
transcendent behavior.
Typically, when a person is referred to as self-centered, visions of
egocentrism and narcissistic behavior flood the imagination. Yet Jung postulated a
certain freedom from ego that allows an individual to maintain an awareness of
subjective perceptions without being controlled by them. Because of this
23
transcendent function, humans can develop and sustain the ability to engage
thoughtfully in the egocentric worlds of others with some control over judgment or
reaction (1971).
The process of developing this transcendent center, known as individuation,
incorporates human striving for psychic balance and separation from societal
pressures for conformity (Jung, 1963). Of all psychoanalysts, Jung wrote the most
prolifically about this journey toward the self (1933), a type of personality
development that Jung viewed as unique during the second half of life. Around age
40, he asserted, the psyche begins to undergo a transformation, during which time
people feel they lose their way, experience depression or anxiety, and often see
themselves as fragmented. In Jung’s view, the psyche naturally knows what the soul
needs to resolve these concerns, forcing an inward reflection and the examination of
the meaning of life toward the end goal of creating intrapsychic balance (Bearden,
Cox, & Frielinger, 2007).
This psychic transformation, the encounter with wholeness and centeredness,
is what Jung called individuation, which naturally forces a separation from mass
culture. Through individuation, human beings find their way with a fuller awareness
of self while existing as socially and culturally aware beings. Individuation, thus, is
the process by which the conscious and unconscious are balanced and integrated in
the development of the whole personality. In Jung’s model, the likelihood that
humans will seek this development naturally increases with age. From Jung’s
perspective, the search for this transcendent center was as much a spiritual journey as
24
a psychological or a development one (1933). According to Hamel, Leclerc, and
Lafrancois (2003), Maslow, a humanistic psychologist, agreed. These transpersonal
psychologists summarized Maslow’s version of transcendence as an “optimal way to
give spiritual meaning to one’s life and to live this meaning in everyday life” (p. 4).
Whereas Jung’s emphasis focused on an essential truth available in the collective
unconscious, Maslow emphasized the importance of motivation in the pursuit of
transcendence.
Incorporating many components from various theories of the time, Maslow
(1954) synthesized volumes of literature related to human motivation to develop his
Hierarchy of Needs Model (see Figure 2). Positing a two-level grouping, labeled
deficiency needs and growth needs, he detailed the kinds of information individuals
seek during each stage. Deficiency needs, including physiological, safety and
security, belongingness and love, and esteem, are met in a hierarchical process
during which individuals can move in and out of each stage as deficiency is
identified. People pursue coping information, helping information, enlightening
information, and empowering information respectively as they move up the
hierarchy.
Once the deficiencies are met, however, individuals are motivated to act on
growth needs including a focus on learning and adaptation (problem-focus),
engagement with and appreciation for life and surroundings (aesthetics), learning
about the self, intense feelings of happiness and well-being, and a sense of unity with
all things and people. Maslow called this later growth need peak experience (Goble,
25
1970; Hamel, Leclerc, & Lefrancois, 2003; Maslow, 1971). Yet, eventually Maslow
recognized that some individuals moved even beyond peak experiences and selfactualization, committing themselves to “living in harmony with their Inner Being
(the self)” (Hamel, Leclerc, & Lefrancois, 2003, p. 5). As a result, this
transcendence, “fundamentally changes their attitude to life: They acquire, as it were,
a new appreciation and expanded awareness of the world around them” (p. 5).
Maslow would have considered this a motivation toward being rather than toward
doing or having (1971).
Similar to Jung, Maslow also suggested that this transcendence is a function
of age as individuals pass from fulfillment of basic needs to a heightened sense of
self (Maslow, 1971). Based on his clinical observations, Maslow consistently
identified midlife adults in this transcendent stage as living authentic and courageous
lives full of integrity and a willingness to assist others (1971). Unlike the temporal
exhibition of these qualities seen in his original understanding of peak experiences,
self-transcendence presumed a more permanent, intrinsic, and spiritual or mystic
experience (Assagioli, 1991).
Maslow and others including Firman (1993) and Pelletier (1996) advanced
the ontological notion of transcendence as a universal capacity and a human’s truest
spiritual center. In this regard, self-transcendence is a style or way of being in which
individuals are able to pursue the full acceptance of self and others because of a clear
understanding of the meaning of life: harmonious living through acceptance of the
transcendent consciousness of all people. Maintaining a strong understanding of self
26
allows people to empathize with and accept the behaviors of others more easily and
allows for flexibility in action toward and with others. It allows people to seek both
harmony within the self and harmony in relationships.
Self-Actualization
Personal growth and fulfillment
Esteem
Achievement, responsibility, reputation
Belongingness and Love
Relationship, family, affection
Safety
Limits, protection, security, stability
Biological and Psychological
Food, water, shelter, sleep, air
Figure 2. Maslow’s Original Hierarchy of Needs Model
Existentialists such as Frankl (1959) similarly valued the process of human
existence more than a structural analysis of behavior. Frankl’s unique contribution to
the concept of transcendence is the way in which he characterized human behavior.
His existential theory emphasizes three approaches from which to understand human
behavior: being-in-nature (Umwelt), being-for-others (Mitwelt), and perhaps the
biggest challenge, being-for-ourselves (Eigenwelt). The theory asserts that only
through a painful process of self-reflection can individuals realize any sense of
authenticity, or the ability to be truly open with nature, others, and self, despite
27
circumstances. It is in this authenticity that one loses any sense of preoccupation
with the trivial aspects of self and is able to develop trusting and harmonious
relationships with others.
Frankl (1984), the lone survivor of the concentration camp where he was
imprisoned, studied the ability of human beings to maintain dignity and a value for
humanity in the most humiliating, abusive, and depraved circumstances. He wrote:
Ultimately, man should not ask what the meaning of his life is, but rather he
must recognize that it is he who is asked. In a word, each man is questioned
by life; and he can only answer to life by answering for his own life; to life
he can only respond by being responsible. (p. 131)
Though he believed that humans can be motivated by a universal spirituality, his
description of transcendence differs from Maslow’s in that no deficiency needs must
be met to achieve transcendent functioning. As in McAdams’s views on narration,
Frankl contended that it is the way in which people assess their circumstances that
matter (Seicol, 2005). Rather than relying on right circumstance, Frankl (1984)
suggested that conscious living on the basis of accurate assessment both of the self
and the social environment, as well as the acceptance of responsibility for life
choices can help people live their ideal lives, lives that will naturally enhance society
(Leak, 2006).
Summarizing transcendence as a united construct rooted in these theories
means recognizing the importance of an awareness of self that leads to intrapsychic
balance (Jung, 1933), an understanding of an ontological universality motivating the
28
pursuit of psychological maturity (Maslow, 1971), and an acceptance of the
importance of nature, culture, and self as an integrated whole possible regardless of
circumstance (Frankl, 1966). Accepting transcendence as a construct related to or
part of the process of becoming generative, the next challenge presented in this
theoretical overview, could be more difficult if not for the work of Tornstam and his
theory of aging, Gerotranscendence (1994).
Tornstam (1994) defined a stage of development surpassing Erikson’s eighth
developmental stage. The theory of gerotranscendence suggests that in mid- to latelife, people become self-aware and adapt their personalities in relation to their
perceptions about life and time left to live. Tornstam (1994) reported that the natural
aging process provides the potential for cosmic transcendence, which is proposed as
the final stage in the development of wisdom. This stage is evidence by a feeling of
community with the world, newly defined sense of time and space, a decrease in fear
of death, a generalized sense of affection for past and future generations, a decrease
in acquaintanceships, loss of interests in the material, an increase in othercenteredness, and an increase in meditation-like practices (Tornstam, 1994). Note
that four of the values related to cosmic transcendence, a decreased fear of death,
decreased reliance on the material, increased affinity for other generations, and
spirituality are related to the construct of transcendence used in this study.
The heuristic value of Tornstam’s theory, though lacking some depth in its
understanding of the psychological processes leading to cosmic transcendence, is
that it attempts to marry two inter-related disciplines, human development and
29
personality psychology (2005). Its specific value in regard to this study is in the link
Tornstam asserts between generativity and cosmic transcendence (1994). Tornstam
wrote extensively regarding the link between these two constructs. Other researchers
have postulated the same connection as well. For example, in their study on the
influence of cosmic transcendence on older adults’ relationships with their adult
children, Sadler, Braam, Broese van Groenou, Deeg, and van der Geest (2006)
wrote:
One key aspect of the development of a cosmic transcendent view
is an enhanced sense of belongingness to past and future generations.
This parallels with Erikson’s notion of generativity (1963), which he
defined as “primarily the concern in establishing and guiding the
next generation” (p. 267). The cosmic transcendence construct
broadly involves a greater connection between the older person
and the unity of all humankind and natural life. Elements of the
development of cosmic transcendent ideas may fit with Erikson’s
notion of generativity, in which older parents nurture a sense of
involvement in the prosperity of future generations. (p. 147)
Simply stated, cosmic transcendence is related to generativity and to the construct of
transcendence described here. Therefore, it is logical to theorize that transcendence is
also related to generativity.
Baby Boomers and the Generative Behavior, Volunteerism
30
During the 19 years between 1946 and 1964, 78 million Americans were
born. As a cohort, they represent the majority of current workers. Indeed, by 2008,
baby boomers will represent 40% of the labor force. By 2018, the majority of baby
boomers will have reached the current federal age of retirement, potentially reducing
the availability of workers in the labor force by great numbers (Dohm, 2000).
Additionally, baby boomers will live, on average, 20 to 30 years after
retirement and hence, will change the construct of retirement entirely. To a greater
degree than any previous generation, during retirement, baby boomers will start new
careers or work part time in a new field, some will migrate biannually across the
country, own homes in multiple states, and travel both nationally and internationally,
all the while tapping services in their home communities and away (Collins, 2003).
American’s perceptions about work, family, money, politics, products, purchasing
power, retirement, and service will be mediated by the activities of this large group
of influential people.
The United States (U.S.) will be impacted in two significant ways when baby
boomers begin to retire. First, a shortage of workers in all areas will make the
provision of services very difficult. Although manufacturers continually automate to
mitigate the impact of fewer workers, human service providers cannot be replaced by
machines en mass (Carnevale, 2005). Second, the large numbers of retirees between
2008 and 2026 will further burden the same social service institutions that will be
without workers (Simon-Rusinowitz, Marks, Krach, & Welch, 1998). In fact, using
the Bureau of Labor and Statistics (BLS) Current Population Survey (CPS), Dohm
31
(2000) studied the effects of baby boomer retirement on the labor force, identifying
the occupations most likely to feel the impact of boomers’ retirement. Using data on
turnover rates by industry during the period 1993 - 1998, Dohm, an economist in the
BLS Office of Employment, estimated the overall turnover rate during the period
2003 - 2008 will be about 25% greater than the earlier time period. Among the
hardest hit occupations, Dohm estimated an 85% increase in turnover of social
welfare clerks, an 80% increase in turnover of police and detective supervisors, a
73% increase in turnover of psychologists, 72% in social workers, and a 60%
increase in turnover of public administration officials. Also included in the top 20
occupations estimated to be most affected by baby boomer retirement were education
administrators, teachers, and nurses.
Population statistics by age used to appear similar to the shape of a triangle,
with the oldest citizens making up the smallest portion of the U.S. population (see
Figure 3). Slowly, this is changing. By 2050, the pyramid will become top-heavy,
with people 85 years and older representing the largest age group in the population.
Nearly 33% of Americans will be age 65 or older. With such a significant portion of
older adults, the need for care will outgrow the size of the population available to
provide social and personal care services (Census, 2000). Strains on federal, state,
and local government budgets will create deficiencies of resources and personnel
who can serve the ever-growing needs of Americans.
32
Figure 3. Population Comparison: 2000 and 2050
Baby boomers, with a 19-year age spread and such a large population may be
the best solution to resolve or supplement the care needs of their oldest members as
they age. Unfortunately, as Putnam noted:
Americans born in the first third of the twentieth century and
(to a lesser extent) their grandchildren in the so-called millennium
generation demonstrated higher levels of volunteerism in 1998
than people their age had shown in the 1970s, but volunteerism
among late baby boomers (in their thirties and forties in the 1990s)
is actually lower now than among people of that age in 1975.
(p. 129)
Research from the Corporation for National and Community Service (CNCS)
supported Putnam’s findings: “Volunteering rates tend to peak for adults in their mid
30s to mid 50s and decline for adults 60 and over” (CNCS, 2007, p. 5). Indeed, in a
meta-analysis of existing, published literature, Wheeler, Gorey, and Grennblatt
(1998) found that although baby boomers were volunteering a great deal, they tend
to peak in their service work between ages 40 – 44 and to maintain those levels only
33
until age 64 (Hendricks & Cutler, 2004). For social service agencies to keep up with
the eldest baby boomers’ demands for care, they will have to rely on additional
sources of support, such as nonprofit organizations. Yet, as Morris and Caro noted
about the resource deficiencies in human service fields, “The public/private
distinction matters little, since both rely heavily upon public funding” (1995, p. 3).
Thus, finding a way to predict volunteer commitment from the population of younger
boomers and to retain commitment from the older boomers seems essential. Even
though research on volunteerism has grown in recent decades, evidence for the
predictability of volunteer behavior is lacking (Keyes & Haidt, 2003, Omoto &
Snyder, 1990; Van Manen, 1990). Yet, communities must efficiently tap baby
boomers’ financial and social capital to ensure the health and welfare of this cohort.
Establishing a mechanism through which communities can identify those
most likely to engage in and sustain social service-related volunteer work will
directly reduce the burden late-life boomers will eventually place on social service
agencies. This assertion requires what research on volunteerism and psychosocial
development definitively lacks: an analysis of whether emotional well-being,
specifically identified as transcendence (Ardelt, 1997; Cloniger, Svrakic, &
Przybeck, 1993; Curnow, 1999; Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Jennings, Aldwin, Levenson,
Spiro III, & Mroczek, 2006; McKee & Barber, 1999), reciprocally predicts and
improves volunteer behaviors and to what degree.
The baby boomer research related to volunteerism tends to agree (CNCS,
2007). Baby boomers volunteer most when they are young, but are difficult to retain,
34
and often lose interest in their mid-sixties. Research also confirms the impact that the
unprecedented size of this cohort will have on social services, health care, and the
economy. As boomers may have to rely on their peers and family for care, support,
and services in order to maintain healthy development as they age, research that
investigates recruitment and retention strategies for boomer volunteers will be useful.
The following literature review details one aspect of healthy development that may
contribute to research on baby boomers and volunteerism.
Transcendence and Volunteerism
Whereas transcendence and volunteerism have previously been linked in the
literature, most of the research has investigated a broader construct, prosocial
behavior, which includes informal volunteer behaviors such as grocery shopping for
an elderly neighbor. For example, Piedmont (1999), investigating spirituality as a
possible sixth factor of personality, used his Spiritual Transcendence Scale to predict
prosocial and compassionate behaviors over and above Openness to Experience,
Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism. Prosocial
behaviors, in this study, included spontaneous help of someone in need such as
helping a woman pick up the spilled contents of her purse, as well as long-term
commitments such as driving a neighbor to the grocery store once per week.
Similarly, Janowski (2005), studying the impact of moral reasoning, relaxation, and
spirituality as predictors of prosocial behavior, reported, “Compassionate prosocial
behaviors were predicted by spiritual transcendence, quiet relaxation time, and selfreflection during relaxation” (p. 110). Though Peidmont and Janowski (Piedmont,
35
1999) both used the Spiritual Transcendence Scale (STS), which includes prayer
fulfillment, universality, and connectedness as internally consistent factors, the
instrument’s measurement domain is quite similar to the one used for this
dissertation project. Janowski (2005) explained:
The Spiritual Transcendence Scale (Piedmont, 1999) was developed to
measure the capacity of an individual to step outside of everyday life to
experience an objective sense of connectedness and unity with others,
everything in nature, and a reality beyond one that is seen. (p. 52).
Like the Adult Self-Transcendence Inventory (Levenson et al., 2005) the STS
focused on objective connection with others based on an underlying belief in the
value of all life.
One researcher narrowed the concept of prosocial behavior, studying the
impact of formal volunteerism on transcendence. Van Deventer (2005) used
transpersonal psychology from which to frame her research hypothesizing that
service to others would produce transformational experiences and would allow for
self-identification and discovery of human potential (Hillman, 1996; Maslow, 1968).
Rather than assuming that service to others causes one to become more spiritual or
enlightened, she suggested that civic engagement may simply create an opportunity
for positive interaction with another, transcendent of differences or circumstances.
The results of her small, qualitative study highlighted transcendence as a possible
outcome for those who reported personal growth as the result of service coupled with
a lack of attachment to an expected outcome (Van Deventer). Work by Lowenthal
36
and Short (1993) supported Van Deventer’s hypothesis that value of authentic
engagement with another may lead to transcendence:
In following this path, we develop authentic communication,
responsibility, humility, and the ability to work with others.
When we express our love, our caring, and our dedication, we
allow the bonds of friendship to grow and blossom, focusing
on improving all of our lives. (pp. 117 – 118)
Van Deventer’s (2005) small sample size and qualitative research design, however,
prevented her from evidencing transcendence an outcome of volunteer behavior. In
terms of participant’s transcendence scores she reported, “There was a distinct
difference between highest and lowest scoring participants that could not be fully
identified by this researcher” (p. 138). Though a relationship between volunteer
behavior and transcendence may exist, literature suggesting that volunteer behavior
leads to transcendence does not exist.
In the literature, and in reference to the relationships hypothesized in this
project, one measure of generative action can be legitimately narrowed to the
behavior being measured in this study, volunteerism (Snyder & Clary, 2004).
Volunteer behaviors have been positively correlated with self-esteem (Gecas &
Burke, 1995), life satisfaction (Burman, 1995), and general mental health
(Reitschlin, 1998). The reference to research related to self-esteem, mental health,
and life satisfaction is useful for two reasons. First, many researchers discuss specific
components of transcendence as part of their discussion of these broader constructs.
37
Second, little research on transcendence exists in the field of human development.
Thus, this section details empirical literature providing evidence of the relationship
between transcendence and volunteerism using studies related to self-esteem, general
mental health, and life satisfaction, as well as the influence of transcendence on
volunteering and volunteer hours. Additionally, a large body of research exists
demonstrating the link between the development of empathy – a major component of
transcendence – and altruistic behavior (Batson et al., 1997; Dass & Gorman, 1985;
Hart, 2000; Lerner & Meindal, 1981; McAdams, Diamond, Aubin, & Mansfield,
1997; Neuberg et al., 1997). As is shown, this literature demonstrates the link
between transcendence and volunteer behaviors but is lacking evidence of the
direction of influence. This lends support for the value of investigating the
hypothesis that transcendence will be positively correlated with volunteering and
higher numbers of weekly volunteer hours.
Literature related both to transcendence and volunteer behavior justifies the
inclusion of age, education, retirement status, and alienation as control variables. At
the close of this critical review, however, I will be able to conclude that
transcendence can explain volunteer behavior over and above the variance explained
by these sociodemographic and latent variables.
Mental Health Correlates of Volunteer Behavior
In a meta-analysis of 37 studies on the effects of volunteering on older adults,
Wheeler, Gorey, and Greenblat (1998) found a significant, positive relationship
between volunteering and life satisfaction. Similarly, Van Willigen (2000) reported
38
the health and life satisfaction benefits of volunteering. Thoits and Hewitt (2001)
also affirmed the volunteering benefits of improved self-esteem and overall
psychological well-being. House, Landis, and Umberson (1988) reported that
volunteerism allows adults to become involved and invested in their communities,
improving mental health through social integration. Krause, Herzog, and Baker
(1992) reported that helping others provides for self-validation, which also leads to
mental health. Mirowsky and Ross (1989) further suggested that this type of selfvalidation prevents depression. Harlow and Cantor (1996) found results consistent
with prior research: Volunteering improved both self-esteem and self-confidence,
leading to greater life satisfaction.
Demographic Correlates of Volunteer Behavior
Education
Among the most reliable predictors of volunteer behavior, level of education
seems most consistent. Researchers suggest that education increases problem
awareness, empathy for others, and confidence in one’s ability to positively
contribute to an identified problem (Brady, Verba, & Schlozman, 1995; McPherson
& Rotolo, 1996; Rosenthal, Feiring, & Lewis, 1998; Sundeen & Raskoff, 1994;
Wilson, 2000). Herzog and Morgan (1993) reported that more highly educated
people tend to belong to professional and community organizations that provide
outlets for volunteer service to others. Additionally, research confirmed that these
types of organizations also provide opportunity for the development of leadership
39
skills, which allow for more access to and influence on volunteer activities,
behaviors, and organizations (Brady et al., 1995).
Though most research shows a direct relationship between education and
volunteer behavior, Thompson (1993) reported that education has a curvilinear
relationship to volunteer behaviors depending upon the type of service being
provided. Indeed, most similar research confirmed that the more a volunteer task
requires literacy skills, the better educated the volunteers. Some of this research such
as Thompson’s, however, compares high school graduates to college graduates rather
than those who have less than a 12th grade education, potentially skewing results by
omitting the volunteer behaviors of those with low education. In the sample used for
this study, education is expected to be a significant predictor of volunteer behavior.
Work, Income, and Retirement
For decades, nonprofits assumed that their target market for soliciting
volunteers was nonemployed women who use volunteer activities as a means of
social integration (Wilson, 2000). Yet two decades of studies about volunteers and
their work, free time, jobs, and income questions the wisdom of this recruitment
strategy. For example, Stubbings and Humble (1984) reported that the unemployed
and homemakers have among the lowest rates in terms of volunteer behaviors. Thus,
though some theories such as role overload (Markham & Bonjean, 1996) suggest a
negative relationship between paid work and volunteer hours, the opposite seems to
be true. Segal (1993) and Wuthnow (1998) separately determined that as paid work
increases, volunteer hours increase slightly as well. Recent data from the Corporation
40
for National and Community Service (2007) further suggested that increasing work
hours impacts retention: “Holding employment status constant, decreasing work
hours does not lead to higher volunteer retention. Indeed, increasing work hours
seems to slightly increase Baby Boomers’ and older volunteers’ propensity to be
retained as a volunteer” (p. 12). Research has shown that paid work allows for social
integration (which is positively correlated with volunteerism), improves self-esteem,
and teaches many skill sets that are transferable to volunteer activities such as
timeliness and organization (Brady et al., 1995; Schoenberg, 1980).
Work-related time constraints limit volunteer behavior somewhat because
part-time workers volunteer more than full-time workers (Wilson, 2000) but
additional research is needed to determine how job status might impact a worker’s
ability to pursue volunteer behaviors (Smith, 1994, Wilson & Musick, 1997). For
example, self-employed people and professionals may have control over their
schedules and a greater ability to serve mid-day than those who work nine-to-five
jobs. Herzog and Morgan (1993) also postulated that those who love and are attached
to their work would have an easier time transitioning to volunteer work in their areas
of expertise.
Research on income and its relationship with volunteerism is also prolific,
but the results vary by demographic. Freeman (1997) found a negative relationship
between volunteer behavior and income among current volunteers. Data differed,
however, depending on gender and marital status. Segal (1993) reported that single
adult males’ volunteer hours were positively associated with income. The study also
41
found, however, volunteer hours were negatively associated with wealth in the same
population. In a sample excluding married women, Menchik and Weisbrod (1987)
found that although volunteer hours were positively related to income (regardless of
income source), the strength of the relationship decreased as income increased. Little
research demonstrates reliable agreement about the correlation between income and
volunteerism.
Retirement may prove to be a more reliable predictor of volunteer behavior
than work or income. Though retirement does tend to allow people to commit more
time to the informal volunteer work they participated in preretirement, additional
free time postretirement is not predictive of informal volunteer activity seeking in
those who have not previously volunteered (Caro & Bass, 1995/1997; Gallagher,
1994; Herzog, Kahn, & Morgan, 1989). Mutchler, Burr, and Caro (2003), however,
produced results suggesting that a key factor in research design related to retirement
and volunteerism is the distinction between formal and informal volunteer work.
Writing about this distinction, they explained, “we conclude that especially for
individuals not already engaged in formal volunteer work, reduced participation in
the paid work force or leaving paid work altogether is associated with an escalation
in formal volunteer activity” (p. 9). Their data suggested that retirement increases
formal rather than informal volunteer activity.
Also, whereas preretirement volunteers may not increase their overall service
hours after retirement, literature does evidence some stability in their efforts to
maintain their level of service, suggesting that their volunteer rates do not begin to
42
fall until they reach extreme old age or become infirm (Glass, Seeman, Herzog,
Kahn, & Berkman, 1995; Kincade, Rabiner, Shulamit, & Woodmert, 1996; Wilson
& Musick, 1997). The CNCS research data indicated the opposite, however,
suggesting that retirement does not seem to be good for baby boomer volunteer
retention. CNCS data indicated, “moving out of the workforce is most likely to
reduce volunteer retention among baby boomers” (2007, p. 12). Thus, retirement
status along with the knowledge of preretirement volunteer status does not appear to
be useful in predicting whether people will volunteer and whether their volunteer
hours will increase after retirement. Given the conflicting data it is difficult to predict
whether retirement status will be a significant predictor of volunteer behaviors in this
sample.
Age
The relationship between age and volunteer behaviors is also considered.
Wilson (2000) reported:
As people age, their stock of human capital changes, and thus the likelihood
that they will volunteer. Aging also reconfigures social roles, creating fresh
opportunities and imposing new constraints. Finally, people of different ages
and generations have different outlooks on life, which may change their
attitude toward volunteering. (p. 226)
Though many adolescents and young adults volunteer (Wilson), other research has
demonstrated that volunteer behavior peaks in the middle adult years (CNCS, 2007,
Herzog et al., 1989; Menchik & Weisbrod, 1987; Schoenberg, 1980). Although some
43
research (Herzog et al., 1989) suggested that levels of volunteerism are higher in
young adulthood than in mid- to late-life, Rotolo (2000) indicated that a lack of
control for health make the results spurious at best and warned against assumptions
about identifying patterns as true age effects.
In research specifically related to baby boomers and volunteerism, CNCS
(2007) reported, “Baby Boomers today have the highest rate of any age group. They
also, as this report notes, volunteer at higher rates than past generations did when
they were the same age.” Unfortunately, the report also noted limitations for the
retention of boomer volunteers as they age. The aforementioned statistics only seem
to apply through the age of 57, when both volunteer and retention rates drop
dramatically. The same report postulated that confounding variables may influence
figures related to age and volunteerism. Specifically, the report noted that, “Baby
Boomers in their 40s and 50s are more likely to have school-aged children at home
than older generations were at the same age” and, “There is also evidence that adults
with children under 18 years of age residing with them are more likely to volunteer
than adults without school-aged children at home” (CNCS, 2007, p. 2). Again, given
the conflicting data, it is difficult to predict whether age will be a significant
predictor of volunteer behavior in this sample.
Finally, alienation, a latent construct related to self-transcendence, must be
addressed. When designing the ASTI for their research on self-transcendence and
wisdom, Levenson et al. (2005) relied on Tornstam’s (1994) gero-transcendence
construct. Challenging the notion that aging adults disengage from society as a
44
defense mechanism through which they adapt to successive losses (Cummings &
Henry, 1961), Tornstam (1994) suggested a natural progression toward a sense of
union with the universe, redefinition of the importance of time, a decreased fear of
death, an awareness of interconnectedness with other generations, a decreased need
for superfluous socialization, a decreased need for the material, a decrease in selfcenteredness, and an increase in meditative-like practice. In his research, however,
he also demonstrated the value for assessing potential disengagement or alienation
from society and discussed “obstructions” to gero-transcendence (pp. 210 – 211). In
addition to instruments measuring life satisfaction, social activity, and both ego and
cosmic transcendence, Tornstam (1994) included measures of old-age depression,
psychological strain, and coping patterns to identify possible disengagement or
alienation. Likewise, Levenson et al., saw the value of including items on the ASTI
to measure alienation, which correlated positively with the neuroticism scale on the
NEO-FFI Personality Inventory (McCrae & Costa, 1989) and correlated negatively
with self-transcendence. Alienation was presented by Tornstam (1994) and Levenson
et al. as the antithesis of transcendence, but as no literature has linked alienation to
volunteer behavior, even in a negative way, it is difficult to predict its contribution to
volunteer behaviors.
45
CHAPTER THREE: METHOD
Chapter Overview
The purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between
transcendence and volunteer behaviors. The first research question asked “Does the
score from the Self-Transcendence subscale of the ASTI predict whether baby
boomers volunteer?” The second research question asked, “Does the score from the
Self-Transcendence subscale of the ASTI predict the average number of baby
boomers’ weekly volunteer hours. The measures included one pre-existing
questionnaire (ASTI), one forced-choice question about volunteering, and an openended question about volunteering. This chapter details the design and the analytic
strategy used to answer the two research questions.
Design
Population and sample
The population consisted of residents of Corvallis, Oregon in the baby boom
generation who were registered voters during the summer of 2006. A response rate
of 24.35% produced a sample of 487 participants who returned completed surveys.
473 participants reported their gender, including 282 women (58%) and 191 men
(40%). The participants’ ages ranged from 41 to 60. The median age was 53. Fewer
than 2% of the participants who answered a question related to ethnicity indicated
that they were of Hispanic or Latino decent; 92% were White. Over 3% were Asian
and just fewer than 3% were American Indian or Alaskan Natives. Black and
46
Hawaiian participants made up another 1%. The Other category, which may have
been made up of those with mixed-race heritage, made up the final 1%.
Fewer than 20% of participants reported being retired. Participants reported a
mean household income of $47,000. The mode for income, however, indicated that
45% of participants reported household incomes between $64,000 and $134,999.
Table 1
Correlation Matrix of Analysis Variables, all Respondents (N = 487)
Variables
1
1. Volunteer hours
-
2
2. Age
.03
-
3. Education
.05
-.04
4. Retirement statusa
.12**
.34***
5. Alienationb
-.13**
6. Self-Transcendencec
3
4
5
6
-.12*
-
-.08
.03
-.09
.30*** .04
.01
.01
-.35***
-
M
3.72
52.26
17.09
.19
5.59
5.10
SD
5.64
5.45
2.69
.39
1.18
.83
a
0 = not retired, 1 = retired. bThe M of responses to 3 ASTI items that make up this
subscale score. cThe M of responses to 14 ASTI items that make up this subscale
score.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Participants reported 17 mean years of education. Thirty percent reported having 16
years of education and another 21% reported having 18 years of education. In this
47
sample, 75% of respondents also reported that they were married. Table 1 presents
the summary statistics for the control and explanatory variables for all respondents.
Procedures
This cross-sectional study recruited participants using a random sample of
the targeted age group drawn from voter registration records by ward. Part of a larger
research project sponsored by the City of Corvallis’s Senior Center, it was designed
to assess the recreation and leisure interests of baby boomers in order to plan future
city-sponsored recreation and leisure activities. The survey also asked participants to
predict their recreation and leisure interests and motivations 10 years into the future.
Additionally, it asked a question related to the location of participants’ current
recreation and leisure behaviors as well as sociodemographic questions (See full
survey in Appendix A). This dissertation uses only the survey data related to whether
the baby boomers volunteer, the average number of hours volunteered weekly,
alienation subscale scores, self-transcendence subscale scores, and demographic
variables.
Based on research using government-sponsored surveys such as this one, a
25% response rate was predicted (Krosnick, 1999). Thus, the 12-page surveys, along
with addressed and stamped return envelopes, were mailed to 2,000 home addresses.
Questionnaires and their matching return envelopes were stamped with unique
numbers to maintain confidentiality.
An informed consent document (see Appendix B) was included in the initial
mailing as well. Potential participants were informed about the purpose of the study,
48
the importance of informed consent, the reason they were invited to take part in the
study, and the risks and benefits of participating. They were also assured that
researchers would maintain their confidentiality by referring to participant responses
by number only. Additionally, potential participants were provided with contact
information for both the principal and the student researcher. Original completed
questionnaires were kept in a locked cabinet at the Corvallis Senior Center.
Following Dillman’s (2007) recommended strategies to increase response
rates in mailed surveys, a reminder letter was sent within one month of the original
mailing. Envelope numbers from returned surveys were matched with household
addresses to ensure that participants who had returned their surveys were not sent
reminder letters. Because of the random nature of the sampling, it was possible for
more than one resident of a household to receive a survey. Only 16 addresses were
duplicated on the originally mailing list. Of those 32 potentially related surveys, only
2 pairs were returned.
Instruments and Measurement
Volunteerism.
Volunteerism is represented in current literature as formalized but unpaid
work engaged in for the benefit of a group or organization and performed within the
context of an organization such as civic, religious, and community-based (Penner,
2002; Van Deventer, 2005; Wilson, 2000). Volunteer behaviors were not limited by
type and could include service on behalf of the environment, animals, or people. This
study used two questions to measure volunteerism. The first asked, “Do you
49
volunteer in your community – with community organizations, the local library, the
parks and recreation department, or other group?” The respondents were offered two
response prompts. If they reported negatively, they were prompted to continue to the
next section unrelated to volunteering. If they responded affirmatively, they were
asked, “please write how many hours (average per week)” and the participants were
offered a space in which to write their response.
Of the 477 participants who responded to the question about volunteering,
64.15% (306) reported volunteering and 35.85% (171) reported that they do not
volunteer in their communities. The average weekly volunteer hours reported by the
306 participants who do volunteer was 5.85 hours per week (σ = 6.08). Table 3
shows the summary statistics for the average number of volunteer hours reported by
those who reported volunteering. Figure 4 shows the histogram for the set of
respondents who reported volunteering in their community. In the analysis, those
respondents who reported that they do not volunteer were assigned the value of zero.
Transcendence.
Transcendence is a subjective developmental process highlighted by
spirituality, peaceful acceptance of self, a strong sense of connection to both past and
future generations, and emotional well-being. An established instrument, the Adult
Self-Transcendence Inventory (ASTI) (Levenson et al., 2005), used 18 seven-point,
ordinal Likert scale questions that identified two constructs, alienation and selftranscendence. “Levenson et al. (2005) confirmed that the ASTI has a two-factor
structure, one for self-transcendence and the other for alienation” (Jennings, Aldwin,
50
Levenson, Spiro, Mrockek, 2006, p. 124). In their study, the subscales demonstrated
internal reliability including .75 for self-transcendence and .64 for alienation.
0
10
20
%
30
40
50
Jennings et al. (2003) also confirmed the factor structure. The alienation subscale
0
10
20
30
Mean Weekly Volunteer Hours for All Respondents
40
Figure 4. Histogram of Responses to “Do You Volunteer in Your Community?”
score is used as a control variable in this project. Four additional items were added
by this researcher, but were not included in this analysis. The mean of the items from
the self-transcendence subscale (14 items) produced the self-transcendence score.
The score included items such as, “I often engage in quiet contemplation,” “I feel
part of something greater than myself,” and, “I can learn a lot from others.”
Levenson et al. (2005) used the ASTI to measure self-transcendence, asserted
to be a “critical component of wisdom,” in a population of university faculty, staff,
51
and students in California (p. 127). Though the mean age was 34, the participants’
ages ranged from 18 to 73, and included people in the baby boomer age range. As in
this current research, the majority of respondents in the 2005 study were White
women who were well educated. Levenson et al. compared the ASTI subscales to the
NEO-FFI Personality Inventory (NEO-FFI) (McCrae & Costa, 1989) to establish
both divergent and convergent validity, demonstrating that the self-transcendence
subscale was negatively correlated with neuroticism, and was “positively and
modestly correlated with the other four personality measures” (Levenson et al., p.
135). Thus, The ASTI was validated in a sample similar to the one in this study.
Analytic Plan
Before beginning analysis, the issue of missing data was addressed. Missing
data can lead to erroneous and biased conclusions. Acock (2005) indicated that
missing values are replete among social science fields, including in human
development and family studies research. Acock (2005) further indicated that
identifying the reason data may be missing and providing an explanation of missing
data management procedures are necessary for the researcher and readers’ accurate
understanding of the analysis and results. The first step is to distinguish the cause of
the missing data. Typically, missing data in family studies research is the result of
data that are missing at random (MAR):
MAR is a more realistic assumption for family studies. The missing data for a
variable are MAR if the likelihood of missing data on the variable is not
related to the participant’s score on the variable, after controlling for other
52
variables in the study. (Acock, 2005, p. 1014)
Though common mechanisms influencing missing variables in family studies
research include age, race, gender, and education, analysis of missing patterns in this
data set indicated that gender was the mechanism that best helped to explain whether
a respondent answered a question (Acock, 2005).
Once it was established that the data met the MAR assumptions, it was
important to determine how to impute missing values. The simplest method would
have been to impute variables using mean substitution because there were few
missing variables (ranging from 1% missing to 13% missing depending on which
variable was assessed) compared to most social science data sets (Acock, 2005; Li,
Duncan, Duncan, Harmer, & Acock, 1998; Rubin, 1976, 1996). The use of mean
substitution, however, even with fewer missing data points than other family studies
data, remained problematic because those who typically refuse to answer questions
are not those whose responses generally lie around the mean (Acock, 2005). Thus,
advanced multivariate imputation using chained equations was performed to ensure
that random error was included in the imputed data. This three-step process outlined
by Acock (2005) maintains realistic variance. First, 10 additional data sets were
created with imputed values based on the distribution of available data. Second, each
dataset was independently analyzed and estimates of the parameters of interest were
averaged across the copies to give a single estimate. Third, computations of standard
errors were then produced and added to the estimates to allow for the between- and
within-imputation components of variation in the parameter estimates (Royston,
53
2005). The imputation process used for this analysis incorporated a weight variable
as well for gender. Using this process, data were imputed for all missing data in the
variables used for this project including the ASTI items used to create the selftranscendence subscale score and the alienation subscale score.
Exploratory factor analysis was used to verify the ASTI’s two-factor
structure. Using Stata analytical software (Statacorp, 2005), a Pearson product
moment correlation matrix was generated to examine the relationships among all
variables included in the analysis; that is, demographic variables, ASTI subscale
scores, whether baby boomers reported volunteering, and the average number of
weekly volunteer hours. Correlations among the explanatory and control variables
were reviewed to ensure that multicollinearity was not a concern by regressing each
explanatory variable and the control variable on all other variables used in the
analysis. Though any explanatory or control variable with a variance-inflation factor
(VIF) greater than 2.0 would have been dropped, multicollinearity was not found to
be a problem. Then, Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial regression was used to explain
the amount of variance in volunteer hours. Using STATA, diagnostics were
performed to verify that the data conformed to the underlying assumptions of the
regression procedure, including analysis confirming that the data were skewed,
nonnegative, and that the variance of scores increased as the mean increased.
54
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS
Explanatory and Control Variables
The analysis focused on four control variables, respondents’ age,
respondents’ years of education, whether a respondent was retired, and the alienation
subscale score from the ASTI, and one explanatory variable, the self-transcendence
subscale score calculated from the ASTI (Levenson et al., 2005).The summary
statistics for these variables for the overall sample are presented in Table 1. On
average, respondents were in the middle of the baby boomer age range (m = 52.18
years, σ = 5.28), highly educated (m = 17.07 years, σ = 7.27), and still working for
pay at the time of the survey in 2006 (retired = 18.75% and working = 81.25%).
Inferential Statistics
Constructing the ASTI Subscales
The instrument included 18 items based on the ASTI scale described in
Levenson et al., 2005. The 2005 results scaled factors into two dimensions described
as self-transcendence and alienation and were based on the theoretical reasoning
provided by the ASTI’s authors. The current set of 18 ASTI items were drawn by
Levenson from a pool of 36 items on the ASTI-Revised (Personal Communication,
2006).
Attempts to replicate the two dimensions identified in the Levenson et al.
(2005) study using exploratory factor analysis with varimax rotation were successful,
though one item did not load as predicted. Table 2 describes the ASTI item factor
55
Table 2
ASTI Item Factor Loadings Using Exploratory Factor Analysis With Varimax
Rotation (N = 487)
Self-transcendence
Item
Alienation
Factor loadings
1. I often engage in quiet contemplation.
.53
-.06
2. I feel that my individual life is part of a
greater whole.
.83
-.01
3. I feel a sense of belonging with both
earlier and future generations.
.63
-.16
4. My peace of mind is not easily upset.
.66
.27
5. I feel isolated and lonely.
-.04
.49
6. My sense of wellbeing does not depend
on a busy social life.
.32
.15
7. I feel part of something greater than myself.
.80
.09
8. My happiness is not dependent on other
people and things.
.35
.24
9. I have a good sense of humor about myself.
.48
.19
.53
.28
11. Material possessions don’t mean much to me. .32
.19
12. I feel compassionate even to people who
have been unkind to me.
.49
.15
13. I am not often fearful.
.45
.10
16. I often have a sense of oneness with nature.
.49
-.01
17. I feel cut off from other generations.
.39
.39
19. Different parts of me are often at
cross-purposes.
-.07
.58
20. I feel scattered and distracted much of
the time.
-.09
.62
21. I can accept the impermanence of things.
.32
.29
10. I find much joy in life.
Note. Item 17, which loaded onto both factors, was omitted from the subscale scores.
56
loadings. Item 17, predicted to load onto the alienation factor in the previous study
(Levenson et al., 2005) loaded equally onto both factors and was
removed from the analysis. Additionally, items 6, 8, 11, and 21 loaded below the .40
threshold, bringing their validity into question in terms whether the items accurately
measure the self-transcendence construct. They were included in the analysis
however, because they loaded as predicted on the basis of theory supporting the
construct of self-transcendence, because the results were reliable when compared to
the previous Levenson et al. (2005) study, and because the likelihood ratio x2(231) =
2,732.69 was statistically significant (p < .001) (Brown, 2006). One factor consisted
of 14 items forming the self-transcendence subscale. The second factor consisted of
three items forming the alienation scale.
The formulation of these two factors generated moderate Cronbach’s alphas
(.69 for the self-transcendence factor and .54 for the alienation factor). These
coefficients compare with the Levenson et al. (2005) results showing Cronbach’s
Alphas of .75 and .64 for the self-transcendence and alienation subscales,
respectively. The two subscale scores from this current study correlated negatively (r
= -.32). When the current data are limited to respondents who said they volunteered
in their communities, the correlation between the scales was -.28.
Assessing Multicollinearity of the Explanatory and Control Variables
Multicollinearity
Given the interrelationships of volunteerism predictors identified in the
literature review, multicollinearity of explanatory and control variables must be
57
assessed to ensure that each explanatory or control variable contributes uniquely to
the variance of the outcome variable. “Multicollinearity happens when a combination
of variables makes one or more of the variables largely or completely redundant”
(Acock, 2006, p. 227). Table 2 shows the Pearson Product Moment correlations
among the continuous variables reported by all respondents. Regarding the outcome
variable, positive significant correlations exist with the retirement and selftranscendence variables. A significant negative correlation exists between volunteer
hours and alienation. Table 3 shows the Pearson Product Moment correlations
among the continuous variables to be tested in the model for the set of respondents
reporting that they volunteered in their community.
These results show moderate correlations among the variables in the model.
No correlation in Table 2 or Table 3 has an absolute value greater than .40. These
results together suggested that multicollinearity would not be an issue in the model.
A scatterplot supporting this assertion can be found in Appendix C.
A more formal test, the computation of a variance inflation factor (VIF) for
each explanatory and control variable, provides additional assurance that
multicollinearity is not an issue for the predictors in this study. Acock (2006)
indicated that a VIF over 10 indicates multicollinearity. The mean VIF for these
predictors is 1.14. No single predictor has a VIF over 1.26 (self-transcendence). The
eigenvalues for the explanatory variables are all lower than .50. The largest condition
indices are related to the two ASTI subscales, self-transcendence (5.57) and
58
Table 3
Correlation Matrix of Analysis Variables, Community Volunteers (N = 306)
Variables
1
1. Volunteer hours
-
2
2. Age
.07
-
3. Education
-.01
-.02
4. Retirement statusa
.12*
5. Alienationb
-.11
6. Self-Transcendencec
.33***
3
4
5
-
6
-.08
-
-.13*
.01
-.09
.38*** .08
.01
.01
-.28***
-
M
5.85
52.10
17.31
.20
5.62
5.14
SD
6.09
5.54
2.49
.40
1.19
1.73
a
0 = not retired, 1 = retired. bThe M of responses to 3 ASTI items that make up this
subscale score. cThe M of responses to 14 ASTI items that make up this subscale
score.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
alienation (.77), which is used as a control variable. These results additionally
suggested that there are no problematic linear relations among the explanatory and
control variables.
Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression Model
Modeling
The task of modeling the relationship between the number of volunteer hours
and the self-transcendence subscale score captured by the ASTI required a departure
59
from a traditional linear regression model. The outcome variable, number of
volunteer hours, is a count. Though 64.15% reported volunteering, the fact that
35.85% of the respondents self-reported a zero value required the use of a ZeroInflated Negative Binomial regression model for estimation (Long, 1997).
The Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial regression model is a combination of a
count model estimating the probability of observed counts and an inflation model
estimating the likelihood that a respondent will have a value of zero on the outcome
variable. The effects of the inflation model adjust the count model to account for the
likelihood that a respondent will have a value of zero on the outcome variable.
This model controls for respondent age, respondent years of education,
whether a respondent reported being retired at the time of the questionnaire, and
alienation. The explanatory variable is the factor from the ASTI subscales, selftranscendence. The results of the model are presented in Table 4. The results
demonstrated that respondents with higher self-transcendence scores and retired
respondents are more likely to report more volunteer hours than those with lower
self-transcendence scores and those who are not retired.
The inflation portion of the results shows a negative relationship between
years of education and the likelihood that a respondent will not volunteer; that is
respondents with more education are less likely to report volunteering zero hours.
Put more simply, there is an indirect, positive relationship between years of
education and the number of volunteer hours reported.
Model fit
60
The model fit statistics reported in Table 4 suggested that the Zero-Inflated
Negative Binomial regression model is of the proper form and that the current
formulation is a significant improvement over the null model. The results of the
Table 4
Summary of Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression for Variables Explaining
Volunteer Behavior (N = 487).
M Weekly Volunteer Hours
Likelihood of Volunteering
__________________________________________________
Count
Inflation
__________________________________________________
B
SE B
Z
B
SE B
Z
Age
-.01
.01
-.85
.03
.04
.90
Education
.01
.03
.18
-.28
.10
-2.81**
Retirement status
.63
.20
3.15**
-.06
.43
-.13
Alienation
.06
.06
.96
.03
.15
.20
Transcendence
.50
.08
.04
.19
.23
Variables
Likelihood Ratio x2(5)
Vuong (z)a
a
6.16***
44.51***
2.75**
Vuong test of the Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial model versus a standard negative
binomial model.
**p < .01. ***p < .001.
61
Vuong test are significantly different from zero, suggesting that the Zero-Inflated
Negative Binomial regression model is also an improvement over the Poisson
regression model.
The log-likelihood statistics (-1,065.71) indicated that the full model is an
improvement over the null model containing no predictors. An additional perspective
on model fit is presented in Figure 5, which plotted the observed distribution of
hours of volunteering against the predicted curve derived from the model. This curve
shows that the predicted model replicates the observed distribution very well. The
predicted curve slightly overestimated the proportion of respondents reporting
between 5 and 9 volunteer hours and underestimated the percentage of respondents
reporting 10, 15, and 20 hours of volunteering.
Self-Transcendence and retirement
Because the Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial regression model is nonlinear,
interpreting the marginal effect of differences in the outcome variable on the basis of
the differences in the explanatory and control variables required transformation of
the model coefficients. The discussion below relies on the formulas from Long
(1997). The two significant variables in the model, the continuous self-transcendence
subscale score and the binary variable indicating whether a respondent is retired,
used different calculations to gauge the effect of each variable.
The standardized effect of differences in the number of volunteer hours
reported given a standard deviation change in the self-transcendence subscale score
is supported by equation 8.4 from Long (1997). This effect is calculated by adding
62
the coefficient of the variable to the estimate’s standard error. Based on this
calculation, each standard deviation increase in a respondent’s self-transcendence
subscale score increases that respondent’s hours of volunteering by 58%, holding all
other variables constant. The amount of change because of a respondent being retired
is calculated using the coefficients from Table 4 and the mean values of the
explanatory and control variables from Table 3 (Long, 1997; equation 8.5). Based on
this calculation, being retired increases a respondent’s volunteer time by an average
0
.1
Probability
.2
.3
.4
of .83 hours per week.
0
5
10
15
20
25
M Volunteer Hours per Week
30
35
40
Observed Proportion
Predicted Value from Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression
Figure 5. Plot of Observed and Predicted Curves: Number of Volunteer Hours
Results Summary
The results highlighted some important factors that contribute to baby
boomers’ decisions to volunteer and to the average number of hours baby boomers
63
volunteer per week. A general finding was that baby boomers with higher levels of
education were more likely to report volunteering. This indirect positive relationship
controlled for age, being retired, and alienation. Being older, reporting being retired,
lower alienation scores, and higher self-transcendence scores did not explain the
choice to volunteer. In terms of the variables studied that were related to increased
numbers of volunteer hours, being retired increased a baby boomer’s volunteering by
49.8 minutes per week or an average of 43.16 hours per year in additional volunteer
service. Finally, baby boomers’ self-transcendence scores were positively related to
increased numbers of volunteer hours reported. For every standard deviation increase
in their self-transcendence scores, baby boomers volunteer hours increased by 58%,
holding all other variables constant. This finding suggests that increasing the mean
self-transcendence score from 5.10 to 5.93 would result in an increase of mean
volunteer hours by 3.39 hours per week. These results support the hypothesis that
self-transcendence can help to explain baby boomers’ volunteer hours.
64
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
Overview
The size of the baby boomer cohort makes the study of this unique group
salient. As they have aged, they have experienced systems that have either been
forced to accommodate them or have recognized the wisdom of catering to them as a
group. From the building of new schools in the 1950s, to politicians basing their
agendas on values common among cohort members, to businesses marketing
products specifically for them, baby boomers have become aware of the power they
yield in influencing American cultural, political, economic, educational, and social
macrosystems (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Whereas a great deal of social discussion and
research focuses on the power of this cohort to make macrosystemic changes, even
in terms of civic engagement (Putnam, 2000), little work focuses on how to identify
those boomers most likely to engage in civic activities such as volunteerism. Thus,
the goal of this research project was to hypothesize a means through which those
more civically involved and civically committed baby boomers could be identified.
The construct of self-transcendence provided a useful framework from which
to investigate volunteer behaviors among this population because it is based on
theories from interrelated fields: human development and personality psychology.
Personality theories of Jung, Maslow, and Frankl were examined along with the
developmental theories of Erikson, McAdams, and Tornstam to evidence a
connection between self-transcendence and generative behaviors such as
volunteerism. The ASTI, a measurement instrument designed on the basis of these
65
and similar theories, was evaluated as an appropriate instrument to use for measuring
self-transcendence in the baby boomer population. The instrument used for this
project included the ASTI along with questions related to volunteer behaviors and
sociodemographic information. The data were used to explore which baby boomers
will volunteer and baby boomers’ weekly volunteer hours among those who do so
using self-transcendence scores. Three demographic variables (age, education, and
retirement status) identified in the literature as correlates of both transcendence and
volunteerism, and alienation, a second factor identified by the ASTI, were used as
control variables to determine the relationship between self-transcendence and
volunteer behaviors.
This chapter discusses the results of the analyses. Variables that were
evidenced to explain some variance in volunteer behavior are explored in detail. In
addition, this chapter discusses the limitations of the study, offers suggestions for
future research, and identifies the value of the information for baby boomers, public
and private community agencies that use volunteers, human development and family
studies researchers, and society in general.
Education
Zero-inflated negative binomial regression was used to explain volunteer
behavior in a sample of baby boomers. The unique value of the Zero-Inflated
Negative Binomial regression for this research project data rests in its ability to
simultaneously predict nonvolunteers as well as to predict a count of volunteer hours
among expected volunteers. Different results emerged in terms of statistical
66
prediction of those expected to be in the nonvolunteers category versus predicted
volunteers. The results demonstrated that among those baby boomers in the
nonvolunteer category, education was the only significant variable explaining
volunteer behavior. Education, as hypothesized, may indeed be associated with
formal volunteering.
A few limitations may have influenced this result. Some research has
evidenced that education is among the most significant predictors of voting behavior,
another type of civic engagement, including voter registration (Sigelman, Roeder,
Jewell, and Baer, 2001). Why might this be the case? Researchers have postulated
several theories. Herzog and Morgan (1993) reported that more highly educated
people tend to belong to professional and community organizations that encourage
civic responsibility. McPherson and Rotolo (1996) explained that those with higher
levels of education tend to have more control over their schedules, and hence more
time to engage politically and civically. Because research has likewise linked higher
levels of education with volunteerism (Wilson, 2000), the fact that the sample of
baby boomers used in this study was drawn from voter registration records
potentially creates a confounding variable. If well-educated baby boomers are more
likely to register to vote and also more likely to volunteer, it is logical to conclude
that volunteers may be overrepresented in the sample. In fact, 49% of this study’s
sample had completed at least four years of college as compared with only 28.1% of
other urban-living Oregonians, and only 24.4% of U.S. citizens (U.S. Census, 2007),
making it seem difficult to generalize the results of the study. An accurate review of
67
the literature related to highly educated baby boomers and the sample’s demographic
make-up, however, may help allay this concern.
Research related to baby boomers, education, and civic behaviors such as
voting and volunteerism challenges the notion that more volunteers can be found in a
sample drawn from voter registration records. Thompson’s (1993) study did not
include those who have less than a twelfth-grade education and Wilson’s (2000)
meta-analysis only mentioned studies that included high school students and above.
Excluding those with lower levels of education can potentially skew results. How
can one assert that education level causes one to vote or volunteer more when only
participants with high school educations and above were studied?
The level of education respondents reported in this study ranged from seven
to 26 years; 19.74% of the respondents in this study reported fewer than 16 years of
education. The difference in the mean number of volunteer hours per week between
those without a four-year college education and those without a four-year college
education was only 1.71 hours per week. Overall, baby boomers assessed in the
sample reported 17.07 average years of education. Although this level of education is
higher than the state average for those over the age of 25, census data for the city of
Corvallis indicated that 53.1% of the population reported earning a bachelors degree
or higher (U.S. Census, 2000). The sample appears to accurately reflect the city from
which it was drawn. Thus, generalization may be possible for communities with
similar demographic characteristics.
68
Additionally, research by Brady, Verba, and Schlozman (1995) challenged
the assumption that voting is as substantially impacted by education as once
believed: “Political interest has by far the most substantial impact, with free time and
citizenship also significant” (p. 283). Their data, produced from a large, two-stage
voluntary, public, telephone survey assessed political and nonpolitical activity as
well as demographics. During a 6-month period in 1989, 15,000 respondents were
surveyed. In 1990, 2,517 of the original respondents were included in longer, inperson interviews. The authors reported, “When we regress political interest on
formal educational experiences and language abilities, we find that the impact of
education on voting is funneled entirely through political interest” (p. 283). If voting
is not as dependent on educational attainment, it is also likely that registering to vote
is not either. Hence, arguing that volunteers (such as those civically engaged voters)
are likely overestimated in a sample of highly educated respondents drawn from
voter registration rolls may also be inaccurate.
Future research related to civic engagement such as voting and volunteerism
should include those with less than a 12th grade education in order to assess whether
those with more education truly are overrepresented in voter registration records.
Additionally, research related to volunteerism might benefit from a qualitative
assessment of the influence of education on civic engagement. Allowing respondents
to consider if and how their education influences their volunteer behaviors may
provide insight into the mechanism through which education may influence civic
engagement.
69
Retirement
For those who reported volunteering, retirement status was one variable that
predicted an increased number of volunteer hours. In the literature, retirement status
was linked to formal volunteer behavior. Retirement status was not hypothesized to
explain volunteer behavior in this study, however, because it was unclear whether
the question used to assess volunteer status was worded in such a way as to ensure
the assessment of formal versus informal volunteer behavior. Results from previous
studies suggested that the type of volunteer behavior (formal vs. informal) is
differentially related to retirement (Herzog, Kahn, & Morgan, 1989; Mutchler, Burr,
& Caro, 2003). The results of this study show the validity of the question used to
assess participants’ formalized volunteer behaviors and may support continued
research that separates informal volunteer behavior from formal volunteer behavior.
Had the question related to volunteerism been asked in a less specific way, inferring
the assessment of informal volunteer behaviors, such as mowing the neighbor’s
lawn, along with more formal volunteer behaviors, results may have varied as
hypothesized.
A limitation may exist, however, in terms of how the question about
retirement was asked. For example, three female respondents noted qualitatively on
the instrument that they had worked at home, raising children and caring for their
spouses and property. These three women indicated that they had no way to gauge
retirement status other than whether their spouses were retired. Additionally, though
the questionnaire asked retired respondents whether they continued to work for pay
70
after retirement, that variable was not included in the analysis. If the mechanism
through which retirement is related to volunteerism is perception of increased free
time, knowing whether a retired respondent still works for pay might provide more
insight into the actual relationship between retirement and volunteer behavior. Future
work investigating the link between volunteer hours and retirement may do well to
assess perceived free time after retirement.
Self-Transcendence
Finally, self-transcendence, as hypothesized, did explain increased average
volunteer hours per week. One standard deviation increase in a respondent’s selftranscendence score explained a 58% increase in average volunteer hours per week.
Limitations also exist in terms of this finding specifically related to instrument
validity and reliability. The original ASTI used in the Levenson et al. (2005) study
was an 18-item instrument. When providing the ASTI for this study, the original
author provided a revised scale. Though several of the same items remained, some of
the weaker items had been discarded and new items, predicted to be more valid and
reliable, were added. Thus, the Cronbach’s alphas reported by Levenson et al., for
the two subscales, self-transcendence and alienation, although substantiating the
original research, could not necessarily guide this project. Factor loadings were also
impacted by the revision of items from the original instrument. Whereas similar
patterns emerged when compared to Levenson et al. (2005), at least one item had to
be omitted from the analysis because of loading on both factors.
71
Additionally, the Levenson et al. (2005) study relied on cumulative subscale
scores for self-transcendence and alienation. This project’s analysis relied on the
means for the self-transcendence and alienation subscale scores, potentially altering
the results in a way that limits their usefulness in terms of additional evidence of
reliability and validity.
A review of the analysis used for the study, however, resolves these concerns.
First, it is important to note that the revised scale came directly from the authors of
the previous instrument and was based on a careful theoretical understanding of the
constructs of self-transcendence and alienation. Choosing a self-transcendence factor
made up of the majority of items proposed to be related to self-transcendence and a
three-item factor made up of items proposed to be related to alienation, resulted in
similar factor loadings. The negative correlation between these two subscales
confirmed the two-factor solution.
In terms of measurement differences relating to how the self-transcendence
and alienation subscale scores were determined, taking the mean of items forced the
scale to be within the range of the original variables and allows for accurate
comparison of variables regardless of how many items contributed to each variable.
For example, the self-transcendence subscale consisted of 14 items and the alienation
scale consisted of 3 items. Thus the range of responses contributing to a cumulative
self-transcendence score is 7 to 98. For the alienation subscale score, the range is 3 to
21. Because the item responses were ordinal, the precise differences between
rankings cannot be expressed. Thus, it is more useful to describe subscale scores that
72
are within the range of the scale itself rather than different from the scale and from
each other. Analyzing data from this framework provides reliable and valid statistics.
Suggestions for future work incorporating the ASTI include use of the revised scale
to confirm reliability and validity of both the factors associated with the scale and in
terms of its usefulness for explaining volunteer behaviors.
Self-Report of Volunteerism
Limitations may also exist because the way in which the data were collected.
Volunteerism is a socially desirable behavior (Wilson, 2000). Self-reported
responses to questions related to socially desirable behaviors can be skewed in favor
of the participant (Okun & Eisenberg, 2006). Further, time-use studies offer reliable
evidence that this type of methodology can lead to inaccurate reporting because “the
accuracy of the data depends on the diligence, understanding, and honesty of the
participant.” (Donahue et al., 2001, p. 2). It must be noted, however, that although
62.8% of participants self-reported volunteering in this study, 37.2% reported that
they did not volunteer. These rates accurately correspond with national data related
to baby boomers and their volunteer behaviors (CNCS, 2007). Thus, it is appropriate
to conclude that social desirability and problematic time-use study methodology may
not have impacted these results.
Results in Relation to Theory
Theoretical constructs contributed to this research by providing insight into a
process of developmental, age-appropriate emotional growth proposed to be a critical
component of generativity (McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1998). Drawing on the
73
theories of Jung, Erikson, Frankl, Maslow, and Tornstam to inform the constructs of
self-transcendence and generative behavior in midlife, analysis required the use of an
instrument that was designed on the basis of fundamentally similar concepts. That
instrument, the ASTI, was shown to accurately measure both self-transcendence and
alienation as suggested.
Though this project did not propose to assess whether self-transcendence is
the inner desire component of McAdams’s and de St. Aubin’s (1998) Process Model
of Generativity, future research investigating this component and its relationship to
generative action should consider the use of an instrument battery that contains both
the ASTI and the Loyola Generativity Scale (McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1992).
Correlation of these two instruments along with their prediction of generative
behaviors, such as volunteerism, could confirm that self-transcendence and inner
desire are one-in-the same.
Finally, in consideration of future work related to self-transcendence and its
usefulness in predicting volunteering hours in general, careful attention should be
paid to analysis of the direction of the relationship. This author is aware of only one
study using the ASTI that attempted to predict the impact of volunteer behavior on
transcendence (Van Deventer, 2005). This small, qualitative project determined that
too little evidence existed to suggest that volunteerism leads to transcendence-related
growth. Future studies should assess volunteer history across the lifespan to more
accurately assess the direction of the relationship.
Conclusion
74
The last three decades of research have evidenced the value social science
researchers place on volunteerism. Sociologists have attempted to discern the effects
of volunteerism and nonvolunteerism on civic engagement. Political scientists and
economists have investigated the costs and benefits of volunteerism on public and
private enterprise. Psychologists have evidenced the positive and negative effects of
volunteer behaviors on well-being. Human development and family studies
researchers have identified some aspects of how volunteering influences
development. This study drew upon this abundance of research to identify those who
are most likely to volunteer and to volunteer more average hours per week.
Growing concern among both public and private social agencies make this
next step in research vital and salient. As the baby boomers age, the makeup of the
population will shift to the point at which the oldest old will make up the majority of
citizens in need of care. Cohorts younger than the baby boomers will not, by
profession or by voluntary civic engagement, be able to manage the care needs of
these oldest boomers alone. Thus, identifying committed volunteers in the youngest
population of boomers will be a necessity, rather than a luxury.
One key criterion for the identification of volunteers as discussed in Wilson
(2000) was the importance of segregating volunteer behaviors into formal and
informal types because evidence for commitment levels of each of these types of
volunteers is mixed. By carefully crafting the questions in this study asking about
formal volunteer behaviors, data were narrowed to the assessment of formal types of
75
volunteer behavior. Future studies could and should attempt to replicate these results
among populations of informal volunteers.
Additionally, once replicated, this type of work should inspire researchers to
engage in longitudinal studies to evidence the impact of volunteer behavior over time
and to investigate whether baby boomers who report current commitment to
volunteerism maintain their commitments as they age and progress through
additional developmental stages. The literature review for this study suggested that
some boomers who have successfully navigated Erikson’s sixth stage of
development, generativity versus stagnation, exhibit their generative inclinations
through volunteerism. If that is so, it will be important to determine how their
development through each successive stage will impact their generative commitment
and ability.
McAdams and de St. Aubin’s (1992) continued work on the process of
generativity may also have been informed by the results of this study. Their research
has yet to evidence a key component of his process model, inner desire. For the
model to be valid and relevant for those studying generativity, work must establish
the mechanism through which inner desire is developed and evidence its link to
generative behaviors, such as volunteerism. Though this work did not attempt to do
so, future work connecting both the ASTI and the Loyola Generativity Scale to
volunteerism may shed light on how inner desire forms. Self-transcendence may be
one way in which inner desire develops.
76
This study investigated the role of self-transcendence in explaining volunteer
behaviors. Age, education, retirement, and alienation were used as control variables.
The model identified how volunteers may be predicted from a group of
nonvolunteers. Education was the only variable able to predict potential volunteers
from a pool of those not expected to volunteer. The model also demonstrated that
some of the variables used in the study could explain a portion of the variance in the
average number of volunteer hours per week. Though the literature did not allow for
the development of a confident hypothesis about the connection between retirement
and volunteer behavior, retirement was shown to increase average weekly volunteer
hours. Self-transcendence was hypothesized to explain increased average weekly
hours of volunteering among a population of baby boomers. Results indicated that
when all other variables were controlled, self-transcendence could indeed explain a
portion of the variance in average weekly volunteer hours. To a greater degree than
retirement, self-transcendence was useful in explaining an increase in the volunteer
behaviors studied. Research on the types of variables that influence volunteer
behavior and that can identify willing and committed volunteers is sparse but
promising in the field of human development and family studies. This work
contributes a unique and interdisciplinary view of volunteers and they ways in which
they may be identified.
77
References
Acock, A. (2005). Working with missing values. Journal of Marriage and Family,
67, 1012 – 1028.
Acock, A. (2006). A gentle introduction to Stata. College Station, TX: Stata Press.
Ardelt, M. (1997). Wisdom and life satisfaction in old age. Journal of Gerontology:
Psychological Sciences, 52B, 15 – 27.
Assagioli, R. (1991). Transpersonal development: The dimension beyond
psychosynthesis. San Francisco: Aquarian Press.
Azarow, J. A. (2003). Generativity and wellbeing: An investigation of the Eriksonian
hypothesis. Dissertation Abstracts International, 64(4-B). (AAI3087883)
Batson, C. D., Sager, K., Garst, E., Kang, M., Rubchinsky, K., & Dawson, K. (1997).
Is empathy-induced helping due to self-other merging? Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 25, 3 – 16.
Bearden, S., Cox, M. J., & Frielinger, K. A. W. (2007). Jungian theory and
therapy. In K. Jordan (Ed.). The quick theory reference guide.
Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science.
Bell, D. C., & Richard, A. J. (2000). Caregiving: The forgotten element of
attachment. Psychological Inquiry, 11, 69 – 83.
Bengtson, A. L. (Ed.). (1996). Adulthood and aging: Research on continuities and
discontinuities. New York: Springer.
Bradley, C. L. (1997). Generativity-stagnation: Development of a status model.
Developmental Review, 17, 262 – 290.
78
Bradley, C. L., & Marcia, J. E. (1998). Generativity-stagnation: A five-category
model. Journal of Personality, 66, 39 – 64.
Brady, H., Verba, S., & Schlozman, K. L. (1995). Beyond SES: A resource model of
political participation. American Political Science Review, 89, 271 – 294.
Breytspraak, L. M. (1984). The development of self in later life. Boston: Little,
Brown.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard.
Brown, T. A. (2006). Confirmatory factor analysis for applied research. New York:
Guilford.
Campbell, J. (1949). The hero with a thousand faces. New York: Bollingen
Foundation.
Carnevale, T. (2005). The coming labor and skills shortage: Defining an American
workforce worthy to compete in a global market. American Society for
Training and Development, 59, 37 – 41.
Caro, F., & Bass, S. (1997). Receptivity to volunteering in the immediate postretirement period. Journal of Applied Gerontology, 16, 427 – 442.
Cloniger, C. R., Dragan, M. S., & Przybeck, T. R. (1993). A psychobiolobical model
of temperament and character. Archives of General Psychiatry, 50, 975 –
990.
Collins, G. A. (2003). Rethinking retirement in the context of an aging workforce.
Journal of Career Development, 30(2), 145 – 157.
79
Congressional Budget Office. (1993). Baby boomers is early retirement: An early
perspective. Washington, DC.
Corporation for National & Community Service. (2007). Keeping baby boomers
volunteering: A research brief on volunteer retention and turnover.
Washington, DC: Author.
Cummings, E., & Henry, W. E. (1961). Growing old: The process of disengagement.
New York: Basic Books.
Curnow, T. (1999). Wisdom, intuition, and ethics. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate.
Dass, R., & Gorman, P. (1985). How can I help? Stories and reflections on service.
New York: Knopf.
Dillman, D. A. (2007). Mail and internet surveys: The tailored design method 2007
update with new internet, visual, and mixed-mode guide. Hoboken, NJ:
Wiley.
Dohm, A. (2000). Gauging the labor force effects of retiring baby-boomers. Monthly
Labor Review, July, 17 – 25.
Donahue, P. F., Musser, L. M., Slomba, T. E., Hoovler, J. K., & Kinney, T. M.
(2001). Scanning technology can improve time-use studies. Paper presented
at the meeting of the Federal Committee on Statistical Methodology,
Washington, DC.
Ebner, N. C., Freund, A. M., & Baltes, P. B. (2006). Developmental changes in
personal goal orientation from young to late adulthood: From striving for
80
gains to maintenance and prevention of losses. Psychology and Aging, 21,
664 – 678.
Elsbree, L. (1982). The rituals of life: Patterns in narrative. New York: Kennikat.
Erikson, E. H. (1950/1963). Childhood and society. New York: Norton.
Erikson, E. H. (1958) Young man Luther: A study in psychoanalysis and history,
New York: Norton.
Erikson, E. H. (1959). Identity and life cycle: Selected papers. New York: Norton.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth, and crisis. New York: Norton.
Erikson, E. H. (1969). Ghandi’s truth: On the origins of militant nonviolence. New
York: Norton.
Erikson, E. H. (1978). Reflections on Dr. Borg’s life cycle. In E. H. Erikson (Ed.),
Adulthood. New York: Norton.
Erikson, E. H. (1979). Reflections on Dr. Borg's life cycle. In D. D. Van Tassel
(Ed.), Aging, death, and the completion of being (pp. 29 – 67).
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Erikson, E. H., Erikson J. M., & Kivneck, H. Q. (1986). Vital involvement in old age.
New York: Norton.
Everingham, C. (2003). Self-actualisation and the ageing process from an intergenerational lifecourse perspective. Ageing and Society, 23, 243 – 253.
Firman, J. (1993). I and self: Revisioning psychosynthesis. Sainte-Foy, Quebec,
Canada: Quebec Center for Personal Integation.
81
Frankl, V. E. (1959). Man’s search for meaning. New York: Washington Square
Press.
Frankl, V. E. (1966). Self-transcendence as a human phenomenon. Journal of
Humanistic Psychology, 6, 97 – 106.
Frankl, V. E. (1984). Man’s search for meaning: An introduction to logotherapy.
New York: Washington Square Press.
Freeman, R. (1997). Working for nothing: The supply of volunteer labor. Journal of
Labor Economics, 15, 140 – 167.
Frye, N. (1957). Anatomy of criticism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Gallagher, S. (1994). Older people giving care: Helping people and community.
Westport, CT: Auburn House.
Gecas, V., & Burke, P. J. (1995). Self and identity. In K. S. Cook, G. A. Fine, & J. S.
House (Eds.), Sociological perspectives on social psychology, pp. 41 – 67.
Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Gergen, K. J., & Gergen, M. M. (1986). Narrative form and the construction of
psychological science. In T. R. Sarbin (Eds.), Narrative psychology: The
storied nature of human conduct (pp. 22 – 44). New York: Praeger.
Gilligan, C. (1982). In a different voice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Glass, T., Seeman, T., Herzog, A., Kahn, R., & Berkman, L. (1995). Change in
productive activities in late adulthood. Journal of Gerontology, 50B, 565 576.
82
Goble, F. (1970). The third force: The psychology of Abraham Maslow. New York:
Grossman.
Hamel, S., Leclerc, G., & Lefrancois, R. (2003). A psychological outlook on the
concept of transcendent actualization. International Journal for the
Psychology of Religion, 13, 3 – 15.
Hankiss, A. (1981). On the mythological rearranging of one’s life history. In D.
Bertaux (Ed.), Biography and society: The life history approach in the social
sciences (pp. 203 – 209). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Harlow, R., & Cantor, N. (1996). Still participating after all these years. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 71, 1235 – 1249.
Hart, T. (2000). Deep empathy. In T. Hart, P. L. Nelson, & K. Puhakka (Eds.),
Transpersonal knowing: Exploring the horizon of consciousness (pp. 253 270). New York: State University of New York Press.
Hendricks, J., & Cutler, S. J. (2004). Volunteerism and socioemotional selectivity
theory. Journals of Gerontology, 59B, S251 – S257.
Herzog, A., Kahn, R., & Morgan, J. (1989). Age differences in productive activity.
Journal of Gerontology, 4, 129 – 138.
Herzog, A., & Morgan, J. (1993). Formal volunteer work among older Americans. In
S. Bass, F. Caro, & Y. Chen (Eds.), Care and community in modern society
(pp. 119 – 142). Westport, CT: Auburn House.
Hillman, J. (1996). The soul’s code: In search of character and calling. New York:
Warner.
83
House, J., Landis, K., & Umberson, D. (1998). Social relationships and health.
Science, 241, 540 – 545.
Independent Sector. (1994). Giving and volunteering in the United States: Findings
from a national survey. Washington, DC: Author.
Jankowski, K. R. B. (2005). Predictors of compassionate and polite prosocial
behavior: Moral reasoning, relaxation, self-reflection, and spirituality.
Dissertation Abstracts International, 66(3-B). (AAI3169384)
Janoff-Bulman, R. (1992). Shattered assumptions: Toward a new psychology of
trauma. New York: Free Press.
Jennings, P. A., Aldwin, C. A., Levenson, M. R., Spiro III, A., & Mroczek, D. K.
(2006). Combat exposure, perceived benefits of military service, and wisdom
in later life. Research on Aging, 28, 115 – 134.
Jennings, P. A., Levenson, M. R., Aldwin, C. A., Shiraishi, R. W., Spiro III, A., &
Mroczek, D. K. (2003). Self-Transcendence, personality, and health in later
life. Gerontologist, 43, 208 – 209.
Josselson, R. L. (1987). Finding herself: Pathways of identity development in
women. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Josselson, R. L. (1996). Revising herself: The story of women’s identity from college
to mid-life. New York: Oxford University Press.
Jung, C. G. (1915). The theory of psychoanalysis. New York: Journal of Nervous and
Mental Disease.
Jung, C. G. (1933). Modern man in search of a soul. New York: Harcourt, Brace &
84
World.
Jung, C. G. (1963). Memories. dreams, reflections. New York: Pantheon Books.
Jung, C. G. (1969). Aion: Researches into the phenomenology of the self. Princeton,
NJ: Princeton Press.
Jung, C. G. (1971). Psychological types. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Keniston, K. (1968). Young radicals: Notes on committed youth. New York:
Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.
Keyes, C. L., & Haidt, J. (2003). Flourishing: Positive psychology and the life welllived. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Kincaid, J., Rabiner, D.,, Shulamit, B., & Woodmert, A. (1996). Older adults as a
community resource: Results from the National Survey of Self-Care and
Aging. Gerontologist, 36, 474 – 482.
Kotre, J. (1984). Outliving the self: Generativity and interpretation of lives.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Krause, N., Herzog, A., & Baker, E. (1992). Providing life support for others and
well-being in later life. Journal of Gerontology, 47, 300 – 311.
Krosnick, J. A. (1999). Survey research. Annual Review of Psychology, 50, 537 –
567.
Leak, G. K. (2006). An empirical assessment of the relationship between social
interest and spirituality. Journal of Individual Psychology, 62, 59 – 69.
85
Lerner, M. J., & Meindl, J. R. (1981). Justice and altruism. In J. P. Rushton, & R. M.
Sorrentino (Eds.), Altruism and helping behavior: Social, personality, and
developmental perspectives (pp. 213 – 232). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Levenson, M. R., Jennings, P. A., Aldwin, C. A., & Shiraishi, R. W. (2005). Selftranscendence: Conceptualization and measurement. International Journal of
Aging and Human Development, 60, 127 – 143.
Levinson, D. J. (1986). A conception of adult development. American Psychologist,
41, 3 – 13.
Li, F., Duncan, T. E., Duncan, S. C., Harmer, P., & Acock, A. (1998). Testing the
Task and Ego Orientation in Sport Questionnaire (TEOSQ) measurement
model with incomplete data: An application of maximum likelihood-based
estimation procedures. Measurement in Physical Education and Exercise
Science, 2(1), 1 – 19.
Long, S. J. (1997). Regression models for categorical and limited dependent
variables. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Lowenthal, M., & Short, L. (1993). Opening the heart of compassion: Transform
suffering through Buddhist psychology and practice. Boston: Charles E.
Tuttle.
Marcia, J. E., Waterman, A. S., Matteson, D. R., Archer, S. L., & Orlofsky, J. L.
(1993). Ego identity: A handbook for psychosocial research. New York:
Springer-Verlag.
86
Markham, W., & Bonjean, C. (1996). Employment status and the attitudes and
behaviors of higher status women volunteers, 1975 and 1992. Sex Roles, 34,
695 – 717.
Maslow, A.H. (1954). Motivation and personality. New York: Harper.
Maslow, A. H. (1956). Personality problems and personality growth. In C.
Moustakas (Ed.). The self. New York: Harper.
Maslow, A. H. (1968). Toward a psychology of being (2nd ed.). New York: Van
Nostrand Reinhold.
Maslow, A. H. (1971). The farthest reaches of human nature. New York: Penguin.
Matteson, D. R. (1993). Differences within and between genders: A challenge to the
theory. In J. E. Marcia, A. S. Waterman, D. R. Matteson, S. L. Archer, & J.
L. Orlofsky (Eds.), Ego identity: A handbook for psychosocial research (pp.
69 – 110). New York: Springer-Verlag.
McAdams, D. P. (1985). Power, intimacy, and the life story: Personological
inquiries into identity. New York: Guilford.
McAdams, D. P. (1988). Biography, narrative, and lives: An introduction. Journal of
Personality, 56, 1 – 18.
McAdams, D. P. (1992). The Five-Factor Model in personality: A critical appraisal.
Journal of Personality, 60, 329 – 361.
McAdams, D. P. (1993). The stories we live by: Personal myths and the making of
the self. New York: Guilford Press.
87
McAdams, D. P. (1995). What do we know when we know a person? Journal of
Personality, 63, 366 – 396.
McAdams, D. P. (1996). Personality, modernity, and the storied self: A
contemporary framework for studying persons. Psychological Inquiry, 7,
295 – 321.
McAdams, D. P. (2000). Attachment, intimacy, and generativity. Psychological
Inquiry, 11, 117 – 120.
McAdams, D. P. (2006). The redemptive self: Stories Americans live by. Oxford,
UK: Oxford University Press.
McAdams, D. P., & de St. Aubin, E. (1992). A theory of generativity and its
assessment through self-report, behavioral acts, and narrative themes in
autobiography. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 62, 1003 –
1015.
McAdams, D. P., & de St. Aubin, E. (Eds.). (1998). Generativity and adult
development. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
McAdams, D. P., de St. Aubin, E., & Logan, R. (1993). Generativity among young,
mid-life, and older adults. Psychology and Aging, 8, 221 – 230.
McAdams, D. P., Diamond, A., de St. Aubin, E., & Mansfield, E. (1997). Stories of
commitment: The psychological construction of generative lives. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 678 – 694.
McAdams, D. P., Hart, H. M., & Maruna, S. (1998). The autonomy of generativity.
In D. P. McAdams & E. de St. Aubin (Eds.), Generativity and adult
88
development: How and why we care for the next generation (pp. 7 – 43).
Washington, DC: American Psychological Association Press.
McCrae, R. R., & Costa, Jr., P. T. (1989). Reinterpreting the Meyers-Briggs Type
Indicator from the perspective of the Five-Factor Model of Personality.
Journal of Personality, 57, 17 – 40.
McKee, P., & Barber, C. (1999). On defining wisdom. International Journal of
Aging and Human Development, 49, 5 – 26.
McKeown, F. T. (2006). Self-perception in the late-life transition. Dissertation
Abstracts International, 67(2-B). (AAI3205599)
McPherson, J., & Rotolo, T. (1996). Diversity and change in voluntary groups.
American Sociological Review, 61, 179 – 202.
Menchik, P., & Weisbrod, B. (1987). Volunteer labor supply. Journal of Public
Economics, 32, 159 – 183.
Mirowsky, J., & Ross, C. (1989). Social causes of psychological distress. New York:
Aldine de Gruyter.
Morris, R., & Caro, F. G. (1995). The young-old, productive aging, and public
policy. Generations, 19(3). 32 – 37.
Mutchler, J. E., Burr, J. A., & Caro, F. G. (2003). From paid worker to volunteer:
Leaving the paid workforce and volunteering in later life. Social Forces,
81, 1267 – 1293.
Neuberg, S. L., Cialdini, R. B., Brown, S. L., Luce, C., Sagarin, B. J., & Lewis, B. P.
(1997). Does empathy lead to anything more than superficial helping?:
89
Comment on Batson et al. (1997). Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 73, 510 – 516.
Okun, M. A., & Eisnberg, N. (2006). Motives and intent to continue organizational
volunteering among residents of a retirement community area. Journal of
Community Psychology, 20, 183 – 187.
Omoto, A. M., & Snyder, M. (1990). Basic research in action: Volunteerism and
societies response to AIDS. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 16,
152 – 165.
Omoto, A. M., Snyder, M., & Martino, S. C. (2000). Volunteerism and the life
course: Investigating age-related agendas for action. Basic and Applied
Social Psychology, 22, 181 – 197.
Pelletier, P. (1996). The transpersonal therapies. Montreal, Quebec, Canada: Fides.
Penner, L. A. (2002). Dispositional and organizational influences on sustained
volunteerism: An interactionist perspective. Journal of Social Issues, 58, 447
- 467.
Piedmont, R. (1999). Does spirituality represent the sixth factor of personality?
Spiritual transcendence and the Five-Factor Model. Journal of Personality,
67, 985 – 1013.
Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Reitschlin, J. (1998). Voluntary association membership and psychological distress.
Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 39, 348 – 355.
Rosenthal, S., Feiring, C., & Lewis, M. (1998). Political volunteering from late
adolescence to young adulthood: Patterns and predictions. Journal of
Sociological Issues, 54, 471 – 493.
90
Rotolo, T. (2000). A time to join, a time to quit: The influence of life cycle
transitions on voluntary association membership. Social Forces, 78, 1133 1161.
Royston, P. (2005, May). MICE for multiple imputation of missing values. Paper
presented at 11th London Stata User’s Meeting, London, England.
Rubin, D. B. (1976). Inference and missing data. Biometrika, 63, 581 – 592.
Rubin, D. B. (1996). Multiple imputation after 18+ years. Journal of the American
Statistical Association, 91, 473 – 489.
Sadler, E. A., Braam, A. W., Broese van Groenou, M. I., Deeg, D. J. H., & van der
Geest, S. (2006). Cosmic transcendence, loneliness, and exchange of
emotional support with adult children: A study among older parents in the
Netherlands. European Journal of Ageing, 3, 146 – 154.
Schaie, K. W. (2006). Societal influences on cognition in historical context. In K.
W. Schaie & L. L. Carstensen (Eds.), Social structures, aging, and selfregulation in the elderly (pp.13 – 24). New York: Springer.
Schoenberg, S. (1980). Some trends in the community participation of women in
their neighborhoods. Signs, 5, 261 – 268.
Segal, L. (1993). Four essays on the supply of volunteer labor and econometrics.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University
Press.
Seicol, S. R. (2005). A pastoral understanding of positive aging. Journal of
Gerontological Social Work, 45, 293 – 300.
91
Sigelman, L., Roeder, P. W., Jewell, M. E., & Baer, M. A. (2001). Voting and
nonvoting: A multi-election perspective.
Simon-Rusinowitz, L., Wilson, L. B., Marks, L. N., & Krach, C. A. (1998). Future
work and retirement needs: Policy experts and baby boomers express their
views. Generations, 22(1), 34 - 39.
Slater, C. L. (2003). Generativity versus stagnation: An elaboration of Erikson’s
adult stage of human development. Journal of Adult Development, 10, 53 65.
Smith, D. H. (1994). Determinants of voluntary association participation and
volunteering: A literature review. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly,
23, 243 – 263.
Snarey, J. (1993). How fathers care for the next generation: A four decade study.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Snyder, M., & Clary, E. G. (2004). Volunteerism and the generative society. In E. de
St. Aubin, D. P. McAdams, & T. Kim, (Eds.). The generative society:
Caring for future generations (pp. 221 – 237). Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.
Statacorp (2005). Stata release 9: Getting started with Stata for windows. [Computer
software and manual]. College Station, Texas: Stata Press.
Stein, M. (1998). Jung’s map of the soul: An introduction. Peru, MA: Open Court.
Stubbings, P., & Humble, S. (1984). Voluntary work, unemployment and the labour
market in Britain. In Voluntary Work and Unemployment Study in the
92
Countries of the European Communities (pp. 1 – 63). London: Policy Studies
Institute.
Sundeen, R., & Raskoff, S. (1994). Volunteering among teenagers in the United
States. Nonprofit Volunteer Sector Quarterly, 24, 337 – 357.
Thoits, P. A., & Hewitt, L. N. (2001). Volunteer work and well-being. Journal of
Health and Social Behavior, 42, 115 – 131.
Thompson, A. (1993). Volunteers and their communities: A comparative analysis of
firefighters. Nonprofit Volunteer Sector Quarterly, 22, 155 – 66.
Tornstam, L. (1994). Gerotranscendence: A theoretical and empirical exploration. In
L. E. Thomas & S. A. Eisenhandler (Eds.), Aging and the religious dimension
(pp. 83 – 96). Westport, CT: Greenwood.
Tornstam, L. (2005). Gerotranscendence: A developmental theory of positive aging.
New York: Springer.
U. S. Bureau of the Census. (2000). Statistical abstract of the United States: 2000.
Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office.
Valliant, G. E., & Milofsky, E. (1980). Natural history of male psychological health:
IX Empirical evidence for Erikson’s model of the life cycle. American
Journal of Psychiatry, 137, 1348 – 1359.
Van Deventer, D. W. (2005). Transformational volunteerism: Exploring services as
an integral component of transpersonal psychology. Dissertation Abstracts
International, 66(11-B). (AAI3196239)
93
Van Manen, M. (1990). Researching lived experience: Human science for an action
sensitive pedagogy. London, Ontario, Canada: Althouse Press.
Van Willigen, M. (2000). Differential benefits of volunteering across the life course.
Journal of Gerontology, 55B, S308 - S318.
Wheeler, J. A., Gorey, K. M., & Greenblatt, B. (1998). The beneficial effects of
volunteering for older volunteers and the people they serve: A meta-analysis.
International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 47, 69 – 79.
Wilson, J. (2000). Volunteering. Annual Review of Sociology, 26, 215 – 240.
Wilson, J., & Musick, M. (1997). Who cares? Toward an integrated theory of
volunteer work. American Sociological Review, 62, 694 – 713.
Wuthnow, R. (1998). Loose connections: Joining together in America’s fragmented
communities. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
94
APPENDICES
95
Appendix A: Questionnaire
A Collaborative Research Project:
Planning City-Sponsored Recreation
and Leisure Activities for Baby
Boomers and Their Families
2006
96
Do you currently spend more time, about the same amount of time, or less time in
outdoor recreation activities than you did 5 years ago? (Please check one)
_____
More time – please write why you spend more time:
_________________________________________________________
____________________
_____
About the same
_____
Less time – please write why you spend less time:
_________________________________________________________________________
____
Next, please tell us more about the outdoor recreation activities you have
engaged in during the past year. For each of the following activities please write:
Column A: How many days you engaged in the activity in the past year (12 months).
Include parts of days – so a 2 hour hike counts for 1 day.
Column B: The average number of hours spent per day engaged in the activity (not
including travel time).
Column C: The number of days per year you expect to engage in the activity 10 years
from now.
Column D: If you expect the number of days engaged in the activity to increase or
decrease over the next 10 years, please explain why.
Column E: The name of the county or nearest city where you most often engage in this
activity.
If you did not engage in a particular activity during the past year, but expect to do so 10 years from
now, please complete columns C & D. If you did not engage in the activity in the past year and do
not expect to 10 years from now, please leave the row blank.
Example: Let’s say you went hiking 3 days in the past year. One of the hikes lasted 3 hours, one 4
hours, and one 5 hours, so the average number of hours is 4. Assume you will retire in the
next four years, will have more time to go hiking, and expect to hike 12 days per year 10
years from now. This would be due to retirement.
97
Activity
B
A
Days
in past
year
Walking
Jogging or running for exercise
Day hiking on trails
Overnight hiking (backpacking)
Roller blading (in-line skating)
Horseback riding
All-terrain vehicle riding
Off-road 4-wheel driving
Off-road motorcycling
Snowmobiling
Downhill/Alpine skiing,
snowboarding
Cross-country/nordic skiing
Snowshoeing
Picnicking
Sightseeing/driving for pleasure
Visiting historic sites (museums,
outdoor displays, etc.)
Golf
Rock climbing
Outdoor court games (volleyball,
badminton, etc.)
Tennis (played outdoors)
Taking children or grandchildren
to the playground
Bird watching
Whale watching
Hours per
day
C
Days 10
years
from
now
D
E
Why the
increase or
decrease?
Most
common
location
98
A
B
Activity
Viewing tidal pools
Other nature/wildlife observation
Outdoor photography, painting,
drawing
Collecting (rocks, plants,
mushrooms, berries, etc.)
Community gardening
Visiting nature centers
Mountain biking
RV/trailer camping
Tent camping (not including
backpacking)
Yurts or camper cabins
Fishing from a boat
Fishing from a bank/shore
Crabbing
Clamming
Big game hunting - rifle
Big game hunting - bow
Waterfowl hunting
Upland bird or small game
hunting
Target or skeet shooting
Fly Fishing
White-water canoeing, kayaking,
or rafting
Sea kayaking
Flat-water canoeing, kayaking,
or rowing
Windsurfing, surfing, or
kiteboarding
Sailing
Days
in
past
year
Hours
per day
C
Days 10
years
from
now
D
E
Why the
increase or
decrease?
Most
common
location
99
Activity
Power boating (cruising or water
skiing) or jet skiing
Beach Activities (ocean or fresh
water)
Swimming in outdoor pools
SCUBA diving or snorkeling
Aerobics
Aqua aerobics
Bowling
Dancing
Pilates
Tai Chi
Weight training
Yoga
Art
Cooking
Indoor gardening
Outdoor gardening
Model building
Painting
Photography
Woodworking
Writing
Book clubs
Computer/internet
Drama club/theater
Genealogy
Investment/financial club
Movies (DVD/VCR)
Cinema
Music
Health Education
Language Courses
Sporting Event
A
B
Days
in past
year
Hours
per
day
C
Days 10
years
from
now
D
E
Why the
increase or
decrease?
Most
common
location
100
A
Activity
B
Days
in past
year
Hours
per day
C
Days 10
years
from
now
D
E
Why the
increase or
decrease?
Most
common
location
Hobbies
Billiards
Bingo
Card Games
Lawn Games
Parties
Pet Gatherings
Social evening with friends
Volunteering
Bus trips
Train trips
Plane trips
Cruise
Organized tours
International vacations
Civic meetings
Library
Shopping trips
Restaurant dining
Q3 PLEASE LIST ANY ACTIVITIES YOU REGULARLY ENGAGE IN THAT WERE NOT LISTED
ABOVE:
_____________________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________
Q4 PLEASE LIST ANY ACTIVITIES YOU WOULD LIKELY ENGAGE IN MORE IF ORGANIZED
THROUGH THE CITY OF CORVALLIS PARKS AND RECREATION DEPARTMENT.
_____________________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________
101
Q5 PEOPLE ENGAGE IN RECREATION AND LEISURE ACTIVITIES FOR VARIOUS REASONS
– AND REASONS DIFFER DEPENDING ON THE ACTIVITY. THINKING OF
RECREATION AND LEISURE IN GENERAL, HOW IMPORTANT ARE EACH OF THE
FOLLOWING MOTIVATORS TO YOU?
Importance to you
10 years from now
Importance to you
currently
Motivation
Not
at all
Very
Not
At all
Very
To relax
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To keep fit and healthy
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To feel challenged and excited
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To have fun
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To meet new people
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To be with family and friends
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To do what your child /
grandchildren enjoy
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To reduce tension
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To learn new things
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
So children or grandchildren
can learn new things
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To escape the daily
routine
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To get away from crowded
situations
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To be in the outdoors
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To feel harmony with
nature
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To achieve spiritual
fulfillment
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To feel safe and secure
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
102
Q6. Now we’d like to ask you some questions about volunteering. Do you volunteer in your
community – with community organizations, the local library, the parks and recreation
department, or other group? (Please choose one)
_____
No – please skip the rest of page 8 & page 9 and begin again with the Self-Perception Scale
on Page 10
_____
Yes – please write how many hours (average per week) _________
Q7. What type of organization do you spend the most time volunteering for?
(Please choose one)
_____
Library or literacy program
_____
Non-profit community organization, such as United Way, Salvation Army, or
Humane Society
_____
Recreation or natural resource agency/organization, such as community
parks and recreation, watershed council, or Oregon state parks, school or
youth organizations, such as high school sports/activities, Little League, or
Boys & Girls Clubs
_____
Church or religious organizations
_____
Other, please describe _____________________________________
Q8. What type of volunteer activity do you mostly engage in?
(Please check the box that best describes your situation)
_____
Professional – decision-making, managing, supervising
_____
Leadership – including leading groups
_____
Teaching / program oversight
_____
Clerical – photocopy, filing, mailing
_____
Participating – special events, fundraising, work projects
_____
Transport – driving vans or trucks
_____
Labor – construction, maintenance, clean-up
_____
Other, please describe: _____________________________________
Q9. Looking to the future, do you expect your participation in volunteer activities to
change (time spent, type of organization, or type of activity?)
_____
No
_____
Yes – please describe the future changes you expect:
_________________________________________________________
103
Volunteer Functions Inventory
Indicate how important/accurate each of the following
reasons for volunteering are for you as a volunteer.
1 = Not important or Inaccurate
7 = Extremely Important or Accurate
My friends volunteer.
People I know share an interest in community service.
I am genuinely concerned about the particular group I am serving.
By volunteering I feel less lonely.
I can make new contacts that might help my business or career.
Volunteering allows me to explore different career
Volunteering lets me learn things through direct,
experiences.
options.
the hands-on
I feel it is important to help others.
Volunteering helps me work through my own personal problems.
I can do something for a cause that is important to me.
Volunteering is an important activity to the people I know best.
Volunteering is a good escape from my own troubles.
I can learn how to deal with a variety of people.
Volunteering makes me feel needed.
Volunteering makes me feel better about myself.
Volunteering experiences will look good on my resume.
Volunteering is a way to make new friends.
I can explore my own strengths.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
104
Self-Perception Scale
Please
rate your responses to the following statements.
1 = Strongly disagree/Inaccurate
7=
Strongly agree/accurate
I often engage in quiet contemplation.
I feel that my individual life is a part of a greater whole.
I feel a sense of belonging with both earlier and future
generations.
My peace of mind is not easily upset.
I feel isolated and lonely.
My sense of well-being does not depend on a busy social life.
I feel part of something greater than myself.
My happiness is not dependent on other people and things.
I have a good sense of humor about myself.
I find much joy in life.
Material possessions don't mean much to me.
I feel compassionate even toward people who have been unkind
to me.
I am not often fearful.
I can learn a lot from others.
Life is mainly filled with disappointment.
I often have a sense of oneness with nature.
I feel cut off from other generations.
I am able to accept my mortality.
Different parts of me are often at cross-purposes.
I feel scattered and distracted much of the time.
I can accept the impermanence of things.
I have grown as a result of losses I have suffered.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
105
What is your age?
Regardless of your age, how old do you feel?
What is your sex? (Please choose one)
Male
Female
What is your yearly household income?
$9,999 or less
$10,000 - $24,999
$25,000 - $39,999
$40,000 - $63,999
$64,000 - $134,999
$135,000 or more
How many years have you lived in Corvallis?
Your main residence is located in which of the following settings?
Rural
Suburban
How many years of education have you completed?
Are you of Hispanic or Latino descent?
Yes
No
Please circle all categories that describe your race?
American Indian or Alaskan Native
Asian
Black or African American
White
Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander
Other
106
Are you currently retired?
Yes
No
If not, at what age do you expect to retire?
If retired, do you currently do any work for pay?
Yes
No
If not currently retired, do you think you will work for pay during your retirement?
Yes
No
Have you been or do you think you will be the MAIN caregiver for your parents during
retirement?
Yes
No
Do you think you will be the MAIN caregiver for your grandchildren during your
retirement?
Yes
No
What is your current marital status? (Choose one)
Married
Widowed
Divorced
Never Married
Separated
Living with partner
How many adults live in your household?
How many children under 18 live in your household?
Do you have a diagnosed disability?
Yes
No
If so, please circle the type(s):
Mental
Physical
Yes
If so, does your disability interfere with your recreation, leisure, or volunteer interests?
No
107
Appendix B: Informed Consent Document
INFORMED CONSENT DOCUMENT
Project Title:
Recreation and
A Collaborative Research Project: Planning City-Sponsored
Leisure Activities for Baby Boomers and Their Families
Principal Investigator: Karen Hooker, Ph.D. / HDFS
Co-Investigator(s):
Michelle J. Cox, M.A. / HDFS
WHAT IS THE PURPOSE OF THIS STUDY?
You are being invited to take part in a research study designed to understand the current
types and quantity of recreation, leisure, and volunteer activities of individuals aged 41 –
60 as well as the activities these individuals anticipate in retirement. The survey will also
ask demographic questions as well as questions related to your perceptions about
yourself. We will use this information to help the city of Corvallis design city-sponsored
recreation programs and to inform the general body of knowledge about baby boomers.
WHAT IS THE PURPOSE OF THIS FORM?
This consent form gives you the information you will need to help you decide whether to be in
the study or not. Please read the form carefully. You may contact us to ask any questions
about the research, the possible risks and benefits, your rights as a volunteer, and anything else
that is not clear. When all of your questions have been answered, you can then decide if you
want to be in this study.
WHY AM I BEING INVITED TO TAKE PART IN THIS STUDY?
You are being invited to take part in this study because you live in the city of Corvallis and
were born between 1946 and 1964.
WHAT WILL HAPPEN DURING THIS STUDY AND HOW LONG WILL IT TAKE?
After deciding to take part in this study, we ask that you complete the written questions related
to current and future recreation, leisure, and volunteer activities and interest as well as a scale
related to your perceptions about yourself and some basic demographic questions. If you agree
to take part in this study, your involvement will last for approximately one-half hour.
WHAT ARE THE RISKS OF THIS STUDY?
There are few foreseeable risks for participating in this project. The possible risks and/or
discomforts associated with the procedures described in this study include the potential that
discussing your current life or future perceptions may cause some emotional distress, concern,
or embarrassment.
108
WHAT ARE THE BENEFITS OF THIS STUDY?
We do not know if you will personally benefit from being in this study. However, we hope
that, in the future, other people might benefit from this study because results from the study
may prompt changes in city-sponsored recreation and leisure programming.
WILL I BE PAID FOR PARTICIPATING?
You will not be paid for being in this research study.
WHO WILL SEE THE INFORMATION I GIVE?
The information you provide during this research study will be kept confidential to the extent
permitted by law. Each questionnaire will be assigned a code number, which will be used
throughout the study to identify your responses. The code number will be matched to your
name and address on the original mailing list. To help protect your confidentiality, the original
mailing list for participants in the study and the corresponding code numbers will be kept in a
secure location, accessible only to members of the research team. If the results of this project
are published your identity will not be made public.
DO I HAVE A CHOICE TO BE IN THE STUDY?
If you decide to take part in the study, it should be because you really want to volunteer.
You will not lose any benefits or rights you would normally have if you choose not to
volunteer. You can stop at any time during the study and still keep the benefits and rights
you had before volunteering. You may skip any questions on the survey that you would
prefer not to answer. You will not be treated differently if you decide to stop taking part in
the study; however, you may receive reminder letters and a second copy of the
questionnaire if we have not received a response. You may recycle these documents if you
choose not to participate.
WHAT IF I HAVE QUESTIONS?
If you have any questions about this research project, please contact: Michelle J. Cox, MA at
pmcox3130@msn.com or by telephone at 503-949-3727 or Karen Hooker, Ph.D. at
hookerk@oregonstate.edu or by telephone at 541-737-4336
If you have questions about your rights as a participant, please contact the Oregon State
University Institutional Review Board (IRB) Human Protections Administrator, at (541) 7374933 or by email at IRB@oregonstate.edu.
As this is a mail survey, your returned response indicates willingness to participate. You do
not need to sign or return the document. Rather, please keep the Informed Consent document
for your records and in case you need to contact us for information.
109
Appendix C: Scatterplot
M
Volunteer
Hours
per Week
60
what is
your
age
50
40
how many
years of
education
completed
20
0
8
6
transcendence
4
2
10
alienation
5
0
0
20
4040
50
600
20
2
4
6
8
110
111